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27 changes: 0 additions & 27 deletions src/moments/02/index.md
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King’s College has been positioned at the heart of networks of power and influence within the British world ever since its foundation in 1829. Inspired by concerns over the Whiggish secularism of the newly formed University College, King’s drew on the financial resources of Britain’s establishment from its inception. The college’s 1,028 donors and shareholders included many from the highest echelons of the aristocracy, church, army and Royal Navy, City of London, and politics. Many had direct or indirect connections to colonial trade and conquest across the world, including those who claimed ownership of enslaved people in the Caribbean, some who financed the West Indian slave and sugar economy from the board rooms of London’s banks and insurance companies, and others whose wealth had come through the East India Company’s expanding activities in Asia. By exploring the backgrounds of who these individuals were and situating them in a wider set of social, political, and economic relationships this research will show how King’s was inextricably connected to the core levers of power within the British state.

---
title: '1721: Money, global trade and slavery in the creation of Guy’s'
n: 1
tags:
- moment
themes:
- trans-atlantic-slave-trade
excerpt: The oldest institutions which now make up King's were founded from City of London networks, whose wealth came from global trade, including trade in enslaved people.
feature:
image: /assets/images/moments/1.webp
title: The image title
description: Placeholder image for the moment
type: moment
slug: 1721-money-global-trade-slavery-creation-guy’s
---

<script>
import { base } from "$app/paths";
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King’s College, as it is today, comprises several institutions which have their own distinct histories and were brought together through mergers from the late-nineteenth to late-twentieth centuries. Two of the most significant are St Thomas’ and Guy’s, teaching hospitals which existed for several hundred years before being incorporated into King’s.

![A sugar mill belonging to Phillippe de Longvilliers de Poincy]({base}/assets/images/moments/1.1.webp 'A drawing depicting a sugar mill and workers from 1665')

Both benefitted hugely from wealth generated through the trans-Atlantic slave trade; St Thomas’ was rebuilt through donations by Robert Clayton – a City banker, MP, and investor in the Royal Africa Company – while Guy’s is named for its principal benefactor, Thomas Guy, whose wealth came from investments in the South Sea Company (both the RAC and SSC were major forces in the slave trade during the 17th and 18th centuries). This strand of research will situate these individuals and their bequests in the wider historical context of post-Civil War England where rapidly expanding global commercial opportunities transformed the City of London and a shifting moral economy energised new forms of civic philanthropy. It will provide an important contextual foundation for the subsequent moments by surveying the area in which King’s would be constructed and mapping the geographies of power and wealth that marked London’s built environment before 1800 and the first decades of the 19th century.

:::question{section}

## King's Future: Where does the money come from, and where did it go?
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At a point when universities across UK and North America are re-examining their histories, questions around institutions’ relationships to revenue sources in the present have become equally pressing. This moment reveals the historical context in which King’s came into existence. Few expressed concerns in the 1820s over the origins of funds which went into founding, building, and equipping the college that students still move through today.

But how, now, does King's move forward as a community while acknowledging the complicated and discomforting history of an institution of higher education that has always existed as a central part of shifting networks of power? For most of the twentieth century, most of King's funding was provided by the state. More recently, it has come from students, with only a tiny fraction from private donors, but with implications about who can pay, and be represented amongst King's student body.

:::
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---
title: 'Brief Biography of Herbert Edwardes'
tags:
- moment
- essay
category: academic
---
**Mark Condos** is a Senior Lecturer in Imperial and Global History in the Department of War Studies

Herbert Benjamin Edwardes (1819-1868) was a British military officer and colonial administrator in India. Born on 12 November 1819 in the tiny Shropshire village of Frodesley, Edwardes was the second son of Reverend Benjamin Edwardes and was raised in a deeply religious family. In 1836, he began his studies at King’s College London in classics and mathematics, though his true passion was for poetry and modern literature. Edwardes initially had no interest in either India or a career in the army, but after his studies at King’s he was barred by his guardians from attending the University of Oxford to study law. In need of employment, he directly petitioned Sir Richard Jenkins, the Chairman of the East India Company and an old family friend, for a position. Jenkins granted Edwardes a direct appointment to the Bengal Fusiliers, without Edwardes having to attend the Company’s military seminary at Addiscombe. After arriving in India in early 1841, Edwardes began studying Urdu, Hindi, and Persian, and qualified as an interpreter in 1845.

