diff --git a/data/tlg0057/tlg010/tlg0057.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0057/tlg010/tlg0057.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml index bae7d9a3a..e9e082e47 100644 --- a/data/tlg0057/tlg010/tlg0057.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0057/tlg010/tlg0057.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -122,7 +122,7 @@ PART 10 -

For I believe that I shall prove that the organs which have to do with the disposal of the nutriment, as also their faculties, exist for the sake of this nutritive faculty. For since the action of this facultyThe activation or functioning of this faculty, the faculty in actual operation. cf. p. 3, note 2. is assimilation, and it is impossible for anything to be assimilated by, and to change into anything else unless they already possess a certain community and affinity in their qualities,"Un rapport commun et une affinitè" (Daremberg). "Societatem aliquam cognationemque in qualitatibus" (Linacre). cf. p. 36, note 2. therefore, in the first place, any animal cannot naturally derive nourishment from any kind of food, and secondly, even in the case of those from which it can do so, it cannot do this at once. Therefore, by reason of this law,Lit. "necessity" ; more restrictive, however, than our "law of Nature." cf. p. 314, note 1. every animal needs several organs for altering the nutriment. For in order that the yellow may become red, and the red yellow, one simple process of alteration is required, but in order that the white may become black, and the black white, all the intermediate stages are needed.His point is that no great change, in coours or in anything else, can take place at one step. So also, a thing which is very soft cannot all at once become very hard, nor vice versa; nor, similarly can anything which has a very bad smell suddenly become quite fragrant, nor again, can the converse happen.

+

For I believe that I shall prove that the organs which have to do with the disposal of the nutriment, as also their faculties, exist for the sake of this nutritive faculty. For since the action of this facultyThe activation or functioning of this faculty, the faculty in actual operation. cf. p. 3, note 2. is assimilation, and it is impossible for anything to be assimilated by, and to change into anything else unless they already possess a certain community and affinity in their qualities,"Un rapport commun et une affinitè" (Daremberg). "Societatem aliquam cognationemque in qualitatibus" (Linacre). cf. p. 36, note 2. therefore, in the first place, any animal cannot naturally derive nourishment from any kind of food, and secondly, even in the case of those from which it can do so, it cannot do this at once. Therefore, by reason of this law,Lit. "necessity" ; more restrictive, however, than our "law of Nature." cf. p. 314, note 1. every animal needs several organs for altering the nutriment. For in order that the yellow may become red, and the red yellow, one simple process of alteration is required, but in order that the white may become black, and the black white, all the intermediate stages are needed.His point is that no great change, in coours or in anything else, can take place at one step. So also, a thing which is very soft cannot all at once become very hard, nor vice versa; nor, similarly can anything which has a very bad smell suddenly become quite fragrant, nor again, can the converse happen.

How, then, could blood ever turn into bone, without having first become, as far as possible, thickened and white? And how could bread turn into blood without having gradually parted with its whiteness and gradually acquired redness? Thus it is quite easy for blood to become flesh; for, if Nature thicken it to such an extent that it acquires a certain consistency and ceases to be fluid, it thus becomes original newly-formed flesh; but in order that blood may turn into bone, much time is needed and much elaboration and transformation of the blood. Further, it is quite clear that bread, and, more particularly lettuce, beet, and the like, require a great deal of alteration, in order to become blood.

This, then, is one reason why there are so many organs concerned in the alteration of food. A second reason is the nature of the superfluities.Not quite our "waste products," since these are considered as being partly synthetic, whereas the Greek perittomata were simply superfluous substances which could not be used and were thrown aside. For, as we are unable to draw any nourishment from grass, although this is possible for cattle, similarly we can derive nourishment from radishes, albeit not to the same extent as from meat; for almost the whole of the latter is mastered by our naturesNote "our natures," cf. p. 12, note 4; p. 47, note 1.; it is transformed and altered and constituted useful blood; but, not withstanding, in the radish, what is appropriateTher term oi)kei=os, here rendered appropriate, is explained on p. 33. cf. also footnote on same page. Linacre often translated it conveniens, and it may usually be rendered proper, peculiar, own special, or own particular in English. Sometimes it is almost equal to akin, cognate, related: cf. p. 319, note 2. With Galen's oi)kei=os and a)llo/triov we may compare the German terms eigen and fremd used by Aberthalden in connection with his theory of defensive ferments in the blood-serum and capable of being altered (and that only with difficulty, and with much labour) is the very smallest part; almost the whole of it is surplus matter, and passes through the digestive organs, only a very little being taken up into the veins as blood- nor is this itself entirely utilisable blood. Nature, therefore, had need of a second process of separation for the superfluities in the veins. Moreover, these superfluities need, on the one hand, certain fresh routes to conduct them to the outlets, so that they may not spoil the useful substances, and they also need certain reservoirs, as it were, in which they are collected till they reach a sufficient quantity, and are then discharged.

Thus, then, you have discovered bodily parts of a second kind, consecrated in this case to the [removal of the] superfluities of the food. There is, however, also a third kind, for carrying the pabulum in every direction; these are like a number of roads intersecting the whole body.

@@ -144,7 +144,7 @@

Now, speaking generally, there have arisen the following two sects in medicine and philosophy among those who have made any definite pronouncement regarding Nature. I speak, of course, of such of them as know what they are talking about, and who realize the logical sequence of their hypotheses, and stand by them; as for those who cannot understand even this, but who simply talk any nonsense that comes to their tongues, and who do not remain definitely attached either to one sect or the other- such people are not even worth mentioning.

What, then, are these sects, and what are the logical consequences of their hypotheses?Here follows a contrast between the Vitalists and the Epicurean Atomists. cf. p. 153 et seq. The one class supposes that all substance which is subject to genesis and destruction is at once continuousA unity or continuum, an individuum. and susceptible of alteration. The other school assumes substance to be unchangeable, unalterable, and subdivided into fine particles, which are separated from one another by empty spaces.

All people, therefore, who can appreciate the logical sequence of an hypothesis hold that, according to the second teaching, there does not exist any substance or faculty peculiar either to Nature or to Soul,Lit. to the physis or the psyche; that is, a denial of the autonomy of physiology and psychology. but that these result from the way in which the primary corpuscles,Lit. somata. which are unaffected by change, come together. According to the first-mentioned teaching, on the other hand, Nature is not posterior to the corpuscles, but is a long way prior to them and older than they; and therefore in their view it is Nature which puts together the bodies both of plants and animals; and this she does by virtue of certain faculties which she possesses- these being, on the one hand, attractive and assimilative of what is appropriate, and, on the other, explusive of what is foreign. Further, she skilfully moulds everything during the stage of genesis; and she also provides for the creatures after birth, employing here other faculties again, namely, one of affection and forethought for offspring, and one of sociability and friendship for kindred. According to the other school, none of these things exist in the natures [of living things], nor is there in the soul any original innate idea, whether of agreement or difference, of separation or synthesis, of justice or injustice, of the beautiful or ugly; all such things, they say, arise in us from sensation and through sensation, and animals are steered by certain images and memories.

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Some of these people have even expressly declared that the soul possesses no reasoning faculty, but that we are led like cattle by the impression of our senses, and are unable to refuse or dissent from anything. In their view, obviously, courage, wisdom, temperance, and self-control are all mere nonsense, we do not love either each other or our offspring, nor do the gods care anything for us. This school also despises dreams, birds, omens, and the whole of astrology, subjects with which we have dealt at greater length in another work,A lost work. in which we discuss the views of Asclepiades the physician.For Asclepiades v. p. 49, note 5. Those who wish to do so may familiarize themselves with these arguments, and they may also consider at this point which of the two roads lying before us is the better one to take. Hippocrates took the first-mentioned. According to this teaching, substance is one and is subject to alteration; there is a consensus in the move-ments of air and fluid throughout the whole body;"Le corps tout entier a unité de souffle (perspiration et expiration) et unité de flux (courants, cirulation des liquides)" (Daremberg). "Conspirabile et confluxile corpus esse" (Linacre). Apparently Galen refers to the pneuma and the various humours. cf. p. 293, note 2. Nature acts throughout in an artistic and equitable manner, having certain faculties, by virtue of which each part of the body draws to itself the juice which is proper to it, and, having done so, attaches it to every portion of itself, and completely assimilates it; while such part of the juice as has not been mastered,i.e. "Appropriated"; very nearly "assimilated." and is not capable of undergoing complete alteration and being assimilated to the part which is being nourished, is got rid of by yet another (an expulsive) faculty. +

Some of these people have even expressly declared that the soul possesses no reasoning faculty, but that we are led like cattle by the impression of our senses, and are unable to refuse or dissent from anything. In their view, obviously, courage, wisdom, temperance, and self-control are all mere nonsense, we do not love either each other or our offspring, nor do the gods care anything for us. This school also despises dreams, birds, omens, and the whole of astrology, subjects with which we have dealt at greater length in another work,A lost work. in which we discuss the views of Asclepiades the physician.For Asclepiades v. p. 49, note 5. Those who wish to do so may familiarize themselves with these arguments, and they may also consider at this point which of the two roads lying before us is the better one to take. Hippocrates took the first-mentioned. According to this teaching, substance is one and is subject to alteration; there is a consensus in the move-ments of air and fluid throughout the whole body;"Le corps tout entier a unité de souffle (perspiration et expiration) et unité de flux (courants, cirulation des liquides)" (Daremberg). "Conspirabile et confluxile corpus esse" (Linacre). Apparently Galen refers to the pneuma and the various humours. cf. p. 293, note 2. Nature acts throughout in an artistic and equitable manner, having certain faculties, by virtue of which each part of the body draws to itself the juice which is proper to it, and, having done so, attaches it to every portion of itself, and completely assimilates it; while such part of the juice as has not been mastered,i.e. "Appropriated"; very nearly "assimilated." and is not capable of undergoing complete alteration and being assimilated to the part which is being nourished, is got rid of by yet another (an expulsive) faculty.

@@ -163,7 +163,7 @@

Now the method of demonstration is as follows. One has to divide the peritoneum in front of the ureters, then secure these with ligatures, and next, having bandaged up the animal, let him go (for he will not continue to urinate). After this one loosens the external bandages and shows the bladder empty and the ureters quite full and distended- in fact almost on the point of rupturing; on removing the ligature from them, one then plainly sees the bladder becoming filled with urine.

When this has been made quite clear, then, before the animal urinates, one has to tie a ligature round his penis and then to squeeze the bladder all over; still nothing goes back through the ureters to the kidneys. Here, then, it becomes obvious that not only in a dead animal, but in one which is still living, the ureters are prevented from receiving back the urine from the bladder. These observations having been made, one now loosens the ligature from the animal's penis and allows him to urinate, then again ligatures one of the ureters and leaves the other to discharge into the bladder. Allowing, then, some time to elapse, one now demonstrates that the ureter which was ligatured is obviously full and distended on the side next to the kidneys, while the other one- that from which the ligature had been taken- is itself flaccid, but has filled the bladder with urine. Then, again, one must divide the full ureter, and demonstrate how the urine spurts out of it, like blood in the operation of vene-section; and after this one cuts through the other also, and both being thus divided, one bandages up the animal externally. Then when enough time seems to have elapsed, one takes off the bandages; the bladder will now be found empty, and the whole region - between the intestines and the peritoneum full of urine, as if the animal were suffering from dropsy. Now, if anyone will but test this for himself on an animal, I think he will strongly condemn the rashness of Asclepiades, and if he also learns the reason why nothing regurgitates from the bladder into the ureters, I think he will be persuaded by this also of the forethought and art shown by Nature in relation to animals. "De l'habileté et de la prévoyance de la nature à l'égard des animaux" (Daremberg). cf. p. 56, note 1.

+ between the intestines and the peritoneum full of urine, as if the animal were suffering from dropsy. Now, if anyone will but test this for himself on an animal, I think he will strongly condemn the rashness of Asclepiades, and if he also learns the reason why nothing regurgitates from the bladder into the ureters, I think he will be persuaded by this also of the forethought and art shown by Nature in relation to animals. "De l'habileté et de la prévoyance de la nature à l'égard des animaux" (Daremberg). cf. p. 56, note 1.

Now Hippocrates, who was the first known to us of all those who have been both physicians and philosophers in as much as he was the first to recognize what Nature effects, expresses his admiration of her, and is constantly singing her praises and calling her "just." Alone, he says, she suffices for the animal in every respect, performing of her own accord and without any teaching all that is required. Being such, she has, as he supposes, certain faculties, one attractive of what is appropriate,cf. p. 36, note 2. and another eliminative of what is foreign, and she nourishes the animal, makes it grow, and expels its diseases by crisis.The morbid material passed successively through the stages of "crudity," "coction" (pepsis) and "elimination" (crisis). For "critical days" cf. p. 74, note 1. Therefore he says that there is in our bodies a concordance in the movements of air and fluid, and that everything is in sympathy. According to Asclepiades, however, nothing is naturally in sy mpathy with anything else, all substance being divided and broken up into inharmonious elements and absurd "molecules." Necessarily, then, besides making countless other statements in opposition to plain fact, he was ignorant of Nature's faculties, both that attracting what is appropriate, and that expelling what is foreign. Thus he invented some wretched nonsense to explain blood-production and anadosis,This was the process by which nutriment was taken up from the alimentary canal; "absoprtion," "dispersal;" cf. p. 13, note 5. The subject is dealt with more fully in chap. xvi. and, being utterly unable to find anything to say regarding the clearing-outLit. catharsis. of superfluities, he did not hesitate to join issue with obvious facts, and, in this matter of urinary secretion, to deprive both the kidneys and the ureters of their activity, by assuming that there were certain invisible channels opening into the bladder. It was, of course, a grand and impressive thing to do, to mistrust the obvious, and to pin one's faith in things which could not be seen!

@@ -244,7 +244,7 @@ PART 16

Now, while ErasistratusOn Erasistratus v. Introd. p. xii. for some reason replied at great length to certain other foolish doctrines, he entirely passed over the view held by Hippocrates, not even thinking it worth while to mention it, as he did in his work "On Deglutition"; in that work, as may be seen, he did go so far as at least to make mention of the word attraction, writing somewhat as follows:

"Now, the stomach does not appear to exercise any attraction."Erasistatus' view that the stomach exerts no holke/, or attraction, is dealt with more fully in Book III., chap. viii. But when he is dealing with anadosis he does not mention the Hippocratic view even to the extent of a single syllable. Yet we should have been satisfied if he had even merely written this: "Hippocrates lies in saying 'The fleshi.e. the tissues. attracts both from the stomach and from without,' for it cannot attract either from the stomach or from without." Or if he had thought it worth while to state that Hippocrates was wrong in criticizing the weakness of the neck of the uterus, "seeing that the orifice of the uterus has no power of attracting semen,"cf. p. 291. or if he [Erasistratus] had thought proper to write any other similar opinion, then we in our turn would have defended ourselves in the following terms:

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"My good sir, do not run us down in this rhetorical fashion without some proof; state some definite objection to our view, in order that either you may convince us by a brilliant refutation of the ancient doctrine, or that, on the other hand, we may convert you from your ignorance." Yet why do I say "rhetorical"? For we too are not to suppose that when certain rhetoricians pour ridicule upon that which they are quite incapable of refuting, without any attempt at argument, their words are really thereby constituted rhetoric. For rhetoric proceeds by persuasive reasoning; words without reasoning are buffoonery rather than rhetoric. Therefore, the reply of Erasistratus in his treatise "On Deglutition" was neither rhetoric nor logic. For what is it that he says? "Now, the stomach does not appear to exercise any traction." Let us testify against him in return, and set our argument beside his in the same form. Now, there appears to be no peristalsisPeristalsis may be used here to translate Gk. peristolé, meaning the contraction and dilation of muscle-fibres circularly round a lumen cf.p. 263, note 2. of the gullet. "And how does this appear?" one of his adherents may perchance ask. "For is it not indicative of peristalsis that always when the upper parts of the gullet contract the lower parts dilate?" Again, then, we say, "And in what way does the attraction of the stomach not appear? For is it not indicative of attraction that always when the lower parts of the gullet dilate the upper parts contract?" Now, if he would but be sensible and recognize that this phenomenon is not more indicative of the one than of the other view, but that it applies equally to both,For a demonstration that this phenomenon is a conclusive proof neither of peristolé nor of real vital attraction, but is found even in dead bodies v. p. 267. we should then show him without further delay the proper way to the discovery of truth.

+

"My good sir, do not run us down in this rhetorical fashion without some proof; state some definite objection to our view, in order that either you may convince us by a brilliant refutation of the ancient doctrine, or that, on the other hand, we may convert you from your ignorance." Yet why do I say "rhetorical"? For we too are not to suppose that when certain rhetoricians pour ridicule upon that which they are quite incapable of refuting, without any attempt at argument, their words are really thereby constituted rhetoric. For rhetoric proceeds by persuasive reasoning; words without reasoning are buffoonery rather than rhetoric. Therefore, the reply of Erasistratus in his treatise "On Deglutition" was neither rhetoric nor logic. For what is it that he says? "Now, the stomach does not appear to exercise any traction." Let us testify against him in return, and set our argument beside his in the same form. Now, there appears to be no peristalsisPeristalsis may be used here to translate Gk. peristolé, meaning the contraction and dilation of muscle-fibres circularly round a lumen cf.p. 263, note 2. of the gullet. "And how does this appear?" one of his adherents may perchance ask. "For is it not indicative of peristalsis that always when the upper parts of the gullet contract the lower parts dilate?" Again, then, we say, "And in what way does the attraction of the stomach not appear? For is it not indicative of attraction that always when the lower parts of the gullet dilate the upper parts contract?" Now, if he would but be sensible and recognize that this phenomenon is not more indicative of the one than of the other view, but that it applies equally to both,For a demonstration that this phenomenon is a conclusive proof neither of peristolé nor of real vital attraction, but is found even in dead bodies v. p. 267. we should then show him without further delay the proper way to the discovery of truth.

We will, however, speak about the stomach again. And the dispersal of nutriment [anadosis] need not make us have recourse to the theory regarding the natural tendency of a vacuum to become refilled,This was Erasistratus's favourite principle, known in Latin as the "horror vacui" and in English as "Nature's abhorrence of a vacuum," although these terms are not an exact translation of the Greek. to\ kenou/menon probably means the vacuum, not the matter evacuated, although Galen elsewhere uses keno/w in the latter (non-classical) sense, e.g. pp. 67, 215. Akolouthia is a following-up, a sequence, almost a consequence. when once we have granted the attractive faculty of the kidneys. Now, although Erasistratus knew that this faculty most certainly existed, he neither mentioned it nor denied it, nor did he make any statement as to his views on the secretion of urine.

Why did he give notice at the very beginning of his "General Principles" that he was going to speak about natural activities- firstly what they are, how they take place, and in what situations- and then, in the case of urinary secretion, declared that this took place through the kidneys, but left out its method of occurrence? It must, then, have been for no purpose that he told us how digestion occurs, or spends time upon the secretion of biliary superfluities;v. p. 123. for in these cases also it would have been sufficient to have named the parts through which the function takes place, and to have omitted the method. On the contrary, in these cases he was able to tell us not merely through what organs, but also in what way it occurs- as he also did, I think, in the case of anadosis; for he was not satisfied with saying that this took place through the veins, but he also considered fully the method, which he held to be from the tendency of a vacuum to become refilled. Concerning the secretion of urine, however, he writes that this occurs through the kidneys, but does not add in what way it occurs. I do not think he could say that this was from the tendency of matter to fill a vacuum,cf. Book II., chap. i. for, if this were so, nobody would have ever died of retention of urine, since no more can flow into a vacuum than has run out. For, if no other factor comes into operationVital factor necessary over and above the mechanical. save only this tendency by which a vacuum becomes refilled, no more could ever flow in than had been evacuated. Nor, could he suggest any other plausible cause, such, for example, as the of nutriment by the stomachcf. p. 199, note 2. which occurs in the process of anadosis; this had been entirely disproved in the case of blood in the vena cava;pp. 91, 93. it is excluded, not merely owing to the long distance, but also from the fact that the overlying heart, at each diastole, robs the vena cava by violence of a considerable quantity of blood.

In relation to the lower part of the vena cavai.e. the part below the liver; cf. p. 91, note 2. there would still remain, solitary and abandoned, the specious theory concerning the filling of a vacuum. This, however, is deprived of plausibility by the fact that people die of retention of urine, and also, no less, by the situation of the kidneys. For, if the whole of the blood were carried to the kidneys, one might properly maintain that it all undergoes purification there. But, as a matter of fact, the whole of it does not go to them, but only so much as can be contained in the veins going to the kidneys;Renal veins. this portion only, therefore, will be purified. Further, the thin serous part of this will pass through the kidneys as if through a sieve, while the thick sanguineous portion remaining in the veins will obstruct the blood flowing in from behind; this will first, therefore, have to run back to the vena cava, and so to empty the veins going to the kidneys; these veins will no longer be able to conduct a second quantity of @@ -447,7 +447,7 @@

Yet neither Hippocrates nor any of the other physicians or philosophers whom I mentioned a short while ago thought it right to omit this; they say that when the heat which exists naturally in every animal is well blended and moderately moist it generates blood; for this reason they also say that the blood is a virtually warm and moist humour, and similarly also that yellow bile is warm and dry, even though for the most part it appears moist. (For in them the apparently dry would seem to differ from the virtually dry.) Who does not know that brine and sea-water preserve meat and keep it uncorruptedLit. aseptic., whilst all other water- the drinkable kind- readily spoils and rots it? And who does not know that when yellow bile is contained in large quantity in the stomach, we are troubled with an unquenchable thirst, and that when we vomit this up, we at once become much freer from thirst than if we had drunk very large quantities of fluid? Therefore this humour has been very properly termed warm, and also virtually dry. And, similarly, phlegm has been called cold and moist; for about this also clear proofs have been given by Hippocrates and the other Ancients.

ProdicusProdicus of Ceos, a Sophist, contemporary of Socrates. also, when in his book "On the Nature of Man" he gives the name "phlegm" - to that element in the humours which has been burned or, as it were, over-roasted, while using a different terminology, still keeps to the fact just as the others do; this man's innovations in nomenclature have also been amply done justice to by Plato.Plato, Timaeus, 83-85, passim Thus, the white-coloured substance which everyone else calls phlegm, and which Prodicus calls blenna [mucus],cf. the term blennorrhoea, which is still used. is the well-known cold, moist humour which collects mostly in old people and in those who have been chilledcf. the Scotch term "colded" for "affected with a cold"; Germ. erkältet. in some way, and not even a lunatic could say that this was anything else than cold and moist.

+ to that element in the humours which has been burned or, as it were, over-roasted, while using a different terminology, still keeps to the fact just as the others do; this man's innovations in nomenclature have also been amply done justice to by Plato.Plato, Timaeus, 83-85, passim Thus, the white-coloured substance which everyone else calls phlegm, and which Prodicus calls blenna [mucus],cf. the term blennorrhoea, which is still used. is the well-known cold, moist humour which collects mostly in old people and in those who have been chilledcf. the Scotch term "colded" for "affected with a cold"; Germ. erkältet. in some way, and not even a lunatic could say that this was anything else than cold and moist.

If, then, there is a warm and moist humour, and another which is warm and dry, and yet another which is moist and cold, is there none which is virtually cold and dry? Is the fourth combination of temperaments, which exists in all other things, non-existent in the humours alone? No; the black bile is such a humour. This, according to intelligent physicians and philosophers, tends to be in excess, as regards seasons, mainly in the fall of the year, and, as regards ages, mainly after the prime of life. And, similarly, also they say that there are cold and dry modes of life, regions, constitutions, and diseases. Nature, they suppose, is not defective in this single combination; like the three other combinations, it extends everywhere.

At this point, also, I would gladly have been able to ask Erasistratus whether his "artistic" Nature has not constructed any organ for clearing away a humour such as this. For whilst there are two organs for the excretion of urine, and another of considerable size for that of yellow bile, does the humour which is more pernicious than these wander about persistently in the veins mingled with the blood? Yet Hippocrates says, @@ -460,7 +460,7 @@ understood from a comparison. Imagine, then, some new wine which has been not long ago pressed from the grape, and which is fermenting and undergoing alteration through the agency of its contained heat.i.e. its innate heat. Imagine next two residual substances produced during this process of alteration, the one tending to be light and air-like and the other to be heavy and more of the nature of earth; of these the one, as I understand, they call the flower and the other the lees. Now you may correctly compare yellow bile to the first of these, and black bile to the latter, although these humours have not the same appearance when the animal is in normal health as that which they often show when it is not so; for then the yellow bile becomes vitelline, Lit. lecithoid. being so termed because it becomes like the yolk of an egg, both in colour and density; and again, even the black bile itself becomes much more malignant than when in its normal condition,Note that there can be "normal" blakc bile. but no particular name has been given to [such a condition of] the humour, except that some people have called it corrosive or acetose, because it also becomes sharp like vinegar and corrodes the animal's body- as also the earth, if it be poured out upon it- and it produces a kind of fermentation and seething, accompanied by bubbles- an abnormal putrefaction having become added to the natural condition of the black humour. It seems to me also that most of the ancient physicians give the name black humour and not black bile to the normal portion of this humour, which is discharged from the bowel and which also frequently rises to the top [of the stomach-contents]; and they call black bile that part which, through a kind of combustion and putrefaction, has had its quality changed to acid. There is no need, however, to dispute about names, but we must realise the facts, which are as follow:-

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In the genesis of blood, everything in the nutrimentthe term food here means the food as introduced into the stomach; the term nutriment (trophé) means the same food in the digested condition, as it is conveyed to the tissues. cf. pp. 41-43. Note idea of imperfectly oxidized material being absorbed by the spleen. cf. p. 214, note 1. which belongs naturally to the thick and earth-like part of the food, and which does not take on well the alteration produced by the innate heat- all this the spleen draws into itself. On the other hand, that part of the nutriment which is roasted, so to speak, or burnt (this will be the warmest and sweetest part of it, like honey and fat), becomes +

In the genesis of blood, everything in the nutrimentthe term food here means the food as introduced into the stomach; the term nutriment (trophé) means the same food in the digested condition, as it is conveyed to the tissues. cf. pp. 41-43. Note idea of imperfectly oxidized material being absorbed by the spleen. cf. p. 214, note 1. which belongs naturally to the thick and earth-like part of the food, and which does not take on well the alteration produced by the innate heat- all this the spleen draws into itself. On the other hand, that part of the nutriment which is roasted, so to speak, or burnt (this will be the warmest and sweetest part of it, like honey and fat), becomes yellow bile, and is cleared away through the so-called biliaryLit. choledochous, bile-receiving. vessels; now, this is thin, moist, and fluid, not like what it is when, having been roasted to an excessive degree, it becomes yellow, fiery, and thick, like the yolk of eggs; for this latter is already abnormal, while the previously mentioned state is natural. Similarly with the black humour: that which does not yet produce, as I say, this seething and fermentation on the ground, is natural, while that which has taken over this character and faculty is unnatural; it has assumed an acridity owing to the combustion caused by abnormal heat, and has practically become transformed into ashes.Thus over-roasting - shall we say excessive oxidation? - produces the abnormal forms of both black and yellow bile. In somewhat the same way burned lees differ from unburned. The former is a warm substance, able to burn, dissolve, and destroy the flesh. The other kind, which has not yet undergone combustion, one may find the physicians employing for the same purposes that one uses the so-called potter's earth and other substances which have naturally a combined drying and chilling action.

Now the vitelline bile also may take on the appearance of this combusted black bile, if ever it chance to be roasted, so to say, by fiery heat. And all the other forms of bile are produced, some the from blending of those mentioned, others being, as it were, transition-stages in the genesis of these or in their conversion into one another. And they differ in that those first mentioned are unmixed and unique, while the latter forms are diluted with various kinds of serum. And all the serums in the humours are waste substances, and the animal body needs to be purified from them. There is, however, a natural use for the humours first mentioned, both thick and thin; the blood is purified both by the spleen and by the bladder beside the liver, and a part @@ -576,10 +576,10 @@

"The stomach does not appear to exercise any traction."cf. p. 97.

Now the fact is that the stomach possesses two coats, which certainly exist for some purpose; they extend as far as the mouth, the internal one remaining throughout similar to what it is in the stomach, and the other one tending to become of a more fleshy nature in the gullet. Now simple observation will testify that these coats have their fibres inserted in contrary directions.It appears to me, from comparison between this and other passages in Galen's writings (notably Use of Parts, iv., 8), that he means by the "two coats" simply the mucous and the muscular coats. In this case the "straight" or "longitudinal" fibres of the inner coat would be the rugae; the "circular" fibres of the inner intestinal coat would be the valvulae conniventes.And, although Erasistratus did not attempt to say for what reason they are like this, I am going to do so.

The inner coat has its fibres straight, since it exists for the purpose of traction. The outer coat has its fibres transverse, for - the purpose of peristalsis.The term here rendered peristalisis peristoé in greek; it is applied on ly to the intermittent movements of muscles placed circularly round a lumen or cavity, and comprehends systolé or contraction and diastolé or dilation. In its modern significance, peristalsis, hoever, also includes the movements of longitudinal fibres. cf. p. 97, note 1. In fact, the movements of each of the mobile organs of the body depend on the setting of the fibres. Now please test this assertion first in the muscles themselves; in these the fibres are most distinct, and their movements visible owing to their vigour. And after the muscles, pass to the physical organs,i.e.those containing non-striped or "involuntary" muscle fibres; organs governed by the "natural" pneuma ; cf. p. 186, note 3. and you will see that they all move in correspondence with their fibres. This is why the fibres throughout the intestines are circular in both coats- they only contract peristaltically, they do not exercise traction. The stomach, again, has some of its fibres longitudinal for the purpose of traction and the others transverse for the purpose of peristalsis.The term here rendered peristalisis peristoé in greek; it is applied on ly to the intermittent movements of muscles placed circularly round a lumen or cavity, and comprehends systolé or contraction and diastolé or dilation. In its modern significance, peristalsis, hoever, also includes the movements of longitudinal fibres. cf. p. 97, note 1. For just as the movements in the musclesBy this term is meant only what we should call the "voluntary" muscles. take place when each of the fibres becomes tightened and drawn towards its origin, such also is what happens in the stomach; when the transverse fibres tighten, the breadth of the cavity contained by them becomes less; and when the longitudinal fibres contract and draw in upon themselves, the length must necessarily be curtailed. This curtailment of length, indeed, is well seen in the act of swallowing: the larynx is seen to rise + the purpose of peristalsis.The term here rendered peristalisis peristoé in greek; it is applied on ly to the intermittent movements of muscles placed circularly round a lumen or cavity, and comprehends systolé or contraction and diastolé or dilation. In its modern significance, peristalsis, hoever, also includes the movements of longitudinal fibres. cf. p. 97, note 1. In fact, the movements of each of the mobile organs of the body depend on the setting of the fibres. Now please test this assertion first in the muscles themselves; in these the fibres are most distinct, and their movements visible owing to their vigour. And after the muscles, pass to the physical organs,i.e.those containing non-striped or "involuntary" muscle fibres; organs governed by the "natural" pneuma ; cf. p. 186, note 3. and you will see that they all move in correspondence with their fibres. This is why the fibres throughout the intestines are circular in both coats- they only contract peristaltically, they do not exercise traction. The stomach, again, has some of its fibres longitudinal for the purpose of traction and the others transverse for the purpose of peristalsis.The term here rendered peristalisis peristoé in greek; it is applied on ly to the intermittent movements of muscles placed circularly round a lumen or cavity, and comprehends systolé or contraction and diastolé or dilation. In its modern significance, peristalsis, hoever, also includes the movements of longitudinal fibres. cf. p. 97, note 1. For just as the movements in the musclesBy this term is meant only what we should call the "voluntary" muscles. take place when each of the fibres becomes tightened and drawn towards its origin, such also is what happens in the stomach; when the transverse fibres tighten, the breadth of the cavity contained by them becomes less; and when the longitudinal fibres contract and draw in upon themselves, the length must necessarily be curtailed. This curtailment of length, indeed, is well seen in the act of swallowing: the larynx is seen to rise upwards to exactly the same degree that the gullet is drawn downwards; while, after the process of swallowing has been completed and the gullet is released from tension, the larynx can be clearly seen to again. This is because the inner coat of the stomach, which has the longitudinal fibres and which also lines the gullet and the mouth, extends to the interior of the larynx, and it is thus impossible for it to be drawn down by the stomach without the larynx being involved in the traction.

Further, it will be found acknowledged in Erasistratus's own writings that the circular fibres (by which the stomach as well as other parts performs its contractions) do not curtail its length, but contract and lessen its breadth. For he says that the stomach contracts peristaltically round the food during the whole period of digestion. But if it contracts, without in any way being diminished in length, this is because downward traction of the gullet is not a property of the movement of circular peristalsis. For what alone happens, as Erasistratus himself said, is that when the upper parts contract the lower ones dilate.cf. p. 97. And everyone knows that this can be plainly seen happening even in a dead man, if water be poured down his throat; this symptomFor "symptom," cf. p. 13, and p. 12, note 3. "Transitum namque materiae per angustum corpus id accidens consequitur" (Linacre). Less a "result" or "consequence" than an "accompaniment." results from the passage of matter through a narrow channel; it would be extraordinary if the channel did not dilate when a mass was passing through it.i.e. this is a purely mechanical process. - Obviously then the dilatation of the lower parts along with the contraction of the upper is common both to dead bodies, when anything whatsoever is passing through them, and to living ones, whether they contract peristaltically round their contents or attract them.i.e. this pneomenon is a proof neither of peristolé nor of attraction. cf. p. 97, note 2.

+ Obviously then the dilatation of the lower parts along with the contraction of the upper is common both to dead bodies, when anything whatsoever is passing through them, and to living ones, whether they contract peristaltically round their contents or attract them.i.e. this pneomenon is a proof neither of peristolé nor of attraction. cf. p. 97, note 2.

Curtailment of length, on the other hand, is peculiar to organs which possess longitudinal fibres for the purpose of attraction. But the gullet was shown to be pulled down; for otherwise it would not have drawn upon the larynx. It is therefore clear that the stomach attracts food by the gullet.

Further, in vomiting, the mere passive conveyance of rejected matter up to the mouth will certainly itself suffice to keep open those parts of the oesophagus which are distended by the returned food; as it occupies each part in front [above], it first dilates this, and of course leaves the part behind [below] contracted. Thus, in this respect at least, the condition of the gullet is precisely similar to what it is in the act of swallowing.Contraction and dilatation of course being reversed. But there being no traction, the whole length remains equal in such cases.

And for this reason it is easier to swallow than to vomit, for deglutition results from both coats of the stomach being brought into action, the inner one exerting a diff --git a/data/tlg0060/tlg001/diod.hist09-10_gk.xml b/data/tlg0060/tlg001/diod.hist09-10_gk.xml deleted file mode 100644 index 3db84fef7..000000000 --- a/data/tlg0060/tlg001/diod.hist09-10_gk.xml +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1370 +0,0 @@ - - - -%PersProse; -]> - - - - - - - Library (Greek). Machine readable text - Diodorus Siculus &responsibility; &fund.AnnCPB; - About 1750Kb &Perseus.publish; - - - Diodorus Siculus - Diodorus of Sicily in Twelve Volumes with an English Translation by - C. H. Oldfather. Vol. 4-8 - - - Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: William - Heinemann, Ltd. - 1989 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Greek - English - Latin - - - - - - July, Aug 1993 - - JN - (n/a) - - Tagged in conformance with Prose.g dtd. - - - Fall 1993 - - wpm - (n/a) - - Corrected failed words, added tei headers, chopped into books - - - Summer 1994 - - grc - (n/a) - - Edited the text to be in comformance with Oldfather - - - - - - - - - Fragmenta libri IX - -

