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<!doctype html><html><head><meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1"/><title>Child maltreatment and educational outcomes - Our World in Data</title><meta name="description" content="Child labor constitutes in most situations a violation of children’s rights, as it is often linked to several forms of abuse and harm. Specifically in the context of education, child labor is often linked to poor educational outcomes. The chart here, from Schultz and Strauss (2008),1 shows evidence for this. It plots school attendance rates for children aged 10–14 years olds, against total hours worked in the last week (by type of work) with 95 percent confidence intervals (labeled CI and plotted in lighter shades)."/><link rel="canonical" href="https://ourworldindata.org/child-maltreatment-and-educational-outcomes"/><link rel="alternate" type="application/atom+xml" href="/atom.xml"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" sizes="180x180" href="/apple-touch-icon.png"/><meta property="fb:app_id" content="1149943818390250"/><meta property="og:url" content="https://ourworldindata.org/child-maltreatment-and-educational-outcomes"/><meta property="og:title" content="Child maltreatment and educational outcomes"/><meta property="og:description" content="Child labor constitutes in most situations a violation of children’s rights, as it is often linked to several forms of abuse and harm. Specifically in the context of education, child labor is often linked to poor educational outcomes. The chart here, from Schultz and Strauss (2008),1 shows evidence for this. It plots school attendance rates for children aged 10–14 years olds, against total hours worked in the last week (by type of work) with 95 percent confidence intervals (labeled CI and plotted in lighter shades)."/><meta property="og:image" content="https://ourworldindata.org/app/uploads/2017/10/working-children-out-of-school-ages-7-14-vs-hours-worked-by-children-ages-7-14-768x542.png"/><meta property="og:site_name" content="Our World in Data"/><meta name="twitter:card" content="summary_large_image"/><meta name="twitter:site" content="@OurWorldInData"/><meta name="twitter:creator" content="@OurWorldInData"/><meta name="twitter:title" content="Child maltreatment and educational outcomes"/><meta name="twitter:description" content="Child labor constitutes in most situations a violation of children’s rights, as it is often linked to several forms of abuse and harm. Specifically in the context of education, child labor is often linked to poor educational outcomes. The chart here, from Schultz and Strauss (2008),1 shows evidence for this. It plots school attendance rates for children aged 10–14 years olds, against total hours worked in the last week (by type of work) with 95 percent confidence intervals (labeled CI and plotted in lighter shades)."/><meta name="twitter:image" content="https://ourworldindata.org/app/uploads/2017/10/working-children-out-of-school-ages-7-14-vs-hours-worked-by-children-ages-7-14-768x542.png"/><link href="https://fonts.googleapis.com/css?family=Lato:300,400,400i,700,700i|Playfair+Display:400,700&display=swap" rel="stylesheet"/><link rel="stylesheet" href="https://ourworldindata.org/assets/commons.css"/><link rel="stylesheet" href="https://ourworldindata.org/assets/owid.css"/></head><body class=""><header class="site-header"><div class="wrapper site-navigation-bar"><div class="site-logo"><a href="/">Our World<br/> in Data</a></div><nav class="site-navigation"><div class="topics-button-wrapper"><a href="/#entries" class="topics-button"><div class="label">Articles <br/><strong>by 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64H416C433.7 64 448 78.33 448 96C448 113.7 433.7 128 416 128H32C14.33 128 0 113.7 0 96zM0 256C0 238.3 14.33 224 32 224H416C433.7 224 448 238.3 448 256C448 273.7 433.7 288 416 288H32C14.33 288 0 273.7 0 256zM416 448H32C14.33 448 0 433.7 0 416C0 398.3 14.33 384 32 384H416C433.7 384 448 398.3 448 416C448 433.7 433.7 448 416 448z"></path></svg></button></div></div></header><div class="alert-banner"><div class="content"><div class="text"><strong>COVID-19 vaccinations, cases, excess mortality, and much more</strong></div><a href="/coronavirus#explore-the-global-situation" data-track-note="covid-banner-click">Explore our COVID-19 data</a></div></div><main><article class="page no-sidebar thin-banner"><div class="offset-header"><header class="article-header"><div class="article-titles"><h1 class="entry-title">Child maltreatment and educational outcomes</h1></div></header></div><div class="content-wrapper"><div class="offset-content"><div class="content-and-footnotes"><div class="article-content"><section><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><div class="article-meta"><div class="authors-byline"><a href="/team">by Esteban Ortiz-Ospina</a></div><div class="published-updated"><time>December 17, 2017</time></div></div><ul><li>Child maltreatment is common and takes many forms. From <a href="https://ourworldindata.org/violence-against-rights-for-children/#violent-discipline">physical or emotional abuse</a>, to <a href="https://ourworldindata.org/child-labor/">child labor</a> and <a href="https://ourworldindata.org/violence-against-rights-for-children/#child-marriage-and-female-genital-mutilation">other practices that violate their most basic rights</a>.