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title: '(c. 1872): Race, Civilisation and Culture' | ||
title: '1882: Race, Civilisation and Culture' | ||
n: 6 | ||
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excerpt: 'From the late nineteenth to mid twentieth century, King's was host to important strands of research on human diversity, with many scholars in both humanities and sciences central to the propagation of ideas about racial or civilizational hierarchies' | ||
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Knowledge production has always been central to universities’ raison d’etre and was often put to service in underpinning claims to imperial power. Scholars across the arts and sciences contributed to an ever-growing corpus of research into racial identity civilizational hierarchies. From post-Darwinist evolutionary theories to historians’ accounts of the British race’s imperial expansion, or the science of eugenics to anthropologists’ examination of ‘primitive cultures’, universities functioned as key sites of racial theorising. | ||
Knowledge production has always been central to universities’ raison d’etre, and was often put to service in underpinning claims to power. Scholars across the arts and sciences contributed to an ever-growing corpus of research into both racial and civilizational hierarchies. From post-Darwinist evolutionary theories to historians’ accounts of a supposedly unitary British race’s expansion, or the science of eugenics to anthropologists’ examination of ‘primitive cultures’, universities functioned as key sites of very Anglo- or Euro-centric forms of theorising. But the link between power and knowledge was never straightforward. | ||
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King’s was no different to other institutions in this regard: King’s Historians, including F. J. C. Hearnshaw, A. P. Newton, and Sidney Low, celebrated the natural virtues of the British race; the research of King’s linguists, theologians, and law scholars into Asiatic languages, religions, laws, and cultures was used by the colonial state to underpin British control in South Asia; scientists, such as Reginald Gates, argued that race was a scientific category premised upon essential and irreconcilable difference; while even into the 1970s, Hans Eysenck was writing about differences in natural intelligence between ethnicities. This research will examine the contributions made by King’s scholars to racial science and discourse across this period, examining how ideas were framed and the ways in which they were deployed beyond the university. | ||
King’s was no different to other institutions in this regard: King’s historians and political scientists, including Ernest Barker, F. J. C. Hearnshaw, A. P. Newton, and Sidney Low, celebrated the virtues of the apparently unitary and enduring virtues of the British race; the research of King’s linguists, theologians, and law scholars into Asiatic languages, religions, laws, and cultures in ways that propagated hierarchical views of social order in South Asia; scientists, such as the King's-based Canadian biologist and geographer Reginald Gates, argued that race was a scientific category premised upon essential and irreconcilable difference; even into the 1970s, Hans Eysenck was writing about differences in natural intelligence between ethnicities. Yet there were complexities. In his work on the history of government, Ernest Barker tried to stress the unity of 'English' power dating back to the ninth century, but ended up recognising the ambiguities and complexities of twentieth-century British identity. Gates the last great propagator of race science corresponded with the first Prime Minister of independent India, Jawarharlal Nehru. | ||
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## King's Future. Race and diversity now | ||
This research will examine the contributions made by King’s scholars to the study of human diversity, from the mid nienteenth to late twentieth century, examining how ideas were framed, how they connected to different structures of power, and how they were deployed beyond the university. | ||
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## King's Future. Knowledge and diversity now | ||
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Both academic scholarship and social norms now emphasize, and often celebrate human diversity, in ways which reject the idea of a hierarchy of races or peoples. Yet how far is thinking about diversity dependent on older, more hierarchical ways of thinking? How does the history of research on diversity at an institution such as King's help our thinking about human difference now? | ||
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