- h)=n de\ - kai\ *so/lwn patro\s me\n *)echkesti/dou, to\ ge/nos e)k *salami=nos th=s - *)attikh=s, sofi/a| de\ kai\ paidei/a| pa/ntas tou\s kaq' e(auto\n - u(perbeblhkw/s. fu/sei de\ pro\s a)reth\n tw=n a)/llwn polu\ diafe/rwn - e)zh/lwsen a)reth\n e)painoume/nhn: pa=si ga\r toi=s maqh/masi polu\n xro/non - e)ndiatri/yas a)qlhth\s e)ge/neto pa/shs a)reth=s. kata\ me\n ga\r th\n tou= paido\s h(liki/an paideutai=s - e)xrh/sato toi=s a)ri/stois, a)ndrwqei\s de\ sundie/triye toi=s megi/sthn - e)/xousi du/namin e)pi\ filosofi/a|. dio\ kai\ tou/tois o(milw=n kai\ - sundiatri/bwn w)noma/sqh me\n ei(=s tw=n e(pta\ sofw=n kai\ to\ prwtei=on th=s - sune/sews ou) mo/non para\ tou/tois toi=s a)ndra/sin, a)lla\ kai\ para\ pa=si - toi=s qaumazome/nois a)phne/gkato. o(/ti o( au)to\s *so/lwn, e)n th=| nomoqesi/a| mega/lhn - do/can peripoihsa/menos, e)n tai=s i)diwtikai=s o(mili/ais kai\ a)pokri/sesin, - e)/ti de\ sumbouli/ais, qaumasto\s e)tu/gxane dia\ th\n e)n paidei/a| prokoph/n. - o(/ti o( - au)to\s *so/lwn, th\n o(/lhn a)gwgh\n th=s po/lews e)xou/shs *)iwnikh/n, kai\ - dia\ th\n trufh\n kai\ th\n r(a|stw/nhn e)kteqhlumme/nwn tw=n a)nqrw/pwn, - mete/qhke th=| sunhqei/a| pro\s a)reth\n kai\ zh=lon tw=n a)ndrei/wn pra/cewn. - dio\ th=| tou/tou nomoqesi/a| kaqoplisqe/ntes ta\s yuxa\s *(armo/dios kai\ - *)aristogei/twn katalu/ein e)pexei/rhsan th\n tw=n *peisistratidw=n - a)rxh/n.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 217. - o(/ti - *kroi=sos o( *ludw=n basileu\s mega/las kekthme/nos duna/meis kai\ polu\n e)k - paraskeuh=s seswreukw\s a)/rguro/n te kai\ xruso/n, metepe/mpeto tw=n *(ellh/nwn - tou\s sofwta/tous, kai\ sundiatri/bwn au)toi=s meta\ pollw=n dw/rwn e)ce/pemye - kai\ au)to\s pro\s a)reth\n w)felei=to polla/. pote\ de\ tou=ton metapemya/menos - kai\ ta\s duna/meis kai\ to\n plou=ton e)pideica/menos, h)rw/thsen ei)/ tis - e(/teros au)tw=| dokei= makariw/teros ei)=nai. o( de\ *so/lwn th=| sunh/qei toi=s filoso/fois xrhsa/menos parrhsi/a| e)/fh - mhde/na tw=n zw/ntwn ei)=nai maka/rion: to\n ga\r e)p' eu)daimoni/a| - pefronhmatisme/non kai\ dokou=nta th\n tu/xhn e)/xein sunergo\n mh\ ginw/skein - ei) diamenei= met' au)tou= me/xri th=s e)sxa/ths. skopei=n ou)=n e)/fhse dei=n - th\n tou= bi/ou teleuth\n kai\ to\n dieutuxh/santa to/te proshko/ntws le/gein - maka/rion. o( de\ *kroi=sos u(/steron - geno/menos ai)xma/lwtos u(po\ *ku/rou kai\ me/llwn e)pi\ mega/lh| pura=| - katakai/esqai, th=s *so/lwnos a)pofa/sews e)mnhmo/neusen. dio\ kai\ tou= puro\s - h)/dh perifle/gontos a)nebo/a sunexw=s to\ tou= *so/lwnos o)/noma. o( de\ *ku=ros prospe/myas tou\s peusome/nous, ti/s h( - sunexh/s e)sti tou= *so/lwnos o)nomasi/a, maqw\n ta)lhqe\s mete/pese toi=s - logismoi=s kai\ nomi/sas th\n a)po/krisin tou= *so/lwnos a)lhqinh\n ei)=nai th=s - me\n u(perhfanei/as a)pani/stato, th\n de\ pura\n katasbe/sas e)/swse to\n - *kroi=son kai\ to\ loipo\n e(/na tw=n fi/lwn kathri/qmhsen.cf. frag. 34. - o(/ti o( *so/lwn - h(gei=to tou\s me\n pu/ktas kai\ stadiei=s kai\ tou\s a)/llous a)qlhta\s mhde\n - a)cio/logon sumba/llesqai tai=s po/lesi pro\s swthri/an, tou\s de\ fronh/sei - kai\ a)reth=| diafe/rontas mo/nous du/nasqai ta\s patri/das e)n toi=s kindu/nois - diafula/ttein. o(/ti peri\ tou= xrusou= tri/podos - a)mfisbhth/sews ou)/shs h( *puqi/a e)/xrhsen ou(/tws: - e)/kgone *milh/tou, tri/podos pe/ri *foi=bon e)rwta=|s; - o(\s sofi/a| prw=tos pa/ntwn, tou/tou tri/pod' au)dw=. - oi( de/ fasin a)/llws o(/ti pole/mou genome/nou toi=s *)/iwsi pro\s - a)llh/lous, kai\ tou= tri/podos para\ saghne/wn a)nenexqe/ntos, e)perwth=sai - to\n qeo\n peri\ th=s katalu/sews tou= pole/mou. h( de\ e)/fh, - ou)/pote mh\ lh/ch| po/lemos *mero/pwn kai\ *)iw/nwn, - pri\n tri/poda xru/seion, o(\n *(/hfaistos ka/me teu/xwn, - e)k me/ssou pe/myhte, kai\ e)s do/mon a)ndro\s i(/khtai - o(\s sofi/a| ta/ t' e)o/nta ta/ t' e)sso/mena prode/dorken. - - o(/ti oi( - *milh/sioi a)kolouqh=sai boulo/menoi tw=| xrhsmw=| *qa/lhti tw=| *milhsi/w| to\ - a)ristei=on e)bou/lonto dou=nai: to\n d' ei)pei=n w(s ou)k e)/sti pa/ntwn - sofw/tatos, sumbouleu/ein de\ pro\s e(/teron pe/mpein sofw/teron. tou/tw| de\ - tw=| tro/pw| kai\ tw=n a)/llwn tw=n e(pta\ sofw=n a)popoihsame/nwn to\n tri/poda - *so/lwni di/dosqai dokou=nti pa/ntas a)nqrw/pous u(perbeblh=sqai sofi/a| te kai\ - sune/sei. to\n de\ sumbouleu=sai tou=ton a)naqei=nai *)apo/llwni: tou=ton ga\r - ei)=nai sofw/teron pa/ntwn.cf. frag. 13. - 2.1 o(/ti o( au)to\s pro\s th=| tou= bi/ou - katastrofh=| o(rw=n *peisi/straton pro\s xa/rin ta\ plh/qh dhmagwgou=nta kai\ - pro\s turanni/da parormw=nta, to\ me\n prw=ton lo/gois e)pexei/rhsen - a)potre/pein tau/ths th=s e)pibolh=s: ou) prose/xontos de\ au)tou= proh=lqen - ei)s th\n a)gora\n meta\ th=s panopli/as pantelw=s h)/dh geghrakw/s. sundramo/ntos de\ tou= plh/qous pro\s au)to\n dia\ to\ - para/docon, pareka/lei tou\s poli/tas a)nalabei=n ta\ o(/pla kai\ paraxrh=ma - katalu/ein to\n tu/rannon: ou)deno\s de\ au)tw=| prose/xontos, kai\ pa/ntwn - au)tou= mani/an kataginwsko/ntwn, tinw=n de\ paraghra=n au)to\n a)pofainome/nwn, - o( me\n *peisi/stratos h)/dh tina\s dorufo/rous periago/menos prosh=lqe tw=| - *so/lwni kai\ e)pu/qeto ti/ni qarrw=n th\n turanni/da katalu/ein au)tou= - bou/letai, tou= de\ ei)po/ntos o(/ti tw=| gh/ra|, qauma/sas th\n fro/nhsin - au)tou= ou)de\n au)to\n h)di/khsen.cf. frag. - 20. 4. - o(/ti to\n parano/mois kai\ a)di/kois pra/cesin - e)pibalo/menon ou)k a)\n proshko/ntws sofo\n nomi/zesqai. o(/ti fasi\n *)ana/xarsin to\n *sku/qhn fronou=nta e)pi\ - sofi/a| me/ga paragene/sqai *puqw/de kai\ e)perwth=sai ti/s e)stin au)tou= tw=n - *(ellh/nwn sofw/teros. kai\ ei)pei=n, - *oi)tai=o/n tina/ fasi *mu/swna - sou= ma=llon prapi/dessin a)rhro/ta peukali/mh|sin, - o(/stis h)=n *malieu\s kai\ w)/|kei th\n *oi)/thn ei)s kw/mhn *xhna\s - kaloume/nhn.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 281-283. - o(/ti - *mu/swn tis h)=n *malieu/s, o(\s w)/|kei e)n kw/mh| *xhna\s kaloume/nh|, to\n - a(/panta xro/non e)n a)grw=| diatri/bwn kai\ u(po\ tw=n pollw=n a)gnoou/menos: - o(\n a)nteish=can ei)s tou\s e(pta\ sofou/s, e)kkri/nantes to\n *peri/andron - to\n *kori/nqion dia\ to\ tu/rannon gegone/nai pikro/n.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 217. - o(/ti o( - *so/lwn polupragmonh/sas to\n to/pon e)n w(=| die/tribe *mu/swn, kate/laben - au)to\n e)pi\ th=s a(/lw pro\s a)/rotron prosbalo/nta e)xe/tlhn, kai\ peiraqei\s - tou= a)ndro\s e)/fh, ou)x w(/ra nu=n a)ro/trou, w)= *mu/swn, kai\ ou(=tos, ou) - xrh=sqai, ei)=pen, a)ll' e)piskeua/zein.Const. Exc. 4, p. - 283. - o(/ti - *xi/lwn tw=| lo/gw| su/mfwnon e)/sxe to\n bi/on, o(/per spani/ws eu(/roi tis - a)\n gino/menon. tw=n ga\r kaq' h(ma=s filoso/fwn tou\s plei/stous i)dei=n - e)/sti le/gontas me\n ta\ ka/llista, pra/ttontas de\ ta\ xei/rista, kai\ th\n - e)n tai=s a)paggeli/ais au)tw=n semno/thta kai\ su/nesin dia\ th=s pei/ras - e)legxome/nhn. o( de\ *xi/lwn xwri\s th=s kata\ to\n bi/on e)n a(/pasi toi=s - prattome/nois a)reth=s polla\ dienoh/qh kai\ a)pefqe/gcato mnh/mhs a)/cia.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 218. - o(/ti - *xi/lwn a)fiko/menos ei)s *delfou\s kai\ kaqa/per a)parxa\s poiou/menos tw=| - qew=| th=s i)di/as sune/sews e)pe/grayen e)pi/ tina ki/ona tri/a tau=ta, - gnw=qi seauto/n, kai\ mhde\n a)/gan, - kai\ tri/ton e)ggu/a, pa/ra d' a)/ta. tou/twn e(/kaston - u(pa/rxon braxu\ kai\ *lakwniko\n mega/lhn e)/xei th\n a)naqew/rhsin. to\ ga\r gnw=qi sauto\n paragge/llei paideuqh=nai kai\ - fro/nimon gene/sqai: ou(/tw ga\r a)/n tis e(auto\n gnoi/h: h)\ o(/ti oi( - a)/moiroi paidei/as kai\ a)lo/gistoi kata\ to\ plei=ston e(autou\s sunetwta/tous - u(peilh/fasin, h(/per e)sti\ tw=n a)maqiw=n a)maqesta/th kata\ to\n *pla/twna, - h)\ o(/ti tou\s ponhrou\s e)pieikei=s h(gou=ntai, tou\s de\ xrhstou\s a)na/palin - fau/lous: mo/nws ga\r a)/n tis ou(/tws e(auto\n gnoi/h kai\ e(/teron, tuxw\n - paidei/as kai\ sune/sews perittote/ras. to\ de\ - mhde\n a)/gan metria/zein e)n pa=si kai\ mhde\ peri\ e(no\s tw=n a)nqrwpi/nwn - telei/ws diori/zesqai, w(s *)epida/mnioi. ou(=toi ga\r para\ to\n *)adri/an - oi)kou=ntes kai\ pro\s a)llh/lous diafero/menoi, mu/drous diapu/rous - kataponti/santes e)n me/sw| tw=| pela/gei diwmo/santo mh\ spei/sesqai th\n pro\s - a)llh/lous e)/xqran pro/teron e(/ws a)\n ou(=toi qermoi\ a)nenexqw=sin. ou(/tw - de\ sklhrw=s o)mo/santes kai\ to\ mhde\n a)/gan ou)k - e)pinoh/santes u(/steron u(po\ tw=n pragma/twn a)nagkazo/menoi dielu/santo th\n - e)/xqran, e)a/santes tou\s mu/drous yuxrou\s e)n tw=| buqw=|. to\ de\ e)ggu/a, pa/ra d' a)/ta, tine\s u(pe/labon ga/mon - a)pagoreu/ein: th\n ga\r tou= ga/mou su/nqesin para\ toi=s plei/stois tw=n - *(ellh/nwn e)ggu/hn o)noma/zesqai, kai\ bebaiwth\s o( koino\s bi/os, e)n w(=| - plei=stai kai\ me/gistai gi/nontai sumforai\ dia\ ta\s gunai=kas. e)/nioi de/ - fasin a)na/cion ei)=nai *xi/lwnos dia\ to\ mh\ du/nasqai a)nairoume/nou tou= - ga/mou diame/nein to\n bi/on, th\n de\ a)/thn a)pofai/nesqai parei=nai e)ggu/ais - tai=s e)pi\ tw=n sumbolai/wn kai\ tai=s u(pe\r tw=n a)/llwn diomologh/sesi peri\ - xrhma/twn. kai\ *eu)ripi/dhs - ou)k e)gguw=mai: zhmi/an fileggu/wn - skopw=n: ta\ *puqoi= d' ou)k e)a=| me gra/mmata. - Eur. fr. 923 - (Nauck 2) - e)/nioi de/ fasi - mh\ *xi/lwnos ei)=nai mhde\ politiko\n to\ mhdeni\ tw=n fi/lwn e)n tai=s - toiau/tais xrei/ais e)parkei=n, a)lla\ ma=llon ta\s katabebaiw/seis - a)pagoreu/ein kai\ to\ katatetame/nws e)ggua=sqai/ te kai\ diori/zesqai tw=n - a)nqrwpi/nwn, w(s poih=sai tou\s *(/ellhnas o(/te kathgwni/santo to\n *ce/rchn. - w)/mosan ga\r e)n *plataiai=s paradw/sein pai/dwn paisi\ th\n pro\s tou\s - *pe/rsas e)/xqran, e(/ws a)\n oi( potamoi\ r(e/wsin ei)s th\n qa/lattan kai\ - ge/nos a)nqrw/pwn h)=| kai\ gh= karpou\s fe/rh|: to\ de\ th=s tu/xhs - eu)meta/ptwton bebai/ws e)gguhsa/menoi meta/ tina xro/non e)presbeu/onto pro\s - *)artace/rchn to\n ui(o\n *ce/rcou peri\ fili/as kai\ summaxi/as. o(/ti o( *xi/lwnos - lo/gos braxu\s w)\n o(/lhn periei/lhfe th\n pro\s to\n a)/riston bi/on - u(poqh/khn, w(s kai\ tw=n e)n *delfoi=s a)naqhma/twn belti/w tau=ta ta\ - a)pofqe/gmata. ai( me\n ga\r xrusai= *kroi/sou pli/nqoi kai\ ta\ a)/lla - kataskeua/smata h)fani/sqh kai\ mega/las a)forma\s pare/sxe toi=s a)sebei=n ei)s - to\ i(ero\n e(lome/nois, ai( de\ gnw=mai to\n a(/panta xro/non sw/zontai e)n - tai=s tw=n pepaideume/nwn yuxai=s teqhsaurisme/nai kai\ ka/lliston e)/xousai - qhsauro/n, pro\s o(\n a)\n ou)/te *fwkei=s ou)/te *gala/tai prosenegkei=n ta\s - xei=ras spouda/seian.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 283-285. - o(/ti - *pittako\s o( *mitulhnai=os ou) mo/non e)n sofi/a| qaumasto\s h)=n, a)lla\ kai\ - poli/ths e)ge/neto toiou=tos oi(=on e(/teron ou)k h)/negken h( nh=sos, dokw= d' - ou)d' a)\n u(/steron e)ne/gkai, me/xri a)\n to\n oi)=non fe/rh| plei/w te kai\ - h(di/w. nomoqe/ths te ga\r a)gaqo\s u(ph=rxe ka)n toi=s kata\ me/ros pro\s tou\s - poli/tas koino\s kai\ fila/nqrwpos, kai\ th\n patri/da triw=n tw=n megi/stwn - sumforw=n a)pe/luse, turanni/dos, sta/sews, pole/mou. o(/ti *pittako\s baqu\s h)=n - kai\ h(/meros kai\ th\n parai/thsin e)/xwn au)to\s e)n au)tw=|. dio\ dh\ pa=sin - e)do/kei te/leios a)nh\r ei)=nai pro\s pa=san a)reth\n o(mologoume/nws: kata\ - me\n ga\r th\n nomoqesi/an e)fai/neto politiko\s kai\ fro/nimos, kata\ de\ th\n - pi/stin di/kaios, kata\ de\ th\n e)n toi=s o(/plois u(peroxh\n a)ndrei=os, kata\ - de\ th\n pro\s to\ ke/rdos megaloyuxi/an a)fila/rguros.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 218. - o(/ti tw=n - *mitulhnai/wn dido/ntwn tw=| *pittakw=| th=s xw/ras u(pe\r h(=s e)monoma/xhse - th\n h(mi/seian ou)k e)de/cato, sune/tace de\ e(ka/stw| klhrw=sai to\ i)/son, - e)pifqegca/menos w(s to\ i)/son e)sti\ tou= plei/onos plei=on. metrw=n ga\r - e)pieikei/a| to\ plei=on, ou) ke/rdei, sofw=s e)gi/nwsken: th=| me\n ga\r - i)so/thti do/can kai\ a)sfa/leian a)kolouqh/sein, th=| de\ pleoneci/a| - blasfhmi/an kai\ fo/bon, di' w(=n taxe/ws a)\n au)tou= th\n dwrea\n a)fei/lanto. - o(/ti - su/mfwna tou/tois e)/prace kai\ pro\s *kroi=son dido/nta tw=n e)k tou= - gazofulaki/ou xrhma/twn labei=n o(po/sa bou/loito. kai\ ga\r to/te th\n dwrea\n - ou) prosdeca/meno/n fasin ei)pei=n, kai\ nu=n e)/xein w(=n h)/qele dipla/sia. - qauma/santos de\ tou= *kroi/sou th\n a)filarguri/an kai\ peri\ th=s a)pokri/sews - e)perwth/santos, ei)pei=n w(s teleuth/santos a)/paidos ta)delfou= - keklhronomhkw\s ou)si/an ei)/h th\n i)/shn h(=|per ei)=xen, h(\n ou)x h(de/ws - proseilhfe/nai. o(/ti kai\ to\n poihth\n *)alkai=on, e)xqro/taton au)tou= gegenhme/non kai\ - dia\ tw=n poihma/twn pikro/tata leloidorhko/ta, labw\n u(poxei/rion a)fh=ken, - e)pifqegca/menos w(s suggnw/mh timwri/as ai(retwte/ra.Const. - Exc. 4, p. 285. - o(/ti - fasi\n oi( *prihnei=s w(s *messhni/as to\ ge/nos e)pish/mous parqe/nous - lutrwsa/menos o( *bi/as para\ lh|stw=n h)=gen w(s i)di/as qugate/ras e)nti/mws. - meta\ de/ tinas xro/nous paragenome/nwn tw=n suggenw=n kata\ zh/thsin, - a)pe/dwken au)ta\s ou)/te trofei=a praca/menos ou)/te lu/tra, tou)nanti/on de\ - tw=n i)di/wn polla\ dwrhsa/menos. ei)=xon ou)=n pro\s au)to\n ai( ko/rai - patrikh\n eu)/noian dia/ te th\n suntrofi/an kai\ to\ me/geqos th=s - eu)ergesi/as, w(/ste kai\ xwrisqei=sai meta\ tw=n i)di/wn ei)s th\n patri/da - th=s u(perori/ou xa/ritos ou)k e)pela/qonto. o(/ti saghnei=s *messh/nioi kata\ to\n - bo/lon e(/teron me\n ou)de\n a)nei/lkusan, xalkou=n de\ tri/poda mo/non - e)pigrafh\n e)/xonta tw=| sofwta/tw|. a)naxqe/ntos de\ - tou= kataskeua/smatos doqh=nai tw=| *bi/anti.cf. frag. 3. - o(/ti *bi/as - h)=n deino/tatos kai\ tw=| lo/gw| prwteu/wn tw=n kaq' e(auto/n. katexrh/sato de\ - th=| tou= le/gein duna/mei polloi=s a)na/palin: ou) ga\r ei)s misqarni/an ou)de\ - ei)s proso/dous, a)ll' ei)s th\n tw=n a)dikoume/nwn kateti/qeto boh/qeian. - o(/per spaniw/tat' a)/n tis eu(/roi.Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. - 218-219. - o(/ti - me/ga e)sti\n ou) to\ du/namin o(/tou dh/pote sxei=n, a)lla\ to\ tau/th| - deo/ntws xrh=sqai. e)pei\ ti/ o)/felos *mi/lwni tw=| *krotwnia/th| to\ me/geqos - th=s peri\ to\ sw=ma r(w/mhs; o(/ti *poluda/mas o( *qettalo\s u(po\ th=s pe/tras diarragei\s - pa=sin e)poi/hse fanero\n w(s e)pisfale/s e)stin i)sxu\n me\n mega/lhn e)/xein, - nou=n de\ mikro/n.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 285-286. - - o( *poluda/mas ou(=tos h)=n e)k po/lews *skotou/shs, - gumnai=s xersi\ me\n le/ontas w(s a)/rnas diafqei/rwn, - pteroi=s posi\ d' u(pernikw=n a(/rmata taxudro/ma, - th=| de\ xeiri/ ti sph/laion a)nth/reise sumpi=pton. - o( *sikelo\s *dio/dwros gra/fei th\n i(stori/an. - Tzetz. Hist. 2. 555-559. - o(/ti tw=n - *kirrai/wn poliorkoume/nwn polu\n h)/dh xro/non dia\ to\ to\ xrhsth/rion - e)pixeirei=n sula=n, tine\s me\n tw=n *(ellh/nwn ei)s ta\s patri/das - e)panh=lqon, oi( de\ e)perwth/santes th\n *puqi/an e)/labon xrhsmo\n - ou(/tws, - ou) pri\n th=sde po/lhos e)rei/yete pu/rgon e(lo/ntes, - pri/n ken e)mw=| teme/nei kuanw/pidos *)amfitri/ths - ku=ma potiklu/zh| keladou=n i(erh=|sin e)p' a)ktai=s. - Const. Exc. 4, p. 286. - i)ste/on - o(/ti o( me\n *so/lwn e)ge/neto e)pi\ tw=n xro/nwn tw=n tura/nnwn e)n tai=s - *)aqh/nais pro\ tw=n *persikw=n xro/nwn, o( de\ *dra/kwn pro\ au)tou= e(pta\ - kai\ tessara/konta e)/tesin, w(/s fhsin o( *dio/dwros.Ulpian - on the Timocrates of Demosthenes, 9, p. 805. - o(/ti - *peri/laos o( a)ndriantopoio\s *fala/ridi tw=| tura/nnw| kataskeua/sas bou=s - xalkou=s pro\s timwri/an tw=n o(mofu/lwn au)to\s prw=tos e)peira/qh tou= - mege/qous th=s timwri/as: oi( ga\r kata\ tw=n a)/llwn bouleuo/menoi/ ti fau=lon - w(s e)pi/pan tai=s i)di/ais e)piqumi/ais ei)w/qasin a(li/skesqai.Const. Exc. 4, p. 286. - - o(\s *fa/laris *peri/laon to\n xalkourgo\n e)kei=non - to\n *)attiko\n kate/kausen e)n tau/rw| tw=| xalke/w|. - ou(=tos ga\r to\ mhxa/nhma tou= tau/rou xalkourgh/sas - toi=s mucwth=rsi tou= boo\s e)te/kthnen au)li/skous, - a)ne/ptuce kai\ qu/ran de\ pro\s tw=| pleurw=| tou= tau/rou: - kai\ dw=ron tw=| *fala/ridi tou=ton to\n tau=ron a)/gei. - *fa/laris de\ to\n a)/nqrwpon e)n dw/rois deciou=tai, - to\ de\ mhxa/nhma qeoi=s kaqierou=n keleu/ei. - w(s d' a)naptu/cas to\ pleuro\n o( xalkourgo\s e)kei=nos - do/lon to\n kakomh/xanon e)cei=pen a)panqrw/pws, - ei)/ tina bou/lei, *fa/lari, kola/zein tw=n a)nqrw/pwn, - e)/ndon tou= tau/rou kateirgnu\s pu=r u(postrw/nnu ka/tw: - do/cei d' o( tau=ros stenagmoi=s muka=sqai toi=s e)kei/nou, - su\ d' h(donh\n toi=s stenagmoi=s e(/ceis au)loi=s mukth/rwn. - tou=to maqw\n o( *fa/laris kai\ musaxqei\s e)kei=non, - a)/ge, fhsi/, *peri/lae, su\ prw=tos dei=con tou=to, - kai\ tou\s au)lou=ntas mi/mhsai, tra/nwso/n sou th\n te/xnhn. - w(s de\ pare/du mimhth\s dh=qen tw=n au)lhma/twn, - klei/ei to\n tau=ron *fa/laris kai\ pu=r u(poswreu/ei. - o(/pws de\ to\ xalkou/rghma qanw\n mh\ e)mmia/nh|, - kata\ petrw=n e)krh/mnisen e)ca/cas h(miqnh=ta. - gra/fei peri\ tou= tau/rou de\ *loukiano\s o( *su/ros, - *dio/dwros kai\ *pi/ndaros, su\n tou/tois te muri/oi. - Tzetz. Hist. 1. 646-668. - o(/ti - *so/lwn o( nomoqe/ths parelqw\n ei)s th\n e)kklhsi/an pareka/lei tou\s - *)aqhnai/ous katalu/ein to\n tu/rannon pri\n tele/ws i)sxuro\n gene/sqai. - ou)deno\s de\ au)tw=| prose/xontos a)nalabw\n th\n panopli/an proh=lqen ei)s - th\n a)gora\n geghrakw/s, kai\ tou\s qeou\s e)pimarturo/menos e)/fhse kai\ - lo/gw| kai\ e)/rgw| th=| patri/di kinduneuou/sh| bebohqhke/nai to\ kat' au)to\n - me/ros: tw=n de\ o)/xlwn a)gnoou/ntwn th\n e)pibolh\n *peisistra/tou sune/bh - to\n *so/lwna ta)lhqh= le/gonta parape/mpesqai. le/getai de\ *so/lwn kai\ proeipei=n toi=s *)aqhnai/ois th\n e)some/nhn - turanni/da di' e)legei/wn, - e)k nefe/lhs pe/letai xio/nos me/nos h)de\ xala/zhs, - bronth\ d' e)k lampra=s gi/netai a)steroph=s. - a)ndrw=n d' e)k mega/lwn po/lis o)/llutai, ei)s de\ mona/rxou - dh=mos a)idrei/h| doulosu/nhn e)/pesen. - li/hn d' e)ca/rant' ou) r(a/|dio/n e)sti katasxei=n - u(/steron, a)ll' h)/dh xrh\ peri\ pa/nta noei=n. - Solon fr. 10 (Diehl) - kai\ meta\ tau=ta turannou=ntos e)/fh, - ei) de\ pepo/nqate lugra\ di' u(mete/ran kako/thta, - mh\ qeoi=sin tau/thn moi=ran e)pamfe/rete: - au)toi\ ga\r tou/tous hu)ch/sate r(u/mata do/ntes, - kai\ dia\ tou=to kakh\n e)/sxete doulosu/nhn. - u(mw=n d' ei(=s me\n e(/kastos a)lw/pekos i)/xnesi bai/nei, - su/mpasin d' u(mi=n kou=fos e)/nesti no/os. - ei)s ga\r glw=ssan o(ra=te kai\ ei)s e)/pos ai)o/lon a)ndro/s, - ei)s e)/rgon d' ou)de\n gino/menon ble/pete. - Solon fr. 8 (Diehl) - o(/ti o( - *peisi/stratos pareka/lei to\n *so/lwna ta\s h(suxi/as e)/xein kai\ tw=n th=s - turanni/dos a)gaqw=n sunapolau/ein: ou)deni\ de\ tro/pw| duna/menos au)tou= - metaqei=nai th\n proai/resin, a)ll' o(rw=n ma=llon a)ei\ e)cegeiro/menon kai\ - meta\ a)nata/sews a)peilou=nta timwri/an e)piqh/sein, h)rw/thsen au)to\n ti/ni - pepoiqw\s a)ntipra/ttei tai=s e)pibolai=s au)tou=. to\n de/ fasin ei)pei=n tw=| - gh/ra|.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 286-287.*(hro/dotos kata\ *ce/rchn gegonw\s toi=s xro/nois fhsi\n - *)assuri/ous e)/th pentako/sia pro/teron th=s *)asi/as a)/rcantas u(po\ *mh/dwn - kataluqh=nai. e)/peita basile/a me\n mhde/na gene/sqai to\n a)mfisbhth/sonta - tw=n o(/lwn e)pi\ polla\s genea/s, ta\s de\ po/leis kaq' e(auta\s tattome/nas - dioikei=sqai dhmokratikw=s: to\ de\ teleutai=on pollw=n e)tw=n dielqo/ntwn - ai(reqh=nai basile/a para\ toi=s *mh/dois a)/ndra dikaiosu/nh| dia/foron, - o)/noma *kuaca/rhn. tou=ton de\ prw=ton e)pixeirh=sai prosa/gesqai tou\s - plhsioxw/rous, kai\ toi=s *mh/dois a)rxhgo\n gene/sqai th=s tw=n o(/lwn - h(gemoni/as: e)/peita tou\s e)kgo/nous a)ei\ proskataktwme/nous pollh\n th=s - o(mo/rou xw/ras au)ch=sai th\n basilei/an me/xri *)astua/gous tou= - katapolemhqe/ntos u(po\ *ku/rou kai\ *persw=n: peri\ w(=n nu=n h(mei=s ta\ - kefa/laia proeirhko/tes ta\ kata\ me/ros u(/steron a)kribw=s a)nagra/yomen, - e)peida\n e)pi\ tou\s oi)kei/ous xro/nous e)piba/lwmen. kata\ ga\r to\ deu/teron - e)/tos th=s e(ptakaideka/ths *)olumpia/dos h(|re/qh basileu\s u(po\ *mh/dwn - *kuaca/rhs kaq' *(hro/doton. Diod. - 2.32.2-3.*)astiba/ra tou= basile/ws tw=n *mh/dwn e)n - *)ekbata/nois gh/ra| teleuth/santos th\n a)rxh\n *)aspa/ndan to\n ui(o\n - diade/casqai, to\n u(po\ tw=n *(ellh/nwn *)astua/ghn kalou/menon: tou/tou d' - u(po\ *ku/rou tou= *pe/rsou katapolemhqe/ntos metapesei=n th\n basilei/an ei)s - *pe/rsas, peri\ w(=n h(mei=s ta\ kata\ me/ros e)n toi=s i)di/ois xro/nois - a)kribw=s a)nagra/yomen. Diod. 2.34. 6. - *ku=ros - *persw=n e)basi/leusen w(=| e)/tei *)olumpia\s h)/xqh ne, w(s e)k tw=n *biblioqhkw=n *diodw/rou kai\ tw=n *qallou= kai\ - *ka/storos i(storiw=n, e)/ti de\ *polubi/ou kai\ *fle/gontos e)/stin eu(rei=n, - a)lla\ kai\ e(te/rwn, oi(=s e)me/lhsen *)olumpia/dwn: a(/pasi ga\r sunefw/nhsen - o( xro/nos.Eusebius, Praep. evang. 10.10.488 - c. - o(/ti - *ku=ros, o( *kambu/sou me\n ui(o\s kai\ *manda/nhs th=s qugatro\s *)astua/gous - tou= *mh/dwn basile/ws, a)ndrei/a| kai\ sune/sei kai\ tai=s a)/llais a)retai=s - e)prw/teue tw=n kaq' au(to/n: basilikw=s ga\r au)to\n o( path\r h)=ge paideu/wn, - zh=lon e)mpoiw=n tw=n krati/stwn. kai\ e)/kdhlos h)=n a(drw=n a(yo/menos - pragma/twn dia\ to\ th\n a)reth\n profai/nein u(pe\r th\n h(liki/an. o(/ti *)astua/ghs o( tw=n *mh/dwn basileu\s h(tthqei\s kai\ - fugw\n ai)sxrw=s di' o)rgh=s ei)=xe tou\s stratiw/tas: kai\ tou\s me\n e)f' - h(gemoniw=n tetagme/nous a(/pantas a)palla/cas, e(te/rous a)nt' e)kei/nwn - kate/sthse, tou\s de\ th=s fugh=s ai)ti/ous a(/pantas e)pile/cas a)pe/sface, - nomi/zwn th=| tou/twn timwri/a| tou\s a)/llous a)nagka/sein a)/ndras a)gaqou\s - e)n toi=s kindu/nois gene/sqai: w)mo\s ga\r h)=n kai\ fu/sei a)phnh/s. ou) mh\n - ta\ plh/qh katepla/gh au)tou= th\n baru/thta, a)ll' e(/kastos mish/sas to\ - bi/aion kai\ para/nomon th=s pra/cews metabolh=s w)re/geto. dio\ kai\ kata\ - lo/xous e)gi/nonto sundromai\ kai\ lo/goi taraxw/deis, parakalou/ntwn a)llh/lous - tw=n plei/stwn pro\s th\n kata\ tou/tou timwri/an. o(/ti *ku=ros, w(/s fasin, ou) mo/non h)=n kata\ to\n po/lemon - a)ndrei=os, a)lla\ kai\ pro\s tou\s u(potetagme/nous eu)gnw/mwn kai\ - fila/nqrwpos. dio/per au)to\n oi( *pe/rsai proshgo/reusan pate/ra.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 219. - o(/ti - *kroi=sos nauphgw=n ploi=a makra/, fasi/n,e)/melle strateu/ein e)pi\ ta\s - nh/sous. parepidhmou=nta de\ *bi/anta h)\ *pittako\n kai\ qewrou=nta th\n - nauphgi/an, u(po\ tou= basile/ws e)rwthqh=nai mh/ ti new/teron a)khkow\s ei)/h - para\ toi=s *(/ellhsi gino/menon. tou= de\ ei)po/ntos o(/ti pa/ntes oi( - nhsiw=tai suna/gousin i(/ppous, dianoou/menoi strateu/ein e)pi\ *ludou/s, - le/getai to\n *kroi=son ei)pei=n, ei)/qe ga/r tis pei/seie nhsiw/tas - su\n i(/ppois parata/casqai *ludoi=s. tw=n ga\r *ludw=n i(ppeu/ein - ei)do/twn e)no/mize proterei=n au)tou\s pezh=|. o( de\ *pittako\s h)\ *bi/as u(polabw/n fhsin, ei)=ta *ludou\s me\n h)/peiron - oi)kou=ntas speu/dein a)pofai/nh| labei=n e)pi\ gh=s nhsiw/tas a)/ndras, tou\s - de\ nh=son oi)kou=ntas ou)k oi)/ei qeoi=s eu)/casqai labei=n e)n qala/tth| - *ludou/s, i(/n' u(pe\r tw=n kata\ th\n h)/peiron toi=s *(/ellhsi sumba/ntwn - kakw=n kata\ pe/lagos a)mu/nwntai to\n tou\s suggenei=s katadedoulwme/non; o( - de\ *kroi=sos qauma/sas to\n lo/gon paraxrh=ma meteno/hse kai\ th=s nauphgi/as - a)pe/sth. o(/ti o( *kroi=sos metepe/mpeto e)k th=s - *(ella/dos tou\s e)pi\ sofi/a| prwteu/ontas, e)pideiknu/menos to\ me/geqos th=s - eu)daimoni/as, kai\ tou\s e)cumnou=ntas th\n eu)tuxi/an au)tou= e)ti/ma - mega/lais dwreai=s. metepe/myato de\ kai\ *so/lwna, o(moi/ws de\ kai\ tw=n - a)/llwn tw=n e)pi\ filosofi/a| megi/sthn do/can e)xo/ntwn, th\n i)di/an - eu)daimoni/an dia\ th=s tou/twn tw=n a)ndrw=n marturi/as e)pisfragi/zesqai - boulo/menos. paregenh/qh de\ pro\s au)to\n - *)ana/xarsis o( *sku/qhs kai\ *bi/as kai\ *so/lwn kai\ *pittako/s, ou(\s e)pi\ - ta\s e(stia/seis kai\ to\ sune/drion ei)=xen e)n megi/sth| timh=|, to/n te - plou=ton au)toi=s e)pideiknu/menos kai\ to\ me/geqos th=s e(autou= dunastei/as. - para\ de\ toi=s pepaideume/nois th=s - braxulogi/as to/te zhloume/nhs, o( de *kroi=sos - e)pideica/menos th\n th=s basilei/as eu)daimoni/an toi=s a)ndra/si kai\ to\ - plh=qos tw=n kexeirwme/nwn e)qnw=n, h)rw/thsen *)ana/xarsin, o)/nta presbu/teron - tw=n sofistw=n, ti/na nomi/zei tw=n o)/ntwn a)ndreio/taton. o( de\ ta\ - a)griw/tata tw=n zw/|wn e)/fhse: mo/na ga\r proqu/mws a)poqnh/skein u(pe\r th=s - e)leuqeri/as. o( de\ *kroi=sos nomi/sas - h(marthke/nai au)to/n, e)n de\ tw=| deute/rw| pro\s xa/rin au)tw=| poih/sesqai - th\n a)po/krisin u(polabw\n h)rw/thse, ti/na dikaio/taton kri/nei tw=n o)/ntwn. - o( de\ pa/lin a)pefai/neto ta\ a)griw/tata tw=n qhri/wn: mo/na ga\r kata\ fu/sin - zh=n, ou) kata\ no/mous: ei)=nai ga\r th\n me\n fu/sin qeou= poi/hsin, to\n de\ - no/mon a)nqrw/pou qe/sin, kai\ dikaio/teron ei)=nai xrh=sqai toi=s tou= qeou= - h)\ toi=s tw=n a)nqrw/pwn eu(rh/masin. o( de\ - diasu=rai boulo/menos *)ana/xarsin h)rw/thsen ei) kai\ sofw/tata ta\ qhri/a. o( - de\ sugkataqe/menos e)di/dasken, o(/ti th\n th=s fu/sews a)lh/qeian th=s tou= - no/mou qe/sews protima=n i)diw/taton u(pa/rxein sofi/as. o( de\ tou/tou - katege/lasen w(s e)k th=s *skuqi/as kai\ qhriw/dous diagwgh=s pepoihme/nou ta\s - a)pokri/seis. h)rw/thse de\ to\n *so/lwna ti/na tw=n - o)/ntwn eu)daimone/staton e(w/raken, w(s tou=to/ ge pa/ntws a)podoqhso/menon - e(autw=|. tou= de\ ei)po/ntos w(s ou)de/na dikai/ws a)\n ei)pei=n e)/xoi dia\ - to\ mhdeno\s tw=n o)/ntwn e(wrake/nai to\ te/los tou= bi/ou, ou(= xwri\s - ou)dei\s a)\n proshko/ntws maka/rios nomi/zoito: polla/kis ga\r oi( to\n - e)/mprosqen pa/nta bi/on eu)dai/mones do/cantes ei)=nai pro\s au)th=| th=| tou= - bi/ou katastrofh=| megi/stais perie/peson sumforai=s. o( de\ basileu/s, ou)de\ plousiw/taton a)/ra me kri/neis; - e)/fh. kai\ o( *so/lwn th\n au)th\n a)po/krisin poihsa/menos e)di/dasken w(s ou) - tou\s plei=sta kekthme/nous, a)lla\ tou\s plei/stou a)ci/an th\n fro/nhsin - h(goume/nous nomiste/on plousiwta/tous: h( de\ fro/nhsis ou)deni\ tw=n a)/llwn - a)nti/rropos ou)=sa mo/nous poiei= tou\s au)th\n peri\ pollou= poioume/nous - me/giston kai\ bebaio/taton e)/xein plou=ton. h)rw/thse kai\ to\n *bi/anta, po/teron o)rqw=s e)poih/sato th\n a)po/krisin o( - *so/lwn h)\ dih/marten. o( de\ u(peipw/n, o)rqw=s, e)/fh: ta\ ga\r e)/n soi - bou/letai qewrh/sas a)gaqa\ diagnw=nai, nuni\ de\ ta\ para/ soi mo/non - e(w/raken: ei)=nai de\ di' e)kei=na ma=llon h)\ tau=ta tou\s a)nqrw/pous - eu)dai/monas. o( de\ basileu/s, a)ll' ei) to\n tw=n xrhma/twn, e)/fhse, plou=ton - mh\ protima=|s, to/ ge plh=qos tw=n fi/lwn o(ra=|s tosou=ton u(pa/rxon o(/son - ou)deni\ tw=n a)/llwn. o( de\ kai\ tou=ton a)pefh/nato to\n a)riqmo\n a)/dhlon - ei)=nai dia\ th\n eu)tuxi/an. pro\s de\ - *pittako\n ei)pei=n fasi, poi/an e(w/rakas a)rxh\n krati/sthn; to\n de\ - a)pokriqh=nai, th\n tou= poiki/lou cu/lou, diashmai/nonta tou\s no/mous. - o(/ti *ai)/swpos kata\ tou\s au)tou\s - xro/nous sunh/kmaze toi=s e(pta\ sofoi=s kai\ ei)=pen w(s ou)k oi)/dasin ou(=toi - o(milei=n duna/sth|: kai\ ga\r w(s h(/kista dei=n h)\ w(s h(/dista sumbiou=n - toi=s toiou/tois.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 287-289. - o(/ti - *)/adrasto/s tis *fru\c to\n tou= basile/ws *kroi/sou tou= *ludou= ui(o\n - *)/atun kalou/menon pro\s kunhgi/an a)kousi/ws, e)cakonti/sas kata\ suo/s, - plh/cas a)pe/kteine. kai\ o( me\n kai\ a)kousi/ws a)nh|rhkw\s ou)k e)/fhsen - e(auto\n e)/ti zh=n a)/cion ei)=nai: dio\ kai\ pareka/lei to\n basile/a mh\ - fei/sasqai, th\n taxi/sthn de\ e)pikatasfa/cai tw=| tou= teteleuthko/tos ta/fw|. - o( de\ *kroi=sos th\n me\n a)rxh\n w(s a)\n - e)pi\ fo/nw| te/knou di' o)rgh=s ei)=xe to\n *)/adraston, a)peilw=n zw=nta - katakau/sein: e)pei\ de\ au)to\n e(w/ra proqumou/menon kai\ ei)s th\n tou= - teteleuthko/tos timh\n to\ zh=n e)pidido/nta, to\ thnikau=ta lh/cas th=s o)rgh=s - a)pe/luse th=s timwri/as to\n a)nelo/nta, th\n i)di/an tu/xhn, a)ll' ou) th\n - e)kei/nou proai/resin ai)tiw/menos. o( de\ *)/adrastos ou)de\n h(=tton kat' - i)di/an e)pi\ to\n *)/atuos ta/fon poreuqei\s e(auto\n kate/sfacen.Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 219-220. - o(/ti o( - *fa/laris i)dw\n peristerw=n plh=qos u(f' e(no\s i(e/rakos diwko/menon e)/fh, - o(ra=te, w)= a)/ndres, tosou=to plh=qos u(f' e(no\s diwko/menon dia\ - deili/an; e)pei/ toi ge ei) tolmh/seian e)pistre/yai, r(a|di/ws tou= diw/kontos - a)\n perige/nointo. (au)to\s de\ peplasme/nws e)/legen: th\n - me\n ga\r ni/khn a)reth=| kai\ ou) poluplhqi/a| xeirw=n perigi/nesqai). - kai\ e)k tou/tou tou= lo/gou a)pe/bale th\n dunastei/an, w(s ge/graptai e)n tw=| - peri\ diadoxh=s basile/wn. o(/ti *kroi=sos e)pi\ *ku=ron - to\n *pe/rshn e)kstrateu/wn e)pu/qeto tou= mantei/ou. o( de\ xrhsmo/s, - *kroi=sos *(/alun diaba\s mega/lhn a)rxh\n katalu/sei. - o( de\ to\ a)mfi/bolon tou= xrhsmou= kata\ th\n e(autou= proai/resin - e)kdeca/menos e)dustu/xhsen. o(/ti pa/lin e)phrw/thsen, ei) polu\n xro/non e(/cei th\n - dunastei/an. ei)=pe de\ ta\ e)/ph tau=ta, - a)ll' o(/tan h(mi/onos basileu\s *mh/doisi ge/nhtai, - kai\ to/te, *lude\ podabre/, poluyh/fida par' *(/ermon - feu/gein mhde\ me/nein mhd' ai)dei=sqai kako\s ei)=nai. - o(/ti h(mi/onon to\n *ku=ron e)/fh dia\ - to\ th\n mhte/ra au)tou= *mhdikh\n ei)=nai, to\n de\ pate/ra *pe/rshn. - o(/ti - *ku=ros o( tw=n *persw=n basileu\s paragenhqei\s meta\ pa/shs duna/mews ei)s ta\ - th=s *kappadoki/as stena/, a)pe/steile kh/rukas pro\s to\n *kroi=son th/n te - dunastei/an au)tou= kataskeyome/nous kai\ dhlw/sontas o(/ti *ku=ros au)to\n - a)fi/hsi tw=n pro/teron a(marthma/twn kai\ *ludi/as kaqi/sthsi satra/phn, a)\n - e)pi\ qu/ras geno/menos o(moi/ws toi=s a)/llois o(mologh=| dou=los ei)=nai. - pro\s ou(\s o( *kroi=sos a)pekri/qh, dio/ti proshko/ntws a)\n *ku=ros kai\ - *pe/rsai *kroi/sw| douleu/ein u(pome/noien: e)kei/nous me\n ga\r to\n - e)/mprosqen xro/non diateteleke/nai *mh/dois douleu/ontas, au)to\n de\ - ou)de/pote pepoihke/nai to\ prostatto/menon u(f' e(te/rou.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 289-290. - o(/ti - *kroi=sos o( tw=n *ludw=n basileu\s prospoihsa/menos ei)s *delfou\s pe/mpein, - e)/pempen ei)s *pelopo/nnhson *eu)ru/baton to\n *)efe/sion, dou\s au)tw=| - xrusi/on, o(/pws w(s plei/stous cenologh/sh| tw=n *(ellh/nwn. o( de\ pemfqei\s - pro\s *ku=ron to\n *pe/rshn a)poxwrh/sas ta\ kata\ me/ros e)dh/lwse. dio\ kai\ - para\ toi=s *(/ellhsin e)pish/mou genome/nhs th=s peri\ to\n *eu)ru/baton - ponhri/as, me/xri tou= nu=n, o(/tan tis o)neidi/sai tini\ bou/lhtai moxqhri/an, - *eu)ru/baton a)pokalei=.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 220. - o(/ti oi( - ponhroi\ ka)\n au)ti/ka para\ tw=n a)dikhqe/ntwn th\n timwri/an e)kkli/nwsin, - h(/ ge blasfhmi/a di' ai)w=nos throume/nh kai\ teleuth/santas au)tou\s kata\ to\ - dunato\n mete/rxetai. o(/ti fasi\ to\n *kroi=son pro\ tou= pro\s *ku=ron pole/mou - pe/myai qewrou\s ei)s *delfou\s e)perwth/sontas, pw=s a)\n o( ui(o\s au)tou= - du/naito fwnh\n proe/sqai. th\n de\ *puqi/an ei)pei=n, - *lude\ ge/nos, pollw=n basileu=, me/ga nh/pie *kroi=se, - mh\ bou/lou polu/eukton i)a\n kata\ dw/mat' a)kou/ein - paido\s fqeggome/nou: to\ de/ soi polu\ lw/ion a)mfi\s - e)/mmenai: au)dh/sei ga\r e)n h)/mati prw=ton a)no/lbw|. - - o(/ti dei= th\n - eu)tuxi/an metri/ws fe/rein kai\ mh\ pepoiqe/nai tai=s a)nqrwpi/nais - eu)praci/ais e)n mikra=| r(oph=| mega/las metabola\s lambanou/sais. o(/ti meta\ to\ - gene/sqai ai)xma/lwton *kroi=son kai\ th\n pura\n sbesqh=nai, i)dw\n th\n po/lin - diarpazome/nhn kai\ pro\s toi=s a)/llois polu\n a)/rguro/n te kai\ xruso\n - diaforou/menon, e)phrw/thse to\n *ku=ron, ti/ poiou=sin oi( stratiw=tai. tou= - de\ meta\ ge/lwtos a)pokriqe/ntos, ta\ sa\ xrh/mata diarpa/zousi. ma\ *di/a me\n - ou)=n, ei)=pen, a)lla\ ta\ sa/: *kroi/sou ga\r i)/dion ou)ke/ti ou)qe\n - u(pa/rxei. o( de\ *ku=ros qauma/sas to\n lo/gon eu)qu\s meteno/hse kai\ tou\s - stratiw/tas a)nei/rcas th=s diarpagh=s ei)s to\ basiliko\n a)ne/labe ta\s tw=n - *sardianw=n kth/seis.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 290-291. - o(/ti - *ku=ros eu)sebh= nomi/sas ei)=nai to\n *kroi=son dia\ to\ katarragh=nai o)/mbron - kai\ sbe/sai th\n flo/ga, kai\ dia\ mnh/mhs e)/xwn th\n *so/lwnos a)po/krisin, - meq' e(autou= perih/geto to\n *kroi=son e)nti/mws. mete/dwke de\ au)tw=| kai\ - tou= sunedri/ou, dialamba/nwn u(pa/rxein suneto/n, w(s a)\n polloi=s kai\ - pepaideume/nois kai\ sofoi=s a)ndra/si sumbebiwko/ta.Const. - Exc. 2 (1), p. 220. - o(/ti - *(/arpagos katastaqei\s u(po\ *ku/rou tou= *pe/rsou e)pi\ th=s qala/tths - strathgo/s, kai\ tw=n kata\ th\n *)asi/an *(ellh/nwn pro\s *ku=ron - diapresbeuome/nwn sunqe/sqai fili/an, ei)=pe pro\s au)tou\s o(/ti paraplh/sio/n - ti poiou=si tw=n pro/teron e(autw=| sumba/ntwn. kai\ ga/r pote gh=mai boulo/menon ai)tei=sqai para\ tou= patro\s th\n ko/rhn: - to\n de\ to\ me\n prw=ton ou)k a)/cion kri/nanta tou= ga/mou dunatwte/rw| - kategguh=sai, meta\ de\ tau=q' o(rw=nta au)to\n u(po\ tou= basile/ws timw/menon - dido/nai th\n qugate/ra: au)to\n de\ a)pokriqh=nai, dio/ti gunai=ka me\n - ou)ke/ti a)\n e)/xoi au)th/n, pallaki/da de\ sugxwrh/sai labei=n. dia\ de\ tw=n toiou/twn lo/gwn e)dh/lou toi=s - *(/ellhsin, o(/ti *ku/rou pro/teron a)ciou=ntos gene/sqai *persw=n fi/lous ou)k - e)boulh/qhsan, nu=n de\ e)k metabolh=s e)kei/nwn speudo/ntwn suna/yai fili/an - w(s me\n pro\s summa/xous ou) poih/setai ta\s o(mologi/as, w(s de\ dou/lous ei)s - th\n tw=n *persw=n pi/stin e(autou\s paradido/ntas prosde/cetai. o(/ti *lakedaimo/nioi punqano/menoi tou\s kata\ th\n *)asi/an - *(/ellhnas kinduneu/ein, e)/pemyan pro\s *ku=ron, o(/ti *lakedaimo/nioi - suggenei=s o)/ntes tw=n kata\ th\n *)asi/an *(ellh/nwn a)pagoreu/ousin au)tw=| - katadoulou=sqai ta\s *(ellhni/das po/leis. o( de\ qauma/sas to\n lo/gon e)/fh - gnw/sesqai th\n a)reth\n au)tw=n, o(/tan e(/na tw=n e(autou= dou/lwn pe/myh| - katastreyo/menon th\n *(ella/da. o(/ti *lakedaimo/nioi th\n *)arkadi/an me/llontes - katastre/fein e)/labon xrhsmo/n, - *)arkadi/an m' ai)tei=s; me/ga m' ai)tei=s: ou)/ toi - dw/sw. - polloi\ e)n *)arkadi/a| balanhfa/goi a)/ndres e)/asin, - oi(/ s' a)pokwlu/sousin: e)gw\ de/ toi ou)/ti megai/rw. - dw/sw soi *tege/an possi/kroton o)rxh/sasqai - kai\ kalo\n pedi/on sxoi/nw| diametrh/sasqai. - - o(/ti oi( - *lakedaimo/nioi e)/pemyan ei)s *delfou\s peri\ tw=n o)ste/wn *)ore/stou tou= - *)agame/mnonos, e)n poi/w| tini\ to/pw| kei=ntai. kai\ e)/xrhsen ou(/tws, - e)/sti tis *)arkadi/as *tege/h leurw=| e)ni\ xw/rw|, - e)/nq' a)/nemoi pnei/ousi du/w kraterh=s u(p' a)na/gkhs - kai\ tu/pos a)nti/tupos kai\ ph=m' e)pi\ ph/mati kei=tai. - e)/nq' *)agamemnoni/dhn kate/xei fusi/zoos ai)=a: - to\n su\ komissa/menos *tege/hs e)pita/rroqos e)/ssh|. - h)=n de\ xalkei=on, kai\ dhloi= ta\s fu/sas, tu/pon de\ to\n a)/kmona/ - fhsi kai\ ta\s sfu/ras, ph=ma de\ e)pi\ ph/mati to\n si/dhron e)pi\ sidh/rw|: - ph=ma ga\r ei)/rhtai dia\ to\ e)pi\ kakw=| tw=n a)nqrw/pwn eu(rh=sqai. - krei=tton - ga\r ei)=nai teleuta=n h)\ zw=ntas e(autou\s meta\ tw=n suggenw=n e)fora=n - a)/cia qana/tou pra/ttontas. o(/ti kanhforou/shs pote\ - th=s qugatro\s *peisistra/tou, kai\ dokou/shs tw=| ka/llei diafe/rein, - proselqw/n tis tw=n neani/skwn katapefronhkw\s e)fi/lhse th\n parqe/non. - a)kou/santes de\ oi( th=s ko/rhs a)delfoi\ bare/ws h)/negkan th\n u(/brin, kai\ - to\n neani/skon a)gago/ntes pro\s to\n pate/ra di/khn h)ci/oun dido/nai: o( de\ - *peisi/stratos gela/sas, kai\ ti/ tou\s misou=ntas h(ma=s, e)/fh, poih/swmen, - e)a\n tou\s filou=ntas timwri/ais periba/lwmen; o(/ti o( au)to\s diaporeuo/meno/s pote dia\ - th=s xw/ras kateno/hsen a)/nqrwpon kata\ to\n *(/umhtton e)rgazo/menon e)n - xwri/ois leptoi=s kaq' u(perbolh\n kai\ traxe/si. qauma/sas de\ th\n filergi/an - e)/pemye tou\s e)rwth/sontas, ti/ lamba/noi toiau/thn xw/ran e)rgazo/menos. - w(=n poihsa/ntwn to\ prostaxqe/n, o( - e)rga/ths e)/fhse lamba/nein e)k tou= xwri/ou kaka\s o)du/nas, a)ll' ou)qe\n - au)tw=| me/lein: tou/twn ga\r to\ i me/ros - *peisistra/tw| dido/nai. o( de\ duna/sths a)kou/sas to\n lo/gon kai\ gela/sas - e)poi/hse to\ xwri/on a)tele/s, kai\ e)nteu=qen h( paroimi/a, kai\ sfa/keloi - poiou=sin a)te/leian. Const. Exc. 4, pp. 291-293.