</li><li>Violence against children, at home, schools, or in the broader society, affects educational outcomes. It affects whether children are able to attend and remain in school, as well as whether they make progress in terms of learning outcomes. And at the same time, educational outcomes affect violence – education has been identified as a tool to reduce violence against children.</li><li>In this post we focus on the importance of child maltreatment specifically in the context of children’s education and give an overview of the empirical evidence.</li></ul></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><h4 id="children-who-work-tend-to-attend-school-less-frequently">Children who work tend to attend school less frequently<a class="deep-link" href="#children-who-work-tend-to-attend-school-less-frequently"></a></h4></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><p><a href="https://ourworldindata.org/child-labor/#definitions-and-measurement">Child labor constitutes in most situations a violation of children’s rights,</a> as it is often linked to several forms of abuse and harm. Specifically in the context of education, child labor is often linked to poor educational outcomes. The chart here, from Schultz and Strauss (2008),<a id="ref-1" class="ref" href="#note-1"><sup>1</sup></a> shows evidence for this. It plots school attendance rates for children aged 10–14 years olds, against total hours worked in the last week (by type of work) with 95 percent confidence intervals (labeled CI and plotted in lighter shades).</p><p>Children who work more hours tend to attend school less frequently. And the steepest segments of the pictured curves are in the range 20-45 hours, which suggests — as one would naturally expect — that it is most difficult for a child to attend school when approaching full-time work.</p><p>This evidence also shows that there is no significant difference between children engaged in domestic or marketed work.</p></div><div class="wp-block-column"><h6>School Attendance vs. Hours Worked – Schultz and Strauss (2008) <a id="ref-2" class="ref" href="#note-2"><sup>2</sup></a></h6><div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" width="400" height="281" src="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2016/02/ourworldindata_schoolvswork-400x281.png" alt="School Attendance vs. Hours Worked, from Eric V. Edmonds "Child Labor", Chapter 57 in T. Paul Schultz, John Strauss (2008), Handbook of Development Economics, Volume 4. North Holland." class="wp-image-7074" srcset="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2016/02/ourworldindata_schoolvswork-400x281.png 400w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2016/02/ourworldindata_schoolvswork-150x105.png 150w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2016/02/ourworldindata_schoolvswork-768x540.png 768w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2016/02/ourworldindata_schoolvswork-750x527.png 750w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2016/02/ourworldindata_schoolvswork.png 842w" sizes="(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px" data-high-res-src="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2016/02/ourworldindata_schoolvswork.png"></figure></div></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><h4 id="in-countries-where-children-tend-to-work-longer-hours-it-is-more-common-that-working-children-remain-out-of-school">In countries where children tend to work longer hours, it is more common that working children remain out of school<a class="deep-link" href="#in-countries-where-children-tend-to-work-longer-hours-it-is-more-common-that-working-children-remain-out-of-school"></a></h4></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><p>The chart above shows the relationship between school attendance and hours worked using <em>micro</em> data, which means that the authors investigate the relationship across <em>individual</em> households. A similar pattern can also be seen in the data if we look at the corresponding country-level macro variables: In countries where children tend to work longer hours, it is more common that working children remain out of school. The interactive chart below shows this by plotting country-level average hours worked by children against share of working children who are out of school.</p></div><div class="wp-block-column"><figure data-grapher-src="https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/working-children-out-of-school-ages-7-14-vs-hours-worked-by-children-ages-7-14" class="grapherPreview">
<a href="https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/working-children-out-of-school-ages-7-14-vs-hours-worked-by-children-ages-7-14" target="_blank">
<div><img src="https://ourworldindata.org/exports/working-children-out-of-school-ages-7-14-vs-hours-worked-by-children-ages-7-14_v17_850x600.svg" width="850" height="600" loading="lazy" data-no-lightbox="" alt="Working children out of school ages 7 14 vs hours worked by children ages 7 14 v17 850x600"></div>
<div class="interactionNotice">
<span class="icon"><svg aria-hidden="true" focusable="false" data-prefix="fas" data-icon="hand-pointer" class="svg-inline--fa fa-hand-pointer fa-w-14" role="img" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg" viewBox="0 0 448 617">
<path fill="currentColor" d="M448,344.59v96a40.36,40.36,0,0,1-1.06,9.16l-32,136A40,40,0,0,1,376,616.59H168a40,40,0,0,1-32.35-16.47l-128-176a40,40,0,0,1,64.7-47.06L104,420.58v-276a40,40,0,0,1,80,0v200h8v-40a40,40,0,1,1,80,0v40h8v-24a40,40,0,1,1,80,0v24h8a40,40,0,1,1,80,0Zm-256,80h-8v96h8Zm88,0h-8v96h8Zm88,0h-8v96h8Z" transform="translate(0 -0.41)"></path>