During the First Anglo-Sikh War (1845-46), Edwardes served as aide-de-camp to General Sir Hugh Gough, the British Commander-in-Chief. He participated in the battles of Mukdi on 18 December and 1845 and was wounded at the battle of Sobraon on 10 February 1846. After the war, Edwardes was hand-picked by Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence, the newly-appointed Resident to the Sikh court in Lahore, to serve in his administration. Edwardes possessed a deep respect and affection for Henry Lawrence and became one of the exemplars of what would eventually become known as the ‘Punjab School’ of colonial governance. The Punjab School represented a deeply authoritarian, paternalistic form of colonial governance that championed a highly personalized style of rule, emphasizing the strength of individual character and the executive authority of individual officers. In Autumn of 1846, Lawrence despatched Edwardes to the court of the newly-established maharajah Gulab Sigh Jamwal, the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir. Edwardes helped the maharajah to suppress a revolt led by Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, the erstwhile governor of Kashmir during the period of Sikh rule.

Following his success in Jammu and Kashmir, Edwardes was as assigned as political agent and tasked with collecting taxes on behalf of the Sikh kingdom in Bannu, situated along the frontier between Punjab and Afghanistan. In 1847, Edwardes led two expeditions into Bannu and recounted his experiences in a book entitled _A Year on the Punjab Frontier_ (1851). In the opening of the book, Edwardes rather immodestly declared his success in effecting the ‘bloodless conquest of the wild valley of Bunnoo’, bragging that ‘a barbarous people’ had been ‘brought peacefully within the pale of civilization’ by ‘one well-intentioned Englishman’.[^1] Edwardes had extremely negative views of the Bannuchis, viewing them as ‘bad specimens of Afghans’. ‘Except in Sindh’, he continued, ‘I have never seen such a degraded people’.[^2] These racist attitudes were typical of Victorian British officials, particularly during the so-called ‘Age of Reform’, a period marked by a combination of evangelical fervour and utilitarian zeal aimed at reforming India’s so-called ‘backward’ cultures, societies, and religions. Alongside collecting revenue in Bannu, Edwardes constructed roads, canals, encouraged agricultural pursuits, and helped to settle disagreements between local leaders. Though Edwardes was keen to present this as a ‘bloodless conquest’, his methods intimately depended on threats as well as physical violence, backed up by the Sikh soldiers under his command. He understood that the new infrastructure he was developing was not just for the benefit of the region’s inhabitants but was also a means of strengthening his control over it. As he put it, ‘cutting a good military road through the very heart of the valley’ was a way of ‘laying it open to either war or commerce’. [^3] Edwardes also demolished fortresses belonging to local leaders and built a new fort at the capital as well as a military cantonment to garrison troops from the Sikh kingdom. Edwardes was a firm believer in the use of collective punishments when it came to ensuring the payment of taxes, dealing with crime, or ensuring the cooperation from the local inhabitants.[^4]

Edwardes fought again during the Second Anglo-Sikh War (1848-49), raising a troop of Pakhtun irregulars and winning a series of victories against the Sikh army and their supporters. Edwardes became particularly famous for his defeat of Diwan Mulraj Chopra, the Sikh governor of Multan, and was fêted in both India and back home in Britain.[^5] King’s College was particularly keen to emphasize its connection with the now famous soldier. The Archbishop of Canterbury and President of the university, John Bird Summer, noted with pride that the ‘gallant Major Edwardes passed three years in the college, of which he is still an associate’.[^6] Edwardes subsequently wrote to the university’s governing council, ‘stating the advantages he received from his education in the college, and his conviction that it was complete and effectual to all who properly availed themselves of it’.[^7] Edwardes also won favour for his devout evangelicalism. During his time in Punjab he did his best to spread Christianity and helped found mission at Peshawar in 1853, run by the Church Missionary Society.