- - - - Fragmenta libri X - -

- o(/ti - *serou/ios *tu/llios *tarkuni/ou e)piqeme/nou paragenhqei\s ei)s to\ - bouleuth/rion, kai\ qeasa/menos th\n kaq' e(autou= paraskeuh/n, tosou=ton mo/non - ei)=pe, ti/s h( to/lma, *tarku/nie; o( de\ u(polabw/n, h( me\n ou)=n sh/, fhsi/, - ti/s, o(\s doule/kdoulos w)\n *(rwmai/wn basileu/ein e)to/lmhsas kai\ th=s tou= - patro\s h(gemoni/as h(mi=n proshkou/shs para\ no/mous a)fei/lou th\n ou)de\ kaq' - e(/na soi tro/pon e)piba/llousan a)rxh/n; tau=ta le/gwn a(/ma prose/drame kai\ - draca/menos th=s tou= *tulli/ou xeiro\s e)/rriyen au)to\n kata\ th=s krhpi=dos. - kai\ dianasta\s kai\ xwleu/wn dia\ to\ ptw=ma e)pexei/rhse fugei=n, a)pekta/nqh - de/.Const. Exc. 4, p. 293. - o(/ti - *serou/ios *tu/llios o( *(rwmai/wn basileu\s e)basi/leusen e)/th tettara/konta - te/ttara, dia\ th=s i)di/as a)reth=s katwrqwkw\s ou)k o)li/ga tw=n koinw=n. - o(/ti e)p' a)/rxontos *)aqh/nhsi *qhrikle/ous kata\ th\n - e(chkosth\n prw/thn *)olumpia/da *puqago/ras o( filo/sofos e)gnwri/zeto, - prokekofw\s h)/dh e)n paidei/a|: ge/gone ga\r i(stori/as a)/cios, ei) kai/ tis - e(/teros tw=n peri\ paidei/an diatriya/ntwn. ge/gone de\ *sa/mios to\ ge/nos: - oi( de/ fasin o(/ti *turrhno/s. tosau/th d' - h)=n e)n toi=s au)tou= lo/gois peiqw\ kai\ xa/ris, w(s kai\ th=s po/lews sxedo\n - o(/lhs e)p' au)to\n e)pistrefou/shs kaq' h(me/ran w(sperei\ pro/s tinos qeou= - parousi/an a(/pantas suntre/xein e)pi\ th\n a)kro/asin. ou) mo/non de\ peri\ th\n e)n tw=| le/gein du/namin - e)fai/neto me/gas, a)lla\ kai\ yuxh=s e)ne/fainen h)=qos katestalme/non kai\ - pro\s mi/mhsin bi/ou sw/fronos toi=s ne/ois qaumasto\n a)rxe/tupon, kai\ tou\s - e)ntugxa/nontas a)pe/trepen a)po\ th=s polutelei/as kai\ trufh=s, a(pa/ntwn dia\ - th\n eu)pori/an a)ne/dhn e)kkexume/nwn ei)s a)/nesin kai\ diafqora\n a)gennh= - tou= sw/matos kai\ th=s yuxh=s. o(/ti *puqago/ras puqo/menos *fereku/dhn to\n - e)pista/thn au)tou= gegenhme/non e)n *dh/lw| nosei=n kai\ tele/ws e)sxa/tws - e)/xein, e)/pleusen e)k th=s *)itali/as ei)s th\n *dh=lon. e)kei= de\ xro/non - i(kano\n to\n a)/ndra ghrotrofh/sas, pa=san ei)shne/gkato spoudh\n w(/ste to\n - presbu/thn e)k th=s no/sou diasw=sai. katisxuqe/ntos de\ tou= *fereku/dou dia\ - gh=ras kai\ dia\ to\ me/geqos th=s no/sou, perie/steilen au)to\n khdemonikw=s, - kai\ tw=n nomizome/nwn a)ciw/sas w(sanei/ tis ui(o\s pate/ra pa/lin e)panh=lqen - ei)s th\n *)itali/an. o(/ti e)peida/n tines tw=n sunh/qwn e)k th=s ou)si/as - e)kpe/soien, dih|rou=nto ta\ xrh/mata au)tw=n w(s pro\s a)delfou/s. ou) mo/non - de\ pro\s tou\s kaq' h(me/ran sumbiou=ntas tw=n gnwri/mwn toiau/thn ei)=xon th\n - dia/qesin, a)lla\ kaqo/lou pro\s pa/ntas tou\s tw=n pragma/twn tou/twn - metasxo/ntas. o(/ti *kleini/as, *taranti=nos to\ ge/nos, - ei(=s de\ tw=n e)k tou= proeirhme/nou susth/matos w)/n, puqo/menos *prw=ron to\n - *kurhnai=on dia/ tina politikh\n peri/stasin a)polwleko/ta th\n ou)si/an kai\ - tele/ws a)porou/menon, e)cedh/mhsen e)k th=s *)itali/as ei)s *kurh/nhn meta\ - xrhma/twn i(kanw=n, kai\ th\n ou)si/an a)pokate/sthse tw=| proeirhme/nw|, - ou)de/pote tou=ton e(wrakw/s, a)kou/wn de\ mo/non o(/ti *puqago/reios h)=n. - kai\ a)/lloi de\ polloi\ to\ paraplh/sion - pepoihko/tes diamnhmoneu/ontai. ou) mo/non de\ e)n th=| tw=n xrhma/twn - e)pido/sei toiou/tous au(tou\s parei/xonto toi=s gnwri/mois, a)lla\ kai\ kata\ - tou\s e)pisfalesta/tous kairou\s sunekindu/neuon. kai\ ga\r *dionusi/ou turannou=ntos *finti/as tis - *puqago/reios e)pibebouleukw\s tw=| tura/nnw|, me/llwn de\ th=s timwri/as - tugxa/nein, h)|th/sato para\ tou= *dionusi/ou xro/non ei)s to\ peri\ tw=n - i)di/wn pro/teron a(\ bou/letai dioikh=sai: dw/sein d' e)/fhsen e)gguhth\n tou= - qana/tou tw=n fi/lwn e(/na. tou= de\ duna/stou - qauma/santos, ei) toiou=to/s e)sti fi/los o(\s e(auto\n ei)s th\n ei(rkth\n - a)nt' e)kei/nou paradw/sei, prosekale/sato/ tina tw=n gnwri/mwn o( *finti/as, - *da/mwna o)/noma, *puqago/reion filo/sofon, o(\s ou)de\ dista/sas e)/gguos - eu)qu\s e)genh/qh tou= qana/tou. tine\s me\n - ou)=n e)ph/|noun th\n u(perbolh\n th=s pro\s tou\s fi/lous eu)noi/as, tine\s de\ - tou= e)ggu/ou prope/teian kai\ mani/an kategi/nwskon. pro\s de\ th\n tetagme/nhn - w(/ran a(/pas o( dh=mos sune/dramen, karadokw=n ei) fula/cei th\n pi/stin o( - katasth/sas. h)/dh de\ th=s w(/ras - sugkleiou/shs pa/ntes me\n a)pegi/nwskon, o( de\ *finti/as a)nelpi/stws e)pi\ - th=s e)sxa/ths tou= xro/nou r(oph=s dromai=os h)=lqe, tou= *da/mwnos - a)pagome/nou pro\s th\n a)na/gkhn. qaumasth=s de\ th=s fili/as fanei/shs - a(/pasin, a)pe/lusen o( *dionu/sios th=s timwri/as to\n e)gkalou/menon, kai\ - pareka/lese tou\s a)/ndras tri/ton e(auto\n ei)s th\n fili/an proslabe/sqai. - o(/ti oi( *puqago/reioi kai\ th=s mnh/mhs megi/sthn - gumnasi/an e)poiou=nto, toiou=to/n tina tro/pon th=s mele/ths u(posthsa/menoi. - ou) pro/teron e)k th=s eu)nh=s h)gei/ronto, pri\n a)\n pro\s e(autou\s - a)nqwmologh/santo ta\ kata\ th\n prote/ran h(me/ran au)toi=s praxqe/nta, th\n - a)rxh\n a)po\ th=s prwi/as, th\n de\ teleuth\n e(/ws e(spe/ras poiou/menoi. ei) - d' a)nastrofh\n e)/xoien kai\ plei/ona sxolh\n a)/goien, kai\ ta\ tri/th| kai\ - teta/rth| kai\ tai=s e)/ti pro/teron h(me/rais praxqe/nta prosanela/mbanon. - tou=to pro\s e)pisth/mhn kai\ fro/nhsin e)peth/deuon pa/ntwn e)mpeiri/an te tou= - du/nasqai polla\ mnhmoneu/ein. o(/ti e)poiou=nto kai\ th=s e)gkratei/as gumnasi/an - to/nde to\n tro/pon. paraskeuasa/menoi pa/nta ta\ kata\ ta\s lamprota/tas - e(stia/seis paratiqe/mena polu\n au)toi=s e)ne/blepon xro/non: ei)=ta dia\ th=s - qe/as ta\s th=s fu/sews e)piqumi/as pro\s th\n a)po/lausin e)kkalesa/menoi ta\s - trape/zas e)ke/leuon ai)/rein tou\s pai=das, kai\ paraxrh=ma a)/geustoi tw=n - parateqe/ntwn e)xwri/zonto.Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 220-223. - o(/ti o( - *puqago/ras metemyu/xwsin e)do/caze kai\ kreofagi/an w(s a)potro/paion h(gei=to, - pa/ntwn tw=n zw/|wn ta\s yuxa\s meta\ qa/naton ei)s e(/tera zw=|a le/gwn - ei)se/rxesqai. kai\ au)to\s de\ e(auto\n e)/fasken e)pi\ tw=n *trwikw=n xro/nwn - memnh=sqai gegenhme/non *eu)/forbon to\n *pa/nqou me\n ui(o/n, a)naireqe/nta de\ - u(po\ *menela/ou. o(/ti fasi\n au)to\n e)n *)/argei pote\ parepidhmh/santa kai\ qeasa/menon tw=n - *trwikw=n sku/lwn a)spi/da proshlwme/nhn dakru/ein. e)rwthqe/nta de\ u(po\ tw=n - *)argei/wn th\n tou= pa/qous ai)ti/an ei)pei=n, o(/ti th\n a)spi/da tau/thn - ei)=xen au)to\s e)n *troi/a| gegonw\s *eu)/forbos. a)pi/stws de\ diakeime/nwn kai\ mani/an au)tou= - kataginwsko/ntwn, shmei=on e)rei=n e)/fhsen a)lhqe\s tou= tau=q' ou(/tws - e)/xein: e)k tou= ga\r e)nto\s me/rous e)pigegra/fqai th\n a)spi/da gra/mmasin - a)rxai/ois *e*u*f*o*r*b*o*u. pa/ntwn de\ dia\ to\ para/docon ei)po/ntwn - kaqelei=n au)th\n, e)nto\s sune/bh th\n e)pigrafh\n eu(reqh=nai. o(/ti *kalli/maxos - ei)=pe peri\ *puqago/rou, dio/ti tw=n e)n gewmetri/a| problhma/twn ta\ me\n - eu(=re, ta\ de\ e)k th=s *ai)gu/ptou prw=tos ei)s tou\s *(/ellhnas h)/negken, - e)n oi(=s le/gei o(/ti - e)ceu=re *fru\c *eu)/forbos, o(/stis a)nqrw/pois - tri/gwna/ te skalhna\ kai\ ku/klwn e(pta\ - mh/kh di/dace nhsteu/ein - tw=n e)mpneo/ntwn: oi( ta/d' ou)d' u(ph/kousan - pa/ntes. - Call. Iambi 124ff. - o(/ti pareka/lei th\n lito/thta zhlou=n: th\n ga\r - polute/leian a(/ma ta/s te ou)si/as tw=n a)nqrw/pwn diafqei/rein kai\ ta\ - sw/mata. tw=n ga\r no/swn tw=n plei/stwn e)c w)mo/thtos ginome/nwn, au)th\n - tau/thn e)k th=s polutelei/as gi/nesqai. pollou\s de\ e)/peiqen a)pu/rois siti/ois xrh=sqai kai\ u(droposi/ais pa/nta - to\n bi/on e(/neken tou= ta)gaqa\ qhra=sqai ta\ kata\ a)lh/qeian. tw=n de\ kaq' - h(ma=s ei)/ tis u(pagoreu/seien h)\ e(no\s h)\ duei=n a)pe/xesqai tw=n h(de/wn - ei)=nai dokou/ntwn e)p' o)li/gas h(me/ras, a)pei/paint' a)\n th\n filosofi/an, - fh/santes eu)/hqes u(pa/rxein ta)fane\s a)gaqo\n zhtei=n a)fe/nta to\ fanero/n. - ka)\n me\n de/h| dhmokopei=n h)\ - polupragmonei=n peri\ tw=n a)llotri/wn, sxola/zousi kai\ u(p' ou)deno\s - e)mpodi/zontai: e)a\n de\ gi/nesqai de/h| peri\ paidei/an kai\ th\n tw=n h)qw=n - e)piskeuh/n, a)kairei=n fasin, w(/ste a)sxolei=sqai me\n eu)sxolou=ntas, sxolh\n - d' a)/gein ou) sxola/zontas. o(/ti fasi\ to\n *taranti=non *)arxu/tan to\n o)/nta - *puqago/reion e)pi\ mega/lois a)dikh/masin oi)ke/tais o)rgisqh=nai, kai\ - katecanasta/nta tou= pa/qous ei)pei=n, w(s ou)k a)\n e)genh/qhsan a)qw=|oi - thlikau=ta a(marth/santes, ei) mh\ e)/tuxen o)rgizo/menos. o(/ti oi( *puqago/reioi megi/sthn e)poiou=nto pro/noian th=s - pro\s tou\s fi/lous bebaio/thtos, th\n tw=n fi/lwn eu)/noian a)ciologw/taton - a)gaqo\n ei)=nai tw=n e)n tw=| bi/w| dieilhfo/tes. o(/ti me/giston a)/n tis - h(gh/saito kai\ ma/lista qauma/sai to\ ai)/tion th=s pro\s tou\s fi/lous - eu)noi/as. ti/nes ga/r pote h)=san e)qismoi\ h)\ ti/s tro/pos e)pithdeuma/twn - h)\ ti/s lo/gou deino/ths, di' h(=s e)neirga/zonto th\n toiau/thn dia/qesin - toi=s a)fiknoume/nois ei)s th\n tou= bi/ou koinwni/an; tau=ta ga\r polloi\ me\n e)piqumh/santes gnw=nai tw=n - e)/cwqen e)peba/lonto polupragmonei=n, ou)de/pote de\ ou)dei\s maqei=n - h)dunh/qh. ai)/tion de\ tou= diathrei=sqai ta\s u(pe\r tou/twn u(poqh/kas to\ - tou\s *puqagorei/ous u(po/stasin e)/xein mhde\n toiou=to poiei=n e)/ggrafon, - a)lla\ dia\ mnh/mhs e)/xein ta\ paraggello/mena. o(/ti o( - *puqago/ras pro\s toi=s a)/llois parh/ggelle toi=s manqa/nousi spani/ws me\n - o)mnu/nai, xrhsame/nous de\ toi=s o(/rkois pa/ntws e)mme/nein kai\ pro\s te/los - a)/gein u(pe\r w(=n a)/n tis o)mo/sh| pragma/twn, ou)x o(moi/an a)po/fasin - poiou/menos *lusa/ndrw| te tw=| *la/kwni kai\ *dhma/dh| tw=| *)aqhnai/w|, w(=n - o( me\n a)pefai/neto tou\s me\n pai=das dei=n e)capata=n toi=s a)straga/lois, - tou\s de\ a)/ndras toi=s o(/rkois, o( de\ diabebaiou/menos o(/ti dei= to\ - lusitele/staton w(/sper e)pi\ tw=n a)/llwn, ou(/tw kai\ e)pi\ tw=n o(/rkwn - ai(rei=sqai: o(ra=n de\ to\n e)piorkh/santa paraxrh=ma tau=t' e)/xonta peri\ - w(=n w)/mose, to\n d' eu)orkh/santa fanerw=s to\ i)/dion a)pollu/nta. tou/twn - ga\r e(ka/teros ou) kaqa/per *puqago/ras u(pesth/sato to\n o(/rkon ei)=nai - pi/stews e)ne/xuron be/baion, a)ll' ai)sxrokerdei/as kai\ a)pa/ths de/lear.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 293-295. - o(/ti *puqago/ras parh/ggelle toi=s - manqa/nousi spani/ws me\n o)mnu/nai, xrhsame/nous de\ toi=s o(/rkois pa/ntws - e)mme/nein. o(/ti o( au)to\s *puqago/ras kai\ peri\ tw=n a)frodisi/wn e)klogizo/menos to\ - sumfe/ron parh/ggelle kata\ me\n to\ qe/ros mh\ plhsia/zein gunaici/, kata\ de\ - to\n xeimw=na prosie/nai tetamieume/nws. kaqo/lou ga\r to\ ge/nos tw=n - a)frodisi/wn u(pela/mbanen ei)=nai blabero/n, th\n de\ sune/xeian au)tw=n - tele/ws a)sqenei/as kai\ o)le/qrou poihtikh\n e)no/mize.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 423. - o(/ti *puqago/ran fasi\n u(po/ tinos - e)rwthqe/nta po/te xrhste/on a)frodisi/ois ei)pei=n, o(/tan e(autou= qe/lh|s - h(/ttwn gene/sqai. o(/ti oi( *puqago/reioi dih/|roun kai\ ta\s h(liki/as tw=n - a)nqrw/pwn ei)s te/ssara me/rh, paido/s, ne/ou, neani/skou, ge/rontos, kai\ - tou/twn e(ka/sthn e)/fasan o(moi/an ei)=nai tai=s kata\ to\n e)niauto\n tw=n - w(rw=n metabolai=s, to\ me\n e)/ar tw=| paidi\ dido/ntes, to\ de\ fqino/pwron - tw=| a)ndri/, to\n de\ xeimw=na tw=| ge/ronti, to\ de\ qe/ros tw=| ne/w|.Const. Exc. 4, p. 295. - o(/ti o( au)to\s *puqago/ras parh/ggelle - pro\s tou\s qeou\s prosie/nai tou\s qu/ontas mh\ polutelei=s, a)lla\ lampra\s - kai\ kaqara\s e)/xontas e)sqh=tas, o(moi/ws de\ mh\ mo/non to\ sw=ma kaqaro\n - parexome/nous pa/shs a)di/kou pra/cews, a)lla\ kai\ th\n yuxh\n - a(gneu/ousan.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 223. - o(/ti o( au)to\s a)pefai/neto toi=s qeoi=s - eu)/xesqai dei=n ta\ a)gaqa\ tou\s froni/mous u(pe\r tw=n a)fro/nwn: tou\s ga\r - a)sune/tous a)gnoei=n, ti/ pote/ e)stin e)n tw=| bi/w| kata\ a)lh/qeian - a)gaqo/n. o(/ti - o( au)to\s e)/faske dei=n e)n tai=s eu)xai=s a(plw=s eu)/xesqai ta)gaqa/, kai\ - mh\ kata\ me/ros o)noma/zein, oi(=on e)cousi/an, ka/llos, plou=ton, ta)/lla ta\ - tou/tois o(/moia: polla/kis ga\r tou/twn e(/kaston tou\s kat' e)piqumi/an - au)tw=n tuxo/ntas toi=s o(/lois a)natre/pein. kai\ tou=to gnoi/h a)/n tis - e)pisth/sas toi=s e)n tai=s *eu)ripi/dou *foini/ssais sti/xois, e)n oi(=s oi( - peri\ to\n *polunei/khn eu)/xontai toi=s qeoi=s, w(=n h( a)rxh\ - ble/yas e)s *)/argos, - e(/ws - ei)s ste/rn' a)delfou= th=sd' a)p' w)le/nhs balei=n. - Eur. Phoen. 1364-1375ou(=toi ga\r dokou=ntes - e(autoi=s eu)/xesqai ta\ ka/llista tai=s a)lhqei/ais katarw=ntai.Const. Exc. 4, p. 295. - o(/ti o( au)to\s polla\ kai\ a)/lla - dialego/menos pro\s bi/ou sw/fronos zh=lon kai\ pro\s a)ndrei/an te kai\ - karteri/an, e)/ti de\ ta\s a)/llas a)reta/s, i)/sa qeoi=s para\ toi=s - *krotwnia/tais e)tima=to.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 223. - o(/ti - *puqago/ras filosofi/an, a)ll' ou) sofi/an e)ka/lei th\n i)di/an ai(/resin. - katamemfo/menos ga\r tou\s pro\ au)tou= keklhme/nous e(pta\ sofou\s e)/legen, - w(s sofo\s me\n ou)dei/s e)stin a)/nqrwpos w)\n kai\ polla/kis dia\ th\n - a)sqe/neian th=s fu/sews ou)k i)sxu/wn pa/nta katorqou=n, o( de\ zhlw=n to\n - tou= sofou= tro/pon te kai\ bi/on proshko/ntws a)\n filo/sofos o)noma/zoito. - a)ll' o(/mws - thlikau/ths prokoph=s genome/nhs peri/ te *puqago/ran au)to\n kai\ tou\s met' - e)kei=non *puqagorei/ous, kai\ tosou/twn a)gaqw=n ai)/tioi geno/menoi tai=s - po/lesin ou(=toi to\n pa/nta ta\ kala\ lumaino/menon xro/non ou) die/fugon: - ou)de\n ga/r, oi)=mai, tw=n par' a)nqrw/pois kalw=n ou(/tw sune/sthken w(/ste - mhdemi/an au)tw=| fqora/n te kai\ dia/lusin gennh=sai to\n polueth= - xro/non.Const. Exc. 4, p. 296. - o(/ti - *krotwnia/ths tis *ku/lwn o)/noma, th=| ou)si/a| kai\ do/ch| prw=tos tw=n - politw=n, e)pequ/mhse *puqago/reios gene/sqai. w)\n de\ xalepo\s kai\ bi/aios - to\n tro/pon, e)/ti de\ stasiasth\s kai\ turanniko/s, a)pedokima/sqh. - parocunqei\s ou)=n tw=| susth/mati tw=n *puqagorei/wn, e(tairei/an mega/lhn - sunesth/sato, kai\ diete/lei pa/nta kai\ le/gwn kai\ pra/ttwn kat' au)tw=n. - o(/ti - *lu=sis o( *puqago/reios ei)s *qh/bas th=s *boiwti/as geno/menos dida/skalos - *)epaminw/ndou, tou=ton me\n te/leion a)/ndra pro\s a)reth\n kate/sthse, kai\ - path\r au)tou= qeto\s e)ge/neto di' eu)/noian. o( de\ *)epaminw/ndas th=s te - karteri/as kai\ lito/thtos kai\ tw=n a)/llwn a)retw=n e)k th=s *puqagorei/ou - filosofi/as e)nau/smata labw/n, ou) mo/non *qhbai/wn, a)lla\ kai\ pa/ntwn tw=n - kat' au)to\n e)prw/teuen. o(/ti de\ tw=n progegono/twn - a)ndrw=n h( tw=n bi/wn a)nagrafh\ duskoli/an me\n pare/xetai toi=s gra/fousin, - w)felei= d' ou) metri/ws to\n koino\n bi/on. meta\ parrhsi/as ga\r dhlou=sa ta\ - kalw=s te kai\ kakw=s; praxqe/nta tou\s me\n a)gaqou\s kosmei=, tou\s de\ - ponhrou\s tapeinoi=, dia\ tw=n oi)kei/wn e(ka/stois e)gkwmi/wn te kai\ yo/gwn. - e)/sti d' o( me\n e)/painos, w(s a)/n tis ei)/poi, e)/paqlon a)reth=s - a)da/panon, o( de\ yo/gos timwri/a faulo/thtos a)/neu plhgh=s. kalo\n de\ toi=s metageneste/rois u(pokei=sqai, dio/ti bi/on - oi(=on a)/n tis e(/lhtai zw=n, toiau/ths a)ciwqh/setai meta\ to\n qa/naton - mnh/mhs, i(/na mh\ peri\ ta\s tw=n liqi/nwn mnhmei/wn kataskeua\s spouda/zwsin, - a(\ kai\ to/pon e(/na kate/xei kai\ fqora=s o)cei/as tugxa/nei, a)lla\ peri\ - lo/gon kai\ ta\s a)/llas a)reta/s, ai(\ pa/nth| foitw=si dia\ th=s fh/mhs. o( - de\ xro/nos o( pa/nta marai/nwn ta)/lla tau/tas a)qana/tous fula/ttei, kai\ - presbu/teros geno/menos au)to\s tau/tas poiei= newte/ras. dh=lon de\ e)pi\ tou/twn tw=n a)ndrw=n e)ge/neto to\ - proeirhme/non: pa/lai ga\r gegono/tes w(/sper nu=n o)/ntes u(po\ pa/ntwn - mnhmoneu/ontai.Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 223-224. - o(/ti - *ku=ros o( tw=n *persw=n basileu\s e)peidh\ tw=n *babulwni/wn kai\ tw=n *mh/dwn - th\n xw/ran katepole/mhse, tai=s e)lpi/si pa=san periela/mbane th\n - oi)koume/nhn. tw=n ga\r dunatw=n kai\ mega/lwn e)qnw=n katapepolemhme/nwn - e)no/mize mhde/na mh/te basile/a mh/te dh=mon u(posth/sesqai th\n i)di/an - du/namin: tw=n ga\r e)n e)cousi/ais a)nupeuqu/nois o)/ntwn ei)w/qasin e)/nioi - th\n eu)tuxi/an mh\ fe/rein kat' a)/nqrwpon.Const. Exc. 4, - p. 296. - o(/ti o( - *kambu/shs h)=n me\n fu/sei maniko\s kai\ parakekinhkw\s toi=s logismoi=s, polu\ - de\ ma=llon au)to\n w)mo\n kai\ u(perh/fanon e)poi/ei to\ th=s basilei/as - me/geqos. o(/ti - *kambu/shs o( *pe/rshs meta\ th\n a(/lwsin *me/mfews kai\ *phlousi/ou th\n - eu)tuxi/an ou) fe/rwn a)nqrwpi/nws, to\n *)ama/sios tou= pro/teron - bebasileuko/tos ta/fon a)ne/skayen. eu(rw\n de\ e)n th=| qh/kh| to\n nekro\n - tetarixeume/non, to/ te sw=ma tou= teteleuthko/tos h)|ki/sato kai\ pa=san - u(/brin ei)s to\n ou)k ai)sqano/menon ei)senegka/menos teleutai=on prose/tace - katakau=sai to\n nekro/n. ou)k ei)wqo/twn ga\r puri\ paradido/nai tw=n - e)gxwri/wn ta\ sw/mata tw=n teteleuthko/twn, u(pela/mbane kai\ dia\ tou/tou tou= - tro/pou plhmmelh/sein to\n pa/lai proteteleuthko/ta. o(/ti *kambu/shs me/llwn - strateu/ein e)p' *ai)qiopi/an e)/pemye me/ros th=s duna/mews e)p' *)ammwni/ous, - prosta/cas toi=s h(gemo/si to\ mantei=on sulh/santas e)mprh=sai, tou/s te - perioikou=ntas to\ i(ero\n a(/pantas e)candrapodi/sasqai.Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 224-225. - o(/ti - *kambu/sou tou= *persw=n basile/ws kurieu/santos pa/shs *ai)gu/ptou, pro\s - tou=ton oi( *li/bues kai\ *kurhnai=oi, sunestrateuko/tes toi=s *ai)gupti/ois, - a)pe/steilan dw=ra, kai\ to\ prostatto/menon poih/sein e)phggei/lanto.Const. Exc. 1, p. 397. - o(/ti o( - *polukra/ths o( tw=n *sami/wn tu/rannos ei)s tou\s e)pikairota/tous to/pous - a)poste/llwn trih/reis e)lh/|steuen a(/pantas tou\s ple/ontas, a)pedi/dou de\ - mo/nois toi=s summa/xois ta\ lhfqe/nta. pro\s de\ tou\s memfome/nous tw=n - sunh/qwn e)/legen, w(s pa/ntes oi( fi/loi plei/ona xa/rin e(/cousin - a)polabo/ntes a(/per a)pe/balon h)/per a)rxh\n mhde\n a)pobalo/ntes. o(/ti tai=s a)di/kois - pra/cesin w(s e)pi/pan a)kolouqei= tis ne/mesis oi)kei/ous timwri/as toi=s - a(marta/nousin e)pife/rousa. o(/ti pa=sa xa/ris a)metame/lhtos ou)=sa kalo\n e)/xei karpo\n - to\n para\ to\n tw=n eu)ergetoume/nwn e)/painon: kai\ ga\r a)\n mh\ pa/ntes, - ei(=s ge/ tis tw=n eu)= peponqo/twn e)ni/ote th\n u(pe\r a(pa/ntwn a)pe/dwke - xa/rin.Const. Exc. 4, p. 296. - o(/ti *ludoi/ tines feu/gontes th\n - *)oroi/tou tou= satra/pou dunastei/an kate/pleusan ei)s *sa/mon meta\ pollw=n - xrhma/twn kai\ tou= *polukra/tous i(ke/tai e)gi/nonto. o( de\ to\ me\n prw=ton - au)tou\s filofro/nws u(pede/cato, met' o)li/gon de\ pa/ntas a)posfa/cas tw=n - xrhma/twn e)gkrath\s e)ge/neto. o(/ti *qettalo\s o( - *peisistra/tou ui(o\s sofo\s u(pa/rxwn a)pei/pato th\n turanni/da, kai\ th\n - i)so/thta zhlw/sas mega/lhs a)podoxh=s h)ciou=to para\ toi=s poli/tais: oi( de\ - a)/lloi, *(/ipparxos kai\ *(ippi/as, bi/aioi kai\ xalepoi\ kaqestw=tes - e)tura/nnoun th=s po/lews. polla\ de\ paranomou=ntes ei)s tou\s *)aqhnai/ous, - kai/ tinos meiraki/ou diafo/rou th\n o)/yin *(/ipparxos e)rasqei/s, dia\ tou=to - e)kindu/neusen h( me\n ou)=n e)pi\ tou\s - tura/nnous e)pi/qesis kai\ h( pro\s th\n th=s patri/dos e)leuqeri/an spoudh\ - koinh\ tw=n proeirhme/nwn u(ph=rcen a)ndrw=n: h( de\ e)n tai=s basa/nois - para/stasis th=s yuxh=s kai\ to\ karteriko\n th=s tw=n deinw=n u(pomonh=s peri\ - mo/non e)genh/qh to\n *)aristogei/tona,o(\s e)n toi=s foberwta/tois kairoi=s - du/o me/gista dieth/rhse, th/n te pro\s tou\s fi/lous pi/stin kai\ th\n pro\s - tou\s e)xqrou\s timwri/an.Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 225. - o(/ti o( *)aristogei/twn pa=sin e)poi/hse - fanero\n w(s h( th=s yuxh=s eu)ge/neia katisxu/ei ta\s megi/stas tou= sw/matos - a)lghdo/nas. o(/ti *zh/nwnos tou= filoso/fou dia\ th\n - e)piboulh\n th\n kata\ tou= *nea/rxou tou= tura/nnou kata\ ta\s e)n tai=s - basa/nois a)na/gkas e)rwtwme/nou u(po\ *nea/rxou ti/nes h)=san oi( suneido/tes, - w)/felon ga/r, e)/fh, w(/sper th=s glw/tths ei)mi\ ku/rios, ou(/tw kai\ tou= - sw/matos.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 296-297. - o(/ti turannoume/nhs th=s patri/dos u(po\ - *nea/rxou sklhrw=s, e)piboulh\n kata\ tou= tura/nnou sunesth/sato. katafanh\s - de\ geno/menos, kai\ kata\ ta\s e)n tai=s basa/nois a)na/gkas dierwtw/menos - u(po\ tou= *nea/rxou ti/nes h)=san oi( suneido/tes, w)/felon ga/r, e)/fhsen, - w(/sper th=s glw/tths ei)mi\ ku/rios, ou(/tws u(ph=rxon kai\ tou= sw/matos. - tou= de\ tura/nnou polu\ ma=llon tai=s - basa/nois prosepitei/nantos, o( *zh/nwn me/xri me/n tinos diekarte/rei: meta\ - de\ tau=ta speu/dwn a)poluqh=nai/ pote th=s a)na/gkhs kai\ a(/ma timwrh/sasqai - to\n *ne/arxon, e)penoh/sato/ ti toiou=ton. kata\ th\n e)pitonwta/thn e)pi/tasin th=s basa/nou prospoihqei\s e)ndido/nai - th\n yuxh\n tai=s a)lghdo/sin a)ne/kragen, a)/nete, e)rw= ga\r pa=san - a)lh/qeian. w(s d' a)nh=kan, h)ci/wsen au)to\n a)kou=sai kat' i)di/an - proselqo/nta: polla\ ga\r ei)=nai tw=n le/gesqai mello/ntwn a(\ sunoi/sei - threi=n e)n a)porrh/tw|. tou= de\ tura/nnou - proselqo/ntos a)sme/nws kai\ th\n a)koh\n tw=| sto/mati parabalo/ntos, o( - *zh/nwn tou= duna/stou perixanw\n to\ ou)=s e)ne/prise toi=s o)dou=si. tw=n de\ - u(phretw=n taxu\ prosdramo/ntwn, kai\ pa=san tw=| basanizome/nw| prosfero/ntwn - timwri/an ei)s to\ xala/sai to\ dh=gma, polu\ ma=llon prosenefu/eto. te/los d' ou) duna/menoi ta)ndro\s nikh=sai th\n - eu)yuxi/an, pareke/nthsan au)to\n i(/na dii/h| tou\s o)do/ntas. kai\ toiou/tw| - texnh/mati tw=n a)lghdo/nwn a)pelu/qh kai\ para\ tou= tura/nnou th\n - e)ndexome/nhn e)/labe timwri/an.Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. - 225-226.pollai=s u(/steron geneai=s *dwrieu\s o( - *lakedaimo/nios katanth/sas ei)s th\n *sikeli/an kai\ th\n xw/ran a)polabw\n - e)/ktise po/lin *(hra/kleian. taxu\ d' au)th=s au)come/nhs, oi( *karxhdo/nioi - fqonh/santes a(/ma kai\ fobhqe/ntes mh/pote ple/on i)sxu/sasa th=s *karxhdo/nos - a)fe/lhtai tw=n *foini/kwn th\n h(gemoni/an, strateu/santes e)p' au)th\n - mega/lais duna/mesi kai\ kata\ kra/tos e(lo/ntes kate/skayan. a)lla\ peri\ me\n - tou/twn ta\ kata\ me/ros e)n toi=s oi)kei/ois xro/nois - a)nagra/yomen. Diod. 4.23.3. - o(/ti - toi=s e)pi/ tinwn pragma/twn diorizome/nois w(s ou)k a)/n pote praxqhsome/nwn - e)/oiken e)pakolouqei=n w(sanei/ tis ne/mesis e)le/gxousa th\n a)nqrwpi/nhn - a)sqe/neian. o(/ti *megabu/zou tou= kai\ *zwpu/rou, fi/lou o)/ntos *darei/ou tou= - basile/ws, mastigw/santos d' e(auto\n kai\ ta\ peri\ to\ pro/swpon a)krwth/ria - a)poko/yantos dia\ to\ au)to/molon gene/sqai kai\ *babulw=na prodou=nai - *pe/rsais, fasi\ bare/ws fe/rein to\n *darei=on kai\ ei)pei=n bou/lesqai to\n - *mega/buzon, ei) dunato\n h)=n, a)/rtion geno/menon h)\ de/ka *babulw=nas - labei=n u(po\ th\n e)cousi/an, kai/per a)pra/ktou th=s e)piqumi/as ou)/shs. - o(/ti oi( - *babulw/nioi strathgo\n ei(/lanto *mega/buzon, a)gnoou=ntes o(/ti th\n - eu)ergesi/an th=s mellou/shs a)kolouqei=n a)pwlei/as oi(onei\ de/lear au)toi=s - proqh/sei. o(/ti - to\ a)pote/lesma tw=n e)piteugma/twn i(kano/n e)sti martu/rion tw=n - prorrhqe/ntwn. o(/ti to\ *darei=os th=s *)asi/as sxedo\n o(/lhs kurieu/sas th\n *eu)rw/phn - e)pequ/mei katastre/yasqai. ta\s ga\r tou= plei/onos e)piqumi/as a)plh/stous - e)/xwn kai\ tw=| mege/qei th=s *persikh=s duna/mews pepoiqw/s, periela/mbane - th\n oi)koume/nhn, ai)sxro\n ei)=nai nomi/zwn tou\s pro\ au)tou= bebasileuko/tas - katadeeste/ras a)forma\s kthsame/nous ta\ me/gista tw=n e)qnw=n - katapepolemhke/nai, au)to\n de\ thlikau/tas e)/xonta duna/meis h(li/kas ou)dei\s - tw=n pro\ au)tou= e)/sxe mhdemi/an a)cio/logon pra=cin kateirga/sqai. o(/ti oi( *turrhnoi\ - dia\ to\n tw=n *persw=n fo/bon e)klipo/ntes th\n *lh=mnon e)/faskon w(s dia/ - tinas xrhsmou\s tou=to poiei=n, kai\ tau/thn tw=| *miltia/dh| pare/dwkan. tau=ta - de\ pra/cantos *(/ermwnos tou= proesthko/tos tw=n *turrhnw=n, sune/bh ta\s - toiau/tas xa/ritas a)p' e)kei/nwn tw=n xro/nwn *(ermwnei/ous - prosagoreuqh=nai.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 297-298. - o(/ti - *leuki/ou *tarkuini/ou tou= *(rwmai/wn basile/ws o( ui(o\s *se/ctos e)cedh/mhsen - ei)s po/lin *kollati/an kaloume/nhn, kai\ kate/luse pro\s *leu/kion *tarkui/nion - a)neyio\n tou= basile/ws, e)/xonta gunai=ka *loukrhti/an, h(/tis h)=n eu)preph\s - me\n th\n o)/yin, sw/frwn de\ to\n tro/pon. e)pi\ stratope/dou ga\r o)/ntos - ta)ndro/s, o( ce/nos nukto\s e)gerqei\s e)k tou= koitw=nos w(/rmhsen e)pi\ th\n - gunai=ka koimwme/nhn e)n tw=| qala/mw|. e)pista\s de\ tai=s qu/rais a)/fnw kai\ spasa/menos to\ ci/fos, - paraskeua/sasqai me\n e)/fhsen oi)ke/thn e)pith/deion ei)s a)nai/resin, - sugkatasfa/cein de\ ka)kei/nhn, w(s e)pi\ moixei/a| kateilhmme/nhn kai\ - teteuxui=an th=s proshkou/shs timwri/as u(po\ tou= suggenesta/tou tw=| - sunoikou=nti. dio/per ai(retw/teron u(pa/rxein u(pourgh=sai tai=s e)piqumi/ais - au)tou= siwpw=san: lh/yesqai de\ e)/paqlon th=s xa/ritos dwrea/s te mega/las - kai\ th\n met' au)tou= sumbi/wsin kai\ genh/sesqai basi/lissan, i)diwtikh=s - e(sti/as e)chllagme/nhn h(gemoni/an. h( de\ - *loukrhti/a dia\ to\ para/docon e)kplagh\s genome/nh, kai\ fobhqei=sa mh/pote - tai=s a)lhqei/ais do/ch| dia\ th\n moixei/an a)nh|rh=sqai,to/te me\n h(suxi/an - e)/sxen: h(me/ras de\ genome/nhs o( *se/ctos e)xwri/sqh: h( de\ e)ka/lese tou\s - oi)kei/ous, kai\ h)ci/ou mh\ periidei=n a)timw/rhton to\n a)sebh/santa ei)s - ceni/an a(/ma kai\ sugge/neian. e(auth=| de\ fh/sasa mh\ prosh/kein e)fora=n - to\n h(/lion thlikau/ths u(/brews pepeirame/nhn, cifidi/w| pata/casa to\ sth=qos - e(auth=s e)teleu/thsen.Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 226-227. - o(/ti - th=s *loukrhti/as moixeuqei/shs para\ *se/ctou kai\ e(auth\n a)nelou/shs dia\ - to\ a(ma/rthma, ou)k a)/cion h(gou/meqa to\ gennai=on th=s proaire/sews - paralipei=n a)nepish/manton. th\n ga\r e)pidou=san e(kousi/ws to\ zh=n toi=s - metageneste/rois ei)s kalo\n zh=lon proshko/ntws a)\n eu)fhmi/as a)cioi=men - a)qana/tou, o(/pws ai( th\n tou= sw/matos a(gnei/an kata\ pa=n a)nepi/lhpton - pare/xesqai proairou/menai pro\s e)piteteugme/non a)rxe/tupon paraba/lwntai. - ai( me\n ou)=n a)/llai gunai=kes ka)\n - fanerw=s ti tw=n toiou/twn pra/cwsi, katakru/ptousi to\ suntelesqe/n, - eu)labou/menai th\n u(pe\r tw=n a(marthma/twn timwri/an: h( de\ to\ la/qra| - praxqe\n poih/sasa peribo/hton a)pe/sfacen e(auth/n, kai\ th\n tou= bi/ou - teleuth\n kalli/sthn u(pe\r au)th=s a)pologi/an a)pe/lipe. kai\ tw=n a)/llwn e)pi\ tw=n a)kousi/wn th\n suggnw/mhn - proballome/nwn, au(/th th\n meta\ bi/as u(/brin e)timh/sato qana/tou, i(/na mhd' - ei)/ tis e)piqumh=| blasfhmei=n, th\n e)cousi/an e)/xh| kathgorei=n th=s - proaire/sews w(s e(kousi/ou gegenhme/nhs. tw=n - ga\r a)nqrw/pwn fu/sei ta\s loidori/as e)pai/nwn protimw/ntwn, th\n tw=n - filaiti/wn a)pe/koye kathgori/an, ai)sxro\n ei)=nai nomi/zousa tw=n a)/llwn - ei)pei=n tina dio/ti zw=ntos tou= kata\ no/mous sumbiou=ntos a)ndro\s e(te/rou - parano/mws e)peira/qh, kai\ kaq' ou(= oi( no/moi toi=s pra/casi qa/naton - tiqe/asi to\ pro/stimon, toiou=to paqou=sa to\n plei/w xro/non filoyuxei=n, - i(/na to\n pa/ntws o)feilo/menon para\ th=s fu/sews qa/naton braxu\ prolabou=sa - th=s ai)sxu/nhs a)lla/chtai tou\s megi/stous e)pai/nous. toigarou=n ou) mo/non qnhtou= bi/ou do/can a)qa/naton - a)ntikathlla/cato dia\ th=s i)di/as a)reth=s, a)lla\ kai\ tou\s suggenei=s kai\ - pa/ntas tou\s poli/tas proetre/yato labei=n a)parai/thton timwri/an para\ tw=n - ei)s au)th\n paranomhsa/ntwn. o(/ti *leu/kios *tarku/nios - o( basileu\s turannikw=s kai\ biai/ws a)/rxwn tw=n politw=n tou\s eu)po/rous - tw=n *(rwmai/wn a)nh/|rei, yeudei=s e)pife/rwn ai)ti/as e(/neken tou= - nosfi/sasqai ta\s ou)si/as au)tw=n. dio/per *leu/kios *)iou/nios, o)rfano\s w)\n - kai\ pa/ntwn *(rwmai/wn plousiw/tatos, di' a)mfo/tera th\n tou= *tarkuni/ou - pleoneci/an u(pw/pteuen: a)delfidou=s d' w)\n au)tou= kai\ par' e(/kasta tw=| - basilei= sunw/n, prosepoih/qh mwro\s ei)=nai, a(/ma me\n boulo/menos to\n u(pe\r - tou= du/nasqai/ ti fqo/non e)kkli/nein, a(/ma d' a)nuponoh/tws parathrei=n to\ - pratto/menon kai\ toi=s th=s basilei/as e)fedreu/ein kairoi=s. o(/ti oi( *subari=tai meta\ tria/konta muria/dwn - e)kstrateu/santes e)pi\ tou\s *krotwnia/tas kai\ po/lemon a)/dikon - e)panelo/menoi toi=s o(/lois e)/ptaisan, kai\ th\n eu)daimoni/an ou)k - e)negko/ntes e)pideci/ws i(kano\n para/deigma th\n i)di/an a)pw/leian kate/lipon - tou= polu\ ma=llon dei=n prose/xein e)n tai=s i)di/ais eu)tuxi/ais h)/per e)n - tai=s talaipwri/ais. o(/ti peri\ *(hrodo/tou - fhsi\n o( *dio/dwros kai\ tau=ta parece/bhmen ou)x ou(/tws - *(hrodo/tou kathgorh=sai boulhqe/ntes w(s u(podei=cai o(/ti tw=n lo/gwn oi( - qauma/sioi tou\s a)lhqei=s katisxu/ein ei)w/qasin.. o(/ti prosh=ko/n e)sti - tima=sqai th\n a)reth/n, ka)\n h)=| para\ gunaici/n. o(/ti *)aqhnai=oi deciw=s - th=| ni/kh| xrhsa/menoi kai\ nikh/santes *boiwtou/s te kai\ *xalkidei=s, eu)qu\s - a)po\ th=s ma/xhs *xalki/dos e)kuri/eusan. e)k th=s w)felei/as th=s tw=n - *boiwtw=n deka/thn a(/rma xalkou=n ei)s th\n a)kro/polin a)ne/qesan to/de to\ - e)legei=on gra/yantes, - e)/qnea *boiwtw=n kai\ *xalkide/wn dama/santes - pai=des *)aqhnai/wn e)/rgmasin e)n pole/mou - desmw=| e)n a)xluo/enti sidhre/w| e)/sbesan u(/brin: - w(=n i(/ppous deka/thn *palla/di ta/sd' e)/qesan. - - o(/ti to\ katakai/ein ta\ i(era\ para\ *(ellh/nwn - e)/maqon *pe/rsai, th\n au)th\n toi=s proadikh/sasin a)podido/ntes u(/brin. - o(/ti - *ka=res u(po\ *persw=n kataponou/menoi e)phrw/thsan peri\ summaxi/as ei) - prosla/bointo *milhsi/ous summa/xous. o( de\ a)nei=len, - pa/lai pot' h)=san a)/lkimoi *milh/sioi. - - ou) mh\n a)ll' - o( fo/bos e)ggu\s kei/menos e)poi/hsen au)tou\s e)pilaqe/sqai th=s pro\s - a)llh/lous filotimi/as, pro\s de\ to\ plhrou=n ta\s trih/reis kata\ ta/xos - sunhna/gkazen. o(/ti *(ekatai=os o( *milh/sios presbeuth\s a)pestalme/nos u(po\ tw=n - *)iw/nwn, h)rw/thse di' h(\n ai)ti/an a)pistei= au)toi=s o( *)artafe/rnhs. tou= - de\ ei)po/ntos, mh/pote u(pe\r w(=n katapolemhqe/ntes kakw=s e)/paqon - mnhsikakh/swsin, ou)kou=n, e)/fhsen, ei) to\ peponqe/nai kakw=s th\n a)pisti/an - peripoiei=, to\ paqei=n a)/ra eu)= poih/sei ta\s po/leis *pe/rsais eu)noou/sas. - a)podeca/menos de\ to\ r(hqe\n o( *)artafe/rnhs a)pe/dwke tou\s no/mous tai=s - po/lesi kai\ taktou\s fo/rous kata\ du/namin e)pe/tacen. o( ga\r toi=s polloi=s para\ tw=n politw=n fqo/nos to\n - e)/mprosqen xro/non e)gkrupto/menos, e)peidh\ kairo\n e)/laben, a)/qrous - e)cerra/gh. dia\ de\ th\n filotimi/an tou\s dou/lous h)leuqe/rwsan, ma=llon - boulo/menoi toi=s oi)ke/tais metadou=nai th=s e)leuqeri/as h)\ toi=s - e)leuqe/rois th=s politei/as. o(/ti *da=tis o( tw=n - *persw=n strathgo/s, *mh=dos w)\n to\ ge/nos kai\ para\ tw=n progo/nwn - pareilhfw\s o(/ti *mh/dou tou= susthsame/nou th\n *mhdi/an *)aqhnai=oi - kaqesth/kasin a)po/gonoi, a)pe/steile pro\s tou\s *)aqhnai/ous dhlw=n w(s - pa/resti meta\ duna/mews a)paith/swn th\n a)rxh\n th\n progonikh/n: *mh=don ga\r - tw=n e(autou= progo/nwn presbu/taton geno/menon a)faireqh=nai th\n basilei/an - u(po\ tw=n *)aqhnai/wn kai\ parageno/menon ei)s th\n *)asi/an kti/sai th\n - *mhdi/an. a)\n me\n ou)=n au)tw=| th\n a)rxh\n - a)podw=sin, a)feqh/sesqai th=s ai)ti/as tau/ths kai\ th=s e)pi\ *sa/rdeis - stratei/as: a)\n de\ e)nantiwqw=si, polu\ deino/tera pei/sesqai tw=n - *)eretrie/wn. o( de\ *miltia/dhs a)pekri/qh - a)po\ th=s tw=n de/ka strathgw=n gnw/mhs, dio/ti kata\ to\n tw=n presbeutw=n - lo/gon ma=llon prosh/kei th=s *mh/dwn a)rxh=s kurieu/ein *)aqhnai/ous h)\ - *da=tin th=s *)aqhnai/wn po/lews: th\n me\n ga\r tw=n *mh/dwn basilei/an - *)aqhnai=on a)/ndra susth/sasqai, ta\s de\ *)aqh/nas mhde/pote *mh=don to\ - ge/nos a)/ndra katesxhke/nai. o( de\ pro\s ma/xhn a)kou/sas tau=ta - pareskeua/zeto.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 298-301. - o(/ti - *(ippokra/ths o( *gelw=|os tu/rannos tou\s *surakousi/ous nenikhkw\s - katestratope/deusen ei)s to\ tou= *dio\s i(ero/n. kate/labe de\ au)to\n to\n - i(ere/a kai\ tw=n *surakousi/wn tina\s kaqairou=ntas a)naqh/mata xrusa=, kai\ - ma/lista i(ma/tion tou= *dio\s periairoume/nous e)k pollou= kateskeuasme/non - xrusi/ou. kai\ tou/tois me\n e)piplh/cas w(s - i(erosu/lois e)ke/leusen a)pelqei=n ei)s th\n po/lin, au)to\s de\ tw=n - a)naqhma/twn a)pe/sxeto, filodoch=sai qe/lwn kai\ nomi/zwn dei=n to\n - thlikou=ton e)panairou/menon po/lemon mhqe\n e)camarta/nein ei)s to\ qei=on, - a(/ma de\ nomi/zwn diaba/llein tou\s proestw=tas tw=n e)n *surakou/sais - pragma/twn pro\s ta\ plh/qh dia\ to\ dokei=n au)tou\s pleonektikw=s, a)ll' ou) - dhmotikw=s ou)d' i)/sws a)/rxein. o(/ti *qh/rwn o( *)akraganti=nos ge/nei kai\ plou/tw| - kai\ th=| pro\s to\ plh=qos filanqrwpi/a| polu\ proei=xen ou) mo/non tw=n - politw=n, a)lla\ kai\ tw=n *sikeliwtw=n.Const. Exc. 2 (1), - p. 227. - - *ge/lwna *surakou/sion kaq' u(/pnous de\ bow=nta, - keraunoblh\s ga\r e)/docen o)nei/rois gegone/nai, - o( ku/wn qorubou/menon a)me/trws gnou\s e)kei=non, - kaqulaktw=n ou)k e)/lhcen, e(/ws e)gei/rei tou=ton. - tou=ton e)ce/swse/ pote kai\ lu/kos e)k qana/tou. - sxolh=| proskaqhme/nou ga\r e)/ti paidi/ou o)/ntos - lu/kos e)lqw\n a)fh/rpace th\n de/lton th\n e)kei/nou. - tou= de\ dramo/ntos pro\s au)to\n to\n lu/kon kai\ th\n de/lton, - kataseisqei=sa h( sxolh\ baqro/qen katapi/ptei, - kai\ su/mpantas a)pe/kteine pai=das su\n didaska/lw|. - tw=n pai/dwn de\ to\n a)riqmo\n oi( suggrafei=s bow=si, - *ti/maioi, *dionu/sioi, *dio/dwroi kai\ *di/wn, - plei/w telou=nta e(kato/n. to\ d' a)kribe\s ou)k oi)=da. - Tzetzes, Hist. 4. 266-278. - o(/ti - tou= *miltia/dou ui(o\s o( *ki/mwn, teleuth/santos tou= patro\s au)tou= e)n th=| - dhmosi/a| fulakh=| dia\ to\ mh\ i)sxu=sai e)kti=sai to\ o)/flhma, i(/na la/bh| - to\ sw=ma tou= patro\s ei)s tafh/n, e(auto\n ei)s th\n fulakh\n pare/dwke kai\ - diede/cato to\ o)/flhma. o(/ti o( *ki/mwn filo/timos w)\n ei)s th\n tw=n koinw=n - dioi/khsin, e)c u(ste/rou a)gaqo\s strathgo\s e)genh/qh, kai\ dia\ th=s i)di/as - a)reth=s e)ndo/cous pra/ceis kateirga/sato.Const. Exc. 2 - (1), pp. 227-228. - - *ki/mwn ui(o\s kata/ tinas u(ph=rxe *miltia/dou, - kata\ d' e(te/rous h)=n patro\s th\n klh=sin *sthsago/rou. - e)c *)isodi/khs tou/tw| pai=s u(ph=rxen o( *kalli/as. - o( *ki/mwn ou(=tos a)delfh\n i)di/an *)elpini/khn - ei)=xen, w(s *ptolemai=os me\n u(/steron *bereni/khn, - kai\ *zeu\s th\n *(/hran pro\ au)tw=n, kai\ nu=n *persw=n to\ ge/nos. - *kalli/as de\ penth/konta ta/lanta zhmiou=tai, - o(/pws o( *ki/mwn o( path\r mhde\n deino/n ti pa/qh| - e(/neka ga/mwn tw=n ai)sxrw=n, th=s a)delfomici/as. - to\ d' o(/soi tau=ta gra/fousi makro/n e)sti/ moi le/gein: - e)/sti ga\r plh=qos a)/peiron tw=n tau=ta gegrafo/twn, - oi( kwmikoi\ kai\ r(h/tores, *dio/dwros kai\ a)/lloi. - Tzetzes, Hist. 1. 582-593. - o(/ti - *qemistoklh=s o( tou= *neokle/ous, proselqo/ntos tino\s au)tw=| plousi/ou kai\ - zhtou=ntos khdesth\n eu(rei=n plou/sion, parekeleu/sato au)tw=| zhtei=n mh\ - xrh/mata a)ndro\s deo/mena, polu\ de\ ma=llon a)/ndra xrhma/twn e)ndea=. - a)podecame/nou de\ ta)nqrw/pou to\ r(hqe\n sunebou/leusen au)tw=| sunoiki/sai - th\n qugate/ra tw=| *ki/mwni. dio/per e)k tau/ths th=s ai)ti/as o( *ki/mwn - eu)porh/sas xrhma/twn a)pelu/qh th=s fulakh=s, kai\ tou\s kataklei/santas - a)/rxontas eu)qu/nas katadi/kous e)/laben.Const. Exc. 4, p. - 301.h( me\n ou)=n pro\ tau/ths bi/blos, th=s o(/lhs - sunta/cews ou)=sa deka/th, to\ te/los e)/sxe tw=n pra/cewn ei)s to\n - prohgou/menon e)niauto\n th=s *ce/rcou diaba/sews ei)s th\n *eu)rw/phn kai\ ei)s - ta\s genome/nas dhmhgori/as e)n th=| koinh=| suno/dw| tw=n *(ellh/nwn e)n - *kori/nqw| peri\ th=s *ge/lwnos summaxi/as toi=s *(/ellhsin. Diod. Sic. 11.1.1 - o(/ti - tw=n *(ellh/nwn pa/ntwn diapresbeusame/nwn pro\s *ge/lwna peri\ summaxi/as, - o(/te *ce/rchs die/baine ei)s th\n *eu)rw/phn, tou= de\ e)paggeilame/nou - summaxh=sai kai\ sitarkh=sai, ei)/ ge th\n h(gemoni/an ei)/te th\n kata\ gh=n - ei)/te th\n kata\ qa/lattan pare/cousin, h( me\n u(pe\r th=s h(gemoni/as - filodoci/a th\n summaxi/an parekrou/eto, to\ de\ me/geqos th=s bohqei/as kai\ o( - tw=n polemi/wn fo/bos proe/trepe metadou=nai th=s do/chs tw=| *ge/lwni. - h( me\n ga\r tw=n *persw=n u(peroxh\ pro\s - to\ krath=sai th=s e)piqumi/as e)/xei ta\s dwrea/s, h( de\ turannikh\ pleoneci/a - kai\ ta\ mikra\ tw=n lhmma/twn ou) pari/hsin. bebaiota/th ga\r th=s swthri/as fu/lac h( - a)pisti/a. pai=des me\n ou)=n a)dikou/menoi pro\s pate/ras katafeu/gousi, po/leis de\ - pro\s tou\s a)poiki/santas dh/mous. o(/ti tura/nnou pleoneci/a toi=s me\n u(pa/rxousin ou)k - a)rkei=tai, tw=n de\ a)llotri/wn e)piqumei=, plhrou=tai de\ ou)de/pote. - tou\s de\ - kata\ th=s dunastei/as au)tou= pefuko/tas e)/xwn kairo\n ou)k e)a/sei du/namin - labei=n. e)kei/nwn ga\r tw=n a)ndrw=n e)ste a)po/gonoi oi(\ ta\s au(tw=n a)reta\s meta\ - to\n qa/naton a)qana/tous th=| do/ch| kataleloi/pasi. to\ ga\r e)/paqlon th=s - summaxi/as ou)k a)rgu/rion ai)tei=, ou(= polla/kis i)dei=n e)/sti katafronou=nta - kai\ to\n faulo/taton i)diw/thn peplouthko/ta, a)ll' e)/painon kai\ do/can, - peri\ h(=s oi( a)gaqoi\ tw=n a)nqrw/pwn ou)k o)knou=sin a)poqnh/skein: misqo\s - ga/r e)stin h( do/ca mei/zwn a)rguri/ou. paralamba/nousi ga\r oi( *spartia=tai para\ - tw=n pate/rwn ou)x w(/sper oi( loipoi\ plou=ton, a)lla\ proqu/mws teleuta=n - peri\ th=s e)leuqeri/as, w(/ste pa/nta ta\ kata\ to\n bi/on a)gaqa\ deu/tera - ti/qesqai th=s do/chs. mh\ tw=n cenikw=n duna/mewn e)piqumou=ntes ta\s politika\s - a)poba/llwmen kai\ tw=n a)dh/lwn o)rego/menoi tw=n fanerw=n mh\ kurieu/wmen. - ou)/ fhmi - katapeplh=xqai to\ me/geqos th=s tw=n *persw=n stratei/as: a)reth=| ga\r o( - po/lemos, ou) plh/qei brabeu/etai. pareilh/fasi ga\r u(po\ tw=n pate/rwn zh=n me\n - e(autoi=s, teleuta=n d' o(/tan xrei/a tai=s patri/sin e)ph=|. ti/ fobhqw=men to\n xruso\n - w(=| kekosmhme/noi badi/zousin ei)s ta\s ma/xas w(s gunai=kes ei)s tou\s - ga/mous, w(/ste th\n ni/khn mh\ mo/non e)/paqlon e)/xein do/can, a)lla\ kai\ - plou=ton; ou) fobei=tai ga\r h( a)reth\ xruso/n, o(\n o( si/dhros ei)/wqen - a)/gein ai)xma/lwton, a)lla\ th\n strathgi/an tw=n h(goume/nwn. pa=sa ga\r du/namis - u(perai/rousa th\n summetri/an u(f' e(auth=s bla/ptetai ta\ plei=sta. pri\n h)\ - ga\r a)kou=sai th\n fa/lagga, fqa/somen h(mei=s pra/cantes a(\ boulo/meqa.Const. Exc. 4, pp. 301-302.

-
- - - Incerta - -

- to\ teleutai=on pollai=s - geneai=s u(/steron e)k th=s *)itali/as to\ tw=n *sikelw=n e)/qnos pandhmei\ - peraiwqe\n ei)s th\n *sikeli/an th\n u(po\ tw=n *sikanw=n e)kleifqei=san xw/ran - katw/|khsan. a)ei\ de\ th=| pleoneci/a| probaino/ntwn tw=n *sikelw=n, kai\ th\n - o(/moron porqou/ntwn, e)ge/nonto po/lemoi pleona/kis au)toi=s pro\s tou\s - *sikanou/s, e(/ws sunqh/kas poihsa/menoi sumfw/nous o(/rous e)/qento th=s - xw/ras: peri\ w(=n ta\ kata\ me/ros e)n toi=s oi)kei/ois xro/nois - a)nagra/yomen. Diod. 5.6.3-4. - *dio/dwros me/ntoi diafora\n tou/twn oi)=den e)n oi(=s le/gei, *sikanw=n kai\ - *sikelw=n.Eustathius, Commentary on the - Odyssey, Book 20, p. 1896. - *dio/dwros de/ pou tw=n deka/twn bibli/wn - ei)pw\n peri/ te *sikelw=n kai\ *sikanw=n diafora\n oi)=den, w(s kai\ - proerre/qh, *sikelou= kai\ *sikanou=.Eustathius, - Commentary on the Odyssey, Book 24, p. 1962. - *dio/dwros de\ o( *sikelo\s kai\ o( *)oppiano\s th\n *nea/polin u(f' - *(hrakle/ous oi)kisqh=nai/ fasi ktisqh=nai.Tzetzes, on the - Alexandra of Lycophron, v. 717. - kai\ to\ - *palla/dion de\ th=s *)aqhna=s toiou=ton h)=n tri/phxu, cu/linon, e)c ou)ranou= - katapeso/n, w(/s fasin, e)n *pesinou=nti th=s *frugi/as, o(/qen o( *dio/dwros - kai\ *di/wn to\n to/pon klhqh=nai/ fasin.Eudocia, - Violarium, 322. - kai\ - *dio/dwros a)/kran tina\ tw=n *)/alpewn korufh\n tou= su/mpantos o)/rous - dokou=san ou)ranou= r(a/xin i(storei= para\ tw=n e)gxwri/wn kalei=sqai.Eustathius, loc. cit. Book 1, p. 1390.

-
- - - diff --git a/data/tlg0086/tlg009/tlg0086.tlg009.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0086/tlg009/tlg0086.tlg009.perseus-eng1.xml index c8c2e090a..6de4f7758 100644 --- a/data/tlg0086/tlg009/tlg0086.tlg009.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0086/tlg009/tlg0086.tlg009.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -158,13 +158,13 @@ whatever may be proper to the inquiry when the suitable occasion occurs. But we must consider first what the good life consists in and how it is to be - obtained—whether all of those who receive the designation + obtained—whether all of those who receive the designation 'happy' acquire happiness by nature, as is the case with tallness and shortness of stature and differences of complexion, or by study, which would imply that there is a science of happiness, or by some form of training,for there are many human attributes that are not bestowed by nature nor acquired - by study but gained by habituation—bad attributes by those + by study but gained by habituation—bad attributes by those trained in bad habits and good attributes by those trained in good ones. Or does happiness come in none of these ways, but either by a sort of elevation of mind @@ -188,7 +188,7 @@ Pleasure. And certain persons debate about their importance in relation to happiness, declaring that one contributes more to it - than another—some holding that Wisdom is a greater good than + than another—some holding that Wisdom is a greater good than Goodness, others the reverse, and others that Pleasure is a greater good than either of them; and some think that the happy life comes from them all, others from two of them, others that it consists in @@ -197,8 +197,8 @@ purposive choice should set before him some object for noble living to aim atCf. Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1094a 22, 1095a - 22-26.—either honor or else glory or wealth or - culture—on which he will keep his eyes fixed in all his + 22-26.—either honor or else glory or wealth or + culture—on which he will keep his eyes fixed in all his conduct (since clearly it is a mark of much folly not to have one's life regulated with regard to some End), it is therefore most necessary first to decide within oneself, neither hastily nor carelessly, in which of the things @@ -211,11 +211,11 @@ finely is impossible. And in the latter class of things some that are indispensable conditions of health and life are not peculiar to special people but common to - practically all men—both some states and some - actions—for instance, without breathing or being awake or + practically all men—both some states and some + actions—for instance, without breathing or being awake or participating in movement we could not possess any good or any evil at all; whereas others are more peculiar to special types of natural - constitution—for instance, eating meat and taking walking exercise after dinner + constitution—for instance, eating meat and taking walking exercise after dinner are not closely related to health in the same way as the conditions mentioned. And these facts must not be overlooked,In the Mss. this clause comes before the preceding one, 'for instance, eating meat . . . @@ -244,22 +244,22 @@ refutations advanced by those who challenge them are demonstrations of the theories that are opposed to them.Moreover to notice such matters is especially advantageous with a view to the - subjects to which all inquiry ought to be directed—the + subjects to which all inquiry ought to be directed—the question what are the means that make it possible to participate in living well and finely (if 'blissfully' is too invidious an - expression)—and with a view to the hope that we may have of + expression)—and with a view to the hope that we may have of the things that are good in the various departments. For if living finely depends on things that come by fortune or by nature, it would be beyond the hopes of many men, for then its attainment is not to be secured by effort, and does not rest with men themselves and is not a matter of their own conduct; but if it consists in oneself and one's own actions having a particular - quality, the good would be more common and more divine—more + quality, the good would be more common and more divine—more common because it would be possible for more people to share it, and more divine because happiness would then be in store for those who made themselves and their actions of a particular quality. Most of the points debated and the difficulties raised will be clear if it be satisfactorily determined what the - proper conception of happiness is—does it consist merely in + proper conception of happiness is—does it consist merely in a person's possessing some particular quality of spirit,The word YUXH/, usually rendered 'soul,' has no term exactly corresponding to it in English, as it denotes the whole vitality of a living creature, with the unconscious factors of @@ -270,14 +270,14 @@ necessary?There are various different modes of life, and some do not lay any claim to well-being of the kind under consideration, but are pursued merely for the sake of things - necessary—for instance the lives devoted to the vulgar and + necessary—for instance the lives devoted to the vulgar and mechanic arts and those dealing with business (by vulgar arts I mean those pursued only for reputation, by mechanic the sedentary and wage-earning pursuits, and by arts of business those concerned with market purchase and retail selling); but on the other hand, the things related to the happy conduct of life being three, the things already mentionedSee Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1214a 30-b 5. as the - greatest possible goods for men—goodness, wisdom and + greatest possible goods for men—goodness, wisdom and pleasure, we see that there are also three ways of life in which those to whom fortune gives opportunityPerhaps the Greek should be emended to give 'those who happen to be in power.' invariably choose to live, the life of @@ -306,7 +306,7 @@ hedonism of Epicurus.While there are many different things as to which it is not easy to make a right judgement, this is especially the case with one about which everybody thinks that - it is very easy to judge and that anybody can decide—the + it is very easy to judge and that anybody can decide—the question which of the things contained in being alive is preferable, and which when attained would fully satisfy a man's desire. For many of life's events are such that they cause men to throw life @@ -315,7 +315,7 @@ of these things any way it would actually be preferable, if someone offered us the choice, not to be born at all.Cf. Soph. O.C. 1225MH\ FU=NAI TO\N A(/PANTA NIKA=| LO/GON. And in addition, the kind of life that people live - while still children is not desirable—in fact no sensible + while still children is not desirable—in fact no sensible person could endure to go back to it again. And further, many of the experiences that contain no pleasure nor pain, and also of those that do contain pleasure but pleasure of an ignoble kind, are such that @@ -365,7 +365,7 @@ their own sake, whereas the majority embrace that mode of life for the sake of money and gain.What has been said, therefore, demonstrates that all men ascribe happiness to three modes of - life—the political, the philosophic, and the life of + life—the political, the philosophic, and the life of enjoyment.The Greek word is specially associated with sensual pleasures. Among these, the nature and quality of the pleasure connected with the body and @@ -382,7 +382,7 @@ discussion does not occur, but see Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1153b 7-25. Let us first consider Goodness and WisdomSee Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1214a 33n.; but practical - wisdom is specially implied here.—what the + wisdom is specially implied here.—what the nature of each is, and also whether they themselves or the actions that spring from them are parts of the good life, since that they are connected with happiness is asserted, if not by everybody, at all events by all of mankind who are worthy of @@ -447,7 +447,7 @@ constructive or practical thought.i.e. practical men often think that any string of arguments constitutes philosophy, though the arguers may be mere charlatans. - And this befalls them owing to lack of education—for in + And this befalls them owing to lack of education—for in respect of each subject inability to distinguish arguments germane to the subject from those foreign to it is lack of education. And it is also well to judge separately the statement of the cause and the demonstrated fact, both @@ -488,7 +488,7 @@ their nature the best things; and some things, though practicable, are only practicable for beings superior to us. And inasmuch as 'practicable' has two meanings (for both the Ends for which we act and the actions - that we do as means to those Ends have to do with action—for + that we do as means to those Ends have to do with action—for example we class among things practicable both health and wealth and the pursuits that are followed for the sake of health and wealth, healthy exercise and lucrative business), it is clear that happiness @@ -537,7 +537,7 @@ signifies now substance, now quality, now quantity, now time, and in addition to these meanings it consists now in undergoing change and now in causing it; and the good is found in each of these casesi.e. categories. The last two - specified are elsewhere designated KINEI=N and KINEI=SQAI, Action and Passion.—in + specified are elsewhere designated KINEI=N and KINEI=SQAI, Action and Passion.—in essence, as mind and God, in quality justice, in quantity moderation, in time opportunity, and as instances of change, the teacher and the taught. Therefore, just @@ -573,7 +573,7 @@ of the method now adopted. At present it is from things not admitted to possess goodness that they prove the things admitted to be good, for instance, they prove from numbers that justice and health are - good, because they are arrangements and numbers—on the assumption that goodness + good, because they are arrangements and numbers—on the assumption that goodness is a property of numbers and monads because the Absolute Good is unity. But the proper method is to start from things admitted to be good, for instance @@ -581,20 +581,20 @@ even more in the unchanging; for all these admitted goods consist in order and rest, and therefore, if that is so, the things unchanging are good in an even greater degree, for they possess order and rest in - a greater degree.— And it is a hazardous way of proving that the + a greater degree.— And it is a hazardous way of proving that the Absolute Good is unity to say that numbers aim at unity; for it is not clearly stated how they aim at it, but the expression is used in too unqualified a manner; and how can one suppose that things not possessing life can have appetition? One ought to study this matter carefully, and not make an unreasoned assumption about something as to which it is not easy to attain certainty even with the aid of - reason.—And the statement that all existing things desire + reason.—And the statement that all existing things desire some one good is not true; each thing seeks its own particular good, the eye sight, the body health, and similarly another thing another good.Such then are the difficulties indicating - that the Absolute Good does not exist,—and that it is of no + that the Absolute Good does not exist,—and that it is of no use for political science, but that this has a special good of its - own, as have the other sciences also—for instance the good + own, as have the other sciences also—for instance the good of gymnastics is good bodily condition.This sentence reads like a mere note. The reference seems to be to Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1217b 16-1218a 32, especially Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1217a 19-25.Further @@ -615,7 +615,7 @@ good as universal, for the Form is unchangeable and impracticable, and the universal good though changeable is not practicable. But the object aimed at as End is the chief good, and is the cause of the - subordinate goods and first of all; so that the Absolute Good would be this—the + subordinate goods and first of all; so that the Absolute Good would be this—the End of the goods practicable for man. And this is the good that comes under the supreme of all the practical sciences, which is Politics and Economics and Wisdom; for these states of character differ from the @@ -628,10 +628,10 @@ health is so-and-so, what contributes to health must necessarily be so-and-so;the wholesome is the efficient cause of health, though only the cause of - its existing—it is not the cause of health's being a good. + its existing—it is not the cause of health's being a good. Furthermore nobody proves that health is a good (unless he is a sophist and not a - physician—it is sophists that juggle with irrelevant + physician—it is sophists that juggle with irrelevant arguments), any more than he proves any other first principle.After this we must take a fresh starting-pointThis clause @@ -708,7 +708,7 @@ For we think that to do well and live well are the same as to be happy; but each of these, both life and action, is employment and activity, inasmuch as active life involves employing - things—the coppersmith makes a bridle, but the horseman uses + things—the coppersmith makes a bridle, but the horseman uses it. There is also the evidence of the opinion that a person is not happy for one day only,A single happy day does not make one a happy (i.e. fortunate) man. @@ -728,7 +728,7 @@ statement of a man's general distinction, felicitation is bestowed on an end achieved. From these considerations light is also thrown on the question sometimes - raised—what is the precise reason why the virtuous are for + raised—what is the precise reason why the virtuous are for half their lives no better than the base, since all men are alike when asleep?The reason is that sleep is inaction of the spirit, not an activity. Hence the goodness of any @@ -775,22 +775,22 @@ belong to the rational part, which as having reason is in command of the spirit; whereas the moral virtues belong to the part that is irrational but by nature capable of following the - rational—for in stating a man's moral qualities we do not - say that he is wise or clever but that he is gentle or rash.After this we must first consider Moral Goodness—its + rational—for in stating a man's moral qualities we do not + say that he is wise or clever but that he is gentle or rash.After this we must first consider Moral Goodness—its essence and the nature of its divisions (for that is the subject now arrived at), and the means by which it is produced. Our method of inquiry then must be that employed by all people in other matters when - they have something in hand to start with—we must endeavor + they have something in hand to start with—we must endeavor by means of statements that are true but not clearly expressed to arrive at a result that is both true and clear. For our present state is as if we knew that health is the best disposition of the body and that CoriscusCf. Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1240b 25 n. is the darkest man in the market-place;for that is not to know what health is and who Coriscus is, but nevertheless to be in that state is a help towards knowing - each of these things.— Then let it first be taken as granted that the best + each of these things.— Then let it first be taken as granted that the best disposition is produced by the best means, and that the best actions in each department of conduct result from the excellences belonging to - each department—for example, it is the best exercises and + each department—for example, it is the best exercises and food that produce a good condition of body, and a good condition of body enables men to do the best work; further, that every disposition is both produced and destroyed by the same things applied in a certain manner, @@ -818,7 +818,7 @@ a certain way a habit not innate in us is finally trained to be operative in that way (which we do not observe in inanimate objects, for not even if you throw a stone upwards ten thousand times will it - ever rise upward unless under the operation of force)—let + ever rise upward unless under the operation of force)—let moral character then be defined as a quality of the spirit in accordance with governing reason that is capable of following the reason. We have then to @@ -854,7 +854,7 @@ best state. This is proved by induction and reason: contraries are mutually destructive, and extremes are contrary both to each other and to the mean, as the mean is either extreme in relation to the - other—for example the equal is greater than the less and + other—for example the equal is greater than the less and less than the greater. Hence moral goodness must be concerned with certain means and must be a middle state. We must, therefore, ascertain what sort of middle @@ -976,7 +976,7 @@ himself too high is vain, he that rates himself too low, small-spirited. Again, he that exceeds in all expenditure is prodigal, he that falls short in all, mean. Similarly the shabby man and the - swaggerer—the latter exceeds what is fitting and the former + swaggerer—the latter exceeds what is fitting and the former falls below it. The rascal grasps profit by every means and from every source, the simpleton does not make profit even from the proper sources. Envy consists @@ -985,7 +985,7 @@ prosper; the opposite character is less definitely named, but it is the man that goes too far in not being annoyed even at the prosperity of the undeserving, and is easy going, as gluttons are in regard to food, whereas his opposite is - difficult-tempered in respect of jealousy.— It is superfluous to state in + difficult-tempered in respect of jealousy.— It is superfluous to state in the definition that the specified relation to each thing must not be accidental; no science whether theoretical or productive makes this addition to the definition either in discourse or in practice, but @@ -1046,11 +1046,11 @@ sometimes be in pleasures (for even in these there is excess and deficiency), sometimes in pains, sometimes in both. For he that exceeds in feeling delight exceeds in the pleasant, and he that - exceeds in feeling pain exceeds in the opposite—and this + exceeds in feeling pain exceeds in the opposite—and this whether his feelings are excessive absolutely or excessive in relation to some standard, for instance are felt more than ordinary men feel them; whereas the good man feels in the proper - way.— And + way.— And since there is a certain state of character which results in its possessor's being in one instance such as to accept an excess and in another such as to accept a deficiency of the same thing,it follows that as these actions @@ -1067,7 +1067,7 @@ and nearer the middle than deficiency in the case of exercises but deficiency than excess in the case of food. Consequently the states of will favorable to athletic training will be variously favorable to - health according to the two different fields of choice—in + health according to the two different fields of choice—in the one caseIn respect of amount of exercise. the over-energetic men <will be nearer the mean than the slack ones>, in the otherIn respect of amount of @@ -1112,7 +1112,7 @@ to which each is able to generate many things of the same sort as itself, for example a man engenders men, and in general an animal animals, and a plant plants. And in addition to this, obviously man alone among - animals initiates certain conduct—for we should not ascribe conduct to any of + animals initiates certain conduct—for we should not ascribe conduct to any of the others. And the first principles of that sort, which are the first source of motions, are called first principles in the strict sense, and most rightly those @@ -1136,7 +1136,7 @@ angles of a quadrilateral are necessarily equal to four right angles, that the angles of a triangle are equal to two right angles is clearly the cause of that fact; and supposing a triangle were to change, a - quadrilateral would necessarily change too—for example if + quadrilateral would necessarily change too—for example if the angles of a triangle became equal to three right angles, the angles of a quadrilateral would become equal to six right angles, or if four, eight; also if a triangle does not change but is as @@ -1178,10 +1178,10 @@ and involuntary mean, and what is purposive choice, since they enter into the definition of goodness and badness. And first we must consider the meaning of voluntary and involuntary. Now they would seem to refer - to one of three things—conformity with appetition, or with + to one of three things—conformity with appetition, or with purposive choice, or with thought: voluntary is what conforms with one of these and involuntary is what contravenes one of them. But moreover there are three - subdivisions of appetition—wish, passion and desire; so that + subdivisions of appetition—wish, passion and desire; so that we have to distinguish these. And first we must consider conformity with desire.It would seem that everything that conforms with desire is voluntary. For everything involuntary seems to be @@ -1189,7 +1189,7 @@ under necessity is painful, as indeed Evenus says: For all necessity doth cause - distress— + distress— Evenus of Paros = Theog. 472 Quoted also Aristot. Met. 1015a 28 and Aristot. Rhet.1370a 10, and = Theognidea 472 (but that has @@ -1211,7 +1211,7 @@ Indeed it would be strange if those who become uncontrolled will be more righteous.This sentence would come in better above, after 'acting in conformity with - desire.' From these considerations, then, it would appear that + desire.' From these considerations, then, it would appear that what is in conformity with desire is voluntary; and from this the oppositeViz. that what is against desire is involuntary. follows, for all that a @@ -1267,17 +1267,17 @@ 'It was proved not that acting in accordance with one's wishes is the same thing as acting voluntarily, but rather that all one wishes is also voluntary although it is possible to act - voluntarily without wishing—this is all that has been - proved; but many things that we wish—' that + voluntarily without wishing—this is all that has been + proved; but many things that we wish—' that acting in accordance with one's wish is not acting involuntarily, but rather everything that one wishes is also - voluntary—it has only been proved that it is possible to do + voluntary—it has only been proved that it is possible to do a thing voluntarily without wishing; but many things that we wish we do suddenly, whereas nobody makes a purposive choice suddenly.But if as we saidCf. Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1223a 23ff. the voluntary must necessarily be one of - three things—what is in conformity with appetition, or with - purposive choice, or with thought—, and if it is not the two + three things—what is in conformity with appetition, or with + purposive choice, or with thought—, and if it is not the two former, it remains that voluntariness consists in acting with some kind of thought. Moreover, let us put a conclusion to our delimitation of the voluntary @@ -1293,7 +1293,7 @@ say that a stone travels upwards and fire downwards by force and under necessity, whereas when they travel according to their natural and intrinsic impulse we say that they do not move under - force—although nevertheless they are not spoken of as moving + force—although nevertheless they are not spoken of as moving voluntarily:the state opposite to forced motion has no name, but when they travel contrary to their natural impulse we say that they move by force. Similarly also in the case of @@ -1306,7 +1306,7 @@ the case of the other animals the factor of force is simple, as it is in the case of inanimate objects, for animals do not possess rational principle and appetition in opposition to it, but live by their - appetition, in man both forms of force are present—that is, + appetition, in man both forms of force are present—that is, at a certain age, the age to which we attribute actionOr 'conduct.' in the proper sense; for we do not speak of a child as acting, any more than a wild animal, but only a person who has attained to acting by rational @@ -1328,14 +1328,14 @@ a man on without employing persuasion, since it possesses no element of rational principle. It has, then, been stated that these men only seem to act under force and - involuntarily; and we have shown the reason—it is because + involuntarily; and we have shown the reason—it is because their action has a certain resemblance to forced action, just as we speak of forced action even in the case of inanimate objects too. Yet nevertheless if one added there also the addition made in our definition, the statement is refuted. For we speak of a thing as being forced to act when something external moves it or brings it to rest, acting against - the impulse within the thing itself—when there is no + the impulse within the thing itself—when there is no external motive, we do not say that it acts under force; and in the uncontrolled man and the self-controlled it is the impulse present in the man himself that drives him (for he has both impulses), so that as @@ -1343,7 +1343,7 @@ force, but voluntarily; nor yet are they acting of necessity, for by necessity we mean an external principle that either checks or moves a man in opposition to - his impulse—as if A were to take hold of B's hand and with + his impulse—as if A were to take hold of B's hand and with it strike C, B's will and desire both resisting; whereas when the source of action is from within, we do not speak of the act as done under force. Again, both @@ -1357,7 +1357,7 @@ a bad thing. Hence it is reasonable to say that each does what he does under compulsion, and that each is at one point acting involuntarily, from motives both of - appetition and of rational calculation—for calculation and + appetition and of rational calculation—for calculation and appetition are things quite separate, and each is pushed aside by the other. Hence men transfer this to the spirit as a whole, because they see something of this sort in the experiences of the spirit. @@ -1365,12 +1365,12 @@ admissible to say this in the case of the parts, but the spirit as a whole both in the uncontrolled and in the self-controlled man acts voluntarily, and in neither case does the man act under compulsion, - but one of the parts in them so acts—for we possess by + but one of the parts in them so acts—for we possess by nature both parts; since rational principle is a natural property, because it will be present in us if our growth is allowed and not stunted, and also desire is natural, because it accompanies and is present in us from birth; and these are pretty nearly the two things by which we define the - natural—it is what accompanies everybody as soon as he is + natural—it is what accompanies everybody as soon as he is born, or else what comes to us if development is allowed to go on regularly, for example grey hair, old age, etc. Therefore each of the two persons in a way acts not in accordance with nature, but @@ -1379,7 +1379,7 @@ difficulties, then, raised about the uncontrolled and the self-controlled man are these: do both, or does one of them, act under compulsion, so that they either act not voluntarily or else - voluntarily and under compulsion at the same time—and if + voluntarily and under compulsion at the same time—and if what is done under compulsion is involuntary, act voluntarily and involuntarily at the same time? And it is fairly clear from what has been said how these difficulties are to be met. But there is another way in which people are @@ -1407,7 +1407,7 @@ blind-man's-bluff, MUI/+NDA or XALKH= MUI=A. it would be ridiculous for him to say that he had done it under - compulsion and of necessity—there must be some greater and + compulsion and of necessity—there must be some greater and more painful evil that he will suffer if he does not do it. It is when a man does something evil for the sake of something good, or for deliverance from another evil, that he will be acting under necessity @@ -1421,7 +1421,7 @@ when his object is to avoid violent pain than when it is to avoid mild pain, and in general more when his object is the avoidance of pain than when it is to gain enjoyment. For what rests with - himself—and it wholly turns on this—means what his + himself—and it wholly turns on this—means what his nature is able to bear; what his nature is not able to bear and what is not a matter of his own natural appetition or calculation does not rest with himself. On @@ -1434,7 +1434,7 @@ such thoughts and calculations, do not rest with ourselves, but it is as PhilolausPythagorean philosopher contemporary with Socrates. - said—'some arguments are too strong for us.' Hence if it was + said—'some arguments are too strong for us.' Hence if it was necessary to consider the voluntary and involuntary with reference also to acting under compulsion, let this be our decision of the matter (for those who cause most hindrance . . . the voluntary . . @@ -1448,10 +1448,10 @@ voluntary seems to be the opposite of the involuntary; and acting with knowledge of either the person acted on or the instrument or the result (for sometimes the agent knows that it is his father but does - not intend to kill him but to save him—as the PeliadsThe daughters of Pelias, King of + not intend to kill him but to save him—as the PeliadsThe daughters of Pelias, King of Iolchus, cut him up and boiled him, having been told by Medea (who wanted Jason to leave his throne) that this would restore - his youth. did—or knows that what he is + his youth. did—or knows that what he is offering is a drink but offers it as a love-charm or wine, when really it is hemlock) seems to be the opposite of acting without knowing the person acted on, the instrument and the nature of the act, through @@ -1466,7 +1466,7 @@ know has two meanings, one being to have the knowledge and the other to use it, a man who has knowledge but is not using it would in one case be justly described as acting in ignorance but in another case - unjustly— namely, if his non-employment of the knowledge + unjustly— namely, if his non-employment of the knowledge were due to carelessness. And similarly one would be blamed for not having the knowledge, if it were something that was easy or necessary and his not having it is due to carelessness or pleasure or pain. @@ -1494,7 +1494,7 @@ be immortal, but nobody purposively chooses a thing knowing it to be impossible, nor in general a thing that, though possible, he does not think in his own power to do or not to do. So that this much is - clear—a thing purposively chosen must necessarily be + clear—a thing purposively chosen must necessarily be something that rests with oneself. And similarly it is manifest that purposive choice is not opinion either, nor something that one simply thinks; for we sawAristot. Eud. Eth. 1223a 16-19. that a @@ -1510,7 +1510,7 @@ things within one's own power that makes us think that we ought to do or not to do something; but this characteristic is common to opinion and to wish. For no one - purposively chooses any End, but the means to his End—I mean + purposively chooses any End, but the means to his End—I mean for instance no one chooses to be healthy, but to take a walk or sit down for the sake of being healthy, no one chooses to be well off, but to go into business or to speculate for the sake of being well off; @@ -1557,12 +1557,12 @@ with a person choosing. But how purposive choice arises out of opinion and wish must be considered. And indeed in a manner the actual term 'choice' makes this - clear. 'Choice' is 'taking,' but not taking simply—it is + clear. 'Choice' is 'taking,' but not taking simply—it is taking one thing in preference to another; but this cannot be done without consideration and deliberation; hence purposive choice arises out of deliberative opinion.Now nobody deliberates - about his End—this everybody has fixed; but men deliberate - about the means leading to their End—does this contribute to + about his End—this everybody has fixed; but men deliberate + about the means leading to their End—does this contribute to it, or does this ? or when a means has been decided on, how will that be procured? and this deliberation as to means we all pursue until we have carried the starting-point in the process of producing the End @@ -1582,7 +1582,7 @@ possible that many men may possess the faculty of forming an opinion whether to do or not to do a thing without also having the power of forming this opinion by process of reasoning. For the deliberative faculty - is the spirit's power of contemplating a kind of cause—for + is the spirit's power of contemplating a kind of cause—for one sort of cause is the final cause, as although cause means anything because of which a thing comes about, it is the object of a thing's existence or production that we specially designate as its cause: for @@ -1634,7 +1634,7 @@ contravention of nature and by perversion not the good but the apparent good is the End. The reason is that there are some things that cannot be employed for something other than their natural - objects, for instance sight—it is not possible to see a + objects, for instance sight—it is not possible to see a thing that is not visible, or to hear a thing that is not audible; but a science does enable us to do a thing that is not the object of the science. For health and disease are not the objects of the same @@ -1654,7 +1654,7 @@ science. It therefore necessarily follows that both error and purposive choice take place from the middle point to the contraries (the contraries of - the middle being the more and the less).—And the cause is + the middle being the more and the less).—And the cause is pleasure and pain; for things are so constituted that the pleasant appears to the spirit good and the more pleasant better, the painful bad and the more painful worse. So from these things also it @@ -1679,7 +1679,7 @@ correct and the End right in the sense of making the agent choose for the sake of the proper End, or whether (as some hold) it makes the rational principle right. But what does this is - self-control—for that saves the rational principle from + self-control—for that saves the rational principle from being corrupted; and goodness and self-control are different. But we must speak about this later, since all who do hold that goodness makes the @@ -1703,7 +1703,7 @@ assumptions are first principles, so in the productive sciences the End is a starting-point and assumption: since it is required that so-and-so is to be in good health, if that is to be secured it is - necessary for such-and-such a thing to be provided—just as + necessary for such-and-such a thing to be provided—just as in mathematics, if the angles of a triangle are together equal to two right angles, such and such a consequence necessarily follows. Therefore the End @@ -1718,13 +1718,13 @@ which the thing chosen is the mean, of which End goodness is the causeVirtue by choosing the right means to achieve the End causes the End to be - realized. by its act of choice—though the choice is + realized. by its act of choice—though the choice is not of the End but of the means adopted for the sake of the End. Therefore though it belongs to another faculty to hit on the things that must be done for the sake of the End, goodness is the cause of the End aimed at by choice being right. And owing to this it is by a - man's purposive choice that we judge his character—that is, + man's purposive choice that we judge his character—that is, not by what he does but what he does it for. Similarly also badness causes purposive choice to be made from the opposite motives. If therefore, when a man has it in his power to do what is honorable and @@ -1760,18 +1760,18 @@ daring and fear as contraries, for they are indeed in a manner opposed to one another. It is clear, therefore, that the persons named after these states of - character will also be similarly opposed to each other—that + character will also be similarly opposed to each other—that is, the coward (for that is the term that denotes being more afraid than is proper and less daring than is proper) and the daring man (for that denotes the characteristic of being less afraid than is proper - and more daring than is proper—and from this the name is + and more daring than is proper—and from this the name is derived, as the word 'daring' is cognate with the word 'dare'). So that since courage is the best state of character in relation to feelings of fear and daring, and the proper character is neither that of the daring (for they fall short in one respect and exceed in another) nor that of the cowardly (for they also do the same, only not as regards the same - things but inversely— they fall short in + things but inversely— they fall short in daring and exceed in being afraid), it is clear that the middle state of character between daring and cowardice is courage, for this is the best state.And it seems that the brave man is in @@ -1790,7 +1790,7 @@ himself, what is formidable to him must be things of great magnitude and number. But formidable things are productive of fearOr, emending the text, 'of corresponding fear.' in the particular person to whom - they are formidable—that is, if they are very formidable, + they are formidable—that is, if they are very formidable, the fear they produce will be violent, if slightly formidable, it will be weak; so it follows that the brave man's fears are great and many. Yet on the contrary it appeared that courage makes a man fearless, and @@ -1799,7 +1799,7 @@ 'pleasant' and 'good.' Some things are pleasant and good absolutely,whereas others are so to a particular person but absolutely are not so, but on - the contrary are bad and unpleasant—all the things that are + the contrary are bad and unpleasant—all the things that are beneficial for the base, and all those that are pleasant to children qua children. And similarly some things are formidable absolutely and others to a particular person: thus the things that the @@ -1809,7 +1809,7 @@ nature, we pronounce to be formidable absolutely. But the brave man is fearless in regard to them, and endures formidable things of this sort, which are formidable to him in one way but in another way are - not—they are formidable to him qua + not—they are formidable to him qua human being, but qua brave not formidable except slightly, or not at all. Yet such things really are formidable, for they are formidable to most men. Owing to this the brave man's state of @@ -1852,7 +1852,7 @@ rushing on them, or grasp snakes. Another is the courage caused by hope, which often makes those who have had a stroke of luck endure dangers,and those who - are intoxicated—for wine makes men sanguine. Another is due to some + are intoxicated—for wine makes men sanguine. Another is due to some irrational emotion, for example love or passion. For if a man is in love he is more daring than cowardly, and endures many dangers, like the manUnknown. who @@ -1871,7 +1871,7 @@ property of things that appear capable of causing pain of a destructive kind: for persons expecting some other pain might perhaps experience a different sort of pain and a different feeling, but will - not have fear—for example if a man foresaw that he was going + not have fear—for example if a man foresaw that he was going to feel the pain felt by the jealous, or the sort of pain felt by the envious or by those who are ashamed. But fear only occurs in the case of pains that seem likely to be of the kind whose nature it is to destroy life. @@ -1892,7 +1892,7 @@ appears to be danger.The formidable things, therefore, in relation to which we speak of a man as brave are, we have said, those that appear likely to cause pain of the - destructive kind—provided that these appear close at hand + destructive kind—provided that these appear close at hand and not far off, and are or appear to be of a magnitude proportionate to a human being; for some things must necessarily appear fearful to every human being and @@ -1912,7 +1912,7 @@ echo of the story survives in Shakespeare's metaphor, 'to take arms against a sea of troubles.'; and in general, the courage of barbarians has an element of passion. And some men endure terrors - for the sake of other pleasures also—for even passion + for the sake of other pleasures also—for even passion contains pleasure of a sort, since it is combined with hope of revenge. But nevertheless neither if a man endures death for the sake of this pleasure nor for another, nor for the sake of avoiding greater @@ -1943,7 +1943,7 @@ things are formidable, but because they know how to protect themselves against the dangers; also courage is not merely what makes men more daring fighters, for in - that case strength and wealth would be courage—as Theognis + that case strength and wealth would be courage—as Theognis puts it: @@ -1961,7 +1961,7 @@ to be bravest, as Homer says Hector faced the danger of encountering Achilles: And shame on Hector - seized— + seized— Source unknown Not in our @@ -1982,7 +1982,7 @@ forces to protect him, for in that case he will not think that there is really anything to be afraid of. But, since indeed all goodness involves purposive choice (it has been said before what we mean by - this—goodness makes a man choose everything for the sake of + this—goodness makes a man choose everything for the sake of some object, and that object is what is fine), it is clear that courage being a form of goodness will make a man face formidable things for some object, so that he does not do it through ignorance @@ -1998,7 +1998,7 @@ include both one capable of the process and one not capable of it: 'undivided' means both that which cannot be divided and that which though it can be has not been; and similarly with - 'unchaste'—it denotes both that which is by nature incapable + 'unchaste'—it denotes both that which is by nature incapable of chastening and that which, though capable, has not actually been chastened in respect of the errors as regards which the temperate man acts rightly, as is the case with children; for of them it is in this @@ -2021,7 +2021,7 @@ more in the other direction, and susceptibility and sensitiveness to pleasures of this sort are natural to everybody. It specially attaches to persons like the boors who are a stock character in - comedy—people who steer clear of pleasures even in moderate and necessary + comedy—people who steer clear of pleasures even in moderate and necessary indulgences.And since the temperate character is shown in connection with pleasures, it follows that it is also related to certain desires. We must, therefore, ascertain what @@ -2035,17 +2035,17 @@ conveyed through the medium of hearing, nor yet with the pleasures and pains of smell, derived from good and bad scents; for neither is anyone termed profligate because of being sensitive or not sensitive - to sensations of that sort— for example, a man would not be considered + to sensations of that sort— for example, a man would not be considered profligate if when looking at a beautiful statue or horse or person, or listening to someone singing, he did not wish for food or drink or sexual indulgence but only wished to look at the beautiful objects or - listen to the music,—any more than the persons held + listen to the music,—any more than the persons held spell-bound in the abode of the Sirens. Temperance and profligacy have to do with those two sorts of sensory objects in relation to which alone the lower animals also happen to be sensitive and to feel pleasure and - pain—the objects of taste and of touch, whereas about virtually all + pain—the objects of taste and of touch, whereas about virtually all the pleasures of the other senses alike animals are clearly so - constituted as to be insensitive— e.g. + constituted as to be insensitive— e.g. harmonious sound, or beauty; for clearly they are not affected in any degree worth speaking of by the mere sight of beautiful objects or by listening to musical sounds, except possibly in the case of some @@ -2068,7 +2068,7 @@ throat, the sensation of which seems more like touch than taste; so that gourmands do not pray that they may have a long tongue but a crane's gullet, like Philoxenus son of Eryxis.Mr. Hospitable, son of Mistress - Belch—presumably a character in + Belch—presumably a character in comedy. It follows that broadly speaking profligacy must be considered to be related to the objects of touch, and likewise it is with pleasures of @@ -2106,7 +2106,7 @@ on.And also the nature of Gentleness and Harshness must be ascertained in the same way. For we see that the term 'gentle' is concerned with the pain that arises from - passion—a man is gentle by being disposed in a certain way + passion—a man is gentle by being disposed in a certain way towards that pain. And in our diagramSee Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1220b 38, Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1221b 12-15. we opposed to the irascible and harsh and fierce @@ -2166,7 +2166,7 @@ And of these classes themselves there are species designated as exceeding or deficient in respect of parts of the matter concerned: for example, the stingy man, the skinflint and the profiteer are - mean—the stingy in not parting with money, the profiteer in + mean—the stingy in not parting with money, the profiteer in accepting anything, the skinflint is he who is very excited about small sums; also the man who offends by way of meanness is a false reckoner and a cheat. @@ -2245,8 +2245,8 @@ great things and to claim them as one's desert; and there are small things and a man may deserve and claim things of that size; and as regards each of these two classes of things the reverse is - possible—one man may be of such a character that although - deserving small things he claims great ones—the goods held + possible—one man may be of such a character that although + deserving small things he claims great ones—the goods held in high honor, and another man though deserving great things may claim small ones. Now the man worthy of small things but claiming great ones is blameworthy, for it @@ -2292,7 +2292,7 @@ he might become great-spirited, for he will claim the things that he is worthy of; whereas the small-spirited man, who when great goods corresponding to his worth are available does not think himself worthy - of them—what would he have done if his deserts were small? + of them—what would he have done if his deserts were small? For either he would have conceitedly thought himself worthy of great things, or of still less.The Ms. reading hardly gives a sense. An emendation gives 'for if he @@ -2330,10 +2330,10 @@ is magnificent, for the fitting is the suitable, as nothing is fitting that is unsuitable. But it must be fitting in each particular, that is, in suitability to the - agent and to the recipient and to the occasion—for example, + agent and to the recipient and to the occasion—for example, what is fitting at the wedding of a servant is not what is fitting at that of a favorite; and it is fitting for the agent himself, if it is - of an amount or quality suitable to him—for example people + of an amount or quality suitable to him—for example people thought that the mission that Themistocles conducted to Olympia was not fitting for him, because of his former low station, but would have been for Cimon.The story of @@ -2347,12 +2347,12 @@ illiberal.Generally speaking the other praiseworthy and blameworthy states of character also are excesses or deficiencies or middle states, but in respect of an emotion: for instance, the - envious man and the malicious. For—to take the states of - character after which they are named—Envy means being pained at people who are + envious man and the malicious. For—to take the states of + character after which they are named—Envy means being pained at people who are deservedly prosperous, while the emotion of the malicious man is itself nameless, but the possessor of it is shown by his feeling joy at undeserved adversities; and midway between them is the righteously indignant man, and what - the ancients called Righteous Indignation—feeling pain at + the ancients called Righteous Indignation—feeling pain at undeserved adversities and prosperities and pleasure at those that are deserved; hence the idea that Nemesis is a deity.Modesty is a middle state between Shamelessness and Bashfulness: the man who pays regard to nobody's opinion is shameless, he who regards @@ -2382,10 +2382,10 @@ squeamish man differs from the omnivorous in that the former takes nothing or little, and that reluctantly, and the latter accepts everything readily, so the boor stands in relation to the vulgar man - or buffoon—the former takes no joke except with difficulty, + or buffoon—the former takes no joke except with difficulty, the latter accepts everything easily and with pleasure. Neither course is right: one should allow some things and not others, and on - principle,—that constitutes the witty man. The proof of the formula is + principle,—that constitutes the witty man. The proof of the formula is the same as in the other cases: wittiness of this kind (not the qualityViz. BWMOLOXI/A, 'buffoonery,' Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1128a 15. to which we apply the term in a transferred sense) is a very becoming sort of @@ -2399,7 +2399,7 @@ even though the laugh is against himself will be midway between the vulgar man and the frigid. This is a better definition than that the thing said must not be painful to the victim whatever sort of man he - may be—rather, it must give pleasure to the man in the + may be—rather, it must give pleasure to the man in the middle position, since his judgement is good.All these middle states, though praiseworthy, are not virtues, nor are the opposite states vices, for they do not involve purposive choice; they are all in the classification of the emotions, for each @@ -2420,7 +2420,7 @@ combination with either extreme, whereas the extremes often do occur in combination with one another, and sometimes the same men are venturesome cowards, or extravagant in some things and illiberal in - others, and in general not uniform in a bad way— for when men lack uniformity + others, and in general not uniform in a bad way— for when men lack uniformity in a good way, this results in men of the middle characters, since the mean contains both extremes.The opposition existing between the mean and the extremes does not seem to @@ -2441,11 +2441,11 @@