<path fill="currentColor" opacity="0.6" d="M239.76,234.78A27.5,27.5,0,0,1,217,192a87.76,87.76,0,1,0-145.9,0A27.5,27.5,0,1,1,25.37,222.6,142.17,142.17,0,0,1,1.24,143.17C1.24,64.45,65.28.41,144,.41s142.76,64,142.76,142.76a142.17,142.17,0,0,1-24.13,79.43A27.47,27.47,0,0,1,239.76,234.78Z" transform="translate(0 -0.41)"></path>
</svg></span>
<span class="label">Click to open interactive version</span>
</div>
</a>
</figure></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><h4 id="there-is-evidence-of-a-causal-link-between-child-labor-and-education-outcomes">There is evidence of a causal link between child labor and education outcomes<a class="deep-link" href="#there-is-evidence-of-a-causal-link-between-child-labor-and-education-outcomes"></a></h4></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><p>These correlations on the micro and macro level are of course not enough to establish a causal relationship. There are many potential economic and cultural factors that simultaneously influence both schooling and work decisions; and in any case, the direction of the relationships is not obvious—do children work because they are not attending school, or do they fail to attend school because they are working?</p><p>A number of academic studies have tried to investigate whether there is indeed a causal relationship by attempting to find a factor (an ‘<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Instrumental_variables_estimation">instrumental variable</a>’) that only affects whether a child works without affecting how the family values other uses of the child’s time. These studies – like Rosati & Rossi (2003) or Gunnarsson, Orazem & Sanchez (2006) – suggest that there is indeed a causal relationship: work often does determine whether a child remains in, or drops out of, school.<a id="ref-3" class="ref" href="#note-3"><sup>3</sup></a> <a id="ref-4" class="ref" href="#note-4"><sup>4</sup></a></p></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><h4 id="students-who-are-victims-of-abuse-at-school-tend-to-have-worse-educational-outcomes">Students who are victims of abuse at school tend to have worse educational outcomes<a class="deep-link" href="#students-who-are-victims-of-abuse-at-school-tend-to-have-worse-educational-outcomes"></a></h4></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><p>Children who are victims of physical or psychological abuse tend to have worse educational outcomes; and while evidence supporting a causal link is scarce, it is important to pay attention to these correlations.</p><p>A recent study used detailed household surveys from South Africa and Malawi to document the prevalence of violent discipline and subsequent changes in school progress among the affected children. The study found that children who were exposed to psychological and physical violence for discipline were more likely to have dropped out of school upon follow-up (Sherr et al. 2015).<a id="ref-5" class="ref" href="#note-5"><sup>5</sup></a></p><p>Other studies have found that violence against children also correlates with poor educational outcomes in the long run. In rich countries, for example, studies have found that individuals who are exposed to sexual and physical abuse in childhood are more likely to drop out of college (Boden et al. 2007 and Duncan 2000).<a id="ref-6" class="ref" href="#note-6"><sup>6</sup></a></p><p>These correlations also extend to other forms of violence and other types of educational outcomes. Within schools, for instance, violence between children tends to go together with poor learning outcomes. The following chart provides an example of this correlation. It shows, for a number of countries, the percentage of grade 8 students scoring above the low international benchmark in the TIMSS mathematics test, by their involvement in physical fights in school. Numeracy results were consistently higher among children not involved in physical fights in school.</p></div><div class="wp-block-column"><h6>School fighting vs Minimum proficiency in maths – UNESCO (2016)<a id="ref-7" class="ref" href="#note-7"><sup>7</sup></a></h6><div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" width="750" height="301" src="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/UNESCO-2016-School-Fights-TIMSS-750x301.png" alt="Unesco 2016 school fights timss" class="wp-image-13851" srcset="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/UNESCO-2016-School-Fights-TIMSS-750x301.png 750w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/UNESCO-2016-School-Fights-TIMSS-150x60.png 150w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/UNESCO-2016-School-Fights-TIMSS-400x161.png 400w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/UNESCO-2016-School-Fights-TIMSS-768x308.png 768w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/UNESCO-2016-School-Fights-TIMSS.png 1460w" sizes="(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px" data-high-res-src="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/UNESCO-2016-School-Fights-TIMSS.png"></figure></div></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><h4 id="abuse-in-early-years-can-undermine-lifelong-learning">Abuse in early years can undermine lifelong learning<a class="deep-link" href="#abuse-in-early-years-can-undermine-lifelong-learning"></a></h4></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><p>Physical and psychological abuse are often linked to negative effects on mental and physical health. For example, it has been documented that anxiety and depression tend to arise more frequently among children who are abused.