During the Indian Uprising of 1857, Edwardes raised and led a mobile column of Pakhtun and Punjabi soldiers which was instrumental in maintaining British control over this strategically vital province. Edwardes’ soldiers helped to disarm mutinous regiments of Indian sepoys from the Bengal Army and also ruthlessly pursued and destroyed sepoys who had successful mutinied or deserted. Like many other colonial officers, Edwardes supported the use of exemplary punishments designed to terrify Indians into submission, including the iconic practice of ‘cannonading’, where Indian mutineers and rebels would be tied to the mouths of artillery guns and literally blown to pieces. Following the execution of 40 men in this manner on 10 June 1857, Edwardes wrote: ‘All this is very dreadful, but right and necessary’.[^8]

Edwardes returned to England in 1859, living in London and Eastbourne. He was awarded the rank of Knight Commander in the Order of Bath (KCB) in 1860, as well as a honourary doctorate in law (LLD) from the University of Cambridge. In 1862, Edwardes returned to Punjab and was appointed Commissioner of Ambala and agent of the Cis-Sutlej states. During this time, he continued to campaign ardently for the spread of Christianity in India. In early January 1865, Edwardes left India for the final time. He spent most of rest of his life in London and continued to pursue charitable endeavours. He was vice-president of the Church Missionary Society and supported the London City Mission. On 24 May 1866, Edwardes was awarded the rank of Knight Commander in the Order of the Star of India (KCSI). This was a relatively new order, established by Queen Victoria in 1861 to honour loyal Indian princes and rulers, and, of course, British colonial officers and administrators themselves. Edwardes was promoted to the rank of major-general on 22 February 1868 and died less than a year later, on 23 December 1868. He was buried in Highgate cemetery in Middlesex.

In death, Edwardes is commemorated with a mural tablet at Westminster Abbey as well as a tablet in the chapel of King’s College London. A marble bust to Edwardes also stands just outside the Asia, Pacific, and African Collections reading room of the British Library. This became the main depository of the India Office Records, wherein one can still access Edwardes’ original correspondence and other official documents from his time in India.

**Sources**

Condos, Mark, _The Insecurity State: Punjab and the Making of Colonial Power in British India_, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).

Edwardes, Emma, _Memorials of the Life and Letters of Major-General Sir Herbert B. Edwardes_, 2 vols, (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, and Co., 1886).

Edwardes, Herbert, _A Year on the Punjab Frontier in 1848-49_, 2nd ed. 2 vols, (London: Richard Bentley, 1851).

Moreman, T.R, ‘Edwardes, Sir Herbert Benjamin’, _Oxford Dictionary of National Biography_ (2004; 2018).

_The Times_ (London)

[^1]: Herbert Edwardes, _A Year on the Punjab Frontier in 1848-49_, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1851), vol. 1, v-vi.
[^2]: Ibid., 61-62.
[^3]: Ibid., 121.
[^4]: Ibid., 274-75.
[^5]: ‘India House’, _The Times_, 25 April 1849, 8.
[^6]: ‘King’s College. – Yesterday Afternoon’, _The Times_, 21 April 1849, 7.
[^7]: 'King’s College, London', _The Times_, 27 April, 5.
[^8]: Emma Edwardes, _Memorials of the Life and Letters of Major-General Sir Herbert B. Edwardes_, 2 vols. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, and Co., 1886), vol. 1, 403.
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tags:
- moment
- essay
category: academic
---