- Friendship—its nature + Friendship—its nature and qualities, what constitutes a friend, and whether the term friendship has one or several meanings,and if several, how many, and also what is our duty towards a friend and what are the just claims of - friendship—is a matter that calls for investigation no less + friendship—is a matter that calls for investigation no less than any of the things that are fine and desirable in men's characters. For to promote friendship is thought to be the special task of political @@ -2467,7 +2467,7 @@ rights in relation to our friends depend only on ourselves, whereas our rights in relation to the rest of men are established by law and do not depend on us.Many questions are raised about - friendship—first, on the line of those who take in wider + friendship—first, on the line of those who take in wider considerations and extend the term. For some hold that like is friend to like, whence the sayings: @@ -2486,8 +2486,8 @@ and in the form KOLOIO\N POTI\ KOLOIO/N Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1155a 35, where the dialect suggests that it is from a Doric poet (unknown).; - “And thief knows thief and wolf his fellow - wolf.”'Set a thief + “And thief knows thief and wolf his fellow + wolf.”'Set a thief to catch a thief.' The origin of the verse is unknown.And the natural philosophers even arrange the whole of nature in a system by assuming as a first @@ -2499,14 +2499,14 @@ have gone on to infer protective mimicry.Some people then give this account of a friend; but others say that opposite is dear to opposite, since it is what is loved and desired that is dear to everybody, and the dry does not desire the dry but the - wet (whence the sayings—"Earth loveth rain,"Quoted as from Euripides, Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1154a 34; the play is not + wet (whence the sayings—"Earth loveth rain,"Quoted as from Euripides, Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1154a 34; the play is not known. and "In all things change is - sweet—"Eur. Orest. 234. change being transition to + sweet—"Eur. Orest. 234. change being transition to the opposite), whereas like hates like, for "Potter against potter has a grudge,"Hes. WD 25 ('Two of a trade never agree'). and animals that live on the same food are hostile to one another. These opinions, therefore, are thus widely - variant. One party thinks that the like is friend and the opposite foe— + variant. One party thinks that the like is friend and the opposite foe— The less is rooted enemy to the more For ever, and begins the day of hate, @@ -2518,7 +2518,7 @@ bring men together. The other party say that opposites are friends, and HeracleitusThe natural philosopher of Ephesus, - fl. end of 6th cent. B.C. rebukes the poet who wrote— + fl. end of 6th cent. B.C. rebukes the poet who wrote— Would strife might perish out of heaven and earth, @@ -2535,7 +2535,7 @@ observation. Some persons think that it is not possible for bad men to be friends, but only for the good. Others think it strange that mothers should not love their own children (and maternal affection we see existing even - among animals—at least, animals choose to die for their + among animals—at least, animals choose to die for their young). Others hold that only what is useful is a friend, the proof being that all men actually do pursue the useful, and discard what is useless even in their own @@ -2544,7 +2544,7 @@ to say, instancing spittle, hair and nails), and that we throw away even parts of the body that are of no use, and finally the body itself, when it dies, as a corpse is - useless—but people that have a use for it keep it, as in + useless—but people that have a use for it keep it, as in Egypt. Now all these factorsi.e. likeness, contrariety, utility (Solomon). seem to be somewhat opposed to one another. For like is of no use to like and opposition is farthest @@ -2583,7 +2583,7 @@ good, others good for someone but not good absolutely; and the same things are absolutely good and absolutely pleasant. For things advantageous for a healthy body we pronounce good for the body - absolutely, but things good for a sick body not—for example + absolutely, but things good for a sick body not—for example doses of medicine and surgical operations; and likewise also the things pleasant for a healthy and perfect body are pleasant for the body absolutely, for example to live in the light and not in the dark, although the reverse @@ -2601,7 +2601,7 @@ that is its essential nature, but another because it is serviceable and useful), and furthermore pleasant includes both what is absolutely pleasant and absolutely good and what is pleasant for somebody and - apparently good—, as in the case of inanimate objects we may + apparently good—, as in the case of inanimate objects we may choose a thing and love it for each of these reasons, so also in the case of a human being, one man we love because of his character, and for goodness, another because he is serviceable and useful, another @@ -2612,7 +2612,7 @@ termed in respect of one thing or as species of one genus, nor yet have they the same name entirely by accident. For all these uses of the term are related to one particular sort of friendship which is - primary, like the term 'surgical'—and we speak of a surgical + primary, like the term 'surgical'—and we speak of a surgical mind and a surgical hand and a surgical instrument and a surgical operation,but we apply the term properly to that which is primarily so called. @@ -2633,11 +2633,11 @@ in reality there are many kinds of friendships: this was among the things said already,ll. 7-17. as we have distinguished three senses of the term - friendship—one sort has been defined as based on goodness, + friendship—one sort has been defined as based on goodness, another on utility, another on pleasure.Of these the one based on utility is assuredly the friendship of most people; for they love one another because they are useful, and in so far as they are - and so, as says the proverb—“Glaucus, an ally is a + and so, as says the proverb—“Glaucus, an ally is a friend, as long as he our battle fights,A friend in need is a friend indeed. and Athens no longer knows Megara. @@ -2671,7 +2671,7 @@ injure a bad man, and those who suffer injury from one another do not feel affection for one another. But as a matter of fact bad men do feel affection for one another, though not according to the primary form of - friendship—because clearly nothing hinders their being + friendship—because clearly nothing hinders their being friends under the other forms, since for the sake of pleasure they put up with one another although they are being harmed, so long as they are lacking in self-restraint. The view is also held, when people look into the @@ -2711,7 +2711,7 @@ a human being is well adapted to this and on the way to it (for by nature things that are absolutely good are good to him), and similarly a man rather than a woman and a gifted man rather than a dull one; but the road is - through pleasure—it is necessary that fine things shall be + through pleasure—it is necessary that fine things shall be pleasant. When there is discord between them, a man is not yet perfectly good; for it is possible for unrestraint to be engendered in him, as unrestraint is caused by discord between the good and the @@ -2720,11 +2720,11 @@ sort will be absolutely good in themselves also, and this not because of being useful, but in another manner. For good for a given person and good absolutely are twofold; and the same is the case with states of - character as with profitableness—what is profitable + character as with profitableness—what is profitable absolutely and what is profitable for given persons are different things (just as taking exercise is a different thing from taking drugs). So the state of character called human goodness is of two - kinds— + kinds— for let us assume that man is one of the things that are excellent by nature: consequently the goodness of a thing excellent by nature is good absolutely, but that of a thing not excellent by nature is only @@ -2732,7 +2732,7 @@ therefore, is similar. For here we must pause and consider whether there is any friendship without pleasure,and how such a friendship differs from other friendship, and on which exactly of the two thingsGoodness and pleasantness. the affection - depends—do we love a man because he is good even if he is + depends—do we love a man because he is good even if he is not pleasant, but not because he is pleasant?Perhaps the Greek should be altered to give 'or not, but because he is pleasant.' Then, affection having two meanings,Potential and actual @@ -2759,7 +2759,7 @@ Hence to love is to feel pleasure but to be loved is not; for being loved is not an activity of the thing loved, whereas loving is an - activity—the activity of friendship; and loving occurs only + activity—the activity of friendship; and loving occurs only in an animate thing, whereas being loved occurs with an inanimate thing also, for even inanimate things are loved. And since to love actively is to treat the loved object qua loved, and the friend is an object of love to the friend qua dear to him but not qua musician or medical man, the pleasure of friendship is the @@ -2769,11 +2769,11 @@ Nor ought any accidental quality to cause more hindrance than the friend's goodness causes delight; for surely, if a person is very evil-smelling, people - cut him—he must be content with our goodwill, he must not + cut him—he must be content with our goodwill, he must not expect our society!This then is the primary friendship, which all people recognize. It is on account of it that the other sorts are considered to be friendship, and also that their - claim is disputed—for friendship seems to be some thing + claim is disputed—for friendship seems to be some thing stable, and only this friendship is stable; for a formed judgement is stable, and not doing things quickly or easily makes the judgement right. And there is no @@ -2804,17 +2804,17 @@ unless as a result of trial they are distrustful. But the base prefer the goods of nature to a friend, and none of them love people more than things; and so they are not friends, for the proverbial 'common property as - between friends' is not realized in this way—the friend is + between friends' is not realized in this way—the friend is made an appendage of the things, not the things of the friends.Therefore the first kind of friendship does not occur between many men, because it is difficult to test - many—one would have to go and live with each of them. Nor + many—one would have to go and live with each of them. Nor indeed should one exercise choice in the case of a friend in the same way as about a coat; although in all matters it seems the mark of a sensible man to choose the better of two things, and if he had been wearing his worse coat for a long time and had not yet worn his better one, the better one - ought to be chosen—but you ought not in place of an old + ought to be chosen—but you ought not in place of an old friend to choose one whom you do not know to be a better man. For a friend is not to be had without trial and is not a matter of a single day, but time is needed; hence the @@ -2832,7 +2832,7 @@ just as happiness is a thing that is self-sufficing. And it has been rightly saidEur. El. 941.: "Nature is permanent, but wealth is - not—" although it would be much finer to say 'Friendship' + not—" although it would be much finer to say 'Friendship' than 'Nature.'Or, emending the text, 'that friendship is goodness of nature.' And it is proverbial that time shows a friend, and also misfortunes more than good fortune. For @@ -2843,20 +2843,20 @@ latter; and misfortune shows those who are not friends really but only because of some casual utility. And both are shown by time; for even the useful friend is not shown - quickly, but rather the pleasant one—except that one who is + quickly, but rather the pleasant one—except that one who is absolutely pleasant is also not quick to show himself. For men are like wines and foods; the sweetness of those is quickly evident, but when lasting longer it is unpleasant and not sweet, and similarly in the case of men. For absolute pleasantness is a thing to be defined by the End it effects and the time it lasts. And even the multitude would agree, not in consequence of results only, but in the same way as in the case of a - drink they call it sweeter—for a drink fails to be pleasant + drink they call it sweeter—for a drink fails to be pleasant not because of its result, but because its pleasantness is not continuous, although at first it quite takes one in.The primary form of friendship therefore, and the one that causes the name to be given to the others, is friendship based on goodness and due to the pleasure of goodness, as has been said before. The other friendships occur even among children and animals and wicked - people: whence the sayings— "Two of an age each other + people: whence the sayings— "Two of an age each other gladden" and "Pleasure welds the bad man to the bad."Eur. Bellerophontes Fr. 298 (Nauck).And also the bad may be pleasant to each other not as being bad or neutral,i.e. neither good @@ -2869,11 +2869,11 @@ the good man for his purpose at the time-and the good man to the uncontrolled man for his purpose at the time and to the bad man for the purpose natural to him; and he will wish his friend what is - good—wish absolutely things absolutely good, and under a + good—wish absolutely things absolutely good, and under a given condition things good for him, as poverty or disease may be beneficial: things good for him he will wish for the sake of the absolute goods, in the way in which he wishes his friend to drink - medicine—he does not wish the action in itself but wishes it + medicine—he does not wish the action in itself but wishes it for the given purpose. Moreover a bad man may also be friends with a good one in the ways in which men not good may be friends with one another: he may be pleasant @@ -2903,7 +2903,7 @@ reasonable. The friendship of father for son is in this class, and that of benefactor for beneficiary. And of these sorts of friendship themselves there are varieties: the friendship of father for son is different - from that of husband for wife—the former is friendship as + from that of husband for wife—the former is friendship as between ruler and subject, the latter that of benefactor for beneficiary. And in these varieties either there is no return of affection or it is not returned in a similar way. For it would be ludicrous if @@ -2916,7 +2916,7 @@ them feels in an estate or a child coming to him are not one and the same. And in the same way also in the case of those who are friends for utility or for - pleasure—some are on a footing of equality, others one of + pleasure—some are on a footing of equality, others one of superiority. Owing to this those who think they are on the former footing complain if they are not useful and beneficial in a similar manner; and also in the case of pleasure.i.e. they complain if the pleasure or benefit @@ -2955,7 +2955,7 @@ that of others because of its remoteness small); but when there is an excessive amount of difference, then even the parties themselves do not demand that they ought to be loved in return, or not loved - alike—for example, if one were claiming a return of love + alike—for example, if one were claiming a return of love from God. It is manifest, therefore, that men are friends when they are on an equality, but that a return of affection is possible without their being friends. And it is clear why men seek @@ -3019,7 +3019,7 @@ opposite on the score of utility. For the like is useless to itself, and therefore master needs slave and slave master, man and wife need one another; and the opposite is pleasant and desirable as useful, not - as contained in the End but as a means to the End—for when a + as contained in the End but as a means to the End—for when a thing has got what it desires it has arrived at its End, and does not strive to get its opposite, for example the hot the cold and the wet the dry.But in a way love of the opposite is also @@ -3066,7 +3066,7 @@ of which may control the other; and similarly self-love implies that one part of the personality can have a certain feeling in regard to another part. how one has those qualities - voluntarily or involuntarily—namely by the parts of one's + voluntarily or involuntarily—namely by the parts of one's spirit being related to each other in a certain way; and all such matters are a similar thing,whether a man can be his own friend or foe, and whether a man can treat himself unjustly.For all these relations involve @@ -3080,8 +3080,8 @@ (Stock). For a man is thought to be a friend who wishes for somebody things that are good, or that he believes to be good, not on his own account but for the other's sake; and in another way when a man wishes another's - existence—even though not bestowing goods on him, let alone - existence—for that other's sake and not for his own, he + existence—even though not bestowing goods on him, let alone + existence—for that other's sake and not for his own, he would be thought to be in a high degree the friend of that other; and in another way a man is a friend of one whose society he desires merely for the sake @@ -3091,13 +3091,13 @@ friend wishes them this or that particular good, others unless their existence is desired, others unless their society. Again we shall reckon it affection to grieve with one who grieves not for some ulterior - motive—as for instance slaves in relation to their masters + motive—as for instance slaves in relation to their masters share their grief because when in grief they are harsh, and not for their masters' own sake, as mothers grieve with their children, and birds that share each other's pain. For a friend wishes most of all that he might not only feel pain when his friend is in pain but feel actually the same - pain—for example when he is thirsty, share his - thirst—if this were possible, and if not, as nearly the same + pain—for example when he is thirsty, share his + thirst—if this were possible, and if not, as nearly the same as may be. The same principle applies also in the case of joy; it is characteristic of a friend to rejoice for no other reason than because the other is @@ -3111,8 +3111,8 @@ exist, and associating together, and sharing joy and grief, and 'being one spirit'Cf. 1. 3: DH/ marks a quotation. and being unable even to live without one another but dying - together—for this is the case with the single individual, - and he associates with himself in this way,—all these + together—for this is the case with the single individual, + and he associates with himself in this way,—all these characteristics then belong to the man in relation to himself. In a wicked man on the other hand, for instance in one who lacks self-control, there is @@ -3129,13 +3129,13 @@ by nature, but a wicked man is contrary to nature. But a good man does not rebuke himself either at the time, like the uncontrolled, nor yet his former self his later, like the penitent, nor his later self his - former, like the liar— (and generally, if it is necessary to distinguish as + former, like the liar— (and generally, if it is necessary to distinguish as the sophists do, he is related to himself as 'John Styles' is related to 'good John Styles'See Sophistici Elenchi 175b 15ff. 'Coriscus' is used for any imaginary person, cf. Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1220a 19 f.; for it is clear that the same amount of 'John Styles' is good as of - 'good John Styles')—because when men blame themselves they + 'good John Styles')—because when men blame themselves they are murdering their own personalities, whereas everybody seems to himself good. And he who is absolutely good seeks to be dear even to himself, as has been said,ll. @@ -3188,7 +3188,7 @@ lacking self-control this discord occurs; if a man agrees with another in purposive choice he does not necessarily agree with him in desire also. Agreement occurs in - the case of good men—at all events when bad men purpose and + the case of good men—at all events when bad men purpose and desire the same things they harm one another. And it appears that agreement, like friendship, is not a term of single meaning, but whereas the primary and natural form of it is good, so that it is not possible for @@ -3199,7 +3199,7 @@ possible for both to have the things aimed at, since if they aim at a thing of a kind that it is not possible for both to have, they will quarrel; but those who agree in mind do not quarrel.Therefore agreement exists when there is the same purposive choice - as to ruling and being ruled—not each choosing himself to + as to ruling and being ruled—not each choosing himself to rule but both the same one. Agreement is civic friendship. So much for the subject of agreement in feeling and kindly feeling.The question is raised, why those who have conferred a benefit feel more affection for those who have received it than those who have @@ -3208,7 +3208,7 @@ utility and personal benefit; for benefit is owing to one party and it is the other party's duty to repay it. But really it is not this alone; it is also a law - of nature—activity is a more desirable thing, and there is the same relation between effect and + of nature—activity is a more desirable thing, and there is the same relation between effect and activity as between the parties here: the person benefited is as it were the product of the benefactor. This is why even animals have the philoprogenitive instinct, which urges them to produce offspring and @@ -3239,7 +3239,7 @@ exist. For the body is the soul's tool born with it, a slave is as it were a member or tool of his master, a tool is a sort of inanimate slave.The other partnerships are a constituent - part of the partnerships of the state—for example that of + part of the partnerships of the state—for example that of the members of a brotherhood or a priesthood, or with business partnerships. All forms of constitution exist together in the household, both the correct forms and the deviations (for the same @@ -3249,7 +3249,7 @@ PARAKEXRWSME/NA, 'those harmonies and melodies that are highly strung and irregular in coloration (i.e. divergent from the regular scale in having smaller intervals) - are deviations.' paternal authority being royal, the + are deviations.'— paternal authority being royal, the relationship of man and wife aristocratic, that of brothers a republic, while the deviation-forms of these are tyranny, oligarchy and democracy; and there are therefore as many varieties of @@ -3267,18 +3267,18 @@ one as between brothers, another as of father and sonThese two clauses look like an interpolation.: it may be proportional, for example paternal friendship, or based on number, for example the friendship of - brothers—for this is near the friendship of comrades, as in + brothers—for this is near the friendship of comrades, as in this also they claim privileges of seniority. Civic friendship on the other hand is constituted in the fullest degree on the principle of utility, for it seems to be the individual's lack of self-sufficiency that - makes these unions permanent—since they would have been + makes these unions permanent—since they would have been formed in any case merely for the sake of society. Only civic friendship and the deviation from it are not merely friendships but also partnerships on a friendly footing; the others are on a basis of superiority. The justice that underlies a friendship of utility is in the highest degree just, because this is the civic principle of justice. The coming together of - a saw with the craft that uses it is on different lines—it + a saw with the craft that uses it is on different lines—it is not for the sake of some common object, for saw and craft are like instrument and spirit, but for the sake of the man who employs them. It does indeed @@ -3302,7 +3302,7 @@ the persons with whom he has a natural kinship; accordingly there would be partnership; and justice of a sort, even if there were no state. And a household - is a sort of friendship—or rather the relationships of + is a sort of friendship—or rather the relationships of master and slave is that of craft and tools, and of spirit and body, and such relationships are not friendships or forms of justice but something analogous, just as healthPerhaps the text is corrupt. is not justice but @@ -3312,10 +3312,10 @@ benefactor and beneficiary, and generally between natural ruler and natural subject. That between brothers is principally the friendship of comrades, as being - on a footing of equality— + on a footing of equality— For never did he make me out a bastard, But the same Zeus, my lord, was called the sire - Of both— + Of both— Soph. Fr. 755 (Jebb and Pearson; 684 Nauck). The third line is completed in a quotation by Philo, QNHTW=N D' OU)DEI/S. (For TW=|DE dative of agent see Kuhner-Gerth, i. @@ -3328,12 +3328,12 @@ superiority or of equality), and what is just in relation to them is clear from our discussions, in the variety based on superiority the proportionate claims are not on the same lines, but the superior party - claims by inverse proportion—the contribution of the + claims by inverse proportion—the contribution of the inferior to stand in the same ratio to his own as he himself stands in to the inferior, his attitude being that of ruler to subject; or if not that, at all events he claims a numerically equal share (for in fact it - happens in this way in other associations too—sometimes the + happens in this way in other associations too—sometimes the shares are numerically equal, sometimes proportionally: if the parties contributed a numerically equal sum of money, they also take a share equal by numerical equality, if an unequal sum, a share proportionally @@ -3370,15 +3370,15 @@ Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1262b 26. Nevertheless there is present here a ruling factor and a - ruled—not a natural ruler or a royal one, but one that rules + ruled—not a natural ruler or a royal one, but one that rules in his turn, and not for the purpose of conferring benefit, as God rules, but in order that he may have an equal share of the benefit and of the burden. Therefore civic friendship aims at being on a footing of equality. But useful friendship is of two kinds, the merely legal and the moral. Civic friendship looks to equality and to the object, as buyers and sellers - do—hence the saying - Unto a friend his wage— + do—hence the saying + Unto a friend his wage— .Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1164a 28. Hes. WD 371MISQO\S D' A)NDRI\ FI/LW| @@ -3390,7 +3390,7 @@ of friendship in which recriminations most occur, the reason being that it is contrary to nature; for friendship based on utility and friendship based on goodness are different, but these people wish to - have it both ways at once—they associate together for the + have it both ways at once—they associate together for the sake of utility but make it out to be a moral friendship as between good men, and so represent it as not merely legal, pretending that it is a matter of trust.For in general, @@ -3403,12 +3403,12 @@ of discharging the obligation is a matter of money, for that serves as a measure of equality; but the moral method is voluntary. Hence in some places there is a law prohibiting friendly associates of this - sort from actions as to their voluntary contracts—rightly, + sort from actions as to their voluntary contracts—rightly, since it is not natural for good men to go to law,Or, adopting another conjectural emendation, 'since it is natural for good men to be just of their own accord.' and these men make their contracts as good men and as dealing with trustworthy people. And in fact in this sort of friendship the - recriminations are doubtful on both sides—what line of + recriminations are doubtful on both sides—what line of accusation each party will take, inasmuch as their confidence was of a moral kind and not merely legal.Solomon renders 'It is uncertain how either will recriminate on the other, seeing that they trust each other, not in a limited @@ -3417,7 +3417,7 @@ question in which of two ways one ought to judge what is a just return, whether by looking at the actual amount or quality of the service rendered, or by its amount or quality for the recipient; for - it may be as Theognis says— + it may be as Theognis says— Goddess, 'tis small to thee, but great to me ,Theog. @@ -3434,16 +3434,16 @@ much it was to the donor and not bow much it was to himself. And at other times the position is reversed: the one says how little he got out of - it, the other how much the service was worth to him—for + it, the other how much the service was worth to him—for instance, if by taking a risk he did the other a shilling's worth of benefit, the one talks about the amount of the risk and the other about the amount of the cash; just as in the repayment of a money - loan, for there too the dispute turns on this—one claims to + loan, for there too the dispute turns on this—one claims to be repaid the value that the money had when lent,the other claims to repay it at the present value, unless they have put a proviso in the contract.Civic friendship, then, looks at the agreement and to the thing, but moral friendship at the - intention; hence the latter is more just—it is friendly + intention; hence the latter is more just—it is friendly justice. The cause of conflict is that moral friendship is nobler but friendship of utility more necessary; and men begin as being moral friends and friends on @@ -3461,7 +3461,7 @@ another, it is not honorable, when an active return is due, merely to make fine speeches, and similarly also in the other casei.e. in a moral friendship it is not honorable to insist on a return on a business - footing.;— but since they did not provide for this in the + footing.;— but since they did not provide for this in the contract, on the ground that it was a moral friendship, somebody must judge, and neither party must cheat by pretending; so that each must be content with his luck. But it is clear that moral friendship is a matter of intention, @@ -3504,7 +3504,7 @@ a number. For we must measure by proportion, as also the civic partnership is measured. For how is a shoemaker to be partner with a farmer unless their products are equalized by proportion? Therefore the measure for - partnerships not directly reciprocal is proportion—for + partnerships not directly reciprocal is proportion—for example if one party complains that he has given wisdom and the other says he has given the former money, what is the ratio of wisdom to being rich? and then, what is the amount given for each? for if one @@ -3560,8 +3560,8 @@ with reference to friendship as a single thing. Hence there are many of them, and each is thought to belong to friendship as one, though it does not: for instance, the desire for the friend's - existence—for the superior friend and benefactor wishes - existence to belong to his own worki.e. the beneficiary.—and to him who gave one + existence—for the superior friend and benefactor wishes + existence to belong to his own worki.e. the beneficiary.—and to him who gave one existenceThis also means the beneficiary, who is the cause of the benefactor's being a benefactor; so the benefactor ought to repay him in kind by @@ -3628,13 +3628,13 @@ class of the desirable, and the known and the perceived are generally speaking constituted by their participation in the 'determined' nature, so that to wish to perceive oneself is to wish oneself to be - of a certain character,—since, then, we are not each of + of a certain character,—since, then, we are not each of these things in ourselves but only by participating in these faculties in the process of perceiving or knowing (for when perceiving one becomes perceived by means of what one previously perceives,i.e. perception of something outside oneself causes consciousness of self. in the manner and in the respect in which one perceives it, and when knowing - one becomes known)—hence owing to this one wishes always to + one becomes known)—hence owing to this one wishes always to live because one wishes always to know; and this is because one wishes to be oneself the object known. To choose to live in the society of others might, therefore, from a certain point of view seem foolish (first in the @@ -3646,11 +3646,11 @@ receive information is possible for friends who are self-sufficing, since receiving information implies a deficiency in oneself and imparting it a deficiency in one's friend, and likeness is - friendship)— but nevertheless it surely seems that we all find it + friendship)— but nevertheless it surely seems that we all find it pleasanter to share good things with our friends,as far as these fall to each, - and the best that each can— but among these, it falls to one to share + and the best that each can— but among these, it falls to one to share bodily pleasure, to another artistic study, to another - philosophy—; and so it is pleasanter to be with one's friend + philosophy—; and so it is pleasanter to be with one's friend (whence the saying 'Distant friends a burden are'This proverb looks like a quotation, being half a line of verse.), so that they must not be separated when this is taking place. Hence also love seems to resemble friendship, @@ -3662,7 +3662,7 @@ the truth from the following consideration: 'friend' really denotes, in the language of the proverb,Quoted elsewhere in the same connection, but one may conjecture that the phrase originally meant 'as strong as - Hercules.''another Hercules'—another self; but the + Hercules.''another Hercules'—another self; but the characteristics are scattered, and it is difficult for all to be realized in the case of one person; though by nature a friend is what is most akin, yet one resembles his friend in body and another in @@ -3680,7 +3680,7 @@ live well oneself and for one's friend also to live well, and if living together involves working together, surely their partnership will be pre-eminently in things included in the End. Hence we should - study together, and feast together—not on the pleasures of + study together, and feast together—not on the pleasures of food and the necessary pleasures (for such partnerships do not seem to be real social intercourse but mere enjoyment), but each really wishes to share with his friends the End that he is capable of attaining, or @@ -3771,20 +3771,20 @@ possible to use any given thing both for its natural purpose and otherwise, and in the latter case to use it qua itself or on the contrary incidentally: for instance, with an eye qua eye, to see, or also just to see wrong, - by squinting so that one object appears two—both these uses + by squinting so that one object appears two—both these uses of the eye, then, use it because it is an eye, but it would be possible to make use of an eye but to use it in another way, incidentally, for example, if it were possible to sell it or to eat it. And similarly with the use of knowledge: one can use it truly, and one can use it - wrongly—for instance, when one spells a word incorrectly on + wrongly—for instance, when one spells a word incorrectly on purpose, then at the time one is using knowledge as ignorance, just as dancing-girls sometimes interchange the hand and the foot and use foot as hand and hand as foot.i.e. stand on their hands and wave their feet in the air. If then all the virtues are forms of knowledge, it would be possible to use - even justice as injustice—in that case a man will be + even justice as injustice—in that case a man will be behaving unjustly by doing unjust acts as a result of justice, as when one makes ignorant mistakes from knowledge; but if this is impossible, it is clear that the virtues cannot be branches of knowledge. @@ -3808,7 +3808,7 @@ Who then is there in whom this occurs? or is it in the same way as the vice of the irrational part of the spirit is termed lack of control, and the uncontrolled man is in a manner - profligate—possessing reason, but ultimately if his appetite + profligate—possessing reason, but ultimately if his appetite is powerful it will turn him round, and he will draw the opposite inference? Or is it manifest that also if there is goodness in the irrational part but folly in the reason, goodness and folly are @@ -3820,12 +3820,12 @@ there is folly in the rational should not convert the folly and make it form wise and proper judgements, and again wisdom in the rational part should not make profligacy in the irrational act - temperately—which seems to be what self-control essentially + temperately—which seems to be what self-control essentially is. So that there will actually be wise action arising from folly. But these consequences are absurd, especially that of using wisdom wisely as a result of folly; for that is a thing which we certainly do not see in - other cases—for instance profligacy perverts one's medical + other cases—for instance profligacy perverts one's medical knowledge or scholarship, but it does not pervert one's ignorance if it be opposed to it, because it does not contain superiority, but rather it is goodness in general that stands in this relation to @@ -3845,7 +3845,7 @@ that some men are fortunate we see, since many though foolish succeed in things in which luck is paramount, and some even in things which involve skill although also containing a large element of - luck—for example strategy and navigation. Are, then, these men fortunate + luck—for example strategy and navigation. Are, then, these men fortunate as a result of a certain state of character, or are they enabled to achieve fortunate results not by reason of a certain quality in themselves? As it is, people think the latter, holding that some men @@ -3856,9 +3856,9 @@ For it is clear that they do not succeed by means of wisdom, because wisdom is not irrational but can give reason why it acts as it does, whereas they - could not say why they succeed—for that would be science; + could not say why they succeed—for that would be science; and moreover it is - manifest that they succeed in spite of being unwise—not + manifest that they succeed in spite of being unwise—not unwise about other matters (for that would not be anything strange, for example HippocratesA Pythagorean philosopher of Chios, fl. 460 @@ -3886,7 +3886,7 @@ fortune is the opposite. If, then, unexpected achievement seems a matter of fortune, but, if a man is fortunate owing to fortune, it would seem that the cause is not of such a sort as to produce the same - result always or generally— further, if a man's succeeding or not + result always or generally— further, if a man's succeeding or not succeeding is due to his being of a certain sort, as a man does not see clearly because he has blue eyes, not fortune but nature is the cause; therefore he is not a man who has good fortune but one who has @@ -3899,7 +3899,7 @@ certain persons; whereas if fortune is to be eliminated altogether, then nothing must be said to come about from fortune, in spite of the fact that, although there is another cause, because we do not see it - we say that fortune is a cause—owing to which people give it + we say that fortune is a cause—owing to which people give it as a definition of fortune that it is a cause incalculable to human reasoning, implying that it is a real natural principle. This, then, would be a matter for another inquiry. But since we see that some @@ -3920,17 +3920,17 @@ appetition? and are not the latter prior?because if the impulse caused by desire for what is pleasant exists by nature, appetition also would merely by nature proceed towards what is good in every case. If, therefore, some men have - good natures—just as musical people though they have not + good natures—just as musical people though they have not learnt to singOr, with Jackson's additions, 'just as untaught musical geniuses, without professional knowledge of - singing.' have a natural aptitude for it—and + singing.' have a natural aptitude for it—and without the aid of reason have an impulse in the direction of the natural order of things and desire the right thing in the right way at the right time, these men will succeed even although they are in fact foolish and irrational, just as the others will sing well although unable to teach singing. And men of this sort obviously are - fortunate—men who without the aid of reason are usually + fortunate—men who without the aid of reason are usually successful. Hence it will follow that the fortunate are so by nature.Or has the term 'good fortune' more than one meaning? For some things are done from impulse and as a result of the @@ -3969,9 +3969,9 @@ nor does it prove that there is no such thing as fortune, nor that fortune is not the cause of anything, but that it is not the cause of all the things of which it seems to be the cause.Yet someone may raise the question whether fortune is the cause of - precisely this—forming a desire for the right thing at the + precisely this—forming a desire for the right thing at the right time. Or, on that showing, will not fortune be the cause of - everything—even of thought and deliberation? since it is not + everything—even of thought and deliberation? since it is not the case, that one only deliberates when one has deliberated even previously to that deliberation,nor does one only think when one has previously thought before thinking, and so on to infinity, but there is some @@ -3982,7 +3982,7 @@ there is no other, and that this, merely owing to its being of such and such a nature, can produce a result of such and such a nature? But this is what - we are investigating—what is the starting-point of motion in + we are investigating—what is the starting-point of motion in the spirit? The answer then is clear: as in the universe, so there, everything is moved by God; for in a manner the divine element in us is the cause of all our motions. And the starting-point of reason is not reason but @@ -3997,7 +3997,7 @@ (whereas the others have reason but have not this): they have inspiration, but they cannot deliberate. For although irrational they attain even what - belongs to the prudent and wise—swiftness of divination: + belongs to the prudent and wise—swiftness of divination: only the divination that is based on reason we must not specify, but some of them attain it by experience and others by practice in the use of observation; and these men use the divine.The Ms. reading gives 'and experience and habit @@ -4011,14 +4011,14 @@ also have it whose reason is disengaged in the manner described.' This is why the melancholic even have dreams that are true; for it seems that when the reason is disengaged - principle has more strength— just as the + principle has more strength— just as the blind remember better, being released from having their faculty of memory engaged with objects of sight.Jackson (with some hints from the Latin version) emends to give 'just as blind men, who are released from attention to visibles, remember better than others, because the faculty of memory is thus more earnestly addressed to what has been said.'It is clear, then, that there are two kinds of good - fortune—one divine, owing to which the fortunate man's + fortune—one divine, owing to which the fortunate man's success is thought to be due to the aid of God, and this is the man who is successful in accordance with his impulse, while the other is he who succeeds against his impulse. Both persons are irrational. The @@ -4033,7 +4033,7 @@ 'gentleman.' Now it is manifest that one who is to obtain this appellation truly must possess the particular virtues; for it is impossible for it to be - otherwise in the case of any other matter either—for + otherwise in the case of any other matter either—for instance, no one is healthy in his whole body but not in any part of it, but all the parts, or most of them and the most important, must necessarily be in the same condition as the whole. Now being good and being noble @@ -4042,10 +4042,10 @@ themselves. Of these, all those are fine which are laudable as existing for their own sakes, for these are the Ends which are both the motives of laudable actions and laudable - themselves—justice itself and its actions, and temperate + themselves—justice itself and its actions, and temperate actions, for temperance also is laudable; but health is not laudable, for its effect is not, nor is vigorous action laudable, for strength - is not—these things are good but they are not laudable. + is not—these things are good but they are not laudable. And similarly induction makes this clear in the other cases also. Therefore a man is good for whom the things good by nature are good. For the things men @@ -4073,7 +4073,7 @@ the noble man the things good by nature are fine; for what is just is fine, and what is according to worth is just, and he is worthy of these things; and what is - befitting is fine, and these things befit him—wealth, birth, + befitting is fine, and these things befit him—wealth, birth, power. Hence for the noble man the same things are both advantageous and fine; but for the multitude these things do not coincide, for things absolutely good are not also good for them, whereas they are @@ -4119,13 +4119,13 @@ (Solomon).); since clearly God is in need of nothing. Therefore whatever mode of choosing and of acquiring things good by - nature—whether goods of body or wealth or friends or the - other goods—will best promote the contemplation of God, that + nature—whether goods of body or wealth or friends or the + other goods—will best promote the contemplation of God, that is the best mode, and that standard is the finest;and any mode of choice and acquisition that either through deficiency or excess hinders us from - serving and from contemplating God—that is a bad one. + serving and from contemplating God—that is a bad one. This is how it is - for the spirit, and this is the best spiritual standard—to + for the spirit, and this is the best spiritual standard—to be as far as possible unconscious of the irrational part of the spirit, as such.Let this, then, be our statement of what is the standard of nobility and what is the aim of diff --git a/data/tlg0086/tlg010/tlg0086.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0086/tlg010/tlg0086.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml index 0f2ad8fd4..8400a718e 100644 --- a/data/tlg0086/tlg010/tlg0086.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0086/tlg010/tlg0086.tlg010.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -157,29 +157,29 @@ convert to P3

Every art and every investigation, and likewise every practical pursuit or undertaking, seems to aim at some good: hence it has been well said that the Good is That at which all - things aim. (It is true that a certain variety + things aim. (It is true that a certain variety is to be observed among the ends at which the arts and sciences aim: in some cases the activity of practising the art is itself the end,Aristotle gives flute-playing as an instance of an art the practice of which is an end in itself, in contrast with the art of building, the end of which is the house built Aristot. Gtr. Mor. 1211b 27 ff. whereas in others the end is some product over and above the mere exercise of the art; and in the arts whose ends are certain things beside the practice of the arts themselves, these - products are essentially superior in value to the activities.) But as there are numerous pursuits and arts and sciences, it follows + products are essentially superior in value to the activities.) But as there are numerous pursuits and arts and sciences, it follows that their ends are correspondingly numerous: for instance, the end of the science of medicine is health, that of the art of shipbuilding a vessel, that of strategy victory, that of domestic economy wealth. Now in cases where - several such pursuits are subordinate to some single faculty—as bridle-making + several such pursuits are subordinate to some single faculty—as bridle-making and the other trades concerned with horses' harness are subordinate to horsemanship, and this and every other military pursuit to the science of strategy, and similarly other arts - to different arts again—in all these cases, I say, the ends of the master arts + to different arts again—in all these cases, I say, the ends of the master arts are things more to be desired than the ends of the arts subordinate to them; since the - latter ends are only pursued for the sake of the former. (And it makes no difference whether the ends of the pursuits are the activities + latter ends are only pursued for the sake of the former. (And it makes no difference whether the ends of the pursuits are the activities themselves or some other thing beside these, as in the case of the sciences - mentioned.)

+ mentioned.)

If therefore among the ends at which our actions aim there be one which we will for its own sake, while we will the others only for the sake of this, and if we do not choose everything for the sake of something else - (which would obviously result in a process ad - infinitum, so that all desire would be futile and vain), it is clear + (which would obviously result in a process ad + infinitum, so that all desire would be futile and vain), it is clear that this one ultimate End must be the Good, and indeed the Supreme Good. Will not then a knowledge of this Supreme Good be also of great practical importance for the conduct of life? Will it not better enable us to attain our proper object, like archers having a target to aim at? If @@ -187,7 +187,7 @@ convert to P3 this Supreme Good is, and of which of the sciences or faculties it is the object.

Now it would seem that this supreme End must be the object of the most authoritative of - the sciences—some science which is pre-eminently a master-craft. But such is manifestly the science of Politics; for it is this that ordains which of the sciences are to exist in + the sciences—some science which is pre-eminently a master-craft. But such is manifestly the science of Politics; for it is this that ordains which of the sciences are to exist in states, and what branches of knowledge the different classes of the citizens are to learn, and up to what point; and we observe that even the most highly esteemed of the faculties, such as @@ -196,7 +196,7 @@ convert to P3 shall refrain from doing, the end of this science must include the ends of all the others. Therefore, the Good of man must be the end of the science of Politics. For even though it be the case that the Good is the same for the individual and for the state, nevertheless, the good of the state is manifestly a greater - and more perfect good, both to attain and to preserve.Or perhaps ‘both to ascertain and to secure.’ To secure the + and more perfect good, both to attain and to preserve.Or perhaps ‘both to ascertain and to secure.’ To secure the good of one person only is better than nothing; but to secure the good of a nation or a state is a nobler and more divine achievement.

This then being its aim, our investigation is in a sense the study of Politics.