<a id="ref-8" class="ref" href="#note-8"><sup>8</sup></a></p><p> Again, these correlations do not imply causation. But there are good reasons to take them seriously. The <a href="http://www.worldbank.org/en/publication/wdr2018" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">World Development Report (2018)</a> notes that toxic stress in the early years can undermine lifelong health, learning, and behavior, because the hormones associated with the fight-or-flight response, such as cortisol, can inhibit physical growth and the children’s susceptibility to illness. It is also the case that these hormones can impair the development of neural connections in parts of the brain that are critical for learning.</p><p>The following is an example of the type of brain development problems that scientists attribute to sensory neglect in early childhood. The source is Perry (2002).<a id="ref-9" class="ref" href="#note-9"><sup>9</sup></a> The CT scan on the left is an image from a healthy three year old with a typical head size (at the 50th percentile of the distribution). The image on the right is from a three year old child suffering from ‘severe sensory-deprivation neglect’ – minimal exposure to language, touch, and social interactions. The brain of the child on the right is significantly smaller than average (3rd percentile) and has signs of deterioration (cortical atrophy).</p><p>Of course, this comparison is just an illustration, and it is hard to know with certainty whether the observed differences in brain size can be fully attributed to sensory-deprivation neglect. However, Perry finds that the average head size among a group of 40 children who had suffered sensory neglect is below the 5th percentile in the distribution – and while some recovery in brain-size was observed after children were removed from the neglectful environment, in most cases the gaps remained significant.</p><p>These findings are relevant to education because brain malleability is much greater earlier in life, and brain development is sequential and cumulative; which means that brain deterioration can lead to permanent impairments on skill acquisition.<a id="ref-10" class="ref" href="#note-10"><sup>10</sup></a></p></div><div class="wp-block-column"><h6>Brain scan from a non-neglected child with an average head size (left) in comparison to a scan from a child suffering from severe sensory-deprivation neglect (right) – Perry (2002)<a id="ref-11" class="ref" href="#note-11"><sup>11</sup></a></h6><div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" width="750" height="499" src="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/CT-Scan-Neglect-750x499.png" alt="Ct scan neglect" class="wp-image-13857" srcset="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/CT-Scan-Neglect-750x499.png 750w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/CT-Scan-Neglect-150x100.png 150w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/CT-Scan-Neglect-400x266.png 400w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/CT-Scan-Neglect-768x511.png 768w, https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/CT-Scan-Neglect.png 874w" sizes="(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px" data-high-res-src="https://ourworldindata.org/uploads/2017/10/CT-Scan-Neglect.png"></figure></div></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><h4 id="the-interaction-between-violence-and-education-operates-in-both-directions">The interaction between violence and education operates in both directions<a class="deep-link" href="#the-interaction-between-violence-and-education-operates-in-both-directions"></a></h4></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><p>The interaction between violence and education operates in both directions, which means education can be used as an instrument to reduce the prevalence of violence. In Uganda, for example, a programme that provided life skills and vocational training for girls who had been forced into sexual acts, led to substantially fewer of these girls being victims of sexual abuse – an impact largely attributed to acquired skills (Bandiera et al. 2017).<a id="ref-12" class="ref" href="#note-12"><sup>12</sup></a></p><p>Similarly, parenting interventions that promote skills and knowledge among parents have shown positive effects on domestic violence. In Liberia, for example, a program that provided training in positive parenting and non-violent behaviour reduced violent punishment drastically (Sim et al. 2014).<a id="ref-13" class="ref" href="#note-13"><sup>13</sup></a></p></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><h4 id="wrapping-up">Wrapping up<a class="deep-link" href="#wrapping-up"></a></h4></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div><div class="wp-block-columns is-style-sticky-right"><div class="wp-block-column"><p>Evidence from a range of countries shows that there is a correlation between violence against children and educational outcomes. These correlations are strong and hold for different forms of victimization. In some cases there is evidence of causal relationships; but even in contexts where causality is not clear, these correlations are important because they show that different forms of hardship often converge on some of the most vulnerable members of society.</p></div><div class="wp-block-column"></div></div></section>
</div><footer class="article-footer"><div class="wp-block-columns"><div class="wp-block-column"><div class="blog-info">Our World in Data presents the empirical evidence on global development in entries dedicated to specific topics.