**Joseph A. Maiolo** is Professor of International History in the Department of War Studies


> This article surveys the origins and development of War Studies at King’s College London from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. While in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the growth of military studies at King’s was sporadic, the two world wars, the Cold War and post-cold war conflicts drove the rapid expansion of War Studies. This article describes how the department has changed from one focused on military history and strategic studies to one that tackles a range of contemporary security issues from many analytical perspectives and methodological approaches. It concludes with some personal observations about the challenges faced by the Department of War Studies as a scholarly community and as a collective research effort.
King’s College London is unique among leading research universities in hosting the world’s largest faculty devoted to the study of war. There are of course other prestigious institutions that host big departments of international relations and global affairs, but what makes War Studies King’s distinct is that the inter-disciplinary study of war is the defining purpose. The development of War Studies is the topic of this paper. My goal is to provide readers with an overview of how the college obtained its standing in the field. That history reflects the larger pattern of change in the character of armed conflict from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twenty first century: from a period of improvisation and sporadic developments to one of scholarly professionalization and permanent and expanding academic faculties.
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---
title: '(c. 1872): Race, Civilisation and Culture'
title: '1882: Race, Civilisation and Culture'
n: 6
tags:
- moment
excerpt: ''
excerpt: "From the late nineteenth to mid twentieth century, King's was host to important strands of research on human diversity, with many scholars in both humanities and sciences central to the propagation of ideas about racial or civilizational hierarchies"
feature:
image: /assets/images/moments/6.webp
title: The image title
description: Placeholder image for moments
type: moment
---

Knowledge production has always been central to universities’ raison d’etre and was often put to service in underpinning claims to imperial power. Scholars across the arts and sciences contributed to an ever-growing corpus of research into racial identity civilizational hierarchies. From post-Darwinist evolutionary theories to historians’ accounts of the British race’s imperial expansion, or the science of eugenics to anthropologists’ examination of ‘primitive cultures’, universities functioned as key sites of racial theorising.
Knowledge production has always been central to universities’ raison d’etre, and was often put to service in underpinning claims to power. Scholars across the arts and sciences contributed to an ever-growing corpus of research into both racial and civilizational hierarchies. From post-Darwinist evolutionary theories to historians’ accounts of a supposedly unitary British race’s expansion, or the science of eugenics to anthropologists’ examination of ‘primitive cultures’, universities functioned as key sites of very Anglo- or Euro-centric forms of theorising. But the link between power and knowledge was never straightforward.

King’s was no different to other institutions in this regard: King’s Historians, including F. J. C. Hearnshaw, A. P. Newton, and Sidney Low, celebrated the natural virtues of the British race; the research of King’s linguists, theologians, and law scholars into Asiatic languages, religions, laws, and cultures was used by the colonial state to underpin British control in South Asia; scientists, such as Reginald Gates, argued that race was a scientific category premised upon essential and irreconcilable difference; while even into the 1970s, Hans Eysenck was writing about differences in natural intelligence between ethnicities. This research will examine the contributions made by King’s scholars to racial science and discourse across this period, examining how ideas were framed and the ways in which they were deployed beyond the university.
King’s was no different to other institutions in this regard: King’s historians and political scientists, including Ernest Barker, F. J. C. Hearnshaw, A. P. Newton, and Sidney Low, celebrated the virtues of the apparently unitary and enduring virtues of the British race; the research of King’s linguists, theologians, and law scholars into Asiatic languages, religions, laws, and cultures in ways that propagated hierarchical views of social order in South Asia; scientists, such as the King's-based Canadian biologist and geographer Reginald Gates, argued that race was a scientific category premised upon essential and irreconcilable difference; even into the 1970s, Hans Eysenck was writing about differences in natural intelligence between ethnicities. Yet there were complexities. In his work on the history of government, Ernest Barker tried to stress the unity of 'English' power dating back to the ninth century, but ended up recognising the ambiguities and complexities of twentieth-century British identity. Gates the last great propagator of race science corresponded with the first Prime Minister of independent India, Jawarharlal Nehru.

## King's Future. Race and diversity now
This research will examine the contributions made by King’s scholars to the study of human diversity, from the mid nienteenth to late twentieth century, examining how ideas were framed, how they connected to different structures of power, and how they were deployed beyond the university.

:::question{section}

## King's Future. Knowledge and diversity now

Both academic scholarship and social norms now emphasize, and often celebrate human diversity, in ways which reject the idea of a hierarchy of races or peoples. Yet how far is thinking about diversity dependent on older, more hierarchical ways of thinking? How does the history of research on diversity at an institution such as King's help our thinking about human difference now?
:::
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