@@ -205,10 +205,10 @@ convert to P3 all departments of philosophy alike, any more than in all the products of the arts and crafts. The subjects studied by political science are Moral Nobilitykalo/n - is a term of admiration applied to what is correct, especially (1) - bodies well shaped and works of art or handicraft well made, and (2) - actions well done (see 3.7.6); it thus means (1) - beautiful, (2) morally right. For the analogy between material and + is a term of admiration applied to what is correct, especially (1) + bodies well shaped and works of art or handicraft well made, and (2) + actions well done (see 3.7.6); it thus means (1) + beautiful, (2) morally right. For the analogy between material and moral correctness see 2.6.9. and Justice; but these conceptions involve much difference of opinion and uncertainty, so that they are sometimes believed to be mere conventions and to have no real existence in the nature of things. And a similar uncertainty surrounds the conception of the Good, because @@ -234,7 +234,7 @@ convert to P3 in character: the defect is not a question of time, it is because their life and its various aims are guided by feeling; for to such persons their knowledge is of no use, any more than it is to persons of defective self-restraint.The argument is, that even if the young could gain a knowledge of Ethics - (which they cannot, because it requires experience of life), they + (which they cannot, because it requires experience of life), they would not use it as a guide to conduct, because they are led by their passions and appetites; and therefore the study is of no value for them, since Ethics, being a practical science, is only pursued for the sake of its practical application. But @@ -248,17 +248,17 @@ convert to P3 what is the highest of all the goods that action can achieve. As far as the name goes, we may almost say that the great majority of mankind are agreed about this; for both the multitude and persons of refinement speak of it as Happiness,This translation of eu)daimoni/a can hardly be avoided, but it would perhaps be - more accurately rendered by ‘Well-being’ or - ‘Prosperity’; and it will be found that the writer does not + more accurately rendered by ‘Well-being’ or + ‘Prosperity’; and it will be found that the writer does not interpret it as a state of feeling but as a kind of activity. and conceive - ‘the good life’ or ‘doing well’The English phrase preserves the ambiguity of the Greek, - which in its ordinary acceptation rather means ‘faring well’ than - ‘acting well,’ though in the sequel Aristotle diverts it to the + ‘the good life’ or ‘doing well’The English phrase preserves the ambiguity of the Greek, + which in its ordinary acceptation rather means ‘faring well’ than + ‘acting well,’ though in the sequel Aristotle diverts it to the active sense. to be the same thing as - ‘being happy.’ But what constitutes happiness is a matter of dispute; + ‘being happy.’ But what constitutes happiness is a matter of dispute; and the popular account of it is not the same as that given by the philosophers. Ordinary people identify it with some obvious and - visible good, such as pleasure or wealth or honor—some say one thing and some + visible good, such as pleasure or wealth or honor—some say one thing and some another, indeed very often the same man says different things at different times: when he falls sick he thinks health is happiness, when he is poor, wealth. At other times, feeling conscious of their own ignorance, men admire those who propound something grand and above @@ -274,8 +274,8 @@ convert to P3 raise this question, and to enquire whether the true procedure is to start from or to lead up to one's first principles, as in a race-course one may run from the judges to the far end of the track or the reverse. Now no doubt it is proper to start from the known. But - ‘the known’ has two meanings—‘what is known to - us,’ which is one thing, and ‘what is knowable in itself,’ + ‘the known’ has two meanings—‘what is known to + us,’ which is one thing, and ‘what is knowable in itself,’ which is another. Perhaps then for usIn contrast apparently with the school of Plato. at all events it proper to start from what is known to us. This is why in order to be a competent @@ -299,29 +299,29 @@ convert to P3 we digressed. To judge from men's lives, the more or less reasoned conceptions of the Good or Happiness that seem to prevail are the following. On the one hand the generality of men and the most vulgar identify the Good with pleasure, and - accordingly are content with the Life of Enjoyment—for there are three specially + accordingly are content with the Life of Enjoyment—for there are three specially prominent Lives,The doctrine of the three Lives goes back to Pythagoras, who compared the three kinds of men to the three classes of strangers who went to the Games, traders, competitors, and spectators - (Iamblichus, Vit. Pythag. 58). This apologue brings out + (Iamblichus, Vit. Pythag. 58). This apologue brings out the metaphor underlying the phrase qewrhtiko\s bi/os, - lit. ‘the life of the spectator’ ( - Burnet). the one just mentioned, the + lit. ‘the life of the spectator’ ( + Burnet). the one just mentioned, the Life of Politics, and thirdly, the Life of Contemplation. The generality of mankind then show themselves to be utterly slavish, by preferring what is only a life for cattle; but they get a hearing for their view as reasonable because many persons of high position share the feelings of Sardanapallus.The last two words of the Greek look like a verse passage loosely quoted. Sardanapallus was a mythical Assyrian king; two - versions of his epitaph are recorded by Athenaeus (336, 530), one + versions of his epitaph are recorded by Athenaeus (336, 530), one containing the words e)/sqie, pi=ne, pai=ze: w(s ta)=lla tou/tou - ou)k a)/cia tou= a)pokroth/matos, ‘Eat, drink, play, since all - else is not worth that snap of the fingers’; the other ends kei=n' e)/xw o(/ss' e)/fagon kai\ e)fu/brisa kai\ met' e)/rwtos te/rpn' - e)/paqon: ta\ de\ kai\ o)/lbia pa/nta le/luntai, ‘I have what I + ou)k a)/cia tou= a)pokroth/matos, ‘Eat, drink, play, since all + else is not worth that snap of the fingers’; the other ends kei=n' e)/xw o(/ss' e)/fagon kai\ e)fu/brisa kai\ met' e)/rwtos te/rpn' + e)/paqon: ta\ de\ kai\ o)/lbia pa/nta le/luntai, ‘I have what I ate; and the delightful deeds of wantonness and love which I did and suffered; whereas - all my wealth is vanished.’ + all my wealth is vanished.’

Men of refinement, on the other hand, and men of action think that the Good is - honor—for this may be said to be the end of the Life of Politics. But honor + honor—for this may be said to be the end of the Life of Politics. But honor after all seems too superficial to be the Good for which we are seeking; since it appears to depend on those who confer it more than on him upon whom it is conferred, whereas we instinctively feel that the Good must be something proper to its possessor and not easy to @@ -333,27 +333,27 @@ convert to P3 the Political Life. But even virtue proves on examination to be too incomplete to be the End; since it appears possible to possess it while you are asleep, or without putting it into practice throughout the whole of your life; and also for the virtuous man to suffer - the greatest misery and misfortune— though no one would pronounce a man living a life + the greatest misery and misfortune— though no one would pronounce a man living a life of misery to be happy, unless for the sake of maintaining a paradox. But we need not pursue this subject, since it has been sufficiently treated in the ordinary discussions.It is not certain whether this phrase - refers to written treatises (whether Aristotle's own dialogues and other - popular works, now lost, or those of other philosophers), or to philosophical - debates like those which Plato's dialogues purport to report (as did doubtless - those of Aristotle). Cf. De caelo 279a 30 - e)n toi=s e)gkukli/ois filosofh/masi, ‘in the - ordinary philosophical discussions,’ and De anima + refers to written treatises (whether Aristotle's own dialogues and other + popular works, now lost, or those of other philosophers), or to philosophical + debates like those which Plato's dialogues purport to report (as did doubtless + those of Aristotle). Cf. De caelo 279a 30 + e)n toi=s e)gkukli/ois filosofh/masi, ‘in the + ordinary philosophical discussions,’ and De anima 407b 29 - toi=s e)n koinw=| ginome/nois lo/gois, ‘the - discussions that go on in public’; and see 13.9 note for similar references to - ‘extraneous discussions.’ + toi=s e)n koinw=| ginome/nois lo/gois, ‘the + discussions that go on in public’; and see 13.9 note for similar references to + ‘extraneous discussions.’

The third type of life is the Life of Contemplation, which we shall consider in the sequel.

The Life of Money-making is a constrainedLiterally - ‘violent’; the adjective is applied to the strict diet and and + ‘violent’; the adjective is applied to the strict diet and and laborious exercises of athletes, and to physical phenomena such as motion, in the sense - of ‘constrained’, ‘not natural’. The text here + of ‘constrained’, ‘not natural’. The text here has been suspected. kind of life, and clearly wealth is not the Good we are in search of, for it is only good as being useful, a means to something else. On this score indeed one might conceive the ends before mentioned to have a better claim, for they are @@ -362,32 +362,32 @@ convert to P3 them.

But perhaps it is desirable that we should examine the notion of a Universal Good, and review the difficulties that it involves, although such an inquiry goes against the grain - because of our friendship for the authors of the Theory of Ideas.The translation ‘Forms’ is perhaps less misleading: + because of our friendship for the authors of the Theory of Ideas.The translation ‘Forms’ is perhaps less misleading: ei)=dos is not a psychological term. Still perhaps it would appear desirable, and indeed it would seem to be obligatory, especially for a philosopher, to sacrifice even one's closest personal ties in defense of the truth. Both are dear to us, yet 'tis our duty to prefer the truth.Probably a verse quotation.

The originatorsOr perhaps - ‘importers’ from the Pythagoreans of S. Italy. of this - theory, then, used not to postulate Ideas of groups of things in which they positedPerhaps ‘we posit’. an order of - priority and posteriorityA is ‘prior in - nature’ (though not necessarily in time) to B, when A can + ‘importers’ from the Pythagoreans of S. Italy. of this + theory, then, used not to postulate Ideas of groups of things in which they positedPerhaps ‘we posit’. an order of + priority and posteriorityA is ‘prior in + nature’ (though not necessarily in time) to B, when A can exist without B but not B without A; and they cannot then be on a par as members of one - class. (for which reason they did not construct an Idea of numbers in - general). But Good is predicated alike in - the Categories of Substance, of Quality, and Relation; yet the Absolute,Lit. ‘that which is by itself’. + class. (for which reason they did not construct an Idea of numbers in + general). But Good is predicated alike in + the Categories of Substance, of Quality, and Relation; yet the Absolute,Lit. ‘that which is by itself’. or Substance, is prior in nature to the Relative, which seems to be a sort of offshoot or - ‘accident’ of Substance; so that there cannot be a common Idea + ‘accident’ of Substance; so that there cannot be a common Idea corresponding to the absolutely good and the relatively good.

-

Again, the word ‘good’ is used in as many senses as the word - ‘is’; for we may predicate good in the Category of Substance, for - instance of God, or intelligence; in that of Quality—the excellences; in that of - Quantity—moderate in amount; in that of Relation—useful; in that of - Time—a favorable opportunity; in that of Place—a suitable - ‘habitat’di/aita is used of the habitat of a species of animals, De mundo 398b 32; though it has been taken here to mean - ‘a favorable climate’ for human beings. In Aristoph. Frogs 114 it may mean ‘a - lodging’, and later it denotes an apartment or suite of rooms, as in +

Again, the word ‘good’ is used in as many senses as the word + ‘is’; for we may predicate good in the Category of Substance, for + instance of God, or intelligence; in that of Quality—the excellences; in that of + Quantity—moderate in amount; in that of Relation—useful; in that of + Time—a favorable opportunity; in that of Place—a suitable + ‘habitat’di/aita is used of the habitat of a species of animals, De mundo 398b 32; though it has been taken here to mean + ‘a favorable climate’ for human beings. In Aristoph. Frogs 114 it may mean ‘a + lodging’, and later it denotes an apartment or suite of rooms, as in Pliny's descriptions of Italian villas.; and so on. So clearly good cannot be a single and universal general notion; if it were, it would not be predicable in all the Categories, but only in @@ -399,32 +399,32 @@ convert to P3 that of medicine; and the due amount in diet comes under medicine, in bodily exercise under gymnastics.

One might also raise the question what precisely they mean by their expression the - ‘Ideal so and-so,’Literally - ‘so-and-so itself.’ seeing that one and the same definition - of man applies both to ‘the Ideal man’ and to - ‘man,’i.e., ‘the - ordinary notion of man’—the concept of man in general which we form + ‘Ideal so and-so,’Literally + ‘so-and-so itself.’ seeing that one and the same definition + of man applies both to ‘the Ideal man’ and to + ‘man,’i.e., ‘the + ordinary notion of man’—the concept of man in general which we form from our experience of particular men, but do not regard as a thing existing - independently of them—; or perhaps ‘a particular man,’ but + independently of them—; or perhaps ‘a particular man,’ but this seems to require a)nqrw/pw| tini/ or tw=|de. for in so far as both are man, there will be no difference between them; and if so, no more will there be any difference between - ‘the Ideal Good’ and ‘Good’ in so far as both are + ‘the Ideal Good’ and ‘Good’ in so far as both are good. Nor yet will the Ideal Good be any more good because it is eternal, seeing that a white thing that lasts a long time is no whiter than one that lasts only a day.

The PythagoreansThis parenthetical note might come - better after 6.4 (Burnet, Cl. Rev. 3:198). The - Pythagoreans, instead of (like Plato) saying the Good was one, more - wisely said the One was good (or akin to the Good). Some of them - (Aristot. Met. 986a 22) + better after 6.4 (Burnet, Cl. Rev. 3:198). The + Pythagoreans, instead of (like Plato) saying the Good was one, more + wisely said the One was good (or akin to the Good). Some of them + (Aristot. Met. 986a 22) taught that there were ten pairs of opposing principles, which they ranged in two - columns—limit and the unlimited, odd and even, unity and plurality, right and + columns—limit and the unlimited, odd and even, unity and plurality, right and left, male and female, resting and moving, straight and crooked, light and darkness, - good and bad, square and oblong. They also held (Aristot. Met. 1072b 32) that good and + good and bad, square and oblong. They also held (Aristot. Met. 1072b 32) that good and beauty were not original, but appeared in the course of the evolution of the world; hence perhaps the late position of good in the list of opposites. The phrase - ‘column of goods’ (cf. Aristot. Met. 1093b 12 ‘column of the beautiful’) - is inexact, as good was only one of the things in the column—unless it means + ‘column of goods’ (cf. Aristot. Met. 1093b 12 ‘column of the beautiful’) + is inexact, as good was only one of the things in the column—unless it means the column to which good things among others belong; but doubtless all the positive principles were regarded as akin. seem to give a more probable doctrine on the subject of the Good when they place Unity in their column of goods; and indeed @@ -436,9 +436,9 @@ convert to P3 things pursued and accepted for their own sake are pronounced good as belonging to a single species, while things productive or preservative of these in any way, or preventive of their opposites, are said to be good as a means to these, and in a different sense. - Clearly then the term ‘goods’ would - have two meanings, (1) things good in themselves and - (2) things good as a means to these; let us then separate things good in + Clearly then the term ‘goods’ would + have two meanings, (1) things good in themselves and + (2) things good as a means to these; let us then separate things good in themselves from things useful as means, and consider whether the former are called good because they fall under a single Idea. But what sort of things is one to class as good in themselves? Are they not those things which are sought @@ -446,8 +446,8 @@ convert to P3 and honors? for even if we also pursue these things as means to something else, still one would class them among things good in themselves. Or is there nothing else good in itself except the Idea? If so, the species will be of no use.i.e., the species or class of things good in - themselves will be a class to which nothing belongs (for the Idea is not - in the class). + themselves will be a class to which nothing belongs (for the Idea is not + in the class). If on the contrary the class of things good in themselves includes these objects, the same notion of good ought to be manifested in all of them, just as the same notion of white is manifested in snow and in white paint. But as @@ -459,7 +459,7 @@ convert to P3 in virtue of being derived from one good; or because they all contribute to one good. Or perhaps it is rather by way of a proportionThe writer's own solution: when different things are called good, it means they each bear - the same relation to (viz. contribute to the welfare of) certain other + the same relation to (viz. contribute to the welfare of) certain other things, not all to the same thing.: that is, as sight is good in the body, so intelligence is good in the soul, and similarly another thing in something else.

Perhaps however this question must be dismissed for the present, since a detailed @@ -473,15 +473,15 @@ convert to P3 pattern we shall more easily know what things are good for us, and knowing them, obtain them. Now it is true that this argument has a certain plausibility; but it does not seem to square with the actual procedure of the sciences. - For these all aim at some good, and seek to make up their deficiencies,Or perhaps ‘to supply what is lacking of - it’ (the good at which they aim); cf. 7.17. but they + For these all aim at some good, and seek to make up their deficiencies,Or perhaps ‘to supply what is lacking of + it’ (the good at which they aim); cf. 7.17. but they do not trouble about a knowledge of the Ideal Good. Yet if it were so potent an aid, it is improbable that all the professors of the arts and sciences should not know it, nor even seek to discover it. Moreover, it is not easy to see how knowing that same Ideal Good will help a weaver or carpenter in the practice of his own craft, or how anybody will be a better physician or general for having contemplated the absolute Idea. In fact it does not appear that the physician studies even healthi.e., the particular good which is the end of his own - science. in the abstract; he studies the health of the human being—or + science. in the abstract; he studies the health of the human being—or rather of some particular human being, for it is individuals that he has to cure.

Let us here conclude our discussion of this subject.

We may now return to the Good which is the object of our search, and try to find out what @@ -489,23 +489,23 @@ convert to P3 another: it is different in medicine from what it is in strategy, and so on with the rest of the arts. What definition of the Good then will hold true in all the arts? Perhaps we may define it as that for the sake of which everything else is done. This applies to - something different in each different art—to health in the case of medicine, + something different in each different art—to health in the case of medicine, to victory in that of strategy, to a house in architecture, and to something else in each of the other arts; but in every pursuit or undertaking it describes the end of that pursuit or undertaking, since in all of them it is for the sake of the end that everything else is done. Hence if there be something which is the end of all the things done by human action, this will be the practicable - Good—or if there be several such ends, the sum of these will be the Good. + Good—or if there be several such ends, the sum of these will be the Good. Thus by changing its ground the argument has reached the same result as before.Cf. 2.1. We must attempt however to render this still more precise.

Now there do appear to be several ends at which our actions aim; but as we choose some of - them—for instance wealth, or flutes,Perhaps - a note on ‘instruments,’ interpolated. and instruments - generally—as a means to something else, it is clear that not all of them are + them—for instance wealth, or flutes,Perhaps + a note on ‘instruments,’ interpolated. and instruments + generally—as a means to something else, it is clear that not all of them are final ends; whereas the Supreme Good seems to be something final. Consequently if there be - some one thing which alone is a final end, this thing—or if there be several - final ends, the one among them which is the most final—will be the Good which we + some one thing which alone is a final end, this thing—or if there be several + final ends, the one among them which is the most final—will be the Good which we are seeking. In speaking of degrees of finality, we mean that a thing pursued as an end in itself is more final than one pursued as a means to something else, and that a thing never chosen as a means to anything else is more final @@ -513,23 +513,23 @@ convert to P3 a thing chosen always as an end and never as a means we call absolutely final. Now happiness above all else appears to be absolutely final in this sense, since we always choose it for its own sake and never as a means to something else; whereas honor, pleasure, intelligence, and excellence in its various forms, we choose - indeed for their own sakes (since we should be glad to have each of them although - no extraneous advantage resulted from it), but we also choose them for the sake + indeed for their own sakes (since we should be glad to have each of them although + no extraneous advantage resulted from it), but we also choose them for the sake of happiness, in the belief that they will be a means to our securing it. But no one chooses happiness for the sake of honor, pleasure, etc., nor as a means to anything whatever other than itself.

The same conclusion also appears to follow from a consideration of the self-sufficiency - of happiness—for it is felt that the final good must be a thing sufficient in + of happiness—for it is felt that the final good must be a thing sufficient in itself. The term self-sufficient, however, we employ with reference not to oneself alone, living a life of isolation, but also to one's parents and children and wife, and one's - friends and fellow citizens in general, since man is by nature a social being.Lit. ‘a political thing.’ Aristot. Pol. 1253a 2 adds zw=|on, ‘a political animal.’ + friends and fellow citizens in general, since man is by nature a social being.Lit. ‘a political thing.’ Aristot. Pol. 1253a 2 adds zw=|on, ‘a political animal.’ On the other hand a limit has to be assumed in these relationships; for if the list be extended to one's ancestors and descendants and to the friends of one's friends, it will go on ad infinitum. But this is a point that must be considered later on; we take a self-sufficient thing to mean a thing which merely standing by itself alone renders life desirable lacking in nothing,A probable emendation gives - ‘renders life sufficient, that is, lacking in nothing.’ and + ‘renders life sufficient, that is, lacking in nothing.’ and such a thing we deem happiness to be. Moreover, we think happiness the most desirable of all good things without being itself reckoned as one among the restSc. but as including all other good things as @@ -555,47 +555,47 @@ convert to P3 function be? The mere act of living appears to be shared even by plants, whereas we are looking for the function peculiar to man; we must therefore set aside the vital activity of nutrition and growth. Next in the scale will come some form of sentient life; but this too - appears to be shared by horses, oxen, and animals generally. There remains therefore what may be called the practical‘Practice’ for Aristotle denotes + appears to be shared by horses, oxen, and animals generally. There remains therefore what may be called the practical‘Practice’ for Aristotle denotes purposeful conduct, of which only rational beings are capable, cf. 6.2.2 note. - life of the rational part of man. (This part has two divisions,This anticipation of 13.19 is irrelevant, and states + life of the rational part of man. (This part has two divisions,This anticipation of 13.19 is irrelevant, and states decisively a point there left doubtful. Also on grounds of Greek this parenthesis has been suspected as an interpolation, and perhaps we should leave it out and render the - preceding words ‘the practical life of a rational being.’ one + preceding words ‘the practical life of a rational being.’ one rational as obedient to principle, the others possessing principle and exercising - intelligence). Rational life again has two meanings; let us assume that we are + intelligence). Rational life again has two meanings; let us assume that we are here concerned with the active exerciseIn contrast with the mere state of possessing the faculty. of the rational faculty, since this seems to be the more proper sense of the term. If - then the function of man is the active exercise of the soul's facultiesLiterally ‘activity of soul’; yuxh/ however has a wider connotation than either - ‘soul’ or ‘mind,’ and includes the whole of the + then the function of man is the active exercise of the soul's facultiesLiterally ‘activity of soul’; yuxh/ however has a wider connotation than either + ‘soul’ or ‘mind,’ and includes the whole of the vitality of any living creature. in conformity with rational principle, or at all events not in dissociation from rational principle, and if we acknowledge the function of - an individual and of a good individual of the same class (for instance, a harper - and a good harper, and so generally with all classes) to be generically the same, + an individual and of a good individual of the same class (for instance, a harper + and a good harper, and so generally with all classes) to be generically the same, the qualification of the latter's superiority in excellence being added to the function in - his case (I mean that if the function of a harper is to play the harp, that of a - good harper is to play the harp well): if this is so, and if we declare that the + his case (I mean that if the function of a harper is to play the harp, that of a + good harper is to play the harp well): if this is so, and if we declare that the function of man is a certain form of life, and define that form of life as the exercise of the soul's faculties and activities in association with rational principle, and say that the function of a good man is to perform these activities well and rightly, and if a function is well performed when it is performed in - accordance with its own proper excellence—from these premises it follows that + accordance with its own proper excellence—from these premises it follows that the Good of man is the active exercise of his soul's faculties in conformity with excellence or virtue, or if there be several human excellences or virtues, in conformity with the best and most perfect among them. Moreover, to be happy takes a complete lifetime; for one swallow does not make spring, nor does one fine day; and similarly one day or a brief period of happiness does not make a man supremely blessedThe word maka/rios, rendered - ‘blessed’ or ‘supremely happy,’ is a derivative + ‘blessed’ or ‘supremely happy,’ is a derivative of ma/kar, the adjective applied in Homer and Hesiod to the gods and to those of mankind who have been admitted after death to the Islands of the Blest. See 10.16, 12.4. and happy.

-

Let this account then serve to describe the Good in outline—for no doubt the +

Let this account then serve to describe the Good in outline—for no doubt the proper procedure is to begin by making a rough sketch, and to fill it in afterwards. If a work has been well laid down in outline, to carry it on and complete it in detail may be supposed to be within the capacity of anybody; and in this working out of details Time seems to be a good inventor or at all events coadjutor. This indeed is how advances in the arts have actually come about, since anyone can fill in the gaps. Also the warning given above3.1-4. must not be forgotten; we must not look for equal exactness in all departments of study, but only such as belongs to the subject matter of each, and in such - a degree as is appropriate to the particular line of enquiry. A carpenter and a geometrician both try to find a right angle,Or ‘straight line.’ but in + a degree as is appropriate to the particular line of enquiry. A carpenter and a geometrician both try to find a right angle,Or ‘straight line.’ but in different ways; the former is content with that approximation to it which satisfies the purpose of his work; the latter, being a student of truth, seeks to find its essence or essential attributes. We should therefore proceed in the same manner in other subjects @@ -603,18 +603,18 @@ convert to P3

Nor again must we in all matters alike demand an explanation of the reason why things are what they are; in some cases it is enough if the fact that they are so is satisfactorily established.Cf. 4.7. This is the case with - first principles; and the fact is the primary thing—it is a first - principle. And principles are studied—some by + first principles; and the fact is the primary thing—it is a first + principle. And principles are studied—some by induction, others by perception, others by some form of habituation, and also others - otherwiseThis is usually taken ‘that is, - different ones in different ways,’ but kai\ . . . + otherwiseThis is usually taken ‘that is, + different ones in different ways,’ but kai\ . . . de/ seems to refer to other classes as well.; so we must endeavor to arrive at the principles of each kind in their natural manner, and must also be careful to define them correctly, since they are of great importance for the subsequent course of the - enquiry. The beginning is admittedly more than half of the whole,The usual form of the proverb is ‘The beginning is half of the - whole.’ Aristotle applies it by a sort of play on words to a)rxh/ in its technical sense of a general principle of - science, which is a ‘beginning’ in the sense that it is the + enquiry. The beginning is admittedly more than half of the whole,The usual form of the proverb is ‘The beginning is half of the + whole.’ Aristotle applies it by a sort of play on words to a)rxh/ in its technical sense of a general principle of + science, which is a ‘beginning’ in the sense that it is the starting-point of deductive reasoning. There is a reminiscence of Hesiod, Hes. WD 30, ple/on h(/misu - panto/s, ‘The half is more than the whole,’ though the + panto/s, ‘The half is more than the whole,’ though the meaning of that is entirely different. and throws light at once on many of the questions under investigation.

Accordingly we must examine our first principlei.e. @@ -624,28 +624,28 @@ convert to P3 false, it is quickly seen to be discordant with them.

Now things good have been divided into three classes, external goods on the one hand, and goods of the soul and of the body on the otherThe turn - of phrase associates ‘bodily goods’ with ‘goods of the - soul,’ both being personal, in contrast with the third class, - ‘external goods.’ But it at once appears that the important - distinction is between ‘goods of the soul’ on the one hand and all - rest (‘the good in the body and those outside and of - fortune,’ 7.13.2) on the other. Hence in 8.3 ‘external - goods’ must include ‘bodily goods’ as also 8.15 f., where - ‘external goods’ are subdivided into the instruments and the - indispensable conditions of well-being (and so in more scientific language, - 9.7), the latter subdivision including beauty, the only bodily good there + of phrase associates ‘bodily goods’ with ‘goods of the + soul,’ both being personal, in contrast with the third class, + ‘external goods.’ But it at once appears that the important + distinction is between ‘goods of the soul’ on the one hand and all + rest (‘the good in the body and those outside and of + fortune,’ 7.13.2) on the other. Hence in 8.3 ‘external + goods’ must include ‘bodily goods’ as also 8.15 f., where + ‘external goods’ are subdivided into the instruments and the + indispensable conditions of well-being (and so in more scientific language, + 9.7), the latter subdivision including beauty, the only bodily good there specified.; and of these three kinds of goods, those of the soul we commonly pronounce good in the fullest sense and the highest degree. But it is our actions and the soul's active exercise of its functionsSee the - definition, 7.15. that we posit (as being Happiness); hence so - far as this opinion goes—and it is of long standing, and generally accepted by - students of philosophy—it supports the correctness of our definition of + definition, 7.15. that we posit (as being Happiness); hence so + far as this opinion goes—and it is of long standing, and generally accepted by + students of philosophy—it supports the correctness of our definition of Happiness.

It also shows it to be right in declaring the End to consist in certain actions or activities, for thus the End is included among goods of the soul, and not among external goods.See 8.2, first note.

Again, our definition accords with the description of the happy man as one who - ‘lives well’ or ‘does well’; for it has virtually + ‘lives well’ or ‘does well’; for it has virtually identified happiness with a form of good life or doing well.Cf. 4.2 note.

And moreover all the various characteristics that are looked for in happiness are found @@ -658,36 +658,36 @@ convert to P3 and neither class is likely to be altogether mistaken; the probability is that their beliefs are at least partly, or indeed mainly, correct.

Now with those who pronounce happiness to be virtue, or some particular virtue, our - definition is in agreement; for ‘activity in conformity with virtue’ + definition is in agreement; for ‘activity in conformity with virtue’ involves virtue. But no doubt it makes a great difference whether we conceive the Supreme Good to depend on possessing virtue or on displaying - it—on disposition, or on the manifestation of a disposition in action. For a man + it—on disposition, or on the manifestation of a disposition in action. For a man may possess the disposition without its producing any good result, as for instance when he is asleep, or has ceased to function from some other cause; but virtue in active exercise - cannot be inoperative—it will of necessity act, and act well. And just as at the + cannot be inoperative—it will of necessity act, and act well. And just as at the Olympic games the wreaths of victory are not bestowed upon the handsomest and strongest - persons present, but on men who enter for the competitions—since it is among - these that the winners are found,—so it is those who act rightly + persons present, but on men who enter for the competitions—since it is among + these that the winners are found,—so it is those who act rightly who carry off the prizes and good things of life.

And further, the life of active virtue is essentially pleasant. For the feeling of pleasure is an experience of the soul,Not an - experience of the body (cf. 10.3.6), even the case of - ‘bodily pleasures.’ This brings pleasure within the definition of - happiness as “an activity of the soul.” and a thing gives a - man pleasure in regard to which he is described as ‘fond of’ + experience of the body (cf. 10.3.6), even the case of + ‘bodily pleasures.’ This brings pleasure within the definition of + happiness as “an activity of the soul.” and a thing gives a + man pleasure in regard to which he is described as ‘fond of’ so-and-so: for instance a horse gives pleasure to one fond of horses, a play to one fond of the theater, and similarly just actions are pleasant to the lover of justice, and acts conforming with virtue generally to the lover of virtue. But whereas the mass of mankind take pleasure in things that conflict with one another,Morally inferior people like things that are - only pleasant ‘accidentally,’ i.e. owing not to some quality + only pleasant ‘accidentally,’ i.e. owing not to some quality inherent in the thing but to something extraneous to it, viz. some depravity of taste or temporary affection in the person. Hence not only do different people think different things pleasant but the same person thinks the same thing pleasant at one time and - unpleasant at another—and so repents today of his indulgence yesterday; or he + unpleasant at another—and so repents today of his indulgence yesterday; or he desires two incompatible things at once, or desires a thing with one part of his nature that he dislikes with another, so that there is a conflict between his desires, or - between his desire for pleasure and his wish for what he thinks good (see Bk. - 9.4, esp. 4.8-10, and contrast 4.5.) because they are not pleasant of + between his desire for pleasure and his wish for what he thinks good (see Bk. + 9.4, esp. 4.8-10, and contrast 4.5.) because they are not pleasant of their own nature, things pleasant by nature are pleasant to lovers of what is noble, and so always are actions in conformity with virtue, so that they are pleasant essentially as well as pleasant to lovers of the noble. Therefore their @@ -701,10 +701,10 @@ convert to P3

But they are also of course both good and noble, and each in the highest degree, if the good man judges them rightly; and his judgement is as we have said. It follows therefore that happiness is at once the best, the noblest, and the pleasantest of things: these qualities are not separated as the inscription at - Delos makes out— + Delos makes out— Justice is noblest, and health is best, - But the heart's desire is the pleasantest—, + But the heart's desire is the pleasantest—, for the best activities possess them all; and it is the best activities, or one activity which is the best of all, in which according to our definition happiness @@ -713,38 +713,38 @@ convert to P3 we said; for it is impossible, or at least not easy, to play a noble part unless furnished with the necessary equipment.It was one of the public duties of rich citizens at Athens to equip the - chorus and actors of a drama at their own expense. One so doing was called xorhgo/s (chorus-leader, as no doubt originally he - was), and the dresses, etc., he supplied, xorhgi/a. The latter term is frequently used by Aristotle to denote the + chorus and actors of a drama at their own expense. One so doing was called xorhgo/s (chorus-leader, as no doubt originally he + was), and the dresses, etc., he supplied, xorhgi/a. The latter term is frequently used by Aristotle to denote the material equipment of life, and has almost or quite ceased to be felt as a metaphor. For many noble actions require instruments for their performance, in the shape of friends or wealth or political power; also there are certain external advantages, the lack of which sullies supreme felicity, such as good birth, satisfactory children, and personal beauty: a man of very ugly appearance or low birth, or childless and alone in the world, is not our idea of a happy man, and still - less so perhaps is one who has children or friendsPerhaps ‘or friends’ is slipped in because of ‘alone in - the world’ just above, but friends should not be mentioned here among the + less so perhaps is one who has children or friendsPerhaps ‘or friends’ is slipped in because of ‘alone in + the world’ just above, but friends should not be mentioned here among the indispensable conditions of happiness, as they were included just above among its - instruments (see 8.2, first note). that are worthless, or who + instruments (see 8.2, first note). that are worthless, or who has had good ones but lost them by death. As we said therefore, happiness does seem to require the addition of external prosperity, and this is - why some people identify it with good fortune (though some identify it with + why some people identify it with good fortune (though some identify it with virtueThis irrelevant addition looks like an - interpolation.).

+ interpolation.
).

It is this that gives rise to the question whether happiness is a thing that can be learnt, or acquired by training, or cultivated in some other manner, or whether it is - bestowed by some divine dispensation or even by fortune. (1) Now if anything that men have is a gift of the gods, it is - reasonable to suppose that happiness is divinely given—indeed of all man's + bestowed by some divine dispensation or even by fortune. (1) Now if anything that men have is a gift of the gods, it is + reasonable to suppose that happiness is divinely given—indeed of all man's possessions it is most likely to be so, inasmuch as it is the best of them all. This subject however may perhaps more properly belong to another branch of study.i.e., theology, but Aristotle does not reopen the question in the Metaphysics or elsewhere. Still, even if happiness is not sent us from heaven, but is won by virtue and by some kind of study or practice, it seems to be one of the most divine things that exist. For the prize and end - of virtue must clearly be supremely good—it must be something divine and - blissful. (2) And also on our view it + of virtue must clearly be supremely good—it must be something divine and + blissful. (2) And also on our view it will admit of being widely diffused, since it can be attained through some process of study or effort by all persons whose capacity for virtue has not been stunted or maimed. - (3) Again, if it is better to be happy + (3) Again, if it is better to be happy as a result of one's own exertions than by the gift of fortune, it is reasonable to suppose that this is how happiness is won; inasmuch as in the world of nature things have a natural tendency to be ordered in the best possible way, and the same is true of the products of art, and of causation of any kind, and @@ -773,15 +773,15 @@ convert to P3 obey Solon's warning,See Hdt. 1.30-33. Solon visited Croesus, king of Lydia, and was shown all his treasures, but refused to call him the happiest of mankind until he should have heard that he had ended his life without - misfortune; he bade him ‘mark the end of every matter, how it should turn - out.’ and ‘look to the end’? And if we are indeed to lay down this rule, can a man really be happy + misfortune; he bade him ‘mark the end of every matter, how it should turn + out.’ and ‘look to the end’? And if we are indeed to lay down this rule, can a man really be happy after he is dead? Surely that is an extremely strange notion, especially for us who define happiness as a form of activity! While if on the other hand we refuse to speak of a dead man as happy, and Solon's words do not mean this, but that only when a man is dead can one safely call him blessed as being now beyond the reach of evil and misfortune, this also admits of some dispute; for it is believed that some evil and also some good can befall the dead, just as much as they can happen to the living - without their being aware of it— for + without their being aware of it— for instance honors, and disgraces, and the prosperity and misfortunes of their children and their descendants in general. But here too there is a difficulty. For suppose a man to have lived in perfect happiness until old age, and to @@ -791,7 +791,7 @@ convert to P3 remoteness from the ancestors in question. Now it would be a strange thing if the dead man also were to changei.e., if our estimate of his life as happy or the reverse had to change. There is no idea of the dead being conscious of - what happens to their descendants (cf. 10.3 fin.), though this is + what happens to their descendants (cf. 10.3 fin.), though this is inconsistently suggested by the wording of 10.5. with the fortunes of his family, and were to become a happy man at one time and then miserable at another; yet on the other hand it would also be strange if ancestors were not affected at all, even over a limited period, by the fortunes of their @@ -806,8 +806,8 @@ convert to P3 and not readily subject to change, whereas the wheel of fortune often turns full circle in the same person's experience. For it is clear that if we are to be guided by fortune, we shall often have to call the same man first happy and then - miserable; we shall make out the happy man to be a sort of ‘chameleon, or a - house built on the sand.’Perhaps a verse + miserable; we shall make out the happy man to be a sort of ‘chameleon, or a + house built on the sand.’Perhaps a verse from an unknown play.

But perhaps it is quite wrong to be guided in our judgement by the changes of fortune, @@ -826,8 +826,8 @@ convert to P3 remain happy all his life; since he will be always or at least most often employed in doing and contemplating the things that are in conformity with virtue. And he will bear changes of fortunes most nobly, and with perfect - propriety in every way, being as he is ‘good in very truth’ and - ‘four-square without reproach.’From the poem of Simonides quoted and discussed in Plat. + propriety in every way, being as he is ‘good in very truth’ and + ‘four-square without reproach.’From the poem of Simonides quoted and discussed in Plat. Prot. 339.

But the accidents of fortune are many and vary in degree of magnitude; and although small @@ -855,8 +855,8 @@ convert to P3

May not we then confidently pronounce that man happy who realizes complete goodness in action, and is adequately furnished with external goods? Or should we add, that he must also be destined to go on living notThe clause - ‘not . . . lifetime’ stands above after ‘external - goods’ in the mss. for any casual period but throughout a complete + ‘not . . . lifetime’ stands above after ‘external + goods’ in the mss. for any casual period but throughout a complete lifetime in the same manner, and to die accordingly, because the future is hidden from us, and we conceive happiness as an end, something utterly and absolutely final and complete? If this is so, we shall pronounce those of the living who possess and are destined to go on @@ -888,9 +888,9 @@ convert to P3 praise or rather one of those that we honorThe definition of happiness is now shown to be supported by the current terms of moral approbation; apparently e)paineton, - ‘praiseworthy’ or ‘commendable,’ was appropriate + ‘praiseworthy’ or ‘commendable,’ was appropriate to means , or things having relative value, and ti/mion, - ‘valued’ or ‘revered,’ to ends, or things of + ‘valued’ or ‘revered,’ to ends, or things of absolute value.; for it is at all events clear that it is not a mere potentiality.i.e., not merely a potentiality of good but an actual good, whether as means or end. @@ -908,9 +908,9 @@ convert to P3 what is relative, it is clear that the best things do not merit praise, but something greater and better: as indeed is generally recognized, since we speak of the gods as blessed and happy,But we do not praise them. - and also ‘blessed’ is the term that we apply to the most godlike men; - and similarly with good things—no one praises happiness as one praises justice, - but we call it a ‘blessing,’ deeming it something higher and more + and also ‘blessed’ is the term that we apply to the most godlike men; + and similarly with good things—no one praises happiness as one praises justice, + but we call it a ‘blessing,’ deeming it something higher and more divine than things we praise.

Indeed it seems that EudoxusFor a criticism of the hedonism of this unorthodox pupil of Plato see Bk. 10.2, 3. took a good line in @@ -921,13 +921,13 @@ convert to P3

For praise belongs to goodness, since it is this that makes men capable of accomplishing noble deeds, while encomiaEncomia or laudatory orations are the chief constituent of Epideictic or Declamatory Oratory, one of the - three branches (the others being Deliberative and Forensic) into which - rhetoric is divided by Aristotle (Rhet. 1.3.). The + three branches (the others being Deliberative and Forensic) into which + rhetoric is divided by Aristotle (Rhet. 1.3.). The topics of encomia are virtue and vice, the noble and disgraceful, which are analyzed from this point of view in Rhet. 1.9. That chapter contains a parenthesis - (9.33,34) distinguishing praise, as proper to pra/ceis, actions in operation, from encomia, which belong to e)/rga, the results achieved by action; but this distinction is - not maintained in the context (9.35, and cf. 9.2 where God as well as man is - given as an object of praise). are for deeds accomplished, whether + (9.33,34) distinguishing praise, as proper to pra/ceis, actions in operation, from encomia, which belong to e)/rga, the results achieved by action; but this distinction is + not maintained in the context (9.35, and cf. 9.2 where God as well as man is + given as an object of praise). are for deeds accomplished, whether bodily feats or achievements of the mind. However, to develop this subject is perhaps rather the business of those who have made a study of encomia. For our purpose we may draw the conclusion from the foregoing remarks, that happiness is a @@ -939,21 +939,21 @@ convert to P3 virtue, it is necessary to examine the nature of virtue. For this will probably assist us in our investigation of the nature of happiness. Also, the true statesman seems to be one who has made a special study of goodness, since his aim - is to make the citizens good and law-abiding men—witness the lawgivers of Crete and Sparta, and the other great legislators of history; + is to make the citizens good and law-abiding men—witness the lawgivers of Crete and Sparta, and the other great legislators of history; but if the study of virtue falls within the province of Political Science, it is clear that in investigating virtue we shall be keeping to the plan which we laid down at the outset.

Now the goodness that we have to consider is clearly human virtue, since the good or happiness which we set out to seek is human good and human happiness. But human virtue means in our view excellence of soul, not excellence of body; also our definition of happiness is an activity of the soul. Now if this is so, clearly it behoves the statesman to have some - acquaintance with psychology, just as the physician who is to heal the eye or the other parts of the bodyThe context seems to disprove the alternative rendering ‘just + acquaintance with psychology, just as the physician who is to heal the eye or the other parts of the bodyThe context seems to disprove the alternative rendering ‘just as to cure eyes the oculist must have a general of the structure of the whole of the - body as well.’ The illustration is a reminiscence of Plat. Charm. 156b-e, but does not follow that passage + body as well.’ The illustration is a reminiscence of Plat. Charm. 156b-e, but does not follow that passage exactly. must know their anatomy. Indeed a foundation of science is even more requisite for the statesman, inasmuch as politics is a higher and more honorable art than medicine; but physicians of the better class devote much attention to the study of the human body. The student of politicspolitiko/s means for Aristotle both - “political scientist” and “statesman”: for him + “political scientist” and “statesman”: for him they are the same thing, since politikh/ is a practical science. therefore as well as the psychologist must study the nature of the soul, though he will do so as an aid to politics, and only so far as is requisite for the @@ -962,34 +962,34 @@ convert to P3

Now on the subject of psychology some of the teaching current in extraneous discoursesThese e)cwterikoi\ lo/goi are also mentioned in 6.4.2 and six other places in Aristotle - (see Ross on Aristot. Met. 1076a 28). In Aristot. Pol. 1323a 22 they are appealed to for the + (see Ross on Aristot. Met. 1076a 28). In Aristot. Pol. 1323a 22 they are appealed to for the tripartite classification of goods which in 8.2 above is ascribed to current opinion - ‘of long standing and generally accepted by students of philosophy.’ - The phrase therefore seems to denote arguments or doctrines (whether familiar + ‘of long standing and generally accepted by students of philosophy.’ + The phrase therefore seems to denote arguments or doctrines (whether familiar in philosophic debates, for which see note on 5.6, or actually recorded in - books), that were not peculiar to the Peripatetic school; in some cases, as + books), that were not peculiar to the Peripatetic school; in some cases, as here, it may refer specially to the tenets of the Academy. is satisfactory, and may be adopted here: namely that the soul consists of two parts, one irrational and the - other capable of reason.Literally “having a - plan or principle.” - (Whether these two parts are really distinct in + other capable of reason.Literally “having a + plan or principle.” + (Whether these two parts are really distinct in the sense that the parts of the body or of any other divisible whole are distinct, or whether though distinguishable in thought as two they are inseparable in reality, like the convex and concave sides of a curve, is a question of no importance for the matter in - hand.) Of the irrational part of the soul again + hand.) Of the irrational part of the soul again one division appears to be common to all living things, and of a vegetative nature: I refer to the part that causes nutrition and growth; for we must assume that a vital faculty of this nature exists in all things that assimilate nourishment, including - embryos—the same faculty being present also in the fully-developed organism - (this is more reasonable than to assume a different nutritive faculty in the - latter). The excellence of this faculty + embryos—the same faculty being present also in the fully-developed organism + (this is more reasonable than to assume a different nutritive faculty in the + latter). The excellence of this faculty therefore appears to be common to all animate things and not peculiar to man; for it is believed that this faculty or part of the soul is most active during sleep, but when they - are asleep you cannot tell a good man from a bad one (whence the saying that for - half their lives there is no difference between the happy and the miserable). + are asleep you cannot tell a good man from a bad one (whence the saying that for + half their lives there is no difference between the happy and the miserable). This is a natural result of the fact that sleep is a cessation of the soul from the functions on which its goodness or badness - depends—except that in some small degree certain of the sense-impressions may + depends—except that in some small degree certain of the sense-impressions may reach into soul during sleep, and consequently the dreams of the good are better than those of ordinary men. We need not however pursue this subject further, but may omit from consideration the nutritive part of the soul, since it @@ -1005,31 +1005,31 @@ convert to P3 unrestrained persons their impulses run counter to their principle. But whereas in the body we see the erratic member, in the case of the soul we do not see it; nevertheless it cannot be doubted that in the soul also there is an element beside that of principle, - which opposes and runs counter to principle (though in what sense the two are - distinct does not concern us here). But this + which opposes and runs counter to principle (though in what sense the two are + distinct does not concern us here). But this second element also seems, as we said, to participate in rational principle; at least in - the self-restrained man it obeys the behest of principle—and no doubt in the + the self-restrained man it obeys the behest of principle—and no doubt in the temperate and brave man it is still more amenable, for all parts of his nature are in harmony with principle.

Thus we see that the irrational part, as well as the soul as a whole, is double. One division of it, the vegetative, does not share in rational principle at all; the other, the seat of the appetites and of desire in general, does in a sense participate in - principle, as being amenable and obedient to it (in the sense in fact in which we - speak of ‘paying heed’ to one's father and friends, not in the sense - of the term ‘rational’ in mathematicsThis parenthetical note on the phrase ‘to have logos’ is untranslatable, and confusing even in the - Greek. According to the psychology here expounded, the intellect ‘has a plan - or principle,’ in the sense of understanding principle, and being able to + principle, as being amenable and obedient to it (in the sense in fact in which we + speak of ‘paying heed’ to one's father and friends, not in the sense + of the term ‘rational’ in mathematicsThis parenthetical note on the phrase ‘to have logos’ is untranslatable, and confusing even in the + Greek. According to the psychology here expounded, the intellect ‘has a plan + or principle,’ in the sense of understanding principle, and being able to reason and make a plan: in other words, it is fully rational. The appetitive part of - man's nature ‘has a plan or principle’ in so far as it is capable of + man's nature ‘has a plan or principle’ in so far as it is capable of following or obeying a principle. It happens that this relationship of following or - obeying can itself be expressed by the words ‘to have logos’ in another sense of that phrase, viz. ‘to take - account of, pay heed to.’ To be precise the writer should say that the - appetitive part lo/gon e)/xei tou= lo/gou ‘has - logos (takes account) of the - logos.’ The phrase has yet a third sense in - mathematics, where “to have logos” - (ratio) means ‘to be - rational’ in the sense of commensurable.). And that principle + obeying can itself be expressed by the words ‘to have logos’ in another sense of that phrase, viz. ‘to take + account of, pay heed to.’ To be precise the writer should say that the + appetitive part lo/gon e)/xei tou= lo/gou ‘has + logos (takes account) of the + logos.’ The phrase has yet a third sense in + mathematics, where “to have logos” + (ratio) means ‘to be + rational’ in the sense of commensurable.). And that principle can in a manner appeal to the irrational part, is indicated by our practice of admonishing delinquents, and by our employment of rebuke and exhortation generally.

If the other hand it be more correct to speak of the appetitive part of the soul also as @@ -1042,11 +1042,11 @@ convert to P3 distinguished from speculative, wisdom. are intellectual, Liberality and Temperance are moral virtues. When describing a man's moral character we do not say that he is wise or intelligent, but gentle or temperate; but a wise man also is praised for his - dispositionViz. Speculative Wisdom (as - distinguished from Prudence or Practical Wisdom), which is therefore a virtue, + dispositionViz. Speculative Wisdom (as + distinguished from Prudence or Practical Wisdom), which is therefore a virtue, though not a virtue in the narrower sense of moral virtue. Throughout Aristotle's - ethical works, praise and blame are the ordinary tests of virtue and vice. (See - also chap. 12.) , and praiseworthy dispositions we term virtues.

+ ethical works, praise and blame are the ordinary tests of virtue and vice. (See + also chap. 12.)
, and praiseworthy dispositions we term virtues.

@@ -1056,10 +1056,10 @@ convert to P3

Virtue being, as we have seen, of two kinds, intellectual and moral, intellectual virtue is for the most part both produced and increased by instruction, and therefore requires experience and time; whereas moral or ethical virtue is the product of habit - (ethos), and has indeed derived its - name, with a slight variation of form, from that word.It is probable that e)/qos, ‘habit’ - and h)=qos, ‘character’ - (whence ‘ethical,’ moral) are kindred words. + (ethos), and has indeed derived its + name, with a slight variation of form, from that word.It is probable that e)/qos, ‘habit’ + and h)=qos, ‘character’ + (whence ‘ethical,’ moral) are kindred words. And therefore it is clear that none of the moral virtues formed is engendered in us by nature, for no natural property can be altered by habit. For instance, it is the nature of a stone to move downwards, and it cannot be trained to move @@ -1067,29 +1067,29 @@ convert to P3 ten thousand times; nor can fire be trained to move downwards, nor can anything else that naturally behaves in one way be trained into a habit of behaving in another way. The virtuesa)reth/ is here as often - in this and the following Books employed in the limited sense of ‘moral - excellence’ or ‘goodness of character,’ i.e. virtue in the + in this and the following Books employed in the limited sense of ‘moral + excellence’ or ‘goodness of character,’ i.e. virtue in the ordinary sense of the term. therefore are engendered in us neither by nature nor yet in violation of nature; nature gives us the capacity to receive them, and this capacity is brought to maturity by habit.

Moreover, the faculties given us by nature are bestowed on us first in a potential form; we exhibit their actual exercise afterwards. This is clearly so with our senses: we did not acquire the faculty of sight or hearing by repeatedly seeing or repeatedly listening, - but the other way about—because we had the senses we began to use them, we did + but the other way about—because we had the senses we began to use them, we did not get them by using them. The virtues on the other hand we acquire by first having actually practised them, just as we do the arts. We learn an art or craft by doing the - things that we shall have to do when we have learnt itOr possibly ‘For things that we have to learn to do [in contrast - with things that we do by nature], we learn by doing them.’: + things that we shall have to do when we have learnt itOr possibly ‘For things that we have to learn to do [in contrast + with things that we do by nature], we learn by doing them.’: for instance, men become builders by building houses, harpers by playing on the harp. Similarly we become just by doing just acts, temperate by doing temperate acts, brave by doing brave acts. This truth is attested by the experience of states: lawgivers make the citizens good by training them in - habits of right action—this is the aim of all legislation, and if it fails to do + habits of right action—this is the aim of all legislation, and if it fails to do this it is a failure; this is what distinguishes a good form of constitution from a bad one. Again, the actions from or through which any virtue is produced are the same as those through which it also - is destroyed—just as is the case with skill in the arts, for both the good + is destroyed—just as is the case with skill in the arts, for both the good harpers and the bad ones are produced by harping, and similarly with builders and all the other craftsmen: as you will become a good builder from building well, so you will become a bad one from building badly. Were this not so, there would be no need for teachers of the arts, but @@ -1107,17 +1107,17 @@ convert to P3 trained from childhood in one set of habits or another; on the contrary it is of very great, or rather of supreme, importance.

As then our present study, unlike the other branches of philosophy, has a practical aim - (for we are not investigating the nature of virtue for the sake of knowing what + (for we are not investigating the nature of virtue for the sake of knowing what it is, but in order that we may become good, without which result our investigation would - be of no use), we have consequently to carry our enquiry into the region of + be of no use), we have consequently to carry our enquiry into the region of conduct, and to ask how we are to act rightly; since our actions, as we have said, determine the quality of our dispositions.

-

Now the formula ‘to act in conformity with right principle’ is common - ground, and may be assumed as the basis of our discussion. (We shall speak about +

Now the formula ‘to act in conformity with right principle’ is common + ground, and may be assumed as the basis of our discussion. (We shall speak about this formula later,i.e., in Bk. 6. For the sense in - which ‘the right principle’ can be said to be the virtue of Prudence + which ‘the right principle’ can be said to be the virtue of Prudence see 6.13.5 note. and consider both the definition of right principle and its - relation to the other virtues.)

+ relation to the other virtues.)

But let it be granted to begin with that the whole theory of conduct is bound to be an outline only and not an exact system, in accordance with the rule we laid down at the beginning,See 1.3.1. that philosophical @@ -1132,9 +1132,9 @@ convert to P3 discussion now proceeding is thus necessarily inexact, we must do our best to help it out.

First of all then we have to observe, that moral qualities are so constituted as to be - destroyed by excess and by deficiency—as we see is the case with bodily strength - and health (for one is forced to explain what is invisible by means of visible - illustrations). Strength is destroyed both by excessive and by deficient + destroyed by excess and by deficiency—as we see is the case with bodily strength + and health (for one is forced to explain what is invisible by means of visible + illustrations). Strength is destroyed both by excessive and by deficient exercises, and similarly health is destroyed both by too much and by too little food and drink; while they are produced, increased and preserved by suitable quantities. The same therefore is true of Temperance, Courage, and the other virtues. The man @@ -1163,20 +1163,20 @@ convert to P3 itself enjoyable, profligate if he feels it irksome; he is brave if he faces danger with pleasure or at all events without pain, cowardly if he does so with pain.

In fact pleasures and pains are the things with which moral virtue is concerned.

-

For (1) pleasure causes us to do base actions and pain cause us to +

For (1) pleasure causes us to do base actions and pain cause us to abstain from doing noble actions. Hence the importance, as Plato points out, of having been definitely trained from childhood to like and dislike the proper things; this is what good education means.

-

(2)Again, if the virtues have to do with actions and feelings, and +

(2)Again, if the virtues have to do with actions and feelings, and every action is attended with pleasure or pain, this too shows that virtue has to do with pleasure and pain.

-

(3) Another indication is the fact that pain is the medium of +

(3) Another indication is the fact that pain is the medium of punishment; for punishment is a sort of medicine, and the nature of medicine to work by means of opposites.The contrary maxim to similia similibus curantur or homoeopathy. Fever, caused by heat, is cured by cold, hence if the remedy for wickedness is pain, it must have been caused by pleasure.

-

(4)Again, as we said before, every formed disposition of the soul +

(4)Again, as we said before, every formed disposition of the soul realizes its full naturei.e., is actively exercised when fully developed, cf. 2.8. in relation to and in dealing with that class of @@ -1188,33 +1188,33 @@ convert to P3 Speusippus, although in the extant remains of Greek philosophy apathy, or freedom from passions or emotions, first appears as an ethical ideal of the Stoics. define the virtues as states of impassivity or tranquillity, though they - make a mistake in using these terms absolutely, without adding ‘in the right - (or wrong) manner’ and ‘at the right (or - wrong) time’ and the other qualifications.

+ make a mistake in using these terms absolutely, without adding ‘in the right + (or wrong) manner’ and ‘at the right (or + wrong) time’ and the other qualifications.

We assume therefore that moral virtue is the quality of acting in the best way in relation to pleasures and pains, and that vice is the opposite.

But the following considerations also will give us further light on the same point.

-

(5) There are three things that are the motives of choice and three +

(5) There are three things that are the motives of choice and three that are the motives of avoidance; namely, the noble, the expedient, and the pleasant, and their opposites, the base, the harmful, and the painful. Now in respect of all these the good man is likely to go right and the bad to go wrong, but especially in respect of pleasure; for pleasure is common to man with the lower animals, and also it is a concomitant of all the objects of choice, since both the noble and the expedient appear to us pleasant.

-

(6) Again, the susceptibility to pleasure has grown up with all of us +

(6) Again, the susceptibility to pleasure has grown up with all of us from the cradle. Hence this feeling is hard to eradicate, being engrained in the fabric of our lives.

-

(7) Again, pleasure and pain are alsoSc., as well as being the sources of our feelings. the standards +

(7) Again, pleasure and pain are alsoSc., as well as being the sources of our feelings. the standards by which we all, in a greater or less degree, regulate our actions. On this account therefore pleasure and pain are necessarily our main concern, since to feel pleasure and pain rightly or wrongly has a great effect on conduct.

-

(8) And again, it is harder to fight against pleasure than against - anger (hard as that is, as HeracleitusHeraclitus, Fr. 105 (Bywater) qumw=| ma/xesqai +

(8) And again, it is harder to fight against pleasure than against + anger (hard as that is, as HeracleitusHeraclitus, Fr. 105 (Bywater) qumw=| ma/xesqai xalepo/n: o(/ ti ga\r a)\n xrhi/zh| gi/nesqai, yuxh=s w)ne/etai, - ‘it is hard to fight with anger [or ‘desire,’ + ‘it is hard to fight with anger [or ‘desire,’ qumw=| in the Homeric sense, - Burnet]. Whatever it wishes to get, it - purchases at the cost of life.’ says); but virtue, like art, + Burnet]. Whatever it wishes to get, it + purchases at the cost of life.’ says); but virtue, like art, is constantly dealing with what is harder, since the harder the task the better is success. For this reason also therefore pleasure and pain are necessarily the main concern both of virtue and of political science, since he who comports himself towards them @@ -1237,9 +1237,9 @@ convert to P3 certain quality of their own; but acts done in conformity with the virtues are not done justly or temperately if they themselves are of a certain sort, but only if the agent also is in a certain state of mind when he does them: first he must act with knowledgeSee Bk. 3.1, where this is interpreted as meaning both - knowledge of what he is doing (the act must not be unconscious or - accidental), and knowledge of moral principle (he must know that the - act is a right one).; secondly he must deliberately choose the act, and + knowledge of what he is doing (the act must not be unconscious or + accidental), and knowledge of moral principle (he must know that the + act is a right one).; secondly he must deliberately choose the act, and choose it for its own sake; and thirdly the act must spring from a fixed and permanent disposition of character. For the possession of an art, none of these conditions is included, except the mere qualification of knowledge; but for the possession of the virtues, @@ -1259,14 +1259,14 @@ convert to P3 will the mode of treatment produce health of body.

We have next to consider the formal definition of virtue.