This blog post draws on data and research discussed in our entry on <strong><a href="https://ourworldindata.org/violence-against-rights-for-children/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Children’s Rights</a></strong>.
</div><h3 id="endnotes">Endnotes</h3><ol class="endnotes"><li id="note-1"><p> Eric V. Edmonds “Child Labor”, Chapter 57 in T. Paul Schultz, John Strauss (2008), Handbook of Development Economics, Volume 4. North Holland</p></li><li id="note-2"><p> Eric V. Edmonds “Child Labor”, Chapter 57 in T. Paul Schultz, John Strauss (2008), Handbook of Development Economics, Volume 4. North Holland</p></li><li id="note-3"><p> Rosati, F., Rossi, M. (2003). <a href="ftp://www.ceistorvergata.it/repec/rpaper/No-25-Rosati,Rossi.pdf">Children’s working hours and school enrollment: Evidence from Pakistan and Nicaragua</a>. World Bank Economic Review 17, 283–295.</p></li><li id="note-4"><p>Gunnarsson, V., Orazem, P., Sanchez, M. (2006). <a href="http://www2.econ.iastate.edu/faculty/orazem/Child%20Labor%20in%20Latin%20America.pdf">Child labor and school achievement in Latin America</a>. World Bank Economic Review 20, 31–54.</p></li><li id="note-5"><p>Sherr, L., Hensels, I. S., Skeen, S., Tomlinson, M., Roberts, K. J., & Macedo, A. (2015). Exposure to violence predicts poor educational outcomes in young children in South Africa and Malawi. International health, 8(1), 36-43.</p></li><li id="note-6"><p>Boden, J. M., Horwood, L. J., & Fergusson, D. M. (2007). Exposure to childhood sexual and physical abuse and subsequent educational achievement outcomes. Child abuse & neglect, 31(10), 1101-1114. Duncan, R. D. (2000). Childhood maltreatment and college drop-out rates: Implications for child abuse researchers. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 15(9), 987-995.</p></li><li id="note-7"><p>Figure 4.3 in UNESCO (2016), Education for People and Planet, Global Education Monitoring Report. Available online <a href="http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0024/002457/245752e.pdf">here</a>.</p></li><li id="note-8"><p>Norman, R. E., Byambaa, M., De, R., Butchart, A., Scott, J., & Vos, T. (2012). The long-term health consequences of child physical abuse, emotional abuse, and neglect: a systematic review and meta-analysis. PLoS medicine, 9(11), e1001349. Available <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="http://journals.plos.org/plosmedicine/article?id=10.1371/journal.pmed.1001349" target="_blank">here</a>.</p></li><li id="note-9"><p>Perry, B. D. (2002). Childhood experience and the expression of genetic potential: What childhood neglect tells us about nature and nurture. Brain and mind, 3(1), 79-100.</p></li><li id="note-10"><p>Perry (2002) writes: <em>“In following these globally-neglected children over time we observed some recovery of function and relative brain-size when these children were removed from the neglectful environment and placed in foster care. The degree of recovery over a year period however was inversely proportional to age in which the child was removed from the neglecting caregivers. The earlier in life and the less time in the sensory-depriving environment, the more robust the recovery.”</em></p></li><li id="note-11"><p>Perry, B. D. (2002). Childhood experience and the expression of genetic potential: What childhood neglect tells us about nature and nurture. Brain and mind, 3(1), 79-100.</p></li><li id="note-12"><p>The evidence in this study comes from a Randomized Control Trial. The full reference is “Bandiera, Oriana; Buehren, Niklas; Burgess, Robin; Goldstein, Markus; Gulesci, Selim; Rasul, Imran; Sulaiman, Munshi. 2017. Women’s Empowerment in Action : Evidence from a Randomized Control Trial in Africa. World Bank, Washington, DC. World Bank. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/28282 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO.</p></li><li id="note-13"><p>The evidence in this study comes from comparisons in reported punishment attitudes before and after the intervention, relative to the changes observed in a control group (i.e. the evidence comes from a Randomized Control Trial with a control group). The full reference is: Sim, A., Puffer, E., Green, E., Chase, R., Zayzay, J., Garcia-Rolland, E., & Boone, L. (2014). Parents make the difference: findings from a randomized impact evaluation of a parenting program in rural Liberia. New York: International Rescue Committee. </p></li></ol><h3 id="licence">Reuse our work freely</h3><p>All visualizations, data, and code produced by Our World in Data are completely open access under the <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Creative Commons BY license</a>. 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