-

A state of the soul is either (l) an emotion, (2) a - capacity, or (3) a disposition; virtue therefore must be one of these +

A state of the soul is either (l) an emotion, (2) a + capacity, or (3) a disposition; virtue therefore must be one of these three things. By the emotions, I mean desire, anger, fear, confidence, envy, joy, friendship, hatred, longing, jealousy, pity; and generally those states of consciousness which are accompanied by pleasure or pain. The capacities are the faculties in virtue of which we can be said to be liable to the emotions, for example, capable of feeling anger or painProbably for - ‘pain’ we should read ‘fear.’ or pity. + ‘pain’ we should read ‘fear.’ or pity. The dispositions are the formed states of character in virtue of which we are well or ill disposed in respect of the emotions; for instance, we have a bad disposition in regard to anger if we are disposed to get angry too violently or not violently enough, a good @@ -1274,12 +1274,12 @@ convert to P3 the other emotions.

Now the virtues and vices are not emotions because we are not pronounced good or bad according to our emotions, but we are according to our virtues and vices; nor are we - either praised or blamed for our emotions—a man is not praised for being + either praised or blamed for our emotions—a man is not praised for being frightened or angry, nor is he blamed for being angry merely, but for being angry in a - certain way— but we are praised or blamed for our virtues and vices. Again, we are not angry or afraid from choice, but the virtues are + certain way— but we are praised or blamed for our virtues and vices. Again, we are not angry or afraid from choice, but the virtues are certain modes of choice, or at all events involve choice. Moreover, we are said to be - ‘moved’ by the emotions, whereas in respect of the virtues and vices - we are not said to be ‘moved’ but to be ‘disposed’ + ‘moved’ by the emotions, whereas in respect of the virtues and vices + we are not said to be ‘moved’ but to be ‘disposed’ in a certain way.

And the same considerations also prove that the virtues and vices are not capacities; since we are not pronounced good or bad, praised or blamed, merely by reason of our @@ -1300,25 +1300,25 @@ convert to P3 function well. We have already indicated2.8 f. what this means; but it will throw more light on the subject if we consider what constitutes the specific nature of virtue.

Now of everything that is continuousi.e., without - distinct parts, and so (if divisible at all), divisible at any point, + distinct parts, and so (if divisible at all), divisible at any point, as opposed to what is dih|rhme/non, - ‘discrete,’ or made up of distinct parts and only divisible between + ‘discrete,’ or made up of distinct parts and only divisible between them. and divisible, it is possible to take the larger part, or the smaller part, or an equal part, and these parts may be larger, smaller, and equal either with respect to the thing itself or relatively to us; the equal part being a mean between excess and deficiency.Greek comparatives, - ‘larger’, ‘smaller’, etc., may also mean - ‘too large’, ‘too small’, etc.; and there is the - same ambiguity in the words translated ‘excess’ and - ‘deficiency’. Again me/son, - ‘middle’ or ‘mean’, is used as a synonym for - me/trion ‘moderate’ or of the - right amount, and i)/son ‘equal’ can - mean ‘equitable’. Hence ‘to take an equal part with - respect to the thing itself’ means to take a part equal to the part left, viz. - a half; ‘to take an equal part relatively to us,’ means to take what + ‘larger’, ‘smaller’, etc., may also mean + ‘too large’, ‘too small’, etc.; and there is the + same ambiguity in the words translated ‘excess’ and + ‘deficiency’. Again me/son, + ‘middle’ or ‘mean’, is used as a synonym for + me/trion ‘moderate’ or of the + right amount, and i)/son ‘equal’ can + mean ‘equitable’. Hence ‘to take an equal part with + respect to the thing itself’ means to take a part equal to the part left, viz. + a half; ‘to take an equal part relatively to us,’ means to take what is a fair or suitable amount. The former is a mean as being exactly in the middle - between all and none—if the thing in question is represented by a line, this + between all and none—if the thing in question is represented by a line, this is bisected at a point equidistant from its two ends; the latter is a mean in the sense of being the right amount for the recipient, and also of lying somewhere between any two other amounts that happen to be too much and too little for him. @@ -1326,7 +1326,7 @@ convert to P3 from either extreme, which is one and the same for everybody; by the mean relative to us, that amount which is neither too much nor too little, and this is not one and the same for everybody. For example, let 10 be many and 2 few; then - one takes the mean with respect to the thing if one takes 6; since 6 —2 = 10 — 6, and this is the mean according + one takes the mean with respect to the thing if one takes 6; since 6 —2 = 10 — 6, and this is the mean according to arithmetical proportion.We should rather call this an arithmetical progression. But we cannot arrive by this method at the mean relative to us. Suppose that 10 lb. of food is a large ration for anybody and 2 lb. @@ -1335,13 +1335,13 @@ convert to P3 it is a small ration for a Milo,A famous wrestler. but a large one for a man just beginning to go in for athletics. And similarly with the amount of running or wrestling exercise to be taken. In the same way then an expert in - any art avoids excess and deficiency, and seeks and adopts the mean—the mean + any art avoids excess and deficiency, and seeks and adopts the mean—the mean that is not of the thing but relative to us. If therefore the way in which every art or science performs its work well is by looking to the mean and - applying that as a standard to its productions (hence the common remark about a - perfect work of art, that you could not take from it nor add to it—meaning that + applying that as a standard to its productions (hence the common remark about a + perfect work of art, that you could not take from it nor add to it—meaning that excess and deficiency destroy perfection, while adherence to the mean preserves - it)—if then, as we say, good craftsmen look to the mean as they work, + it)—if then, as we say, good craftsmen look to the mean as they work, and if virtue, like nature, is more accurate and better than any form of art, it will follow that virtue has the quality of hitting the mean. I refer to moral virtue,The formula of the mean does not apply to the intellectual virtues. for this is concerned with emotions and @@ -1350,28 +1350,28 @@ convert to P3 both cases wrongly; whereas to feel these feelings at the right time, on the right occasion, towards the right people, for the right purpose and in the right manner, is to feel the best amount of them, which is the mean - amount—and the best amount is of course the mark of virtue. And similarly there can be excess, deficiency, and the due mean in + amount—and the best amount is of course the mark of virtue. And similarly there can be excess, deficiency, and the due mean in actions. Now feelings and actions are the objects with which virtue is concerned; and in feelings and actions excess and deficiency are errors, while the mean amount is praised, and constitutes success; and to be praised and to be successful are both marks of virtue. Virtue, therefore is a mean state in the sense that it is able to hit the mean. Again, error is multiform - (for evil is a form of the unlimited, as in the old Pythagorean imagery,Cf. 1.6.7. and good of the limited), - whereas success is possible in one way only (which is why it is easy to fail and - difficult to succeed—easy to miss the target and difficult to hit it); + (for evil is a form of the unlimited, as in the old Pythagorean imagery,Cf. 1.6.7. and good of the limited), + whereas success is possible in one way only (which is why it is easy to fail and + difficult to succeed—easy to miss the target and difficult to hit it); so this is another reason why excess and deficiency are a mark of vice, and observance of the mean a mark of virtue:

Goodness is simple, badness manifold.The verse from an unknown source would come in better just before or just after the last parenthesis.

Virtue then is a settled disposition of the mind determining the choice*proai/resis, - ‘choice’ or ‘purpose’, is discussed in Bk. 3.2, + ‘choice’ or ‘purpose’, is discussed in Bk. 3.2, where see note. of actions and emotions, consisting essentially in the observance - of the mean relative to us, this being determined by principle, that is,A variant reading gives ‘determined by principle, or whatever - we like to call that by which the prudent man would determine it’ - (vide + of the mean relative to us, this being determined by principle, that is,A variant reading gives ‘determined by principle, or whatever + we like to call that by which the prudent man would determine it’ + (vide Taylor, Aristotle, p. - 77). as the prudent man would determine it.

+ 77). as the prudent man would determine it.

And it is a mean state between two vices, one of excess and one of defect. Furthermore, it is a mean state in that whereas the vices either fall short of or exceed what is right in feelings and in actions, virtue ascertains and adopts the mean. Hence while in respect of its substance and the definition that states @@ -1379,11 +1379,11 @@ convert to P3 and rightness it is an extreme.Cf. 3.4.8.

Not every action or emotion however admits of the observance of a due mean. Indeed the - very names of some directly imply evil, for instance malice,See 7.15. The word means ‘delight at another's - misfortune’, Schadenfreude. shamelessness, + very names of some directly imply evil, for instance malice,See 7.15. The word means ‘delight at another's + misfortune’, Schadenfreude. shamelessness, envy, and, of actions, adultery, theft, murder. All these and similar actions and feelings are blamed as being bad in themselves; it is not the excess or deficiency of them that we - blame. It is impossible therefore ever to go right in regard to them—one must + blame. It is impossible therefore ever to go right in regard to them—one must always be wrong; nor does right or wrong in their case depend on the circumstances, for instance, whether one commits adultery with the right woman, at the right time, and in the right manner; the mere commission of any of them is wrong. One might as well suppose there could be a due mean and excess and @@ -1397,27 +1397,27 @@ convert to P3 observance of a mean.

We must not however rest content with stating this general definition, but must show that it applies to the particular virtues. In practical philosophy, although universal - principles have a wider application,Or ‘have - a wider acceptance.’ those covering a particular part of the field + principles have a wider application,Or ‘have + a wider acceptance.’ those covering a particular part of the field possess a higher degree of truth; because conduct deals with particular facts, and our theories are bound to accord with these.

-

Let us then take the particular virtues from the diagram.Here apparently the lecturer displayed a table of virtues (like +

Let us then take the particular virtues from the diagram.Here apparently the lecturer displayed a table of virtues (like the one in Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1220b - 37), exhibiting each as a mean between two vices of excess and defect in + 37), exhibiting each as a mean between two vices of excess and defect in respect of a certain class of action or feeling. This is developed in detail in Bk. 3. 6-end and Bk. 4.

The observance of the mean in fear and confidence is Courage. The man that exceeds in - fearlessness not designated by any special name (and this the case with many of - the virtues and vices); he that exceeds in confidence is Rash; he that exceeds in + fearlessness not designated by any special name (and this the case with many of + the virtues and vices); he that exceeds in confidence is Rash; he that exceeds in fear and is deficient in confidence is Cowardly. In - respect of pleasures and pains—not all of them, and to a less degree in respect + respect of pleasures and pains—not all of them, and to a less degree in respect of painsThis parenthesis looks like an interpolation - from 3.10.1.—the observance of the mean is Temperance, the excess + from 3.10.1.—the observance of the mean is Temperance, the excess Profligacy. Men deficient in the enjoyment of pleasures scarcely occur, and hence this character also has not been assigned a name, but we may call it Insensible. In regard to giving and getting money, the observance of the mean is Liberality; the excess and deficiency are Prodigality and Meanness,The Greek word is the negative of that translated Liberality, but - ‘illiberality’ and ‘illiberal’ we do not usually + ‘illiberality’ and ‘illiberal’ we do not usually employ with reference to money. but the prodigal man and the mean man exceed and fall short in opposite ways to one another: the prodigal exceeds in giving and is deficient in getting, whereas the mean man exceeds in getting and is deficient in giving. @@ -1425,8 +1425,8 @@ convert to P3 outline and summarily, which is enough for the purpose in hand; but they will be more accurately defined later.

There are also other dispositions in relation to money, namely, the mode of observing the - mean called Magnificence (the magnificent man being different from the liberal, - as the former deals with large amounts and the latter with small ones), the + mean called Magnificence (the magnificent man being different from the liberal, + as the former deals with large amounts and the latter with small ones), the excess called Tastelessness or Vulgarity, and the defect called Paltriness. These are not the same as Liberality and the vices corresponding to it; but the way in which they differ will be discussed later.

@@ -1464,7 +1464,7 @@ convert to P3 be called truthful, and the observance of the mean TruthfulnessFrom Bk. 4.7 it appears that the quality intended is sincerity of speech and conduct in the matter of asserting one's own merits. The observance of the mean in this respect is there said to have no name; and here the form of expression apologizes - for using ‘Truthfulness’ in so limited a sense. The defect in this + for using ‘Truthfulness’ in so limited a sense. The defect in this respect Aristotle expresses by ei)rwnei/a, a word specially associated with the affectation of ignorance practised by Socrates. Neither this nor its other shades of meaning @@ -1482,12 +1482,12 @@ convert to P3

There are also modes of observing a mean in the sphere of and in relation to the emotions. ForThis sentence in the mss. follows the next one. in these also one man is spoken of as moderate and another as - excessive—for example the bashful man whose modesty takes alarm at everything; + excessive—for example the bashful man whose modesty takes alarm at everything; while he that is deficient in shame, or abashed at nothing whatsoever, is shameless, and the man of middle character modest. For though Modesty is not a virtue, it is praised, and so is the modest man.

-

Again, Righteous Indignation is the observance of a mean between Envy and Malice,See 6.18 (and note): there envy and - ‘rejoicing-in-evil’ come in a list of emotions in which a due mean +

Again, Righteous Indignation is the observance of a mean between Envy and Malice,See 6.18 (and note): there envy and + ‘rejoicing-in-evil’ come in a list of emotions in which a due mean is impossible; and in Aristot. Rh. 1386b 34 they are said to be two sides of the same character. The present attempt to force them into the scheme as opposite extremes is not very successful, and it is noteworthy that this @@ -1495,18 +1495,18 @@ convert to P3 pain and pleasure felt at the fortunes of one's neighbors. The righteously indignant man is pained by undeserved good fortune; the jealous man exceeds him and is pained by all the good fortune of others;It is difficult not to think - that some words have been lost here, such as ‘and the righteously indignant - man is pained by the undeserved misfortune of others.’ while the + that some words have been lost here, such as ‘and the righteously indignant + man is pained by the undeserved misfortune of others.’ while the malicious man so far falls short of being pained that he actually feels pleasure.

These qualities however it will be time to discuss in another place. After them we will treat Justice,Bk. 6 distinguishing its two - kinds—for it has more than one sense—and showing in what way each is a - mode of observing the mean. [And we will deal similarly with the logical + kinds—for it has more than one sense—and showing in what way each is a + mode of observing the mean. [And we will deal similarly with the logical virtues.Grant rightly rejects this sentence, since the intellectual virtues are nowhere else thus designated by Aristotle, nor does he - regard them as modes of observing a mean.]

-

There are then three dispositions—two vices, one of excess and one of defect, + regard them as modes of observing a mean.]

+

There are then three dispositions—two vices, one of excess and one of defect, and one virtue which is the observance of the mean; and each of them is in a certain way opposed to both the others. For the extreme states are the opposite both of the middle state and of each other, and the middle state is the opposite of both extremes; since just as the equal is greater in comparison with the less and @@ -1525,7 +1525,7 @@ convert to P3 other than from the mean, just as great is farther from small and small from great than either from equal. AgainThis sentence should perhaps follow the next one, as it gives a second test of opposition, viz. unlikeness. However, unlikeness and remoteness are blended - together in 8.7. some extremes show a certain likeness to the mean—for + together in 8.7. some extremes show a certain likeness to the mean—for instance, Rashness resembles Courage, Prodigality Liberality, whereas the extremes display the greatest unlikeness to one another. But it is things farthest apart from each other that logicians define as contraries, so that the farther apart things are the more @@ -1541,10 +1541,10 @@ convert to P3 more remote from the mean are thought to be more contrary to it. This then is one cause, arising out of the thing itself. The other cause has its origin in us: those things appear more contrary to the mean to which we are ourselves more inclined by nature. For example, we are of ourselves more inclined to - pleasure, which is why we are prone to Profligacy [more than to - Propriety].These words are probably an - interpolation, since the sense requires ‘more than to - Insensibility’. We therefore rather call those things the contrary of + pleasure, which is why we are prone to Profligacy [more than to + Propriety].These words are probably an + interpolation, since the sense requires ‘more than to + Insensibility’. We therefore rather call those things the contrary of the mean, into which we are more inclined to lapse; and hence Profligacy, the excess, is more particularly the contrary of Temperance

@@ -1554,28 +1554,28 @@ convert to P3 actions. This is why it is a hard task to be good, for it is hard to find the middle point in anything: for instance, not everybody can find the center of a circle, but only someone who knows geometry. So also anybody can become - angry—that is easy, and so it is to give and spend money; but to be angry with + angry—that is easy, and so it is to give and spend money; but to be angry with or give money to the right person, and to the right amount, and at the right time, and for - the right purpose, and in the right way—this is not within everybody's power and + the right purpose, and in the right way—this is not within everybody's power and is not easy; so that to do these things properly is rare, praiseworthy, and noble.

Hence the first rule in aiming at the mean is to avoid that extreme which is the more opposed to the mean, as Calypso advisesHom. Od. 12.219: really the words are said by Odysseus, conveying to his steersman Circe's advice, to avoid the whirlpool of Charybdis which will engulf them all, and steer nearer - to the monster Scylla who will devour only some of them. + to the monster Scylla who will devour only some of them.— Steer the ship clear of yonder spray and surge. For of the two extremes one is a more serious error than the other. Hence, inasmuch as to hit the mean extremely well is - difficult,Or ‘to hit the mean is extremely - difficult.’ the second best way to sail,A proverb, meaning to take to the oars when the wind fails. as the + difficult,Or ‘to hit the mean is extremely + difficult.’ the second best way to sail,A proverb, meaning to take to the oars when the wind fails. as the saying goes, is to take the least of the evils; and the best way to do this will be the way we enjoin.

The second rule is to notice what are the errors to which we are ourselves most prone - (as different men are inclined by nature to different - faults)—and we shall discover what these are by observing the pleasure - or pain that we experience—; then we must drag + (as different men are inclined by nature to different + faults)—and we shall discover what these are by observing the pleasure + or pain that we experience—; then we must drag ourselves away in the opposite direction, for by steering wide of our besetting error we shall make a middle course. This is the method adopted by carpenters to straighten warped timber

@@ -1584,7 +1584,7 @@ convert to P3 course is therefore to feel towards pleasure as the elders of the people felt towards Helen,Hom. Il. 3.156-160. and to applyOr - ‘repeat’. their words to her on every occasion; for if we + ‘repeat’.
their words to her on every occasion; for if we roundly bid her be gone, we shall be less likely to err.

These then, to sum up the matter, are the precautions that will best enable us to hit the mean. But no doubt it is a difficult thing to do, and especially in particular cases: for @@ -1612,22 +1612,22 @@ convert to P3

Virtue however is concerned with emotions and actions, and it is only voluntary feelings and actions for which praise and blame are given; those that are involuntary are condoned, and sometimes even pitied. Hence it seems to be necessary for the student of ethics to - define the difference between the Voluntary and the Involuntarye(kou/sion and a)kou/sion are most conveniently rendered ‘voluntary’ - and ‘involuntary’; but the word a)kou/sion suggests ‘unwilling’ or ‘against the - will,’ and to this meaning Aristotle limits it in 1.13. There he introduces a - third term, ou)x e(kou/sion, ‘not - voluntary’ or ‘not willing,’ to describe acts done in + define the difference between the Voluntary and the Involuntarye(kou/sion and a)kou/sion are most conveniently rendered ‘voluntary’ + and ‘involuntary’; but the word a)kou/sion suggests ‘unwilling’ or ‘against the + will,’ and to this meaning Aristotle limits it in 1.13. There he introduces a + third term, ou)x e(kou/sion, ‘not + voluntary’ or ‘not willing,’ to describe acts done in ignorance of their full circumstances and consequences, and so not willed in the full sense; but such acts when subsequently regretted by the agent are included in the class of a)kou/sia or unwilling acts, because had the agent not been in ignorance he would not have done them.; and this will also be of service to the legislator in assigning rewards and punishments.

-

It is then generally held that actions are involuntary when done (a) - under compulsion or (b) through ignorance; and that (a) an act is compulsory +

It is then generally held that actions are involuntary when done (a) + under compulsion or (b) through ignorance; and that (a) an act is compulsory when its origin is from without, being of such a nature that the agent, who is really passive, contributes nothing to it: for example, when a ship's captain is carried somewhere by stress of weather, or by people who have him in their power. But there is some doubt about actions - done through fear of a worse alternative, or for some noble object— as for + done through fear of a worse alternative, or for some noble object— as for instance if a tyrant having a man's parents and children in his power commands him to do something base, when if he complies their lives will be spared but if he refuses they will be put to death. It is open to question whether such actions are voluntary or involuntary. @@ -1635,20 +1635,20 @@ convert to P3 case is when cargo is jettisoned in a storm; apart from circumstances, no one voluntarily throws away his property, but to save his own life and that of his shipmates any sane man would do so. Acts of - this kind, then, are ‘mixed’ or compositei.e., partly voluntary, partly involuntary.; but they approximate + this kind, then, are ‘mixed’ or compositei.e., partly voluntary, partly involuntary.; but they approximate rather to the voluntary class. For at the actual time when they are done they are chosen or willed; and the end or motive of an act varies with the occasion, so that the terms - ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’ should be used with + ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’ should be used with reference to the time of action; now the actual deed in the cases in question is done voluntarily, for the origin of the movement of the parts of the body instrumental to the act lies in the agent; and when the origin of an action is in oneself, it is in one's own power to do it or not. Such acts therefore are voluntary, though perhaps involuntary apart - from circumstances—for no one would choose to do any such action in and for + from circumstances—for no one would choose to do any such action in and for itself.

Sometimes indeed men are actually praisedWhich shows - that the acts are regarded as voluntary ( - Peters). for deeds of this ‘mixed’ + that the acts are regarded as voluntary ( + Peters). for deeds of this ‘mixed’ class, namely when they submit to some disgrace or pain as the price of some great and noble object; though if they do so without any such motive they are blamed, since it is contemptible to submit to a great disgrace with no advantage or only a trifling one in @@ -1665,7 +1665,7 @@ convert to P3 Seven against Thebes. Foreseeing he would lose his life, he charged his sons to avenge his death upon their mother, invoking on them famine and childlessness if they disobeyed. The verse in question is preserved: ma/lista me\n m' e)ph=r' e)piskh/yas path/r. Alcmaeon, fr. 69 - (Nauck). is compelled by certain threats to murder his mother! + (Nauck). is compelled by certain threats to murder his mother! But it is sometimes difficult to decide how far we ought to go in choosing to do a given act rather than suffer a given penalty, or in enduring a given penalty rather than commit a given action; @@ -1673,7 +1673,7 @@ convert to P3 dilemmas the penalty threatened is painful and the deed forced upon us dishonorable, which is why praise and blame are bestowed according as we do or do not yield to such compulsion.

-

What kind of actions then are to be called ‘compulsory’? Used without +

What kind of actions then are to be called ‘compulsory’? Used without qualification, perhaps this term applies to any case where the cause of the action lies in things outside the agent, and when the agent contributes nothing. But when actions intrinsically involuntary are yet in given circumstances deliberately chosen in preference @@ -1682,27 +1682,27 @@ convert to P3 to the alternative. They approximate however rather to the voluntary class, since conduct consists of particular things done,There is no such thing as an act which is not this particular act in these particular circumstances - (Burnet). and the + (Burnet). and the particular things done in the cases in question are voluntary. But it is not easy to lay down rules for deciding which of two alternatives is to be chosen, for particular cases differ widely.

-

To apply the term ‘compulsory’ to acts done for the sake of pleasure +

To apply the term ‘compulsory’ to acts done for the sake of pleasure or for noble objects, on the plea that these exercise constraint on us from without, is to - make every action compulsory. For (1) pleasure and nobility between them - supply the motives of all actions whatsoever. Also (2) to act under + make every action compulsory. For (1) pleasure and nobility between them + supply the motives of all actions whatsoever. Also (2) to act under compulsion and involuntarily is painful, but actions aiming at something pleasant or noble - are done with pleasure. And (3) it is absurd to blame external things, + are done with pleasure. And (3) it is absurd to blame external things, instead of blaming ourselves for falling an easy prey to their attractions; or to take the credit of our noble deeds to ourselves, while putting the blame for our disgraceful ones upon the temptations of pleasure. It appears therefore that an act is compulsory when its origin is from outside, the person compelled contributing nothing to it.

-

(b) An act done through ignorance is in every case not voluntary,See note on 1.1 above. but it is involuntary only +

(b) An act done through ignorance is in every case not voluntary,See note on 1.1 above. but it is involuntary only when it causes the agent pain and regret: since a man who has acted through ignorance and feels no compunction at all for what he has done, cannot indeed be said to have acted voluntarily, as he was not aware of his action, yet cannot be said to have acted involuntarily, as he is not sorry for it. Acts done through ignorance therefore fall into two classes: if the agent regrets the act, we think that he has acted involuntarily; if he does not regret it, to mark the distinction we may - call him a ‘non-voluntary’ agent—for as the case is + call him a ‘non-voluntary’ agent—for as the case is different it is better to give it a special name. Acting through ignorance however seems to be different from acting in ignorance; for when a man is drunk or in a rage, his actions are not thought to be done through ignorance but owing to one or other @@ -1710,41 +1710,41 @@ convert to P3 ignorance. Now it is true that all wicked men are ignorant of what they ought to do and refrain from doing, and that this error is the cause of injustice and of vice in general. But the term - ‘involuntary’ does not really apply to an action when the agent is + ‘involuntary’ does not really apply to an action when the agent is ignorant of his true interests. The ignorance that makes an act blameworthy is not ignorance displayed in moral choicei.e., choice of - Ends: see 3.2.1 note. (that sort of ignorance constitutes - vice)—that is to say, they result not from general ignorance - (because that is held to be blameworthy), but from particular ignorance, - ignorance of the circumstances of the act and of the things‘Things’ seems to include persons, see example - (3) below. affected by it; for in this case the act is + Ends: see 3.2.1 note. (that sort of ignorance constitutes + vice)—that is to say, they result not from general ignorance + (because that is held to be blameworthy), but from particular ignorance, + ignorance of the circumstances of the act and of the things‘Things’ seems to include persons, see example + (3) below. affected by it; for in this case the act is pitied and forgiven, because he who acts in ignorance of any of these circumstances is an involuntary agent.

Perhaps then it will be as well to specify the nature and number of these circumstances. - They are (1) the agent, (2) the act, - (3) the thing‘Things’ seems to include persons, see example - (3) below. that is affected by or is the sphere ofe)n ti/ni seems to bear a + They are (1) the agent, (2) the act, + (3) the thing‘Things’ seems to include persons, see example + (3) below. that is affected by or is the sphere ofe)n ti/ni seems to bear a more limited sense than e)n oi(=s ll. 1, 16, 19, 24, which covers the circumstances of all sorts. the act; and sometimes also - (4) the instrument, for instance, a tool with which the act is done, - (5) the effect, for instance, saving a man's life, and - (6) the manner, for instance, gently or violently.

+ (4) the instrument, for instance, a tool with which the act is done, + (5) the effect, for instance, saving a man's life, and + (6) the manner, for instance, gently or violently.

Now no one, unless mad, could be ignorant of all these circumstances together; nor yet, - obviously, of (l) the agent—for a man must know who he is - himself. But a man may be ignorant of (2) what he is doing, as for - instance when people say ‘it slipped out while they were speaking,’ or - ‘they were not aware that the matter was a secret,’ as Aeschylus said + obviously, of (l) the agent—for a man must know who he is + himself. But a man may be ignorant of (2) what he is doing, as for + instance when people say ‘it slipped out while they were speaking,’ or + ‘they were not aware that the matter was a secret,’ as Aeschylus said of the MysteriesAeschylus was accused before the Areopagus of having divulged the Mysteries of Demeter in certain of his tragedies, but - was acquitted. A phrase of his, ‘It came to my mouth,’ became - proverbial (Plat. Rep. 563c, etc.), - and he may have used it on this occasion.; or that ‘they let it off - when they only meant to show how it worked’ as the prisoner pleaded in the - catapult case. Again (3) a person might mistake his son for an enemy, as + was acquitted. A phrase of his, ‘It came to my mouth,’ became + proverbial (Plat. Rep. 563c, etc.), + and he may have used it on this occasion.; or that ‘they let it off + when they only meant to show how it worked’ as the prisoner pleaded in the + catapult case. Again (3) a person might mistake his son for an enemy, as Merope doesIn the lost Cresphontes of - Euripides.; or (4) mistake a sharp spear for one with a button - on it, or a heavy stone for a pumice-stone; or (5) one might kill a man - by giving him medicine with the intention of saving his life; or (6) in + Euripides.; or (4) mistake a sharp spear for one with a button + on it, or a heavy stone for a pumice-stone; or (5) one might kill a man + by giving him medicine with the intention of saving his life; or (6) in loose wrestlingA style of wrestling in which the adversaries only gripped each other's hands without closing. hit him a blow when meaning only to grip his hand. Ignorance therefore being possible in respect of all these circumstances @@ -1759,14 +1759,14 @@ convert to P3 act would seem to be an act of which the origin lies in the agent, who knows the particular circumstances in which he is acting. For it is probably a mistake to sayPlat. Laws 683b ff., coupled anger and appetite with ignorance as sources of wrong action. that acts - caused by anger or by desire are involuntary. In the first place, (1) if we do so, we can no - longer say that any of the lower animals act voluntarily, or children either. Then (2) are + caused by anger or by desire are involuntary. In the first place, (1) if we do so, we can no + longer say that any of the lower animals act voluntarily, or children either. Then (2) are none of our actions that are caused by desire or anger voluntary, or are the noble ones voluntary and the base involuntary? Surely this is an absurd distinction when one person is the author of both. Yet perhaps it is strange to speak of acts aiming at things which it is right to aim at as involuntary; and it is right to feel anger at some things, and also to feel desire for - some things, for instance health, knowledge. Also (3) we think that involuntary actions are - painful and actions that gratify desire pleasant. And again (4) what difference is + some things, for instance health, knowledge. Also (3) we think that involuntary actions are + painful and actions that gratify desire pleasant. And again (4) what difference is there in respect of their involuntary character between wrong acts committed deliberately and wrong acts done in anger? Both are to be avoided; and also we think that the irrational feelings are just as much a part of human nature as the reason, so that the actions done from anger @@ -1775,42 +1775,42 @@ convert to P3

Having defined voluntary and involuntary action, we next have to examine the nature of Choice.The writer here examines the operation of the Will, which is regarded as essentially an act of choosing between alternatives of - conduct. The technical term employed, ‘choice’ or - ‘preference,’ has appeared in the formal definition of virtue - (2.6.15). In the present passage, cf. 2.9, it is viewed as directed to + conduct. The technical term employed, ‘choice’ or + ‘preference,’ has appeared in the formal definition of virtue + (2.6.15). In the present passage, cf. 2.9, it is viewed as directed to means: at the moment of action we select from among the alternative acts possible - (or expressing it more loosely, among the various things here and now - obtainable by our action) the one which we think will conduce to the end we - wish. Elsewhere however (3.1.15 and 6.12.8) it is used of the - selection of ends, and it is almost equivalent to ‘purpose’; while - at 6.13.8 it includes both ends and means (see also 7.9.1). The writer + (or expressing it more loosely, among the various things here and now + obtainable by our action) the one which we think will conduce to the end we + wish. Elsewhere however (3.1.15 and 6.12.8) it is used of the + selection of ends, and it is almost equivalent to ‘purpose’; while + at 6.13.8 it includes both ends and means (see also 7.9.1). The writer returns to the subject in Bk. 6.2. For this appears to be intimately connected with virtue, and to afford a surer test of character than do our actions.

Choice is manifestly a voluntary act. But the two terms are not synonymous, the latter being the wider. Children and the lower animals as well as men are capable of voluntary action, but not of choice. Also sudden acts may be termed voluntary, but they cannot be said to be done by choice.

-

Some identify Choice with (1) Desire, or (2) Passion, - or (3) Wish, or (4) some form of Opinion. These views +

Some identify Choice with (1) Desire, or (2) Passion, + or (3) Wish, or (4) some form of Opinion. These views however appear to be mistaken.

-

(1) The irrational animals do not exercise choice, but they do feel +

(1) The irrational animals do not exercise choice, but they do feel desire, and also passion. Also a man of defective self-restraint acts from desire but not from choice; and on the contrary a self-restrained man acts from choice and not from desire. Again, desire can run counter to choice, but not desire to desire.i.e., you cannot feel - two contradictory desires at once (though you can of course desire two + two contradictory desires at once (though you can of course desire two incompatible things: you may want to eat your cake and have it; but you cannot strictly speaking at the same time both desire to eat the cake and desire not to eat - it). But you can desire to do a thing and choose not to do it. And + it). But you can desire to do a thing and choose not to do it. And desire has regard to an object as pleasant or painful, choice has not.But as good or bad.

-

(2) Still less is choice the same as passion. Acts done from passion +

(2) Still less is choice the same as passion. Acts done from passion seem very far from being done of deliberate choice.

-

(3) Again, choice is certainly not a wish, though they appear closely akin. Choice cannot have for its object +

(3) Again, choice is certainly not a wish, though they appear closely akin. Choice cannot have for its object impossibilities: if a man were to say he chose something impossible he would be thought a fool; but we can wish for things that are impossible, for instance immortality. Also we may wish for what cannot - be secured by our own agency, for instance, that a particular actorGreek dramas were produced in competitions (and it is noteworthy + be secured by our own agency, for instance, that a particular actorGreek dramas were produced in competitions (and it is noteworthy that in the Old Comedy at Athens the play - itself dramatized a contest or debate). or athlete may win; but no one + itself dramatized a contest or debate). or athlete may win; but no one chooses what does not rest with himself, but only what he thinks can be attained by his own act. Again, we wish rather for ends than for means, but choose the means to our end; for example we wish to be @@ -1818,15 +1818,15 @@ convert to P3 we use in this connection, but it would not be proper to say that we choose to be happy; since, speaking generally, choice seems to be concerned with things within our own control.

-

(4) Nor yet again can it be opinion. It seems that anything may be - matter of opinion—we form opinions about what is eternal,Cf. 3.3 and note. or impossible, just as much as about what is +

(4) Nor yet again can it be opinion. It seems that anything may be + matter of opinion—we form opinions about what is eternal,Cf. 3.3 and note. or impossible, just as much as about what is within our power. Also we distinguish opinion by its truth or falsehood, not by its being good or bad, but choice is distinguished rather as being good or bad. Probably therefore nobody actually identifies choice with opinion in general. But neither is it the same as some particular opinion.i.e., an opinion or belief that so-and-so is good, and is within our power to obtain. For it is our choice of good or evil that determines our character, not our opinion about good or evil. And we choose to take or avoid some good or evil - thing, but we opine what a thing is, or for whom it is advantageous, or how it is so:Perhaps to be emended ‘how it is to be - achieved.’ we do not exactly form an opinion to take or avoid a thing. + thing, but we opine what a thing is, or for whom it is advantageous, or how it is so:Perhaps to be emended ‘how it is to be + achieved.’ we do not exactly form an opinion to take or avoid a thing. Also we praise a choice rather for choosing the right thing, but an opinion for opining in the right way. And we choose only things that we absolutely know to be good, we opine things we do not @@ -1842,35 +1842,35 @@ convert to P3 involves reasoning and some process of thought. Indeed previous deliberation seems to be implied by the very term proaireton, which denotes something chosen before other things.

-

As for Deliberation, do people deliberate about everything—are all things - possible objects of deliberation—, or are there some things about which +

As for Deliberation, do people deliberate about everything—are all things + possible objects of deliberation—, or are there some things about which deliberation is impossible? The term - ‘object of deliberation’ presumably must not be taken to include + ‘object of deliberation’ presumably must not be taken to include things about which a fool or a madman might deliberate, but to mean what a sensible person would deliberate about.

Well then, nobody deliberates about things eternal,The term includes the notion if immutability. such as the order of the universe, or the incommensurability of the diagonal and the side, of a square. Nor yet about things that change but - follow a regular process, whether from necessity or by natureHere and in 3.7 ‘necessity’ denotes natural law in - the inanimate world, while ‘nature’ or ‘growth’ + follow a regular process, whether from necessity or by natureHere and in 3.7 ‘necessity’ denotes natural law in + the inanimate world, while ‘nature’ or ‘growth’ means natural law as governing animate creatures. Aristotle held that these agencies, and with them the operation of human intelligence and art, beside their designed results, produced by their interplay certain by-products in the shape of undesigned and irregular occurrences, which are referred to in the next section. These in the natural world he spoke of as due to to\ au)to/maton, or - ‘spontaneous’; when due to the activity of man he ascribed them to - fortune or chance. In 3.7 chance is made to include ‘the - spontaneous.’ or through some other cause: such phenomena for instance + ‘spontaneous’; when due to the activity of man he ascribed them to + fortune or chance. In 3.7 chance is made to include ‘the + spontaneous.’ or through some other cause: such phenomena for instance as the solstices and the sunrise. Nor about irregular occurrences, such as droughts and rains. Nor about the results of chance, such as finding a hidden treasure. The reasonIn the - mss. the words ‘The reason why . . . list of causes’ come after - ‘But we do not deliberate . . . Scythia.’ why we do not deliberate about these things is + mss. the words ‘The reason why . . . list of causes’ come after + ‘But we do not deliberate . . . Scythia.’ why we do not deliberate about these things is that none of them can be effected by our agency. We deliberate about things that are in our control - and are attainable by action (which are in fact the only things that still remain + and are attainable by action (which are in fact the only things that still remain to be considered; for Nature, Necessity, and Chance, with the addition of Intelligence and - human agency generally, exhaust the generally accepted list of causes). But we do + human agency generally, exhaust the generally accepted list of causes). But we do not deliberate about all human affairs without exception either: for example, no - Lacedaemonian deliberates about the best form of governmentOr, ‘the best line of policy.’ for Scythia; but any particular set of men deliberates about + Lacedaemonian deliberates about the best form of governmentOr, ‘the best line of policy.’ for Scythia; but any particular set of men deliberates about the things attainable by their own actions. Also there is no room for deliberation about matters fully ascertained and completely formulated as sciences; such for instance as orthography, for we have no uncertainty as to how a word ought to be spelt. We deliberate about things in which our @@ -1879,14 +1879,14 @@ convert to P3 training, because it has been less completely reduced to a science; and similarly with other pursuits also. And we deliberate more about the artsA less well attested - reading gives ‘more about our opinions,’ and Aristotle does not + reading gives ‘more about our opinions,’ and Aristotle does not usually distinguish sharply between the arts and crafts and the practical sciences - (the theoretic sciences cannot here be meant, see 3.3,4). than + (the theoretic sciences cannot here be meant, see 3.3,4). than about the sciences, because we are more uncertain about them.

Deliberation then is employed in matters which, though subject to rules that generally hold good, are uncertain in their issue; or where the issue is indeterminate,The text is probably corrupt, and perhaps should be - altered to run ‘and in which the right means to take are not definitely - determined.’ and where, when the matter is important, we take others + altered to run ‘and in which the right means to take are not definitely + determined.’ and where, when the matter is important, we take others into our deliberations, distrusting our own capacity to decide.

And we deliberate not about ends, but about means. A doctor does not deliberate whether he is to cure his patient, nor an orator whether he is to convince his audience, nor a @@ -1896,22 +1896,22 @@ convert to P3 they proceed to consider which of these will attain it most easily and best. If there is only one means by which it can be accomplished, they ask how it is to be accomplished by that means, and by what means that means can itself be achieved, until they reach the - first link in the chain of causes, which is the last in the order of discovery. (For when deliberating one seems in the procedure + first link in the chain of causes, which is the last in the order of discovery. (For when deliberating one seems in the procedure described to be pursuing an investigation or analysis that resembles the analysis of a figure in geometryThe reference is to the analytical method of solving a problem: the figure required to be drawn is assumed to have been drawn, and then we analyse it and ask what conditions it implies, until we come down to - something that we know how to draw already.indeed it appears that though not all + something that we know how to draw already. —indeed it appears that though not all investigation is deliberation, for example, mathematical investigation is not, yet all - deliberation is investigation—and the last step in the analysis seems to be the - first step in the execution of the design.) Then, if they have come up against an impossibility, - they abandon the project—for instance, if it requires money and money cannot be + deliberation is investigation—and the last step in the analysis seems to be the + first step in the execution of the design.) Then, if they have come up against an impossibility, + they abandon the project—for instance, if it requires money and money cannot be procured; but if on the other hand it proves to be something possible, they begin to act. - By possible, I mean able to be performed by our agency—things we do through the + By possible, I mean able to be performed by our agency—things we do through the agency of our friends counting in a sense as done by ourselves, since the origin of their action is in us.

-

(In practising an artThis clause seems - implied by the context.) the question is at one moment what tools to +

(In practising an artThis clause seems + implied by the context.) the question is at one moment what tools to use, and at another how to use them; and similarly in other spheres, we have to consider sometimes what means to employ, and sometimes how exactly given means are to be employed.

@@ -1952,10 +1952,10 @@ convert to P3

If therefore neither of these views is satisfactory, perhaps we should say that what is wished for in the true and unqualified sense is the good, but that what appears good to each person is wished for by him; and accordingly that the good man wishes for what is - truly wished for, the bad man for anything as it may happen (just as in the case + truly wished for, the bad man for anything as it may happen (just as in the case of our bodies, a man of sound constitution finds really healthy food best for his health, but some other diet may be healthy for one who is delicate; and so with things bitteri.e., things really bitter, etc. seem so to a healthy man, - but not in some cases to an invalid. and sweet, hot, heavy, etc.). For + but not in some cases to an invalid. and sweet, hot, heavy, etc.). For the good man judges everything correctly; what things truly are, that they seem to him to be, in every departmenti.e., in each department of character and conduct. @@ -1981,8 +1981,8 @@ convert to P3 None would be vile, and none would not be blest Anon. Possibly a verse of Solon. Doubtless - ponhro/s, translated ‘vile’ to - suit the context here, in the original meant ‘wretched.’ + ponhro/s, translated ‘vile’ to + suit the context here, in the original meant ‘wretched.’ seems to be half false, though half true: it is true that no one is unwilling to be blessed, but not true that wickedness is involuntary; or else we must contradict what we just now3.15. @@ -1993,8 +1993,8 @@ convert to P3 which the origins are within us, themselves depend upon us, and are voluntary.

This conclusion seems to be attested both by men's behavior in private life and by the practice of lawgivers; for they punish and exact redress from those who do evil - (except when it is done under compulsion, or through ignorance for which the - agent himself is not responsible), and honor those who do noble deeds, in order + (except when it is done under compulsion, or through ignorance for which the + agent himself is not responsible), and honor those who do noble deeds, in order to encourage the one sort and to repress the other; but nobody tries to encourage us to do things that do not depend upon ourselves and are not voluntary, since it is no good our being persuaded not to feel heat or pain or hunger or the like, because we shall feel them @@ -2015,8 +2015,8 @@ convert to P3 way. This is shown by the way in which men train themselves for some contest or pursuit: they practice continually. Therefore only an utterly senseless person can fail to know that our characters are the result of our conduct;The words, - ‘but if a man . . . unjust’ in the mss. come after 5.13, - ‘unjust or dissolute.’ but if a man knowingly acts in a way + ‘but if a man . . . unjust’ in the mss. come after 5.13, + ‘unjust or dissolute.’ but if a man knowingly acts in a way that will result in his becoming unjust, he must be said to be voluntarily unjust.

Again, though it is unreasonable to say that a man who acts unjustly or dissolutely does @@ -2040,7 +2040,7 @@ convert to P3 bodily defects for which we are ourselves responsible are blamed, while those for which we are not responsible are not. This being so, it follows that we are responsible for blameworthy moral defects also.

-

But suppose somebody says: “All men seek what seems to them good, but they are +

But suppose somebody says: “All men seek what seems to them good, but they are not responsible for its seeming good: each man's conception of his end is determined by his character, whatever that may be. Although therefore, on the hypothesisThis is Aristotle's view, which the imaginary objector challenges. It is not quite certain that his objection is meant to go as far as the point indicated by the @@ -2055,7 +2055,7 @@ convert to P3 greatest and noblest of gifts, and is something which cannot be acquired or learnt from another, but which a man will possess in such form as it has been bestowed on him at birth, a good and noble natural endowment in this respect will constitute a good - disposition in the full and true meaning of the term.”

+ disposition in the full and true meaning of the term.”

Now if this theory be true, how will virtue be voluntary any more than vice? Both for the good man and the bad man alike, their view of their end is determined in the same manner, by nature or however it may be; and all their actions of whatever sort are guided by @@ -2065,13 +2065,13 @@ convert to P3 because the good man's actions to gain his end are voluntary, in either case vice will be just as much voluntary as virtue; for the bad man equally with the good possesses spontaneity in his actions, even if not in his choice of an end. If then, as is said, our virtues are - voluntary (and in fact we are in a sense ourselves partly the cause of our moral + voluntary (and in fact we are in a sense ourselves partly the cause of our moral dispositions, and it is our having a certain character that makes us set up an end of a - certain kind), it follows that our vices are voluntary also; they are voluntary + certain kind), it follows that our vices are voluntary also; they are voluntary in the same manner as our virtues.

We have then now discussed in outline the virtues in general, having indicated their - genus [namely, that it is a mean, and a dispositionThis clause looks like an interpolation: e(/cis is the genus of virtue, Bk. 2.5 fin., - 6 init., meso/ths its differentia, 2.6.5,17.] and having shown that they render us + genus [namely, that it is a mean, and a dispositionThis clause looks like an interpolation: e(/cis is the genus of virtue, Bk. 2.5 fin., + 6 init., meso/ths its differentia, 2.6.5,17.] and having shown that they render us apt to do the same actions as those by which they are produced,See 2.2.8. and to do them in the way in which right reason may enjoinSee 2.2.2. This clause in the mss. follows the next one.; and that they depend on ourselves and are voluntary.See 5.2 and 20.This section some editors place before 5.21, but it is rather a footnote to 5.14; and @@ -2079,7 +2079,7 @@ convert to P3 But our dispositions are not voluntary in the same way as are our actions. Our actions we can control from beginning to end, and we are conscious, of them at each stage.ta\ kaq' e(/kasta seems to bear a somewhat different sense here from 1.15, - h( kaq' e(/kasta ( a)/gnoia). With our dispositions on the other hand, though + h( kaq' e(/kasta ( a)/gnoia). With our dispositions on the other hand, though we can control their beginnings, each separate addition to them is imperceptible, as is the case with the growth of a disease; though they are voluntary in that we were free to employ our capacities in the one way or the other.

@@ -2099,8 +2099,8 @@ convert to P3 man also is a fearless person.

Again, it is no doubt right not to fear poverty, disease, or in general any evil not caused by vice and not due to ourselves. But one who is fearless in regard to these things - is not courageous either (although the term is applied to him, too, by - analogy); since some men who are cowards + is not courageous either (although the term is applied to him, too, by + analogy); since some men who are cowards in war are liberal with money, and face loss of fortune boldly.

Nor yet is a man cowardly if he fears insult to his wife and children, or envy, or the like; nor courageous if he shows a bold face when about to undergo a flogging.

@@ -2116,10 +2116,10 @@ convert to P3 which public honors are bestowed in republics and under monarchies.

The courageous man, therefore, in the proper sense of the term, will be he who fearlessly confronts a noble death, or some suddenOr perhaps - ‘imminent,’ but cf. 8.15. peril that threatens death; and the + ‘imminent,’ but cf. 8.15. peril that threatens death; and the perils of war answer this description most fully. Not - that the courageous man is not also fearless in a storm at sea (as also in - illness), though not in the same way as sailors are fearless, for he thinks + that the courageous man is not also fearless in a storm at sea (as also in + illness), though not in the same way as sailors are fearless, for he thinks there is no hope of safety, and to die by drowning is revolting to him,i.e., he resents it as inglorious. whereas sailors keep up heart because of their experience. Also Courage is shown in dangers where a man can defend himself by valor or die nobly, but neither is @@ -2147,23 +2147,23 @@ convert to P3 wrong time, or the like; and similarly with regard to occasions for confidence.

The courageous man then is he that endures or fears the right things and for the right purpose and in the right manner and at the right time, and who shows confidence in a - similar way. (For the courageous man feels and acts as the circumstances merit, + similar way. (For the courageous man feels and acts as the circumstances merit, and as principle may dictate. And every activity aims at the end that corresponds to the disposition of which it is the manifestation. So it is therefore with the activity of the courageous man: his courage is noble; therefore its end is nobility, for a thing is defined by its end; therefore the courageous man endures the terrors and dares the deeds that manifest - courage, for the sake of that which is noble.)

+ courage, for the sake of that which is noble.)

Of the characters that run to excess, on the other hand, he who exceeds in fearlessness - has no name (this, as we remarked before,2.7.2. is the case with many qualities), but we should call a man mad, - or else insensitive to pain, if he feared nothing, ‘earthquake nor - billows,’Apparently a verse quotation. Cf. + has no name (this, as we remarked before,2.7.2. is the case with many qualities), but we should call a man mad, + or else insensitive to pain, if he feared nothing, ‘earthquake nor + billows,’Apparently a verse quotation. Cf. Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1229b 28, - ‘As the Kelts take up arms and march against the waves’; and Strab. 7.2.1 gives similar stories, partly on the authority of + ‘As the Kelts take up arms and march against the waves’; and Strab. 7.2.1 gives similar stories, partly on the authority of the fourth-century historian Ephorus. An echo survives in - Shakespeare's simile ‘to take arms against a sea of - troubles.’ as they say of the Kelts; he who exceeds in confidence - [in the face of fearful thingsThese words - seem to be an interpolation: confidence is shown in face of qarrale/a, not fobera/.] is + Shakespeare's simile ‘to take arms against a sea of + troubles.’ as they say of the Kelts; he who exceeds in confidence + [in the face of fearful thingsThese words + seem to be an interpolation: confidence is shown in face of qarrale/a, not fobera/.] is rash. The rash man is generally thought to be an impostor, who pretends to courage which he does not possess; at least, he wishes to appear to feel towards fearful things as the courageous man actually does feel, and therefore he @@ -2174,7 +2174,7 @@ convert to P3 make a bold show in situations that inspire confidence, but do not endure terrors.

He that exceeds in fearFor symmetry this should have - been ‘he that is deficient in fearlessness.’ is a coward, for + been ‘he that is deficient in fearlessness.’ is a coward, for he fears the wrong things, and in the wrong manner, and soon with the rest of the list. He is also deficient in confidence; but his excessive fear in face of pain is more apparent. @@ -2187,20 +2187,20 @@ convert to P3 though eager before the danger comes they hang back at the critical moment; whereas the courageous are keen at the time of action but calm beforehand.

As has been said then, Courage is the observance of the mean in relation to things that - inspire confidence or fear, in the circumstances statedSee 6.10.; and it is confident and enduresThe mss. have ‘it chooses and endures.’ because it is noble + inspire confidence or fear, in the circumstances statedSee 6.10.; and it is confident and enduresThe mss. have ‘it chooses and endures.’ because it is noble to do so or base not to do so. But to seek death in order to escape from poverty, or the pangs of love, or from pain or sorrow, is not the act of a courageous man, but rather of a coward; for it is weakness to fly from troubles, and the suicide does not endure death because it is noble to do so, but to escape evil.

Such is the nature of Courage; but the name is also applied to five divergent types of character.

-

(1) First, as most closely resembling true Courage comes the citizen's - courage.‘Political courage’: - Plato uses this phrase (Plat. Rep. - 430c) of patriotic courage, based on training and ‘right - opinion about what is terrible and what is not,’ and in contrast with the +

(1) First, as most closely resembling true Courage comes the citizen's + courage.‘Political courage’: + Plato uses this phrase (Plat. Rep. + 430c) of patriotic courage, based on training and ‘right + opinion about what is terrible and what is not,’ and in contrast with the undisciplined courage of slaves and brute beasts. Elsewhere, on the other hand, he - contrasts ‘popular and citizen virtue’ in general with the + contrasts ‘popular and citizen virtue’ in general with the philosopher's virtue, which is based on knowledge. Citizen troops appear to endure dangers because of the legal penalties and the reproach attaching to cowardice, and the honors awarded to bravery; hence those races @@ -2208,16 +2208,16 @@ convert to P3 It is this citizen courage which inspires the heroes portrayed by Homer, like Diomede and Hector: - Polydamas will be the first to flout me;Hom. Il. 22.100 ( - Hector)—‘Alas, should - I retire within the gates, Polydamas, . . .’ + Polydamas will be the first to flout me;Hom. Il. 22.100 ( + Hector)—‘Alas, should + I retire within the gates, Polydamas, . . .’ and Diomede says Hector will make his boast at Troy hereafter: - “By me was Tydeus' son . . .”Hom. Il. - 8.148—‘By me was Tydeus's son routed in flight Back to - the ships.’ + “By me was Tydeus' son . . .”Hom. Il. + 8.148—‘By me was Tydeus's son routed in flight Back to + the ships.’

@@ -2231,7 +2231,7 @@ convert to P3 and the desire to avoid not disgrace but pain. Their masters compel them to be brave, after Hector's fashion: - Let me see any skulking off the field— + Let me see any skulking off the field— He shall not save his carcase from the dogs!Hom. Il. 2.391, but the words are Agamemnon's, and are slightly different in our Homer. @@ -2241,17 +2241,17 @@ convert to P3 they give ground, or who form them in line with a trench or some other obstacle in the rear; all these are using compulsion. A man ought not to be brave because he is compelled to be, but because courage is noble.

-

(2) Again, experience of some particular form of danger is taken for a +

(2) Again, experience of some particular form of danger is taken for a sort of Courage; hence arose Socrates' notion that Courage is Knowledge.i.e., knowledge of what is - truly formidable and what is not (cf. note on 8.1); but + truly formidable and what is not (cf. note on 8.1); but Socrates went on to show that this depended on knowledge of the good, with which he identified all virtue: see Plato's Laches. This type of bravery is displayed in various circumstances, and particularly in war by professional soldiers.i.e., ce/noi, foreign mercenary troops, much employed in Greek warfare in Aristotle's time. For - war (as the saying is) is full of false alarms, a fact which these men + war (as the saying is) is full of false alarms, a fact which these men have had most opportunity of observing; thus they appear courageous owing to others' ignorance of the true situation. Also experience renders them the most efficient in inflicting loss on the enemy without sustaining it themselves, @@ -2264,45 +2264,45 @@ convert to P3 equipment; for they are the first to run away, while citizen troops stand their ground and die fighting, as happened in the battle at the temple of Hermes.In Coronea, 353 B.C.; the Acropolis had been seized by Onomarchus the Phocian, and mercenaries, brought in by the Boeotarchs to aid the citizens, ran away at the beginning - of the battle (schol.). This is because citizens think it + of the battle (schol.). This is because citizens think it disgraceful to run away, and prefer death to safety so procured; whereas professional soldiers were relying from the outset on superior strength, and when they discover they are outnumbered they take to flight, fearing death more than disgrace. But this is not true courage.

-

(3) Spirit or angerqumo/s means both ‘spirit’ or - ‘high spirit’ and also its manifestation in anger. is also +

(3) Spirit or angerqumo/s means both ‘spirit’ or + ‘high spirit’ and also its manifestation in anger. is also classed with Courage. Men emboldened by anger, like wild beasts which rush upon the hunter that has wounded them, are supposed to be courageous, because the courageous also are high-spirited; for spirit is very impetuous in encountering danger. Hence Homer writes,i.e., in describing courageous men, Hom. Il. 14.151 or Hom. Il. - 16.529, Hom. Il.5.470, Hom. Od. 24.318. The fourth phrase is not in our Homer, but occurs in Theocritus 20.15. ‘he put strength in - their spirit,’ and ‘roused their might and their spirit,’ - and ‘bitter wrath up through his nostrils welled,’ and ‘his - blood boiled’; for all such symptoms seem to indicate an excitement and impulse + 16.529, Hom. Il.5.470, Hom. Od. 24.318. The fourth phrase is not in our Homer, but occurs in Theocritus 20.15. ‘he put strength in + their spirit,’ and ‘roused their might and their spirit,’ + and ‘bitter wrath up through his nostrils welled,’ and ‘his + blood boiled’; for all such symptoms seem to indicate an excitement and impulse of the spirit. Thus the real motive of courageous men is the nobility of courage, although spirit operates in them as well; but wild animals are emboldened by pain, for they turn to bay because they are wounded, or - frightened—since if they are in a forest or a swampi.e., in a place where they can escape. The words ‘or a - swamp,’ are probably interpolated. they do not attack. Therefore they + frightened—since if they are in a forest or a swampi.e., in a place where they can escape. The words ‘or a + swamp,’ are probably interpolated. they do not attack. Therefore they are not to be considered courageous for rushing upon danger when spurred by pain and anger, and blind to the dangers that await them; since on that reckoning even asses would be brave, when they are hungry, for no blows will make them stop grazing!See Hom. Il. 11.558. - (And adulterers also are led to do many daring things by lust.)This parenthetical note does not bear on the context. + (And adulterers also are led to do many daring things by lust.)This parenthetical note does not bear on the context.

ButThis sentence should apparently come at the end of - the section, ‘but’ being amended to - ‘for.’ the form of courage that is inspired by spirit seems to + the section, ‘but’ being amended to + ‘for.’ the form of courage that is inspired by spirit seems to be the most natural, and when reinforced by deliberate choice and purpose it appears to be true Courage. And human beings also feel pain when angry, and take pleasure in revenge. But those who fight for these motives, though valiant fighters, are not courageous; for the motive of their confidence is not honor, nor is it guided by principle, but it springs from feeling. However, they show some affinity to true Courage.

-

(4) Nor yet again is the boldness of the sanguine the same thing as +

(4) Nor yet again is the boldness of the sanguine the same thing as Courage. The sanguine are confident in face of danger because they have won many victories over many foes before. They resemble the courageous, because both are confident, but whereas the courageous are confident for the reasons already explained,Cf. 7.2-6 the sanguine are so because they think - they are stronger than the enemy, and not likely told come to any harm. (A similar boldness is shown by men who get drunk, for this - makes them sanguine for the time being.) When however things do not turn out as + they are stronger than the enemy, and not likely told come to any harm. (A similar boldness is shown by men who get drunk, for this + makes them sanguine for the time being.) When however things do not turn out as they expect, the merely sanguine run away, whereas the mark of the courageous man, as we have seen,Cf. 7.2-6. is to endure things that are terrible to a human being and that seem so to him, because it is noble to do so and @@ -2312,14 +2312,14 @@ convert to P3 from character, as there is less time for preparation; one might resolve to face a danger one can foresee, from calculation and on principle, but only a fixed disposition of Courage will enable one to face sudden peril.

-

(5) Those who face danger in ignorance also appear courageous; and they +

(5) Those who face danger in ignorance also appear courageous; and they come very near to those whose bravery rests on a sanguine temperament, though inferior to them inasmuch as they lack self-confidence, which the sanguine possess. Hence the sanguine stand firm for a time; whereas those who have been deceived as to the danger, if they learn or suspect the true state of affairs, take to flight, as the Argives did when they encountered the Lacedaemonians and thought they were Sicyonians.This occurred in the battle at the Long Walls of Corinth, 392 B.C. Lacedaemonian cavalry had dismounted and armed themselves with the shields of the routed - Sicyonians, marked *s (Xen. Hell. 4.4.10). + Sicyonians, marked *s (Xen. Hell. 4.4.10).

We have now described the characteristics both of the courageous and of those who are thought to be courageous.

@@ -2333,8 +2333,8 @@ convert to P3 that the end correspondingCf. 7.6. to the virtue of Courage is really pleasant, only its pleasantness is obscured by the attendant circumstances. This is illustrated by the case of athletic contests: to boxers, for - example, their end—the object they box for, the wreath and the honors of - victory—is pleasant, but the blows they receive must hurt them, being men of + example, their end—the object they box for, the wreath and the honors of + victory—is pleasant, but the blows they receive must hurt them, being men of flesh and blood, and all the labor of training is painful; and these painful incidentals are so numerous that the final object, being a small thing, appears not to contain any pleasure at all. If then the same is true of Courage, the @@ -2358,8 +2358,8 @@ convert to P3

After Courage let us speak of Temperance; for these appear to be the virtues of the irrational parts of the soul.

Now we have said2.7.3. that Temperance is the - observance of the mean in relation to pleasures (for it is concerned only in a - lesser degree and in a different way with pains); and Profligacy also is + observance of the mean in relation to pleasures (for it is concerned only in a + lesser degree and in a different way with pains); and Profligacy also is displayed in the same matters. Let us then now define the sort of pleasures to which these qualities are related.

Now we must make a distinction between pleasures of the body and pleasures of the soul: @@ -2390,7 +2390,7 @@ convert to P3 The lion does not care about the lowing of the ox, but about devouring it, though the lowing tells him that the ox is near, and consequently he appears to take pleasure in the sound. Similarly he is not pleased by the - sight of ‘or stag or mountain goat,’ + sight of ‘or stag or mountain goat,’ Hom. Il. 3.24 but by the prospect of a meal.

Temperance and Profligacy are therefore concerned with those pleasures which man shares @@ -2402,8 +2402,8 @@ convert to P3 actually enjoying the object that is pleasant, and this is done solely through the sense of touch, alike in eating and drinking and in what are called the pleasures of sex. This is why a certain gourmandApparently a character of comedy, though later writers speak of him as a - real person. Some mss. here insert his name, ‘Hospitable, the son of - Belch,’ cf. Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1231a + real person. Some mss. here insert his name, ‘Hospitable, the son of + Belch,’ cf. Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1231a 16, where the story recurs, and Aristoph. Frogs 934. wished that his throat might be longer than a crane's, showing that his pleasure lay in the sensation of contact.

@@ -2421,21 +2421,21 @@ convert to P3 Hom. Il. 24.130. when young and lusty. But not everybody desires this or that particular sort of nourishment, any more than everyone desires the same particular portion of food;The text - should perhaps be amended to run ‘nor desires the same food - always.’ hence a taste for this or that sort of food seems to be an + should perhaps be amended to run ‘nor desires the same food + always.’ hence a taste for this or that sort of food seems to be an individual peculiarity. Not but what there is also something natural in such tastes; for different things are pleasant to different people, - and there are some special delicacies which all men like better than ordinary food.Preferences are natural because (1) - men's natures vary and therefore their tastes vary, (2) some + and there are some special delicacies which all men like better than ordinary food.Preferences are natural because (1) + men's natures vary and therefore their tastes vary, (2) some preferences are universal.

In the case of the natural desires, then, few men err, and in one way only, that of excess in quantity; for to eat or drink to repletion of ordinary food and drink is to exceed what is natural in amount, since the natural desire is only to satisfy one's wants. - Hence people who over-eat are called ‘mad-bellies,’ meaning that they fill that organ beyond the right measure; it is + Hence people who over-eat are called ‘mad-bellies,’ meaning that they fill that organ beyond the right measure; it is persons of especially slavish nature that are liable to this form of excess.

But in regard to the pleasures peculiar to particular people, many men err, and err in - many ways. For when people are said to be ‘very fond of’ so-and-so, it + many ways. For when people are said to be ‘very fond of’ so-and-so, it is either because they like things that it is not right to like, or like them more than most people do, or like them in a wrong manner; and the profligate exceed in all these ways. For they like some things that are wrong, and indeed abominable, and any such things @@ -2445,8 +2445,8 @@ convert to P3 blameworthy. As regards pains on the other hand, it is not with Temperance as it is with Courage: a man is not termed temperate for enduring pain and profligate for not enduring it, but profligate for feeling more pain than is right when he fails to get pleasures - (in his case pleasure actually causing pain), and temperate for not - feeling pain at the absence of pleasure [or at abstaining from it]. + (in his case pleasure actually causing pain), and temperate for not + feeling pain at the absence of pleasure [or at abstaining from it].

The profligate therefore desires all pleasures, or those that are the most pleasant, and is led by his desire to pursue these in preference to everything else. He consequently @@ -2484,13 +2484,13 @@ convert to P3 cowardly actions actually seem to be done under compulsion. But with the profligate on the contrary the particular acts are voluntary, for they are done with desire and appetite, but the character in general is less so, since no one desires to be a profligate.

-

The word Profligacya)kolasi/a, literally ‘the result of not being punished,’ +

The word Profligacya)kolasi/a, literally ‘the result of not being punished,’ seems to have been used of spoiled children as well as of vicious adults. or wantonness we also apply to the naughtiness of children, which has some resemblance to the licentiousness of adults. Which of the two takes its name from the other is of no importance for the present enquiry, but it would seem clear that the state which comes later in life must be named from the one which comes earlier. The metaphor appears apt enough, since it is that which desires what is - disgraceful and whose appetites grow apace that needs chastisement or pruning,The primary meaning of kola/zein, ‘to punish.’ and this description + disgraceful and whose appetites grow apace that needs chastisement or pruning,The primary meaning of kola/zein, ‘to punish.’ and this description applies in the fullest degree to desire, as it does to the child. For children, like profligates, live at the prompting of desire; and the appetite for pleasure is strongest in childhood, so that if it be not disciplined and made obedient to authority, it will @@ -2498,12 +2498,12 @@ convert to P3 for pleasure is insatiable and undiscriminating, and the innate tendency is fostered by active gratification; indeed, if such gratification be great and intense it actually overpowers the reason. Hence our indulgences should be moderate and few, and never opposed - to principle—this is what we mean by - ‘well-disciplined’ and ‘chastened—; and the + to principle—this is what we mean by + ‘well-disciplined’ and ‘chastened—; and the appetitive part of us should be ruled by principle, just as a boy should live in obedience to his tutor. Hence in the temperate man the appetitive - element must be in harmony with principle. For (1) the aim of both - Temperance and principle is that which is noble; and (2) the temperate + element must be in harmony with principle. For (1) the aim of both + Temperance and principle is that which is noble; and (2) the temperate man desires the right thing in the right way at the right time, which is what principle ordains.

Let this then be our account of Temperance.

@@ -2517,9 +2517,9 @@ convert to P3

Next let us speak of Liberality. This virtue seems to be the observance of the mean in relation to wealth: we praise a man as liberal not in war, nor in matters in which we praise him as temperate nor in judicial decisions, but in relation to giving and - gettingThe word lamba/nein, the antithesis of ‘give,’ varies in meaning - with the context between ‘get,’ ‘receive’ and - ‘take.’ wealth, and especially in giving; wealth meaning all + gettingThe word lamba/nein, the antithesis of ‘give,’ varies in meaning + with the context between ‘get,’ ‘receive’ and + ‘take.’ wealth, and especially in giving; wealth meaning all those things whose value is measured by money.

Prodigality and MeannessSee note on 2.7.4. on the other hand are both of them modes of excess and of deficiency in relation to wealth. @@ -2529,8 +2529,8 @@ convert to P3 debauchery prodigal; and therefore prodigality is thought to be extremely wicked, because it is a combination of vices. But this is not the proper application of the word: really it denotes the possessor of one particular vice, that of wasting one's substance; for he who is ruined by his - own agency is a hopeless case indeed,a)/swtos, ‘prodigal,’ means literally - ‘not saved,’ ‘in desperate case.’ and to + own agency is a hopeless case indeed,a)/swtos, ‘prodigal,’ means literally + ‘not saved,’ ‘in desperate case.’ and to waste one's substance seems to be in a way to ruin oneself, inasmuch as wealth is the means of life. This then is the sense in which the term Prodigality is here understood.

@@ -2559,10 +2559,10 @@ convert to P3 man therefore will give for the nobility of giving. And he will give rightly, for he will give to the right people, and the right amount, and at the right time, and fulfil all the other conditions of right giving. Also he will give with pleasure, or at all events without pain; for - virtuous action is pleasant, or painless—it certainly cannot be painful. + virtuous action is pleasant, or painless—it certainly cannot be painful. One who gives to the - wrong people,The ms. text gives ‘to the - wrong people,’ but cf. 1.12, l.25 o)rqw=s. or not for the nobility of giving but from some other motive, + wrong people,The ms. text gives ‘to the + wrong people,’ but cf. 1.12, l.25 o)rqw=s. or not for the nobility of giving but from some other motive, will not be called liberal, but by some different title; nor will he who gives with pain, for he would prefer the money to the noble deed, which is not the mark of a liberal man.

@@ -2579,8 +2579,8 @@ convert to P3 for it is a mark of a liberal nature to be regardless of self.

In crediting people with Liberality their resources must be taken into account; for the liberality of a gift does not depend on its amount, but on the disposition of the giver, - and a liberal disposition gives according to its substance.Or (accepting Bywater's emendation) ‘and this - is relative to his substance.’ It is therefore possible that the + and a liberal disposition gives according to its substance.Or (accepting Bywater's emendation) ‘and this + is relative to his substance.’ It is therefore possible that the smaller giver may be the more liberal, if he give from smaller means. Men who have inherited a fortune are reputed to be more liberal than those who have made one, since they have never known what it is to want; moreover everybody is specially fond of a thing that is his own creation: @@ -2618,9 +2618,9 @@ convert to P3 manner. This will become clearer as we proceed.

We have saidSee 1.2. then that Prodigality and Meanness are modes of excess and of deficiency, and this in two things, giving and - getting—giving being taken to include spending. Prodigality exceeds in giving - [without gettingThese words seem to be - interpolated.], and is deficient in getting; Meanness falls short in + getting—giving being taken to include spending. Prodigality exceeds in giving + [without gettingThese words seem to be + interpolated.], and is deficient in getting; Meanness falls short in giving and goes to excess in getting, only not on the great scale. Now the two forms of Prodigality are very seldom found united in the same person, because it is not easy to give to everyone without receiving from anyone: the giver's means are soon exhausted, if he is a private @@ -2628,7 +2628,7 @@ convert to P3 In fact, a man who is prodigal in both ways may be thought considerably superior to the mean man; for he is easily cured by age or by poverty, and is able to be brought to the due mean, because he possesses the essentials of the liberal - character—he gives, and he refrains from taking, though he does neither in the + character—he gives, and he refrains from taking, though he does neither in the proper way or rightly. Correct this by training, or otherwise reform him, and he will be liberal, for he will now give his money to the right objects, while he will not get it from the wrong sources. This is why he is felt to be not really bad in character; for to @@ -2659,14 +2659,14 @@ convert to P3 while others fall short in giving. The characters described by such names as niggardly, close-fisted, and stingy all fall short in giving, but they do not covet the goods of others nor wish to take them. With some of them this is due to an honorable motive of a sort, namely a - shrinking from base conduct—since some persons are thought, or at all events + shrinking from base conduct—since some persons are thought, or at all events profess, to be careful of their money because they wish to avoid being forced at some time or other to do something base; to this class belong the skinflintkuminopri/sths means literally - ‘one who saws cumminseed in half.’ and similar characters, + ‘one who saws cumminseed in half.’ and similar characters, who get their names from an excessive reluctance to give. But some keep their hands off their neighbors' goods from fear; they calculate that it is not easy to take what belongs - to others without others taking what belongs to oneself, and so they ‘prefer - (as they say) neither to take nor to give.’ The other sort of people are those who + to others without others taking what belongs to oneself, and so they ‘prefer + (as they say) neither to take nor to give.’ The other sort of people are those who exceed in respect of getting, taking from every source and all they can; such are those who follow degrading trades, brothel-keepers and all people of that sort, and petty usurers who lend money in small sums at a high rate of interest; all these take from wrong @@ -2690,12 +2690,12 @@ convert to P3 discussing it Aristotle is thinking especially of the lh|tourgi/ai or public services discharged at Athens, and in other Greek cities, by wealthy individuals; such as the refitting of a naval trireme, the equipment of a dramatic chorus, and the defraying of the cost of a qewri/a or delegation representing the - State at one of the great Hellenic festivals. The word literally means ‘great - conspicuousness’ or splendor, but in eliciting its connotation Aristotle + State at one of the great Hellenic festivals. The word literally means ‘great + conspicuousness’ or splendor, but in eliciting its connotation Aristotle brings in another meaning of the verb pre/pein, viz. - ‘to be fitting,’ and takes the noun to signify - ‘suitability on a great scale’; and also he feels that the element - ‘great’ denotes grandeur as well as mere magnitude. for this + ‘to be fitting,’ and takes the noun to signify + ‘suitability on a great scale’; and also he feels that the element + ‘great’ denotes grandeur as well as mere magnitude. for this also appears to be a virtue concerned with wealth. It does not however, like Liberality, extend to all actions dealing with wealth, but only refers to the spending of wealth; and in this sphere it surpasses Liberality in point of @@ -2707,7 +2707,7 @@ convert to P3 suitability of the expenditure therefore is relative to the spender himself, and to the occasion or object. At the same time the term magnificent is not applied to one who spends adequate sums on objects of only small or moderate importance, like the man who said - ‘Oft gave I alms to homeless wayfarers’Hom. Od. 17.420; said by Odysseus + ‘Oft gave I alms to homeless wayfarers’Hom. Od. 17.420; said by Odysseus pretending to be a beggar who formerly was well-to-do.; it denotes someone who spends suitably on great objects. For though the magnificent man is liberal, the liberal man is not necessarily magnificent.

@@ -2717,13 +2717,13 @@ convert to P3 occasions and in the wrong way. We will however speak of them later.2.20-22.

The magnificent man is an artist in expenditure: he can discern what is suitable, and - spend great sums with good taste. (For as we said at the outset,Cf. 2.1.7 fin., chap. 2.8. a disposition is defined by the - activities in which it is displayed, and by the objects to which it is related.) + spend great sums with good taste. (For as we said at the outset,Cf. 2.1.7 fin., chap. 2.8. a disposition is defined by the + activities in which it is displayed, and by the objects to which it is related.) So the magnificent man's expenditure is suitable as well as great. And consequently the objects he produces must also be great and suitable; for so only will a great expenditure - be suitable [to the resultThese words are - better omitted: ‘suitable to the occasion’ seems to be - meant.] as well. Hence, as the object produced must be worthy of the + be suitable [to the resultThese words are + better omitted: ‘suitable to the occasion’ seems to be + meant.] as well. Hence, as the object produced must be worthy of the expenditure, so also must the expenditure be worthy of or even exceed the object produced. Again, the motive of the munificent man in such expenditure will be the nobility of the action, this motive @@ -2732,19 +2732,19 @@ convert to P3 think how he can carry out his project most nobly and splendidly, rather than how much it will cost and how it can be done most cheaply. The magnificent man will therefore necessarily be also a liberal man. For the liberal man too will spend the right amount in the right manner; and it is in - the amount and manner of his expenditure that the element ‘great’ in - the magnificent or ‘greatly splendid’See note on 2.1. man, that is to say his greatness, is shown, + the amount and manner of his expenditure that the element ‘great’ in + the magnificent or ‘greatly splendid’See note on 2.1. man, that is to say his greatness, is shown, these being the things in which Liberality is displayed. And the magnificent man from an equal outlay will achieve a more magnificent resultSc. than the vulgar man or the shabby man.; for the same standard of excellence does not apply to an achievement as to a possession: with possessions the thing worth the highest price is the most honored, for instance gold, but the achievement most honored is - one that is great and noble (since a great achievement arouses the admiration of - the spectator, and the quality of causing admiration belongs to magnificence); + one that is great and noble (since a great achievement arouses the admiration of + the spectator, and the quality of causing admiration belongs to magnificence); and excellence in an achievement involves greatness. Now there are some forms of expenditure definitely - entitled honorable, for instance expenditure on the service of the gods— + entitled honorable, for instance expenditure on the service of the gods— votive offerings, public buildings, - sacrifices—and the offices of religion generally; and those public benefactions + sacrifices—and the offices of religion generally; and those public benefactions which are favorite objects of ambition, for instance the duty, as it is esteemed in certain states, of equipping a chorus splendidly or fitting out a ship of war, or even of giving a banquet to the public. But in all these matters, as has been said, the scale of expenditure @@ -2774,11 +2774,11 @@ convert to P3 greatness of any form of expenditure varies with its particular kind, and, although the most magnificent expenditure absolutely is great expenditure on a great object, the most magnificent in a particular case is the amount that is great in that case, and since the greatness of the - result achieved is not the same as the greatness of the expenditure (for the + result achieved is not the same as the greatness of the expenditure (for the finest ball or oil-flask does not cost much or involve a very liberal outlay, though it - makes a magnificent present in the case of a child), it follows that it is the mark of the + makes a magnificent present in the case of a child), it follows that it is the mark of the magnificent man, in expenditure of whatever kind, to produce a magnificent result - (for that is a standard not easily exceeded), and a result proportionate + (for that is a standard not easily exceeded), and a result proportionate to the cost.

Such then is the character of the magnificent man. His counterpart on the side of excess, the vulgar man, exceeds, as has been said, by @@ -2789,11 +2789,11 @@ convert to P3 chorus appear in character as charcoal-burners, cavalrymen, wasps, clouds, etc., and take part in the action of the play as such. They seem to have stripped off their outer dress for the Parabasis, or interlude, in which they address the audience on behalf of - the author (Aristoph. Ach. 627,Aristoph. Peace 730). In the later scenes they + the author (Aristoph. Ach. 627,Aristoph. Peace 730). In the later scenes they tend to fall more into the position of spectators, like the chorus of tragedy; and the play usually ends with something in the nature of a triumphal procession, when purple - robes (like the scarlet worn by the chorus at the end of the - Eumenides of Aeschylus) would not be inappropriate, as they + robes (like the scarlet worn by the chorus at the end of the + Eumenides of Aeschylus) would not be inappropriate, as they would be in the opening scenes. Megarian comedy is elsewhere associated with coarse buffoonery. Moreover, he does all this not from a noble motive but to show off his wealth, and with the idea that this sort of thing makes people admire him; and he @@ -2806,8 +2806,8 @@ convert to P3 they do not bring serious discredit, since they are not injurious to others, nor are they excessively unseemly.

Greatness of Soul,megaloyuxi/a, magnanimitas, means lofty pride - and self-esteem rather than magnanimity or high-mindedness (in the modern sense - of the word). as the word itself implies, seems to be related to great + and self-esteem rather than magnanimity or high-mindedness (in the modern sense + of the word). as the word itself implies, seems to be related to great objects; let us first ascertain what sort of objects these are. It will make no difference whether we examine the quality itself or the person that displays the quality.

Now a person is thought to be great-souled if he claims much and deserves much; he who @@ -2830,7 +2830,7 @@ convert to P3 the small-souled err by excess and defect respectively.

If then the great-souled man claims and is worthy of great things and most of all the greatest things, Greatness of Soul must be concerned with some one object especially. - ‘Worthy’ is a term of relation: it denotes having a claim to goods + ‘Worthy’ is a term of relation: it denotes having a claim to goods external to oneself. Now the greatest external good we should assume to be the thing which we offer as a tribute to the gods, and which is most coveted by men of high station, and is the prize awarded for the noblest deeds; and @@ -2852,18 +2852,18 @@ convert to P3 truly great-souled man must be a good man. Indeed greatness in each of the virtues would seem to go with greatness of soul. For instance, one cannot imagine the great-souled man running at full speed when retreating in battle,Literally, - ‘fleeing swinging his arms at his side,’ i.e. deficient in the + ‘fleeing swinging his arms at his side,’ i.e. deficient in the virtue of Courage. If this be the meaning, the phrase recalls by contrast the leisurely - retirement of Socrates from the stricken field of Delium (Plato, Plat. Sym. - 221a). But the words have been taken with what follows, as illustrating - the lack of Justice or Honesty, and the whole translated either ‘outstripping - an opponent in a race by flinging the arms backward [which was considered - unsportsmanlike], nor fouling,’ or else ‘being prosecuted - on a charge of blackmailing, nor cheating in business.’ Emendation would give - a buried verse-quotation, ‘To swing his arms in flight, nor in - pursuit.’ nor acting dishonestly; since what motive for base conduct + retirement of Socrates from the stricken field of Delium (Plato, Plat. Sym. + 221a). But the words have been taken with what follows, as illustrating + the lack of Justice or Honesty, and the whole translated either ‘outstripping + an opponent in a race by flinging the arms backward [which was considered + unsportsmanlike], nor fouling,’ or else ‘being prosecuted + on a charge of blackmailing, nor cheating in business.’ Emendation would give + a buried verse-quotation, ‘To swing his arms in flight, nor in + pursuit.’ nor acting dishonestly; since what motive for base conduct has a man to whom nothing is great?i.e., nothing is of - much value in his eyes (cf. 3.30,34), so that gain, which is a motive + much value in his eyes (cf. 3.30,34), so that gain, which is a motive to dishonesty with others, is no temptation to him. Considering all the virtues in turn, we shall feel it quite ridiculous to picture the great-souled man as other than a good man. Moreover, if he were bad, he would not be worthy of honor, since honor is the @@ -2884,10 +2884,10 @@ convert to P3 then, as has been said, is especially concerned with honor; but he will also observe due measure in respect to wealth, power, and good and bad fortune in general, as they may befall him; he will not rejoice overmuch in prosperity, nor grieve overmuch at adversity. - For he does not care much even about honor, which is the greatest of external goodsThe ms. reading gives ‘For even honor he does - not feel to be of the greatest importance.’ (since power and + For he does not care much even about honor, which is the greatest of external goodsThe ms. reading gives ‘For even honor he does + not feel to be of the greatest importance.’ (since power and wealth are desirable only for the honor they bring, at least their possessors wish to be - honored for their sake); he therefore to whom even honor is a small thing will be + honored for their sake); he therefore to whom even honor is a small thing will be indifferent to other things as well. Hence great-souled men are thought to be haughty.

But it is thought that the gifts of fortune also conduce to greatness of soul; for the @@ -2904,7 +2904,7 @@ convert to P3 to the rest of mankind, despise other people, although their own conduct is no better than another's. The fact is that they try to imitate the great-souled man without being really like him, and only copy him in what they can, reproducing his contempt for others but not - his virtuous conduct. For the great-souled man is justified in despising other people—his estimates + his virtuous conduct. For the great-souled man is justified in despising other people—his estimates are correct; but most proud men have no good ground for their pride.

The great-souled man does not run into danger for trifling reasons, and is not a lover of danger, because there are few things he values; but he will face danger in a great cause, @@ -2914,8 +2914,8 @@ convert to P3 mark of superiority and the latter of inferiority. He returns a service done to him with interest, since this will put the original benefactor into his debt in turn, and make him the party benefited. The great-souled are thought to have a good memory for any benefit they have conferred, - but a bad memory for those which they have received (since the recipient of a - benefit is the inferior of his benefactor, whereas they desire to be superior); + but a bad memory for those which they have received (since the recipient of a + benefit is the inferior of his benefactor, whereas they desire to be superior); and to enjoy being reminded of the former but to dislike being reminded of the latter: this is why the poet makes ThetisAn incorrect recollection of Hom. Il. 1.393 ff., Hom. Il. 1.503 f.; there Achilles says that his mother @@ -2944,7 +2944,7 @@ convert to P3 greatness of soul to recall things against people, especially the wrongs they have done you, but rather to overlook them. He is no gossip, for he will not talk either about himself or about another, as he neither wants to receive compliments nor to hear other people run down - (nor is he lavish of praise either); and so he is not given to speaking + (nor is he lavish of praise either); and so he is not given to speaking evil himself, even of his enemies, except when he deliberately intends to give offence. In troubles that cannot be avoided or trifling mishaps he will never cry out or ask for help, since to do @@ -2958,9 +2958,9 @@ convert to P3 deficiency is the Small-souled man, and on that of excess the Vain man. These alsoCf. 2.22. are not thought to be actually vicious, since they do no harm, but rather mistaken. The small-souled man deprives himself of the good things that he deserves; and his failure to claim good things makes it seem that he has something bad about him - [and also that he does not know himself],These words seem to be interpolated. The small-souled man does not claim + [and also that he does not know himself],These words seem to be interpolated. The small-souled man does not claim his deserts, but he may know what they are; he is not charged with ignorance of self, as - is the vain man, 3.36. for (people argue), if he deserved any + is the vain man, 3.36. for (people argue), if he deserved any good, he would try to obtain it. Not that such persons are considered foolish, but rather too retiring; yet this estimate of them is thought to make them still worse, for men's ambitions show what they are worth, and if they hold aloof from noble enterprises and @@ -2969,7 +2969,7 @@ convert to P3

The vain on the other hand are foolish persons, who are deficient in self-knowledge and expose their defect: they undertake honorable responsibilities of which they are not worthy, and then are found out. They are ostentatious in dress, manner and so on. They - want people to know how well off they are, and talk about it,A variant reading is ‘talk about themselves.’ + want people to know how well off they are, and talk about it,A variant reading is ‘talk about themselves.’ imagining that this will make them respected.

Smallness of Soul is more opposed than Vanity to Greatness of Soul, being both more prevalent and worse.

@@ -2988,11 +2988,11 @@ convert to P3 if he does not care about receiving honor even on noble grounds. But at another time we praise the ambitious man as manly and a lover of what is noble, or praise the unambitious man as modest and temperate, as we said in the first part of this work.See 2.7.8. The fact is - that the expression ‘fond of’ so-and-so is ambiguous, and we do not - always apply the word ‘fond of honor’ (ambitious) to - the same thing; when we use it as a term of praise, we mean ‘more fond of honor - than most men,’ but when as a reproach, ‘more than is - right.’ As the observance of the mean has no name, the two extremes dispute as + that the expression ‘fond of’ so-and-so is ambiguous, and we do not + always apply the word ‘fond of honor’ (ambitious) to + the same thing; when we use it as a term of praise, we mean ‘more fond of honor + than most men,’ but when as a reproach, ‘more than is + right.’ As the observance of the mean has no name, the two extremes dispute as it were for the unclaimed estate. But where there is excess and deficiency there must also be a mean. Now men do seek honor both more and less than is right; it must therefore be possible also to do so rightly. It is therefore this nameless middle disposition in regard to honor that we @@ -3002,19 +3002,19 @@ convert to P3 but in the present case the extremes appear to be opposed only to one another, because the middle character has no name.

Gentleness is the observance of the mean in relation to anger. There is as a matter of - fact no recognized name for the mean in this respect—indeed there can hardly be - said to be names for the extremes either—, so we apply the word Gentleness to + fact no recognized name for the mean in this respect—indeed there can hardly be + said to be names for the extremes either—, so we apply the word Gentleness to the mean though really it inclines to the side of the defect. This has no name, but the excess may be called a sort of Irascibility, for the emotion concerned is anger, though the causes producing it are many and various.

Now we praise a man who feels anger on the right grounds and against the right persons, and also in the right manner and at the right moment and for the right length of time. He may then be called gentle-tempered, if we take gentleness to be a praiseworthy quality - (for ‘gentle’ really denotes a calm temper, not led by + (for ‘gentle’ really denotes a calm temper, not led by emotion but only becoming angry in such a manner, for such causes and for such a length of time as principle may ordain; although the quality is thought rather to err on the side of defect, since the gentle-tempered man is not prompt to seek - redress for injuries, but rather inclined to forgive them).

+ redress for injuries, but rather inclined to forgive them).

The defect, on the other hand, call it a sort of Lack of Spirit or what not, is blamed; since those who do not get angry at things at which it is right to be angry are considered foolish, and so are those who do not get angry in the right manner, at the a right time, @@ -3037,7 +3037,7 @@ convert to P3 because they keep their wrath in; whereas when a man retaliates there is an end of the matter: the pain of resentment is replaced by the pleasure of obtaining redress, and so his anger ceases. But if they do not retaliate, men continue to labour under a sense of - resentment—for as their anger is concealed no one else tries to placate them + resentment—for as their anger is concealed no one else tries to placate them either, and it takes a long time to digest one's wrath within one. Bitterness is the most trouble some form of bad temper both to a man himself and to his nearest friends. Those who lose their temper at the wrong things, and @@ -3058,7 +3058,7 @@ convert to P3 and judgement rests with the faculty of perception. But thus much at all events is clear, that the middle disposition is praiseworthy, which leads us to be angry with the right people for the right things in the right manner and so on, - while the various forms of excess and defect are blameworthy—when of slight + while the various forms of excess and defect are blameworthy—when of slight extent, but little so, when greater, more, and when extreme, very blameworthy indeed. It is clear therefore that we should strive to attain the middle disposition.

Let this be our account of the dispositions related to anger.

@@ -3069,16 +3069,16 @@ convert to P3 everything and do not care in the least what pain they cause, are called Surly or Quarrelsome. Now it is clear that the dispositions described are blameworthy, and that the middle disposition between them is - praiseworthy—that is, the tendency to acquiesce in the right things, and + praiseworthy—that is, the tendency to acquiesce in the right things, and likewise to disapprove of the right things, in the right manner. But to this no special name has been assigned, though it very closely resembles friendshipAt 2.7.13 it was actually termed fili/a, Friendliness.; for he who exemplifies this middle disposition is the sort of man - we mean by the expression ‘a good friend,’ only that includes an + we mean by the expression ‘a good friend,’ only that includes an element of affection. It differs from friendship in not possessing the emotional factor of affection for one's associates; since a man of this character takes everything in the right way not from personal liking or dislike, but from natural amiability. He will behave with the same propriety towards strangers and acquaintances alike, towards people with whom he is familiar and those with whom he is - not—though preserving the shades of distinction proper to each class, since it + not—though preserving the shades of distinction proper to each class, since it is not appropriate to show the same regard or disregard for the feelings of friends and of strangers.

We have said then in general terms that he will behave in the right manner in society. We @@ -3126,7 +3126,7 @@ convert to P3 is praised, and the insincere of both kinds are blamed, more especially the boaster. Let us discuss each of the two, beginning with the truthful man.

We are speaking not of truthfulness in business relations, nor in matters where honesty - and dishonesty are concerned (for these matters would come under a different virtueViz. Justice, Book 5.), but of cases where + and dishonesty are concerned (for these matters would come under a different virtueViz. Justice, Book 5.), but of cases where a man is truthful both in speech and conduct when no considerations of honesty come in, from an habitual sincerity of disposition. Such sincerity may be esteemed a moral excellence; for the lover of truth, who is truthful even when @@ -3139,17 +3139,17 @@ convert to P3

The man who pretends to more merit than he possesses for no ulterior object seems, it is true, to be a person of inferior character, since otherwise he would not take pleasure in falsehood; but he appears to be more foolish than vicious. When, on the other hand, a man exaggerates his own merits to gain some - object, if that object is glory or honor he is not very much to be blamed [as is - the boaster], but if he boasts to get money or things that fetch money, this is - more unseemly. (Boastfulness is not a matter of + object, if that object is glory or honor he is not very much to be blamed [as is + the boaster], but if he boasts to get money or things that fetch money, this is + more unseemly. (Boastfulness is not a matter of potential capacity but of deliberate purpose; a man is a boaster if he has a fixed - disposition to boast—a boastful character.) Similarly liars are divided + disposition to boast—a boastful character.) Similarly liars are divided into those who like lying for its own sake and those who lie to get reputation or profit. Those then who boast for the sake of reputation pretend to possess such qualities as are praised and admired; those who do so for profit pretend to accomplishments that are useful to their fellows and also can be counterfeited - without detection; for instance,The true text very probably is ‘for example - “physician or seer sage,”’ a verse quotation. + without detection; for instance,The true text very probably is ‘for example + “physician or seer sage,”’ a verse quotation. proficiency in prophecy, philosophy, or medicine. Because these arts have the two qualities specified they are the commonest fields of pretence and bragging.

Self-depreciators, who understate their own merits, seem of a more refined character, for @@ -3161,7 +3161,7 @@ convert to P3 contemptible; and sometimes such mock humility seems to be really boastfulness, like the dress of the Spartans,Aristotle regards the cheapness and simplicity of the Spartans' dress as an affectation; or perhaps the reference is to - ‘Laconizers’ at Athens + ‘Laconizers’ at Athens who affected Spartan manners. for extreme negligence in dress, as well as excessive attention to it, has a touch of ostentation. But a moderate use of self-depreciation in matters not too commonplace and obvious has a not ungraceful air.

@@ -3180,8 +3180,8 @@ convert to P3 keep within the bounds of decorum and avoid giving pain to the object of their raillery. Those on the other hand who never by any chance say anything funny themselves and take offence at those who do, are considered boorish and morose. Those who jest with good taste - are called wittyeu)tra/peloi, lit. ‘turning well,’ nimble-witted. - or versatile—that is to say, full of good turns; for such sallies seem to spring + are called wittyeu)tra/peloi, lit. ‘turning well,’ nimble-witted. + or versatile—that is to say, full of good turns; for such sallies seem to spring from the character, and we judge men's characters, like their bodies, by their movements. But as matter for ridicule is always ready to hand, and as most men are only too fond of fun and raillery, even buffoons are called witty and pass @@ -3203,8 +3203,8 @@ convert to P3 raillery is a sort of vilification, and some forms of vilification are forbidden by law; perhaps some forms of raillery ought to be prohibited also. The cultivated gentleman will therefore regulate his wit, and will be as it were a law to himself.

-

Such then is the middle character, whether he be called ‘tactful’ or - ‘witty.’ The buffoon is one who cannot resist a joke; he will not keep +

Such then is the middle character, whether he be called ‘tactful’ or + ‘witty.’ The buffoon is one who cannot resist a joke; he will not keep his tongue off himself or anyone else, if he can raise a laugh, and will say things which a man of refinement would never say, and some of which he would not even allow to be said to @@ -3229,16 +3229,16 @@ convert to P3 shamefaced, since we think he ought not to do anything of which he need be ashamed. For indeed the virtuous man does not feel shame, if shame is the feeling caused by base actions; since one - ought not to do base actions (the distinction between acts really shameful and - those reputed to be so is immaterial, since one ought not to do either), and so + ought not to do base actions (the distinction between acts really shameful and + those reputed to be so is immaterial, since one ought not to do either), and so one never ought to feel shame. Shame is a mark of a base man, and springs from a character capable of doing a shameful act. And it is absurd that, because a man is of such a nature that he is ashamed if he does a shameful act, he should therefore think himself virtuous, since actions to cause shame must be voluntary, but a - virtuous man will never voluntarily do a base action. Modesty can only be virtuous conditionally—in the sense that a good man would + virtuous man will never voluntarily do a base action. Modesty can only be virtuous conditionally—in the sense that a good man would be ashamed if he were to do so and so; but the virtues are not conditional. And though shamelessness and not shrinking from shameful actions is base, this does not - prove that to be ashamed when one a does shameful acts is virtuous—any more than Self-restraint is a virtue, and not rather a mixture + prove that to be ashamed when one a does shameful acts is virtuous—any more than Self-restraint is a virtue, and not rather a mixture of virtue and vice. But this will be explained later.In Bk. 7. Let us now speak of Justice.

@@ -3250,20 +3250,20 @@ convert to P3

In regard to JusticeIn what follows dikaiosu/nh is found to possess both the wider meaning of Righteousness in general, covering all right conduct in relation to others, and the narrower sense of the virtue of right conduct in relation to others where gain or loss - (whether to the agent or to other parties) is involved. dikaiosu/nh in this narrower sense is the special Moral Virtue + (whether to the agent or to other parties) is involved. dikaiosu/nh in this narrower sense is the special Moral Virtue which is the subject of Book 5; it would be described in English sometimes as Justice, sometimes as Honesty or uprightness. The related adjectives and verbs have various connotations connected with the various meanings of dikaiosu/nh both in its wider and in its narrower usage. For instance, - ta\ di/kaia means sometimes ‘just - acts’ in the English sense, sometimes any acts in conformity with the law, - sometimes ‘rights’ or ‘claims,’ i.e., any + ta\ di/kaia means sometimes ‘just + acts’ in the English sense, sometimes any acts in conformity with the law, + sometimes ‘rights’ or ‘claims,’ i.e., any consideration which by law, equity, or custom, certain persons have a right to expect from certain others. Or again a)dikei=n means not only to act unjustly, or dishonestly, but also to do, or have done, any wrongful injury to another, or any wrongful or illegal act, and so, as a legal term, to be guilty of a breach of the law. In translating however, if the connection of all these various meanings in the writer's mind is to be represented, it seems necessary to keep the words - ‘justice,’ ‘injustice,’ etc., throughout, in + ‘justice,’ ‘injustice,’ etc., throughout, in spite of their occasional unsuitability to the context. and Injustice, we have to enquire what sort of actions precisely they are concerned with, in what sense Justice is the observance of a mean, and what are the extremes between which that which is just is a @@ -3286,29 +3286,29 @@ convert to P3 what good condition is from bodies in good condition, and know what bodies are in good condition from knowing what good condition is. Thus, supposing good condition is firmness of flesh, bad condition must be flabbiness of flesh, and a diet productive of good - conditionLiterally ‘that which has to do - with good condition’: the word here slightly shifts its meaning, for just - above it meant ‘that which is in good condition.’ must be a + conditionLiterally ‘that which has to do + with good condition’: the word here slightly shifts its meaning, for just + above it meant ‘that which is in good condition.’ must be a diet producing firmness of flesh.

Also, if one of two correlative groups of words is used in several senses, it follows as a rule that the other is used in several senses too: for example, if - ‘just’ has more than one meaning, so also has - ‘unjust’ and ‘Injustice.’ Now it appears that the terms Justice + ‘just’ has more than one meaning, so also has + ‘unjust’ and ‘Injustice.’ Now it appears that the terms Justice and Injustice are used in several senses, but as the equivocal uses are closely connected, the equivocation is not detected; whereas in the case of widely different things called by - a common name, the equivocation is comparatively obvious: for example (the - difference being considerable when it is one of external form), the equivocal use - of the word kleis (key) to denote both - the boneThe clavicle (clavis, a key), or collar-bone. at the base of the neck and + a common name, the equivocation is comparatively obvious: for example (the + difference being considerable when it is one of external form), the equivocal use + of the word kleis (key) to denote both + the boneThe clavicle (clavis, a key), or collar-bone. at the base of the neck and the instrument with which we lock our doors.

Let us then ascertain in how many senses a man is said to be - ‘unjust.’ Now the term ‘unjust’ is held to apply + ‘unjust.’ Now the term ‘unjust’ is held to apply both to the man who breaks the law and the man who takes more than his due, the - unfairThe word i)/sos means both ‘equal’ and - ‘equitable’ or ‘fair.’ man. Hence it is - clear that the law-abiding man and the fair man will both be just. ‘The - just’ therefore means that which is lawful and that which is equal or fair, and - ‘the unjust’ means that which is illegal and that which is unequal or + unfairThe word i)/sos means both ‘equal’ and + ‘equitable’ or ‘fair.’ man. Hence it is + clear that the law-abiding man and the fair man will both be just. ‘The + just’ therefore means that which is lawful and that which is equal or fair, and + ‘the unjust’ means that which is illegal and that which is unequal or unfair.

Again, as the unjust man is one who takes the larger share, he will be unjust in respect of good things; not all good things, but those on which good and bad fortune depend. These @@ -3320,9 +3320,9 @@ convert to P3 absolutely, are bad he chooses the smaller share; but nevertheless he is thought to take more than his due, because the lesser of two evils seems in a sense to be a good, and taking more than one's due means taking more than one's due of good. Let us call him - ‘unfair,’ for that is a comprehensive term, and includes both taking - too much of good things and too little of bad things.Here some mss. add ‘Also a law-breaker, for this, law-breaking or else - unfairness, includes all injustice and is a common term for all injustice.’ + ‘unfair,’ for that is a comprehensive term, and includes both taking + too much of good things and too little of bad things.Here some mss. add ‘Also a law-breaker, for this, law-breaking or else + unfairness, includes all injustice and is a common term for all injustice.’

Again, we saw that the law-breaker is unjust and the law-abiding man just. It is therefore clear that all lawful things are just in one sense of the word, for what is @@ -3330,66 +3330,66 @@ convert to P3 rules of justice. Now all the various pronouncements of the law aim either at the common interest of all, or at the interest of a ruling class determined either by excellence or in some other similar - way; so that in one of its senses the term ‘just’ is applied to + way; so that in one of its senses the term ‘just’ is applied to anything that produces and preserves the happiness, or the component parts of the happiness, of the political community.

But the law also prescribes certain conduct: the conduct of a brave man, for example not to desert one's post, not to run away, not to throw down one's arms; that of a temperate man, for example not to commit adultery or outrage; that of a gentle man, for example not to strike, not to speak evil; and so with actions exemplifying the rest of the virtues and vices, commanding these and - forbidding those—rightly if the law has been rightly enacted, not so well if it + forbidding those—rightly if the law has been rightly enacted, not so well if it has been made at random.

Justice then in this sense is perfect Virtue, though with a qualification, namely that it is displayed towards others. This is why Justice is often thought to be the chief of the - virtues, and more sublime ‘or than the evening or the morning - star’According to a scholiast, this is a + virtues, and more sublime ‘or than the evening or the morning + star’According to a scholiast, this is a quotation, slightly altered, from the lost play Melanippe of Euripides - (fr. 490 Dindorf).; and we have the proverb— + (fr. 490 Dindorf).; and we have the proverb— In Justice is all Virtue found in sum.Theog. 147. And Justice is perfect virtue because it is the practice of perfect virtue; and perfect in a special degree,In the mss. the words - ‘in a special degree’ follow ‘perfect’ in the + ‘in a special degree’ follow ‘perfect’ in the line before. because its possessor can practise his virtue towards others and not merely by himself; for there are many who can practise virtue in their own private affairs - but cannot do so in their relations with another. This is why we approve the saying of Bias, ‘Office will - show a man’; for in office one is brought into relation with others and becomes + but cannot do so in their relations with another. This is why we approve the saying of Bias, ‘Office will + show a man’; for in office one is brought into relation with others and becomes a member of a community.

The same reason, namely that it involves relationship with someone else, accounts for the viewPut into the mouth of the sophist Thrasymachus in Plato's Plat. Rep. 343c. that Justice alone - of the virtues is ‘the good of others,’ because it does what is for + of the virtues is ‘the good of others,’ because it does what is for the advantage of another, either a ruler or an associate. As then the worst man is he who practises vice towards his friends as well as in regard to himself, so the best is not he who practises virtue in regard to himself but he who practises it towards others; for that is a difficult task.

Justice in this sense then is not a part of Virtue, but the whole of Virtue; and its - opposite Injustice is not a part of Vice but the whole of Vice (the distinction between + opposite Injustice is not a part of Vice but the whole of Vice (the distinction between Virtue and Justice in this sense being clear from what has been said: they are the same quality of mind, but their essence is differentCf. 6.8.1.; what as displayed in relation to others is Justice, as being simply a - disposition of a certain kind is Virtue).

+ disposition of a certain kind is Virtue).

What we are investigating, however, is the Justice which is a part of Virtue, since we hold that there is such a thing as Justice in this sense; and similarly we are investigating Injustice in the particular sense. The existence of the latter is proved by the - following considerations: (1) When a man displays the other - vices—for instance, throws away his shield, from Cowardice, or uses abusive + following considerations: (1) When a man displays the other + vices—for instance, throws away his shield, from Cowardice, or uses abusive language, from Bad Temper, or refuses to assist a friend with money, from - Meanness—though he acts unjustly, he is not taking more than his share of + Meanness—though he acts unjustly, he is not taking more than his share of anything; whereas when a man takes more than his share, it is frequently not due to any of these vices, and certainly not to all of them, yet nevertheless the action does display some vice, since we blame it; in fact it displays the vice of Injustice. Therefore there is another sort of Injustice, which is a part of Injustice in the universal sense, and there is something unjust which is a part of the unjust in general, - or illegal. (2) Again, suppose two men to commit adultery, one for profit, and + or illegal. (2) Again, suppose two men to commit adultery, one for profit, and gaining by the act, the other from desire, and having to pay, and so losing by it: then the latter would be deemed to be a profligate rather than a man who takes more than his due, while the former would be deemed unjust, but not profligate; clearly therefore it is - being done for profit that makes the action unjust. (3) Again, whereas all other unjust - acts are invariably ascribed to some particular vice—for example, adultery is + being done for profit that makes the action unjust. (3) Again, whereas all other unjust + acts are invariably ascribed to some particular vice—for example, adultery is put down to Profligacy, desertion from the ranks to Cowardice, assault to - Anger—an unjust act by which a man has profited is not attributed to any vice + Anger—an unjust act by which a man has profited is not attributed to any vice except Injustice.

Hence it is manifest that there is another sort of Injustice besides universal Injustice, the former being a part of the latter. It is called by the same name because its @@ -3401,12 +3401,12 @@ convert to P3

Thus it is clear that there are more kinds of Justice than one, and that the term has another meaning besides Virtue as a whole. We have then to ascertain the nature and attributes of Justice in this special sense.

-

Now we have distinguished two meanings of ‘the unjust,’ namely the - unlawful and the unequal or unfair, and two meanings of ‘the just,’ +

Now we have distinguished two meanings of ‘the unjust,’ namely the + unlawful and the unequal or unfair, and two meanings of ‘the just,’ namely the lawful and the equal or fair. Injustice then, in the sense previously - mentioned, corresponds to the meaning ‘unlawful’; but since the unfair is not the same as - the unlawful, but different from it, and related to it as part to whole (for not - everything unlawful is unfair, though everything unfair is unlawful), so also the + mentioned, corresponds to the meaning ‘unlawful’; but since the unfair is not the same as + the unlawful, but different from it, and related to it as part to whole (for not + everything unlawful is unfair, though everything unfair is unlawful), so also the unjust and Injustice in the particular sense are not the same as the unjust and Injustice in the universal sense, but different from them, and related to them as part to whole; for Injustice in this sense is a part of universal Injustice, and similarly the Justice we are @@ -3434,7 +3434,7 @@ convert to P3 wealth, and the other divisible assets of the community, which may be allotted among its members in equal or unequal shares. The other kind is that which supplies a corrective principle in private transactions.This Corrective Justice again has two sub-divisions, corresponding to the two classes of - private transactions, those which are voluntary and those which are involuntary.‘Involuntary’ here means lacking the + private transactions, those which are voluntary and those which are involuntary.‘Involuntary’ here means lacking the consent of one of the parties. Examples of voluntary transactions are selling, buying, lending at interest, pledging, lending without interest, depositing, letting for hire; these transactions being termed voluntary because they are voluntarily entered @@ -3447,22 +3447,22 @@ convert to P3 abusive language, contumelious treatment.

Now since an unjust man is one who is unfair, and the unjust is the unequal, it is clear that corresponding to the unequal there is a mean, namely that which is equal; for every action admitting of - more and less admits of the equal also. If then the unjust is the unequal, the just is the equal—a + more and less admits of the equal also. If then the unjust is the unequal, the just is the equal—a view that commends itself to all without proof; and since the equal is a mean, the just will be a sort of mean too. Again, equality involves two terms at least. It accordingly follows not - only (a) that the just is a mean and equal [and relative to + only (a) that the just is a mean and equal [and relative to something and just for certain personsThese words - appear to be an interpolation.], but also (b) that, as + appear to be an interpolation.], but also (b) that, as a mean, it implies certain extremes between which it lies, namely the more and the less; - (c) that, as equal, it implies two shares that are equal; and - (d) that, as just, it implies certain persons for whom it is just. + (c) that, as equal, it implies two shares that are equal; and + (d) that, as just, it implies certain persons for whom it is just. It follows therefore that justice involves at least four terms, namely, two persons for whom it is just and two shares which are just. And there will be the same equality between the shares as between the persons, since the ratio between the shares will be equal to the ratio between the persons; for if the persons are not equal, they will not have equal shares; it is when equals possess or are allotted unequal shares, or persons not equal equal shares, that quarrels and complaints arise.

-

This is also clear from the principle of ‘assignment by desert.’ All +

This is also clear from the principle of ‘assignment by desert.’ All are agreed that justice in distributions must be based on desert of some sort, although they do not all mean the same sort of desert; democrats make the criterion free birth; those of oligarchical sympathies wealth, or in other cases birth; upholders of aristocracy @@ -3470,22 +3470,22 @@ convert to P3 is therefore a sort of proportion; for proportion is not a property of numerical quantity only, but of quantity in general, proportion being equality of ratios, and involving four terms at least.

-

(That a discrete proportionA - ‘discrete proportion’ means one in which the two ratios are - disconnected, being between different terms, whereas in a ‘continuous - proportion’ they have one term in common. has four terms is plain, but +

(That a discrete proportionA + ‘discrete proportion’ means one in which the two ratios are + disconnected, being between different terms, whereas in a ‘continuous + proportion’ they have one term in common. has four terms is plain, but so also has a continuous proportion, since it treats one term as two, and repeats it: for example,Here the lecturer displayed a diagram. as the line representing term one is to the line representing term two, so is the line representing term two to the line representing term three; here the line representing term two is mentioned twice, so that if it be counted twice, there will be - four proportionals.)

+ four proportionals.)

Thus the just also involves four terms at least, and the ratio between the first pair of terms is the same as that between the second pair. For the two lines representing the persons and shares are similarly dividedHere was - another diagram (one would expect the sentence to run ‘Let two lines - representing . . . have been similarly divided’). Two segments, A and + another diagram (one would expect the sentence to run ‘Let two lines + representing . . . have been similarly divided’). Two segments, A and B, of one line represented two persons, two segments, C and D, of another their shares. It is shown that, if A:B::C:D, then A+C:B+D::A:B, i.e., if the shares are proportioned to the persons, their relative condition after receiving them will be the same as it was @@ -3503,11 +3503,11 @@ convert to P3 meaning more or less than is proportionate to A's claim. Cf. Bk. 2.6.4, third note, and 6.7. since the proportionate is a mean, and the just is the proportionate.

-

(This kind of proportion is termed by mathematicians geometrical proportionWe call this a proportion simply: cf. 4.3 and +

(This kind of proportion is termed by mathematicians geometrical proportionWe call this a proportion simply: cf. 4.3 and note.; for a geometrical proportion is one in which the sum of the first and third terms will bear the same ratio to the sum of the second and fourth as one term of either - pair bears to the other term.—Distributive justice is not a continuous proportion, for its second and - third terms, a person and a share, do not constitute a single term.)

+ pair bears to the other term.—Distributive justice is not a continuous proportion, for its second and + third terms, a person and a share, do not constitute a single term.)

The just in this sense is therefore the proportionate, and the unjust is that which violates proportion. The unjust may therefore be either too much or too little; and this is what we find in fact, for when injustice is done, the doer has too much and the @@ -3521,16 +3521,16 @@ convert to P3

The remaining kind is Corrective Justice, which operates in private transactions, both voluntary and involuntary. This justice is of a different sort from the preceding. For justice in distributing common property always conforms with - the proportion we have described (since when a distribution is made from the + the proportion we have described (since when a distribution is made from the common stock, it will follow the same ratio as that between the amounts which the several - persons have contributed to the common stock); and the injustice opposed to - justice of this a kind is a violation of this proportion. But the just in private transactions, although it is the equal in a sense (and - the unjust the unequal), is not the equal according to geometrical but according to + persons have contributed to the common stock); and the injustice opposed to + justice of this a kind is a violation of this proportion. But the just in private transactions, although it is the equal in a sense (and + the unjust the unequal), is not the equal according to geometrical but according to arithmetical proportion.That is, two pairs of terms - (e.g. 1, 3; 7, 9), of which the second term exceeds the first by the + (e.g. 1, 3; 7, 9), of which the second term exceeds the first by the same amount as the fourth exceeds the third. We do not call this a proportion at all, - but, if also the third term exceeds the second by the same amount (e.g. 1, 3, - 5, 7), an arithmetical progression. For it makes no differenceFor Corrective Justice the merits of the parties are + but, if also the third term exceeds the second by the same amount (e.g. 1, 3, + 5, 7), an arithmetical progression. For it makes no differenceFor Corrective Justice the merits of the parties are immaterial. whether a good man has defrauded a bad man or a bad one a good one, nor whether it is a good or a bad man that has committed adultery; the law looks only at the nature of damage, treating the parties as equal, and merely asking whether one has @@ -3540,12 +3540,12 @@ convert to P3 inflicted a blow, or one has killed and the other been killed, the lineAgain a diagram is employed, cf. 3.9,10, and infra 4.8. representing the suffering and doing of the deed is divided into unequal parts, but the judge endeavors to make them equal by the penalty or losszhmi/a has both - senses. he imposes, taking away the gain. (For the term ‘gain’ is used in a general way to apply to + senses. he imposes, taking away the gain. (For the term ‘gain’ is used in a general way to apply to such cases, even though it is not strictly appropriate to some of them, for example to a - person who strikes another, nor is ‘loss’ appropriate to the victim in + person who strikes another, nor is ‘loss’ appropriate to the victim in this case; but at all events the results are called - ‘loss’ and ‘gain’ respectively when the amount of - the damage sustained comes to be estimated.) Thus, while the equal is a mean + ‘loss’ and ‘gain’ respectively when the amount of + the damage sustained comes to be estimated.) Thus, while the equal is a mean between more and less, gain and loss are at once both more and less in contrary ways, more good and less evil being gain and more evil and less good loss; and as the equal, which we pronounce to be just, is, as we said, a mean between them, it follows that Justice in @@ -3555,23 +3555,23 @@ convert to P3

This is why when disputes occur men have recourse to a judge. To go to a judge is to go to justice, for the ideal judge is so to speak justice personified. Also, men require a judge to be a middle term or - medium—indeed in some places judges are called - mediators—, for they think that if they get the mean they will get + medium—indeed in some places judges are called + mediators—, for they think that if they get the mean they will get what is just. Thus the just is a sort of mean, inasmuch as the judge is a medium between the litigants.

Now the judge restores equality: if we represent the matter by a line divided into two unequal parts, he takes away from the greater segment that portion by which it exceeds one-half of the whole line, and adds it to the lesser segment. When the whole has been - divided into two halves, people then say that they ‘have their own,’ + divided into two halves, people then say that they ‘have their own,’ having got what is equal.

In the mss. this sentence follows the next one.This is indeed the origin of the word dikaion - (just): it means dicha (in - half), as if one were to pronounce it dichaion; - and a dikast (judge) is a dichast (halver). The equal is a mean by way + (just): it means dicha (in + half), as if one were to pronounce it dichaion; + and a dikast (judge) is a dichast (halver). The equal is a mean by way of arithmetical proportion between the greater and the less. For when of two equalsIf a=b, then - (b+n)-(a-n)=2n, and (b+n)-a=N, and - (b+n)-(b+n)+(a-n)/2=n=(b+n)+(a-n)/2-(a-n). + (b+n)-(a-n)=2n, and (b+n)-a=N, and + (b+n)-(b+n)+(a-n)/2=n=(b+n)+(a-n)/2-(a-n). Aristotle, of course, represented the quantities by lines, not algebraically. a part is taken from the one and added to the other, the latter will exceed the former by twice that part, since if it had been taken from the one but not added to the other, the @@ -3587,45 +3587,45 @@ convert to P3 line EA by CD+CF; then DCC will exceed BB by CD.The mss. here insert the sentence that appears again at 5.9 init.

-

The terms ‘loss’ and ‘gain’ in these cases are +

The terms ‘loss’ and ‘gain’ in these cases are borrowed from the operations of voluntary exchange. There, to have more than one's own is called gaining, and to have less than one had at the outset is called losing, as for - instance in buying and selling, and all other transactions sanctioned by law;Literally ‘where the law gives - immunity,’ that is, does not give redress for inequality resulting from the + instance in buying and selling, and all other transactions sanctioned by law;Literally ‘where the law gives + immunity,’ that is, does not give redress for inequality resulting from the contract. Should inequality result from a breach of the contract, this would of course be a case for the intervention of Corrective Justice in Voluntary Transactions - (chap. 2 fin.). + (chap. 2 fin.). while if the result of the transaction is neither an increase nor a decrease, but exactly what the parties had of themselves, they say they - ‘have their own’ and have neither lost nor gained. Hence Justice in + ‘have their own’ and have neither lost nor gained. Hence Justice in Involuntary Transactions is a mean between gain and loss in a sense: it is to have after the transaction an amount equal to the amount one had before it.

The view is also held by some that simple Reciprocity is Justice. This was the doctrine - of the Pythagoreans, who defined the just simply as ‘suffering reciprocally with - another.’That is, retaliation: A shall + of the Pythagoreans, who defined the just simply as ‘suffering reciprocally with + another.’That is, retaliation: A shall have done to him what he has done to B.

Reciprocity however does not coincide either with Distributive or with Corrective Justice - (although people mean to identify it with the - latter when they quote the rule of Rhadamanthys— + (although people mean to identify it with the + latter when they quote the rule of Rhadamanthys— An a man suffer even that which he did, - Right justice will be done). + Right justice will be done). For in many cases Reciprocity is at variance with Justice: for example, if an officer strikes a man, it is wrong for the man to strike him back; and if a man strikes an officer, it is not enough for the officer to strike him, but he ought to be punished as well. Again, it makes a great - difference whether an act was done with or without the consent of the other party.Literally ‘whether the act was voluntary or - involuntary’; see first note on 2.13. + difference whether an act was done with or without the consent of the other party.Literally ‘whether the act was voluntary or + involuntary’; see first note on 2.13. But in the interchange of services Justice in the form of Reciprocity is the bond that maintains the association: reciprocity, that is, on the basis of proportion, not on the basis of equality. The very existence of the state depends on proportionate reciprocity; for men demand that they shall be able to requite evil with - evil— if they cannot, they feel they are in the position of - slaves—and to repay good with good— failing which, no exchange takes + evil— if they cannot, they feel they are in the position of + slaves—and to repay good with good— failing which, no exchange takes place, and it is exchange that binds them together. This is why we set up a shrine of the Graces in a public place, to remind men to return a kindness; for that is a special characteristic of grace, since it is a duty not only to @@ -3637,8 +3637,8 @@ convert to P3 of the product of his own. NowThe relative value of the units of the two products must be ascertained, say one house must be taken as worth n. Then the four terms are and cross-conjunction gives totals - A+nD, B+C, which are in ‘arithmetical proportion’ - (see first note on 5.4.3) with the two first terms, i.e. the + A+nD, B+C, which are in ‘arithmetical proportion’ + (see first note on 5.4.3) with the two first terms, i.e. the differentce between each pair is the same; the builder and the shoemaker after the transaction are by an equal amount richer than they were before they began to make the articles. if proportionate equality between the products be first established, @@ -3649,12 +3649,12 @@ convert to P3 if the active element did not produce, and did not receive the equivalent in quantity and quality of what the passive element receives.This sentence also appeared in the mss. above, at 4.12, where it made no sense. If genuine - here, the phrases ‘active element’ and ‘passive - element’ seem to mean producer and consumer. Even so, it is probable that + here, the phrases ‘active element’ and ‘passive + element’ seem to mean producer and consumer. Even so, it is probable that there is some corruption; Jackson's insertion - gives ‘unless the passive element produced the same in quantity and quality as + gives ‘unless the passive element produced the same in quantity and quality as the active, and the latter received the same in quantity and quality as the - former.’ For an association for interchange of services is not formed + former.’ For an association for interchange of services is not formed between two physicians, but between a physician and a farmer, and generally between persons who are different, and who may be unequal, though in that case they have to be equalized. Hence all commodities exchanged must be able @@ -3663,11 +3663,11 @@ convert to P3 for it is a measure of all things, and so of their superior or inferior value, that is to say, how many shoes are equivalent to a house or to a given quantity of food. As therefore a builder is to a shoemaker,It is uncertain whether - this merely refers to the difference in value (or perhaps in labor used in - production) between the unit products of different trades, or whether it + this merely refers to the difference in value (or perhaps in labor used in + production) between the unit products of different trades, or whether it introduces the further conception that different kinds of producers have different social values and deserve different rates of reward. so must such and such a - number of shoes be to a house, [or to a given quantity of food]Apparently interpolated from the last sentence.; + number of shoes be to a house, [or to a given quantity of food]Apparently interpolated from the last sentence.; for without this reciprocal proportion, there can be no exchange and no association; and it cannot be secured unless the commodities in question be equal in a sense.

It is therefore necessary that all commodities shall be measured by some one standard, as @@ -3675,37 +3675,37 @@ convert to P3 together, since if men cease to have wants or if their wants alter, exchange will go on no longer, or will be on different lines. But demand has come to be conventionally represented by money; this is why money is called nomisma - (customary currency), because it does not exist by nature but by custom - (nomos), and can be altered and - rendered uselessa)/xrhston also connotes ‘worthless,’ but an obsolete + (customary currency), because it does not exist by nature but by custom + (nomos), and can be altered and + rendered uselessa)/xrhston also connotes ‘worthless,’ but an obsolete coin retains some value as metal. at will.

There will therefore be reciprocal proportion when the products have been equated, so that as farmer is to shoemaker,See 5.10, first note. so may the shoemaker's product be to the farmer's product. And when they exchange their products they must reduce them to the form of a proportion, otherwise one of the two extremes will have both the excessesThat is - ‘after any unfair exchange one party has too much by just the amount by which + ‘after any unfair exchange one party has too much by just the amount by which the other has too little. I ought to have given you ten shillings more or something worth that. Then I have ten shillings too much, and you have ten too little; these two - tens are my two “excesses”; in respect of the exchange. I am better - off then you by twice ten’ (Richards). Cf. 4.10-12.; + tens are my two “excesses”; in respect of the exchange. I am better + off then you by twice ten’ (Richards). Cf. 4.10-12.; whereas when they have their own,For this proverbial phrase see 4.8,14. they then are equal, and can form an association together, - because equality in this sense can be established in their case (farmer A, food + because equality in this sense can be established in their case (farmer A, food C, shoemaker B, shoemaker's product equalized DOr - ‘shoemaker's product D multiplied to equivalence with C’ - (Blunt).); whereas if it were impossible for + ‘shoemaker's product D multiplied to equivalence with C’ + (Blunt).); whereas if it were impossible for reciprocal proportion to be effected in this way, there could be no association between them.

That it is demand which, by serving as a single standard, holds such an association together, is shown by the fact that, when there is no demand for mutual service on the part of both or at least of one of the parties, no exchange takes place between them - [as when someone needs something that one has oneself, for instance the state - offering a license to export corn in exchange for wine].The clauses bracketed make neither grammar nor sense, and have justly - been suspected as interpolated. Munscher inserts a negative: ‘Just as there is + [as when someone needs something that one has oneself, for instance the state + offering a license to export corn in exchange for wine].The clauses bracketed make neither grammar nor sense, and have justly + been suspected as interpolated. Munscher inserts a negative: ‘Just as there is no exchange when the producer wants what the consumer has <not> got, for example, when one state needs wine while another can only offer corn for - export.’ But there seems to be no question here of foreign commerce. + export.’ But there seems to be no question here of foreign commerce. This inequality of demand has therefore to be equalized.

Now money serves us as a guarantee of exchange in the future: supposing we need nothing at the moment, it ensures that exchange shall be possible when a need arises, for it meets @@ -3719,12 +3719,12 @@ convert to P3 equality, and no equality without commensurability. Though therefore it is impossible for things so different to become commensurable in the strict sense, our demand furnishes a sufficiently accurate common measure for practical purposes. There must therefore be some one - standard, and this accepted by agreement (which is why it is called nomisma, customary currency); for such a standard makes + standard, and this accepted by agreement (which is why it is called nomisma, customary currency); for such a standard makes all things commensurable, since all things can be measured by money. Let A be a house, B - ten minae and C a bedstead. Then A=B/2 (supposing the house to be worth, or equal - to, five minae), and C (the bedstead) =B/10; it is now clear + ten minae and C a bedstead. Then A=B/2 (supposing the house to be worth, or equal + to, five minae), and C (the bedstead) =B/10; it is now clear how many bedsteads are equal to one house, namely five. It is clear that before money existed this is how the rate of exchange was actually - stated—five beds for a house—since there is no real difference between + stated—five beds for a house—since there is no real difference between that and the price of five beds for a house.

We have now stated what Justice and Injustice are in principle. From the definition given, it is plain that just conduct is a mean between doing and suffering injustice, for @@ -3742,8 +3742,8 @@ convert to P3 and defect: namely, in the offender's own case, an excess of anything that is generally speaking beneficial and a deficiency of anything harmful, and in the case of others,That is, when A distributes unjustly not between himself and B but between B and C, the result for either B or C may be either excess or defect, - either too large a share or too small of something beneficial (and either too - small a share or too large of something harmful). though the result as a + either too large a share or too small of something beneficial (and either too + small a share or too large of something harmful). though the result as a whole is the same, the deviation from proportion may be in either direction as the case may be.

Of the injustice done, the smaller part is the suffering and the larger part the doing of @@ -3764,14 +3764,14 @@ convert to P3

The relation of Reciprocity to Justice has been stated already.

But we must not forget that the subject of our investigation is at once Justice in the absolute sense and Political Justice. Political Justice means justice as between free and - (actually or proportionately) equal persons, living a common life for + (actually or proportionately) equal persons, living a common life for the purpose of satisfying their needs. Hence between people not free and equal political justice cannot exist, but only a sort of justice in a metaphorical sense. For justice can only exist between those whose mutual relations are regulated by law, and law exists among those between whom there is a possibility of injustice, for the administration of the law means the discrimination of what is just and what is unjust. Persons therefore between - whom injustice can exist can act unjustly towards each other (although unjust - action does not necessarily involve injustice): to act unjustly meaning to assign + whom injustice can exist can act unjustly towards each other (although unjust + action does not necessarily involve injustice): to act unjustly meaning to assign oneself too large a share of things generally good and too small a share of things generally evil. This is why we do not permit a man to rule, but the law, because a man rules in his own interest, and becomes a tyrant; but the @@ -3780,7 +3780,7 @@ convert to P3 for he does not allot to himself a larger share of things generally good, unless it be proportionate to his merits; so that he labors for others, which accounts for the saying mentioned above,See 1.17 note. that - ‘Justice is the good of others.’ Consequently some recompense has to be given him, in the shape of honor and dignity. It + ‘Justice is the good of others.’ Consequently some recompense has to be given him, in the shape of honor and dignity. It is those whom such rewards do not satisfy who make themselves tyrants.

Justice between master and slave and between father and child is not the same as absolute and political justice, but only analogous to them. For there is no such thing as injustice @@ -3801,22 +3801,22 @@ convert to P3 mina, that a sacrifice shall consist of a goat and not of two sheep; and any regulations enacted for particular cases, for instance the sacrifice in honor of Brasidas,The Spartan Brasidas detached Amphipolis from the Athenian empire 424 B.C., and fell defending it against Cleon 422. He was worshipped as a hero by the city, - ‘with games and yearly sacrifices’ (Thuc. 5.11). and ordinances in the nature of special decrees. + ‘with games and yearly sacrifices’ (Thuc. 5.11). and ordinances in the nature of special decrees. Some people think that all rules of justice are merely conventional, because whereas a law of nature is immutable and has the same validity everywhere, as fire burns both here and in Persia, rules of justice are seen to vary. That rules of justice vary is not absolutely true, but only with qualifications. Among the gods indeed it is perhaps not true at all; but in our world,The order of the following sentences seems confused. With the transpositions suggested by Richards, and the emendations given in the critical notes, - they will run: ‘But in our world, although there is such a thing as natural + they will run: ‘But in our world, although there is such a thing as natural law, yet everything is capable of change. For example, the right hand is naturally stronger than the left, yet it is possible for some persons to be born ambidextrous; and the same distinction will hold good in all matters; though what sort of things that admit of variation are as they are by nature, and what are merely customary and conventional, it is not easy to see, inasmuch as both alike are capable of change. But - nevertheless some things are ordained by nature and others not.’ + nevertheless some things are ordained by nature and others not.’ although there is such a thing as Natural Justice, all rules of justice are variable. But nevertheless there is such a thing as Natural Justice as well as justice not ordained by - nature; and it is easyPerhaps Aristotle wrote ‘though is is not easy.’ to see + nature; and it is easyPerhaps Aristotle wrote ‘though is is not easy.’ to see which rules of justice, though not absolute, are natural, and which are not natural but legal and conventional, both sorts alike being variable. The same distinction will hold good in all other matters; for instance, the right hand is naturally stronger than the @@ -3830,17 +3830,17 @@ convert to P3

The several rules of justice and of law are related to the actions conforming with them as universals to particulars, for the actions done are many, while each rule or law is one, being universal.

-

There is a difference between ‘that which is unjust’ and - ‘unjust conduct,’ and between ‘that which is just’ - and ‘just conduct.’ Nature or ordinance pronounces a thing unjust: - when that thing is done, it is ‘unjust conduct’; till it is done, it - is only ‘unjust.’ And similarly with ‘just - conduct,’ a dikaioma (or more +

There is a difference between ‘that which is unjust’ and + ‘unjust conduct,’ and between ‘that which is just’ + and ‘just conduct.’ Nature or ordinance pronounces a thing unjust: + when that thing is done, it is ‘unjust conduct’; till it is done, it + is only ‘unjust.’ And similarly with ‘just + conduct,’ a dikaioma (or more correctly, the general term is dikaiopragema, dikaioma denoting the rectification of an act of - injustice).

+ injustice).

We shall have laterPossibly a reference to an - intended (or now lost) book of the Politics on laws - (Ross). to consider + intended (or now lost) book of the Politics on laws + (Ross). to consider the several rules of justice and of law, and to enumerate their various kinds and describe them and the things with which they deal.

Such being an account of just and unjust actions, it is their voluntary performance that @@ -3854,9 +3854,9 @@ convert to P3 voluntariness be absent. By a voluntary action, as has been said before,3.1.19. I mean any action within the agent's own control which he performs knowingly, that is, without being in - ignorance of the person affected, the instrument employed, and the result (for + ignorance of the person affected, the instrument employed, and the result (for example, he must know whom he strikes, and with what weapon, and the effect of the - blow); and in each of these respects both accidenti.e., mistake, ignorance: as in the illustration, it is an accident that + blow); and in each of these respects both accidenti.e., mistake, ignorance: as in the illustration, it is an accident that the person struck is the striker's father. and compulsion must be excluded. For instance, if A took hold of B's hand and with it struck C, B would not be a voluntary agent, since the act would not be in his own control. Or again, a man may strike his @@ -3866,8 +3866,8 @@ convert to P3 generally. An involuntary act is therefore an act done in ignorance, or else one that though not done in ignorance is not in the agent's control, or is done under compulsion; since there are many natural processes too that we perform or undergo knowingly, though none - of them is either voluntary or involuntary‘Involuntary’ is certainly corrupt: perhaps Aristotle wrote - ‘in our control.’; for example, growing old, and + of them is either voluntary or involuntary‘Involuntary’ is certainly corrupt: perhaps Aristotle wrote + ‘in our control.’; for example, growing old, and dying.

Also an act may be either just or unjust incidentally. A man may restore a deposit unwillingly and from fear of consequences, and we must not then say that he does a just @@ -3879,8 +3879,8 @@ convert to P3 deliberation.

There are then three waysThe three sorts of injury are a)tu/xhma, a(ma/rthma, and a)di/khma. The second term is introduced first, in its wider sense of a - mistake which leads to an offense against someone else (the word connotes both - things). It is then subdivided into two; a)tu/xhma, accident or misadventure, and offense due to mistake and not + mistake which leads to an offense against someone else (the word connotes both + things). It is then subdivided into two; a)tu/xhma, accident or misadventure, and offense due to mistake and not reasonably to be expected, and a(ma/rthma in the narrow sense, a similar offense that ought to have been foreseen. The third term, a)di/khma, a wrong, is subdivided into wrongs done in a passion, which do not prove wickedness, and wrongs done deliberately, which do. @@ -3888,15 +3888,15 @@ convert to P3 affected or the act or the instrument or the result being other than the agent supposed; for example, he did not think to hit, or not with this missile, or not this person, or not with this result, but it happened that either the result was other than he expected - (for instance he did not mean to inflict a wound but only a prick), or + (for instance he did not mean to inflict a wound but only a prick), or the person, or the missile. When then the injury happens - contrary to reasonable expectation, it is (1) a misadventure. When, + contrary to reasonable expectation, it is (1) a misadventure. When, though not contrary to reasonable expectation, it is done without evil intent, it is - (2) a culpable error; for an error is culpable when the cause of one's + (2) a culpable error; for an error is culpable when the cause of one's ignorance lies in oneself, but only a misadventure when the cause lies outside oneself. When an injury is done knowingly but not deliberately, it - is (3) an act of injustice or wrong; such, for instance, are injuries + is (3) an act of injustice or wrong; such, for instance, are injuries done through anger, or any other unavoidable or natural passion to which men are liable; since in committing these injuries and errors a man acts unjustly, and his action is an act of injustice, but he is not ipso facto unjust or wicked, @@ -3904,9 +3904,9 @@ convert to P3 the doer is unjust and wicked. Hence acts due to sudden anger are rightly held not to be done of malice aforethought, for it is the man who gave the provocation that began it, not he who does the deed in a fit of passion. And moreover the issue is not one of fact, but of justification - (since it is apparent injustice that arouses anger); the fact of the - injury is not disputed (as it is in cases of contract, where one or the other of - the parties must be a knave, unless they dispute the facts out of forgetfulness). + (since it is apparent injustice that arouses anger); the fact of the + injury is not disputed (as it is in cases of contract, where one or the other of + the parties must be a knave, unless they dispute the facts out of forgetfulness). They agree as to the facts but dispute on which side justice lies so that one thinks he has been unjustly treated and the other does not. On the other hand, one who has planned an injury is not acting in ignorance;In the mss. this @@ -3922,10 +3922,10 @@ convert to P3

But it may perhaps be doubted whether our discussion of suffering and doing injustice has been sufficiently definite; and in the first place, whether the matter really is as Euripides has put it in the strange linesApparently - from a dialogue between Alcmaeon and (possibly) Phegeus in the lost - play of Euripides named after the former. Cf. 3.1.8. + from a dialogue between Alcmaeon and (possibly) Phegeus in the lost + play of Euripides named after the former. Cf. 3.1.8.— - I killed my mother—that's the tale in brief! + I killed my mother—that's the tale in brief! Were you both willing, or unwilling both? Is it really possible to suffer injusticei.e., to suffer wrong: for the wide sense of a)dikei=n @@ -3933,7 +3933,7 @@ convert to P3 involuntary, just as acting unjustly is always voluntary? And again, is suffering injustice always voluntary, or always involuntary, or sometimes one and sometimes the other? And similarly with being treated justly - (acting justly being always voluntary). Thus it would be reasonable to + (acting justly being always voluntary). Thus it would be reasonable to suppose that both being treated unjustly and being treated justly are similarly opposed to acting unjustly and acting justly respectively: that either both are voluntary or both involuntary. But it would seem paradoxical to @@ -3952,32 +3952,32 @@ convert to P3 the person affected, the instrument, and the manner of injury, it will follow both that the man of defective self-restraint, inasmuch as he voluntarily harms himself, voluntarily suffers injustice, and also that it is possible for a man to act unjustly towards himself - (for the possibility of this is also a debated question). Moreover, lack of self-restraint may make a person voluntarily + (for the possibility of this is also a debated question). Moreover, lack of self-restraint may make a person voluntarily submit to being harmed by another; which again would prove that it is possible to suffer injustice voluntarily. But perhaps this definition of acting unjustly is incorrect, and we - should add to the words ‘to do harm knowing the person affected, the instrument - and the manner’ the further qualification ‘against that person's - wish.’ If so, though a man can be harmed and + should add to the words ‘to do harm knowing the person affected, the instrument + and the manner’ the further qualification ‘against that person's + wish.’ If so, though a man can be harmed and can have an unjust thing done to him voluntarily, no one can suffer injustice voluntarily, because no one can wish to be harmed: even the unrestrained man does not, but acts contrary to his wish, since no one wishes for a thing that he does not think to be good, - and the unrestrained man does what he thinks he ought not to do. One who gives away what is his own—as HomerHom. Il. 6.236. + and the unrestrained man does what he thinks he ought not to do. One who gives away what is his own—as HomerHom. Il. 6.236. says that Glaucus gave to Diomede golden arms for bronze, - An hundred beeves' worth for the worth of nine— + An hundred beeves' worth for the worth of nine— cannot be said to suffer injustice; for giving rests with oneself, suffering - injustice does not—there has to be another person who acts unjustly.

+ injustice does not—there has to be another person who acts unjustly.

It is clear then that it is not possible to suffer injustice voluntarily.

There still remain two of the questions that we proposed to discuss: - (1) Is it ever he who gives the unduly large share, or is it always he - who receives it, that is guilty of the injustice? and (2) Can one act + (1) Is it ever he who gives the unduly large share, or is it always he + who receives it, that is guilty of the injustice? and (2) Can one act unjustly towards oneself?

If the former alternative is possible, that is, if it may be the giver and not the receiver of too large a share who acts unjustly, then when a man knowingly and voluntarily - assigns a larger share to another than to himself— as modest people are thought to do, for an equitable man is apt to - take less than his due—this is a case of acting unjustly towards oneself. But + assigns a larger share to another than to himself— as modest people are thought to do, for an equitable man is apt to + take less than his due—this is a case of acting unjustly towards oneself. But perhaps this also requires qualification. For the man who gave himself the smaller share may possibly have got a larger share of some other good thing, for instance glory, or intrinsic moral nobility. Also the inference may be refuted by referring to our definition @@ -3990,16 +3990,16 @@ convert to P3 whom it can be said that he does this voluntarily, that is to say one from whom the action originates; and the origin of the act in this case lies in the giver and not in the receiver of the share.

-

Again, ‘to do a thing’ has more than one meaning. In a certain sense +

Again, ‘to do a thing’ has more than one meaning. In a certain sense a murder is done by the inanimate instrument, or by the murderer's hand, or by a slave acting under orders. But though these do what is unjust, they cannot be said to act unjustly.It is not clear whether this is meant to apply, in certain circumstances, to the distributor, or to the receiver, or to both.

Again, although if a judge has given an unfair judgement in ignorance, he is not guilty - of injustice, nor is the judgement unjust, in the legal sense of justice (though + of injustice, nor is the judgement unjust, in the legal sense of justice (though the judgement is unjust in one sense, for legal justice is different from justice in the - primary sense), yet if he knowingly gives an unjust judgement, he is himself taking + primary sense), yet if he knowingly gives an unjust judgement, he is himself taking more than his share, either of favor or of vengeance. Hence a judge who gives an unjust judgement for these motives takes more than his due just as much as if he shared the proceeds of the injustice; for even a judge who assigns a piece of land on that condition does not receive land but money.

@@ -4012,7 +4012,7 @@ convert to P3 difficult to understand the pronouncements of the law. But the actions prescribed by law are only accidentally just actions. How an action must be performed, how a distribution must be made to be a just action or a just - distribution—to know this is a harder task than to know what medical treatment + distribution—to know this is a harder task than to know what medical treatment will produce health. Even in medicine, though it is easy to know what honey, wine and hellebore, cautery and surgery are, to know how and to whom and when to apply them so as to effect a cure is no less an undertaking than to be a physician. And for this very reasoni.e., that @@ -4022,7 +4022,7 @@ convert to P3 lie with a woman, or strike a blow, and a brave man can throw away his shield, and can wheel to the right or left and run away. But to be a coward and to be guilty of injustice consists not in doing these - things (except accidentally), but in doing them from a certain + things (except accidentally), but in doing them from a certain disposition of mind; just as to be a physician and cure one's patients is not a matter of employing or not employing surgery or drugs, but of doing so in a certain manner.

@@ -4036,11 +4036,11 @@ convert to P3 to what is just respectively. For upon examination it appears that Justice and Equity are neither absolutely identical nor generically different. Sometimes, it is true, we praise equity and the equitable man, so much so that we even apply the word - ‘equitable’e)pieike/s in some contexts means ‘suitable’ or - ‘reasonable.’ + ‘equitable’e)pieike/s in some contexts means ‘suitable’ or + ‘reasonable.’ as a term of approval to other things besides what is just, and use it as the equivalent of - ‘good,’ denoting by ‘more equitable’ merely that a + ‘good,’ denoting by ‘more equitable’ merely that a thing is better. Yet at other times, when we think the matter out, it seems strange that the equitable should be praiseworthy if it is something other than the just. If they are different, either the just or the equitable is not good; if both are good, they are the @@ -4071,8 +4071,8 @@ convert to P3 which it is impossible to lay down a law, so that a special ordinance becomes necessary. For what is itself indefinite can only be measured by an indefinite standard, like the leaden ruleExplained - either as used in building with polygonal stones (but this was not peculiar to - Lesbos), or in making the Lesbian + either as used in building with polygonal stones (but this was not peculiar to + Lesbos), or in making the Lesbian form of moulding, which had a double curve. used by Lesbian builders; just as that rule is not rigid but can be bent to the shape of the stone, so a special ordinance is made to fit the circumstances of the case.

@@ -4083,62 +4083,62 @@ convert to P3 disposition described is Equity; it is a special kind of Justice, not a different quality altogether.

The foregoing discussion has indicated the answer to the question, Is it possible or not - for a man to commit injustice against himself? (1) One class of just + for a man to commit injustice against himself? (1) One class of just actions consists of those acts, in accordance with any virtue, which are ordained by law.The argument seems to be, that suicide does not - prove the possibility of a man's committing ‘injustice,’ in the + prove the possibility of a man's committing ‘injustice,’ in the wider sense of any illegal injury, against himself. Suicide is an act of injustice in this sense, since it is the voluntary infliction of bodily harm not in retaliation and therefore contrary to law; but it is an offense not against oneself but against the State, since it is punished as such. For instance, the law does not sanction - suicide (and whatOr perhaps ‘and - any form of homicide that it does not expressly permit.’ it does not - expressly sanction, it forbids). Further, when a - man voluntarily (which means with knowledge of the person affected and the - instrument employed) does an injury (not in retaliation) that + suicide (and whatOr perhaps ‘and + any form of homicide that it does not expressly permit.’ it does not + expressly sanction, it forbids). Further, when a + man voluntarily (which means with knowledge of the person affected and the + instrument employed) does an injury (not in retaliation) that is against the law, he commits injustice. But he who kills himself in a fit of passion, - voluntarily does an injury (against the right principlei.e., the principle of retaliation.) which the law does + voluntarily does an injury (against the right principlei.e., the principle of retaliation.) which the law does not allow. Therefore the suicide commits injustice; but against whom? It seems to be against the state rather than against himself; for he suffers voluntarily, and nobody suffers injustice voluntarily. This is why the state exacts a penalty; suicide is punished by certain marks of dishonor,At Athens a suicide's hand was buried apart from the body; Aeschin. 3.244. as being an offense against the state.

-

(2) Moreover, it is not possible to act unjustly towards oneself in the +

(2) Moreover, it is not possible to act unjustly towards oneself in the sense in which a man is unjust who is a doer of injustice only and not universally wicked. - (This case is distinct from the former, because Injustice in one sense is a + (This case is distinct from the former, because Injustice in one sense is a special form of wickedness, like Cowardice, and does not imply universal wickedness; hence it is necessary further to show that a man cannot commit injustice against himself in this - sense either.) For (a) if it were, it would be possible for the + sense either.) For (a) if it were, it would be possible for the same thing to have been taken away from and added to the same thing at the same time. But this is impossible: justice and injustice always necessarily imply more than one person. Again - (b) an act of injustice must be voluntary and done from choice, and also + (b) an act of injustice must be voluntary and done from choice, and also unprovoked; we do not think that a man acts unjustly if having suffered he retaliates, and gives what he got. But when a man injures himself, he both does and suffers the same thing - at the same time. Again (c) if a man could act unjustly towards himself, - it would be possible to suffer injustice voluntarily. Furthermore (d) no one is guilty of injustice without committing some + at the same time. Again (c) if a man could act unjustly towards himself, + it would be possible to suffer injustice voluntarily. Furthermore (d) no one is guilty of injustice without committing some particular unjust act; but a man cannot commit adultery with his own wife, or burglary on his own premises, or theft of his own property.

-

(3) And generally, the question, Can a man act unjustly towards +

(3) And generally, the question, Can a man act unjustly towards himself? is solved by our decision upon the question, Can a man suffer injustice voluntarily?

-

(It is further manifest that, though both to suffer and to do injustice are - evils—for the former is to have less and the latter to have more than the mean, +

(It is further manifest that, though both to suffer and to do injustice are + evils—for the former is to have less and the latter to have more than the mean, correspondingThis clause has no grammatical connection with the rest of the sentence; Ramsauer brackets it, Rassow supplies before - it to\ de\ dikaiopragei=n me/son, ‘whereas - just conduct is a mean.’ to what is health-giving in medicine and - conducive to fitness in athletic training—nevertheless to do injustice is the + it to\ de\ dikaiopragei=n me/son, ‘whereas + just conduct is a mean.’ to what is health-giving in medicine and + conducive to fitness in athletic training—nevertheless to do injustice is the worse evil, for it is reprehensible, implying vice in the agent, and vice utter and - absolute—or nearly so, for it is true that not every unjust act voluntarily - committed implies vice—, whereas to suffer injustice does not necessarily imply + absolute—or nearly so, for it is true that not every unjust act voluntarily + committed implies vice—, whereas to suffer injustice does not necessarily imply vice or injustice in the victim. Thus in itself to suffer injustice is the lesser evil, though accidentally it may be the greater. With this however science is not concerned; science pronounces pIeurisy a more serious disorder than a sprain, in spite of the fact that in certain circumstances a sprain may be accidentally worse than pleurisy, as for instance if it should happen that owing to a sprain you fell and in - consequence of falling were taken by the enemy and killed.)

+ consequence of falling were taken by the enemy and killed.)

In a metaphorical and analogical sense however there is such a thing as justice, not towards oneself but between different parts of one's nature; not, it is true, justice in the full sense of the term, but such justice as subsists between master and slave, or @@ -4177,9 +4177,9 @@ convert to P3 it is not enough merely to have established the truth of the above formula; we also have to define exactly what the right principle is, and what is the standard that determines it.Book 6 thus purports to explain further the - definition of Moral Virtue (2.615), while at the same time - (1.4) continuing the analysis of the definition of Happiness - (1.7.15) by examining the Intellectual Virtues. + definition of Moral Virtue (2.615), while at the same time + (1.4) continuing the analysis of the definition of Happiness + (1.7.15) by examining the Intellectual Virtues.

Now we have divided the Virtues of the Soul into two groups, the Virtues of the Character and the Virtues of the Intellect. The former, the Moral Virtues, we have already @@ -4203,18 +4203,18 @@ convert to P3 performs. Now there are three elements in the soul which control action and the attainment of truth: namely, Sensation, Intellect,nou=s here bears its usual philosophic sense of the intellect, or rational - part of the ‘soul,’ as a whole, whose function is dia/noia, thought in general. In chap. 6 it is given a special + part of the ‘soul,’ as a whole, whose function is dia/noia, thought in general. In chap. 6 it is given a special and restricted meaning, and this in chap. 9 is related to the popular use of the word to - denote ‘good sense’ or practical intelligence. and + denote ‘good sense’ or practical intelligence. and Desire.

Of these, Sensation never originates action, as is shown by the fact that animals have sensation but are not capable of action.pra=cis means rational action, conduct. The movements of animals, Aristotle appears to think, are mere reactions to the stimuli of sensation.

Greenwood - points out that the passage would be clearer if 2.2 mid.-3, ‘Pursuit . . . - right desire,’ and 2.5, ‘Thought by itself . . . desire - aims,’ came lower down, after the verse-quotation in 2.6. The earlier part of + points out that the passage would be clearer if 2.2 mid.-3, ‘Pursuit . . . + right desire,’ and 2.5, ‘Thought by itself . . . desire + aims,’ came lower down, after the verse-quotation in 2.6. The earlier part of 6 is a parenthetical note.Pursuit and avoidance in the sphere of Desire correspond to affirmation and denial in the sphere of the Intellect. Hence inasmuch as moral virtue is a disposition of the mind in regard to choice,2.6.15. and choice is deliberate desire,3.3.19. it follows that, if the choice is to be good, both the @@ -4227,32 +4227,32 @@ convert to P3 practical intelligence is the attainment of truth corresponding to right desire.i.e., truth about the means to the attainment of the rightly desired End.

-

Now the cause of action (the efficient, not the final cause) is +

Now the cause of action (the efficient, not the final cause) is choice,Cf. 3.2.1 note. Here again proai/resis seems to mean choice of means, not of ends. and the cause of choice is desire and reasoning directed to some end. Hence choice necessarily involves both intellect or thought and a certain disposition of character - [This clause must be rejected as + [This clause must be rejected as superfluous and logically unsound: the nature of action is explained by that of - ‘choice,’ not vice versa. for + ‘choice,’ not vice versa. for doing well and the reverse in the sphere of action necessarily involve thought and - character].

+ character].

Thought by itself however moves nothing, but only thought directed to an end, and dealing with action. This indeed is the moving cause of productive activityFor this distinction between making and doing, production and action or conduct, see 1.1.2, 5. also, since he who makes some thing always has some further end in view: the act of making is not an end in itself, it is only a means, and belongs to something else. Whereas a thing done is an end in itself: since doing well - (welfareSee second note on 1.4. - 2.) is the End, and it is at this that desire aims.

+ (welfareSee second note on 1.4. + 2.) is the End, and it is at this that desire aims.

Hence Choice may be called either thought related to desire or desire related to thought; and man, as an originator of action, is a union of desire and intellect.

-

(Choice is not concerned with what has happened already: for example, no one +

(Choice is not concerned with what has happened already: for example, no one chooses to have sacked Troy; for neither does one deliberate about what has happened in the past, but about what still lies in the future and may happen or not; what has happened cannot be made not to have happened. Hence Agathon is right in saying This only is denied even to God, - The power to make what has been done undone.) + The power to make what has been done undone.) The attainment of truth is then the function of both the intellectual parts of the soul. Therefore their respective virtues are those dispositions which will best @@ -4263,8 +4263,8 @@ convert to P3 includes skill in fine art, but is not limited to it. Scientific Knowledge, Prudence, Wisdom, and Intelligence. Conception and Opinion are capable of error.

-

The nature of Scientific Knowledge (employing the term in its exact sense and - disregarding its analogous uses) may be made clear as follows. We all conceive that a thing which we know scientifically cannot +

The nature of Scientific Knowledge (employing the term in its exact sense and + disregarding its analogous uses) may be made clear as follows. We all conceive that a thing which we know scientifically cannot vary; when a thing that can vary is beyond the range of our observation, we do not know whether it exists or not. An object of Scientific Knowledge, therefore, exists of necessity. It is therefore eternal, for everything existing of absolute necessity is @@ -4282,14 +4282,14 @@ convert to P3 Analytics,See Aristot. Post. Anal. 1, 71b 9 ff. namely, that a man knows a thing scientifically when he possesses a conviction arrived at in a certain way, and when the first principles on which that conviction rests are known to him with - certainty—for unless he is more certain of his first principles than of the + certainty—for unless he is more certain of his first principles than of the conclusion drawn from them he will only possess the knowledge in question accidentally.i.e., the conviction may happen to be true, but he will not hold it as Scientific Knowledge in the proper sense of the term. Let this stand as our definition of Scientific Knowledge.

The class of things that admit of variation includes both things made and actions done. - But making is different from doing (a - distinction we may accept from extraneous discoursesSee note on 1.13.9.). Hence the rational quality concerned with doing + But making is different from doing (a + distinction we may accept from extraneous discoursesSee note on 1.13.9.). Hence the rational quality concerned with doing is different from the rational quality concerned with making; nor is one of them a part of the other, for doing is not a form of making, nor making a form of doing. Now architectural skill, for instance, is an art, and it is also a rational quality concerned with making; nor is there any art which is not a rational @@ -4317,8 +4317,8 @@ convert to P3 what is good for his health or strength, but what is advantageous as a means to the good life in general. This is proved by the fact that we also speak of people as prudent or wise in some particular thing, when they calculate well with - a view to attaining some particular end of value (other than those ends which are - the object of an art); so that the prudent man in general will be the man who is + a view to attaining some particular end of value (other than those ends which are + the object of an art); so that the prudent man in general will be the man who is good at deliberating in general.

But no one deliberates about things that cannot vary, nor about things not within his power to do. Hence inasmuch as scientific knowledge involves demonstration, whereas things @@ -4327,8 +4327,8 @@ convert to P3 necessity, it follows that Prudence is not the same as Science. Nor can it be the same as Art. It is not Science, because matters of conduct admit of variation; and not Art, because doing and making are generically different,The - words ‘since . . . itself the end’ in the mss. follow 5.4 - ‘for human beings.’ since making aims at an end distinct from + words ‘since . . . itself the end’ in the mss. follow 5.4 + ‘for human beings.’ since making aims at an end distinct from the act of making, whereas in doing the end cannot be other than the act itself: doing wellSee note on 1.4.2. is in itself the end. It remains therefore that it is a truth-attaining @@ -4337,24 +4337,24 @@ convert to P3

Hence men like Pericles are deemed prudent, because they possess a faculty of discerning what things are good for themselves and for mankind and that is our conception of an expert in Domestic Economy or Political Science.

-

(This also accounts for the word Temperance,swfrosu/nh, the quality of the sw/frwn ( sw=s-frh/n) or - ‘sound-minded’ man, Aristotle derives from sw/zein and fro/nhsis. Cf. 8.8.4. - which signifies ‘preserving prudence.’ And Temperance does in fact preserve our belief as to our own good; for pleasure and +

(This also accounts for the word Temperance,swfrosu/nh, the quality of the sw/frwn ( sw=s-frh/n) or + ‘sound-minded’ man, Aristotle derives from sw/zein and fro/nhsis. Cf. 8.8.4. + which signifies ‘preserving prudence.’ And Temperance does in fact preserve our belief as to our own good; for pleasure and pain do not destroy or pervert all beliefs, for instance, the belief that the three angles of a triangle are, or are not, together equal to two right angles, but only beliefs concerning action. The first principles of action are the end to which our acts are means; but a man corrupted by a love of pleasure or fear of pain, entirely fails to discern any - first principle,Or ‘to one corrupted by + first principle,Or ‘to one corrupted by pleasure or pain this end does not seem to be a first principle at - all.’ and cannot see that he ought to choose and do everything as a means + all.’ and cannot see that he ought to choose and do everything as a means to this end, and for its sake; for vice tends to destroy the sense of principle.i.e., to destroy our perception of the true end of life, which constitutes the major premise of - the practical syllogism.)

+ the practical syllogism.
)

It therefore follows that Prudence is a truth-attaining rational quality, concerned with action in relation to the things that are good for human beings.

-

Moreover, we can speak of excellence in Art,te/xnh, Art, is here (as in 7.1) used in a +

Moreover, we can speak of excellence in Art,te/xnh, Art, is here (as in 7.1) used in a neutral sense of a systematic procedure for making something, or a body of principles - for such a procedure—one may be good at it or bad; whereas fro/nhsis, Prudence or practical wisdom, itself denotes an + for such a procedure—one may be good at it or bad; whereas fro/nhsis, Prudence or practical wisdom, itself denotes an excellence, not a neutral sphere in which one may excel or the reverse. Elsewhere in the book te/xnh has the positive sense of artistic excellence or technical skill. but not of excellence in Prudence. Also in Art @@ -4370,8 +4370,8 @@ convert to P3 a moral lapse, which shows that it is not a purely intellectual quality.

Scientific Knowledge is a mode of conception dealing with universals and things that are - of necessity; and demonstrated truths and all scientific knowledge (since this - involves reasoning) are derived from first principles. Consequently the first + of necessity; and demonstrated truths and all scientific knowledge (since this + involves reasoning) are derived from first principles. Consequently the first principles from which scientific truths are derived cannot themselves be reached by Science; nor yet are they apprehended by Art, nor by Prudence. To be matter of Scientific Knowledge a truth must be demonstrated by deduction from other truths; while Art and @@ -4386,17 +4386,17 @@ convert to P3 and Intelligence, and if the quality which enables us to apprehend first principles cannot be any one among three of these, namely Scientific Knowledge, Prudence, and Wisdom, it remains that first principles must be apprehended by Intelligence.nou=s now receives its special sense - (see 2.1, note) of a particular virtue of the intellect, viz. that - faculty of rational intuition whereby it correctly apprehends (by process of - induction, see 3.3) undemonstrable first principles. It is thus a part of - sofi/a (7.3,5). + (see 2.1, note) of a particular virtue of the intellect, viz. that + faculty of rational intuition whereby it correctly apprehends (by process of + induction, see 3.3) undemonstrable first principles. It is thus a part of + sofi/a (7.3,5).

The term Wisdom is employed in the arts to denote those men who are the most perfect masters of their art, for instance, it is applied to Pheidias as a sculptor and to Polycleitus as a statuary. In this use then Wisdom merely signifies artistic excellence. But we also think that some people are wise in general - and not in one department, not ‘wise in something else,’The sense rather requires ‘wise in some - particular thing,’ but the expression is assimilated to the quotation. + and not in one department, not ‘wise in something else,’The sense rather requires ‘wise in some + particular thing,’ but the expression is assimilated to the quotation. as Homer says in the Margites: Neither a delver nor a ploughman him @@ -4407,15 +4407,15 @@ convert to P3 conclusions that follow from his first principles, but also have a true conception of those principles themselves. Hence Wisdom must be a combination of Intelligence and Scientific KnowledgeSee 6.1, 2.: it must be a - consummated knowledgeLiterally ‘knowledge - having as it were a head,’ a phrase copied from Plato, Plat. Gorg. 505d. + consummated knowledgeLiterally ‘knowledge + having as it were a head,’ a phrase copied from Plato, Plat. Gorg. 505d. of the most exaltedSee 7.4, 5, and, for the technical sense of ti/mios, Bk. 1.12. objects. For it is absurd to think that Political Science or Prudence is the loftiest kind of knowledge, inasmuch as man is not the highest thing in the world. And as - ‘wholesome’ and ‘good’ mean one thing for men and - another for fishes, whereas ‘white’ and ‘straight’ + ‘wholesome’ and ‘good’ mean one thing for men and + another for fishes, whereas ‘white’ and ‘straight’ mean the same thing always, so everybody would denote the same thing by - ‘wise,’ but not by ‘prudent’; for each kind of + ‘wise,’ but not by ‘prudent’; for each kind of beings will describe as prudent, and will entrust itself to, one who can discern its own particular welfare; hence even some of the lower animals are said to be prudent, namely those which display a capacity for forethought as regards their own lives.

@@ -4428,16 +4428,16 @@ convert to P3 for instance, to mention the most visible, the thingsThis means apparently the sun, stars, and planets, elsewhere referred to by Aristotle as - ‘the divine bodies that move through the heaven,’ ‘the - visible divine things,’ ‘the heaven and the most divine of visible - things’ (Aristot. Met. 1074a - 30, Aristot. Met. 1026a 18, Aristot. Phys. 196a 33). of which the + ‘the divine bodies that move through the heaven,’ ‘the + visible divine things,’ ‘the heaven and the most divine of visible + things’ (Aristot. Met. 1074a + 30, Aristot. Met. 1026a 18, Aristot. Phys. 196a 33). of which the celestial system is composed.

These considerations therefore show that Wisdom is both Scientific Knowledge and Intuitive Intelligence as regards the things of the most exaltedSee 7.3, third note. nature. This is why people say that men like Anaxagoras and ThalesThales was the first of the - Seven Wise Men: Anaxagoras belonged to a later generation. ‘may be wise - but are not prudent,’ when they see them display ignorance of their own + Seven Wise Men: Anaxagoras belonged to a later generation. ‘may be wise + but are not prudent,’ when they see them display ignorance of their own interests; and while admitting them to possess a knowledge that is rare, marvellous, difficult and even superhuman, they yet declare this knowledge to be useless, because these sages do not seek to know the things that are good for human beings. Prudence on the other hand is concerned with the affairs of men, @@ -4450,20 +4450,20 @@ convert to P3 particular facts, since it is concerned with action, and action deals with particular things. This is why men who are ignorant of general principles are sometimes more successful in action than others who know them: The - words ‘for instance . . . chicken is wholesome’ in the mss. come - after ‘theorists.’ for instance, if a man knows that light + words ‘for instance . . . chicken is wholesome’ in the mss. come + after ‘theorists.’ for instance, if a man knows that light meat is easily digested and therefore wholesome, but does not know what kinds of meat are light, he will not be so likely to restore you to health as a man who merely knows that chicken is wholesome; and in other matters men of experience are more successful than theorists. And Prudence is concerned with action, so one requires both forms of it, or indeed knowledge of particular facts even more than knowledge of general principles. Though here too there must be some supreme - directing faculty.i.e., politikh/, Political Science or Statesmanship (cf. Bk. 1.1, - 2), the relation of which to Prudence is next considered. + directing faculty.i.e., politikh/, Political Science or Statesmanship (cf. Bk. 1.1, + 2), the relation of which to Prudence is next considered.

Prudence is indeed the same quality of mind as Political Science, though their essence is different.Cf. 5.1.20. Political Wisdom is not a special sort of Prudence but a special application of it, for though the term - ‘Prudence’ is in ordinary usage confined to practical wisdom in + ‘Prudence’ is in ordinary usage confined to practical wisdom in one's private affairs, it really extends to the affairs of one's family and of the community. Of Prudence as regards the state, one kind, as supreme @@ -4472,10 +4472,10 @@ convert to P3 of a founder or reformer of the constitution, or of a special legislative commission.; the other, as dealing with particular occurrences, has the name, Political Science, that really belongs to both kinds. The latter is concerned with action - and deliberation (for a parliamentary enactment is a thing to be done, being the + and deliberation (for a parliamentary enactment is a thing to be done, being the last stepCf. 3.3.12. in a deliberative - process), and this is why it is only those persons who deal with particular facts - who are spoken of as ‘taking part in politics,’ because it is only + process), and this is why it is only those persons who deal with particular facts + who are spoken of as ‘taking part in politics,’ because it is only they who perform actions, like the workmen in an industry.In contrast with the law-giver and the master-craftsman respectively. Prudence also is commonly understood to mean especially that kind of wisdom which is concerned with oneself, the individual; and this is given the @@ -4484,7 +4484,7 @@ convert to P3 Deliberative Science and Judicial Science. Now knowledge of one's own interest will certainly be one kind of Prudence; though it is very different from the other kinds, and people think that the man who knows and minds his own business - is prudent, and that politicians are busybodies: thus Euripides writes— + is prudent, and that politicians are busybodies: thus Euripides writes— Would that be prudent? when I might have lived A quiet life, a cipher in the crowd, @@ -4492,11 +4492,11 @@ convert to P3 Restless, aspiring, busy men of action. . . From the lost Philoctetes of - Euripides, frr. 785, 786 Dindorf. The third line went on ‘with the wisest. . . + Euripides, frr. 785, 786 Dindorf. The third line went on ‘with the wisest. . . . For there is naught so foolish as a man! Restless, aspiring, busy men of action We - honor and esteem as men of mark. . .’ For people seek their own good, + honor and esteem as men of mark. . .’ For people seek their own good, and suppose that it is right to do so. Hence this belief has caused the word - ‘prudent’ to mean those who are wise in their own interest. Yet + ‘prudent’ to mean those who are wise in their own interest. Yet probably as a matter of fact a man cannot pursue his own welfare without Domestic Economy and even Politics. Moreover, even the proper conduct of one's own affairs is a difficult problem, and requires consideration.

@@ -4509,14 +4509,14 @@ convert to P3 Prudence includes a knowledge of particular facts, and this is derived from experience, which a young man does not a possess; for experience is the fruit of years.The Greek looks like a buried verse - quotation. (One might indeed further enquire why it is that, though a + quotation. (One might indeed further enquire why it is that, though a boy may be a mathematician, he cannot be a metaphysician or a natural philosopher.The three divisions of the subject matter of Wisdom. Perhaps the answer is that Mathematics deals with abstractions, whereas the first principles of Metaphysics and Natural Philosophy are derived from experience: the young can only repeat them without conviction of their truth,Immelmann's emendation gives - ‘can only take them on credit from others.’ whereas the - formal concepts of Mathematics are easily understood.) Again, in deliberation there is a double possibility of error: you may + ‘can only take them on credit from others.’ whereas the + formal concepts of Mathematics are easily understood.) Again, in deliberation there is a double possibility of error: you may go wrong either in your general principle or in your particular fact: for instance, either in asserting that all heavy water is unwholesome, or that the particular water in question is heavy.

@@ -4528,27 +4528,27 @@ convert to P3 science. apprehends definitions, which cannot be proved by reasoning, while Prudence deals with the ultimate particular thing, which cannot be apprehended by Scientific Knowledge, but only by perception: not the perception of the special - senses,Literally ‘of the objects peculiar - to the special senses.’ Shape was one of the ‘common - sensibles,’ perceived through the medium of more than one of the special - senses, by the ‘common sense.’ but the sort of intuition + senses,Literally ‘of the objects peculiar + to the special senses.’ Shape was one of the ‘common + sensibles,’ perceived through the medium of more than one of the special + senses, by the ‘common sense.’ but the sort of intuition whereby we perceive that the ultimate figure in mathematics is a triangleA triangle is the last form into which a rectilinear figure can be divided: two straight lines cannot enclose a space. Or the words may - possibly mean ‘whereby we perceive that a particular mathematical figure is - [for example] a triangle.’ But this would rather be + possibly mean ‘whereby we perceive that a particular mathematical figure is + [for example] a triangle.’ But this would rather be expressed by todi\ to\ e)/sxaton, or todi/ alone.; for there, too, there will be a stop.That is, we reach the limit of analysis just as much when we descend to particulars as when we ascend to first principles or definitions - (Burnet). Or the words may - mean ‘in mathematics as in problems of conduct there is a point where analysis - must stop.’ But the term perception applies in a fuller sense to + (Burnet). Or the words may + mean ‘in mathematics as in problems of conduct there is a point where analysis + must stop.’ But the term perception applies in a fuller sense to mathematical intuition than to Prudence; the practical intuition of the latter belongs to a different species.The intuition of particular facts which is a part of Prudence also belongs to the genus perception, but it is - intellectual, not sensuous. The Greek may however conceivably mean, ‘But the + intellectual, not sensuous. The Greek may however conceivably mean, ‘But the intuition of the ultimate particular in problems of conduct approximates more to sensation than to prudence, though it is a different species from the perception of the - separate senses.’In the mss. the - chapter begins with the sentence ‘But deliberation,’ etc., here + separate senses.’In the mss. the + chapter begins with the sentence ‘But deliberation,’ etc., here transferred to the middle of 9.2. We ought also to ascertain the nature of Deliberative Excellence, and to discover whether it is a species @@ -4565,35 +4565,35 @@ convert to P3 rapidly, whereas deliberating takes a long time, and there is a proverb that execution should be swift but deliberation slow. Again, Deliberative Excellence is not the same as Quickness of mind,a)gxi/noia appears from Aristot. Post. Anal. 1.33, 89b 10, to denote the faculty - of guessing immediately the ‘middle term’ or fact which explains the + of guessing immediately the ‘middle term’ or fact which explains the relation observed between two objects. which is a form of skill in Conjecture.

Nor yet is Deliberative Excellence any form of Opinion.

But inasmuch as a bad deliberator makes mistakes and a good deliberator deliberates correctly,Perhaps the text should be emended to read `inasmuch as one who deliberates badly goes wrong and one who deliberates well acts - rightly.’ it is clear that Deliberative Excellence is some form of + rightly.’ it is clear that Deliberative Excellence is some form of correctness; though it is not correctness of Knowledge, nor of Opinion. Correctness cannot be predicated of Knowledge,i.e., correct knowledge is a redundant expression; knowledge means correct notions; erroneous notions are not knowledge. any more than can error, and correctness of Opinion is truth; and also any matter about which one has an opinion has been settled already; - [then again Deliberative Excellence necessarily involves conscious calculation. + [then again Deliberative Excellence necessarily involves conscious calculation. It remains therefore that Deliberative Excellence is correctness in thinking, for thought - has not reached the stage of affirmation;]The + has not reached the stage of affirmation;]The two sentences bracketed interrupt the argument. The rest seems to belong to 9.2, though it does not fit in there exactly. The second is altogether irrelevant, and employs the term dia/noia of the intellect as enquiring, not as contemplating the results of enquiry, a Platonic use not found elsewhere in - Aristotle: ‘correctness in thinking’ - here is in fact equivalent to ‘correctness in deliberation’ in + Aristotle: ‘correctness in thinking’ + here is in fact equivalent to ‘correctness in deliberation’ in 9.4. for Opinion has passed beyond the stage of investigation and is a form of affirmation, whereas a man deliberating, whether he deliberates well or badly, is investigating and calculating something.

-

But Deliberative Excellence is a form of correctness in deliberation [so that we +

But Deliberative Excellence is a form of correctness in deliberation [so that we have first to investigate what deliberation is, and what object it deals - with].The sentence bracketed interrupts the + with].The sentence bracketed interrupts the argument; and no examination of deliberation follows. However, - ‘correctness’ in this connection is ambiguous, and plainly it is not + ‘correctness’ in this connection is ambiguous, and plainly it is not every kind of correctness in deliberation that constitutes Deliberative Excellence. A man of deficient self-restraint or a bad man may as a result of calculation arrive at the object he proposes as the right thing to do, so that he will have deliberated correctly, @@ -4625,8 +4625,8 @@ convert to P3

If therefore to have deliberated well is a characteristic of prudent men, Deliberative Excellence must be correctness of deliberation with regard to what is expedient as a means to the end, a true conception of whichThe antecedent - of ‘which’ is probably not ‘the end’ but - ‘what is expedient as a means to the end,’ since it is indicated + of ‘which’ is probably not ‘the end’ but + ‘what is expedient as a means to the end,’ since it is indicated below that Prudence deals with means, not ends. The difference therefore between Deliberative Excellence and Prudence seems to that the former is the intellectual quality displayed in the process of correctly investigation a problem of conduct, the @@ -4634,10 +4634,10 @@ convert to P3 results of such investigations. Or perhaps more strictly both these qualities are included in Prudence, of which Deliberative Excellence is therefore one aspect or species. constitutes Prudence.

-

Understanding, or Good Understanding, the quality in virtue of which we call men ‘persons - of understanding’ or ‘of good understanding,’ is not the - same thing as Scientific Knowledge in general (nor yet is it the same as Opinion, - for in that case everybody would have understanding), nor is it any one of the +

Understanding, or Good Understanding, the quality in virtue of which we call men ‘persons + of understanding’ or ‘of good understanding,’ is not the + same thing as Scientific Knowledge in general (nor yet is it the same as Opinion, + for in that case everybody would have understanding), nor is it any one of the particular sciences, as medicine is the science of what pertains to health and geometry the science concerned with magnitudes. For Understanding does not deal with the things that exist for ever and are immutable, nor yet with all of @@ -4645,89 +4645,89 @@ convert to P3 may deliberate. Hence it is concerned with the same objects as Prudence. Understanding is not however the same thing as Prudence; for Prudence issues commands, since its end is a statement of what we ought to do or not to do, whereas Understanding merely makes - judgements. (For Understanding is the same as Good Understanding; a - ‘man of understanding’ means a man of good - understanding.)This parenthesis would come - better in the first section, after the words ‘of good - understanding.’ It merely points out that the qualification - ‘good’ need not be repeated. + judgements. (For Understanding is the same as Good Understanding; a + ‘man of understanding’ means a man of good + understanding.)This parenthesis would come + better in the first section, after the words ‘of good + understanding.’ It merely points out that the qualification + ‘good’ need not be repeated.

Thus Understanding does not mean either the possession or the acquisition of Prudence; but when we employ the faculty of Opinion to judge what another person says about matters that are in the sphere of Prudence, we are said to understand - (that is, to judge rightly for right judgement is the same as - good understanding), in the same way as learning a thing is termed + (that is, to judge rightly for right judgement is the same as + good understanding), in the same way as learning a thing is termed understanding it when we are employing the faculty of Scientific Knowledge. In fact, the use of the term Understanding to denote - the quality that makes men ‘persons of good understanding’ is derived - from understanding as shown in learning; in fact we often use ‘to - learn’ in the sense of ‘to understand.’manqa/nein is idiomatically used of + the quality that makes men ‘persons of good understanding’ is derived + from understanding as shown in learning; in fact we often use ‘to + learn’ in the sense of ‘to understand.’manqa/nein is idiomatically used of understanding what another person says.

The quality termed Consideration,The writer here - strains the meaning of words by connecting under one sense (1) + strains the meaning of words by connecting under one sense (1) gnw/mh, judgement in general or good judgement in - particular, and its derivatives (2) eu)gnw/mwn, ‘well-judging’ in the sense of considerate - and kindly, and (3) suggnw/mh, - literally ‘judgement with’ or on the side of others, and hence, + particular, and its derivatives (2) eu)gnw/mwn, ‘well-judging’ in the sense of considerate + and kindly, and (3) suggnw/mh, + literally ‘judgement with’ or on the side of others, and hence, sympathy, lenience, forgiveness. in virtue of which men are said to be considerate, or to show consideration for others - (forgiveness), is the faculty of judging correctly what is equitable. + (forgiveness), is the faculty of judging correctly what is equitable. This is indicated by our saying that the equitable man is specially considerate for others - (forgiving), and that it is equitable to show consideration for others - (forgiveness) in certain cases; but consideration for others is that + (forgiving), and that it is equitable to show consideration for others + (forgiveness) in certain cases; but consideration for others is that consideration which judges rightly what is equitable, judging rightly meaning judging what is truly equitable.

All these qualities, it is reasonable to say, refer to the same thing; indeed we attribute Considerateness, Understanding, Prudence, and Intelligence to the same persons - when we say of people that they ‘are old enough to show consideration and - intelligence,’i.e., ‘have - reached years of discretion’; cf. 11.6 and 8.12.2. and are prudent and + when we say of people that they ‘are old enough to show consideration and + intelligence,’i.e., ‘have + reached years of discretion’; cf. 11.6 and 8.12.2. and are prudent and understanding persons. For all these faculties deal with ultimate and particular things; and a man has understanding and is considerate, or considerate for others, when he is a - good judge of the matters in regard to which Prudence is displayedThis has been proved for ‘understanding’ and - ‘the sensible man’ in chap. 10; it is extended to - ‘considerateness’ in the words that follow: considerateness judges + good judge of the matters in regard to which Prudence is displayedThis has been proved for ‘understanding’ and + ‘the sensible man’ in chap. 10; it is extended to + ‘considerateness’ in the words that follow: considerateness judges correctly what is equitable, equity is an element in all virtuous conduct towards others, and all virtuous conduct is determined by Prudence.; because equitable actions are common to all good meni.e., the possessors of each of the moral virtues. in their behavior towards others, while on the other hand all matters of conduct belong to the class of - particular and ultimate things (since the prudent man admittedly has to take - cognizance of these things), and Understanding and Consideration deal with + particular and ultimate things (since the prudent man admittedly has to take + cognizance of these things), and Understanding and Consideration deal with matters of conduct, which are ultimate.Also Intelligence - apprehends the ultimates in both aspects—since ultimates as well as primary + apprehends the ultimates in both aspects—since ultimates as well as primary definitionsSee 8.9. are grasped by Intelligence and not reached by reasoning: in demonstrations, Intelligence apprehends - the immutable and primary definitions, in practical inferences,The substantive to be understood may be prota/sesi, ‘propositions’; but the reference seems to be - not to the practical syllogism in the ordinary sense (see 7.3.9), but + the immutable and primary definitions, in practical inferences,The substantive to be understood may be prota/sesi, ‘propositions’; but the reference seems to be + not to the practical syllogism in the ordinary sense (see 7.3.9), but to the establishment of ethical a)rxai/ by induction, - which is the proper method of Ethics (1.4.5-7). This induction is - conceived as a syllogism (cf. Aristot. Pr. Anal. - 2.23.): Actions A, B, C . . . are desirable; Actions A, B, C . . + which is the proper method of Ethics (1.4.5-7). This induction is + conceived as a syllogism (cf. Aristot. Pr. Anal. + 2.23.): Actions A, B, C . . . are desirable; Actions A, B, C . . .possess the quality Z; therefore all actions possessing the quality Z are desirable. Here both the major and the minor premise are sets of particular propositions intuitively seen to be true: nou=s is tw=n e)sxa/twn e)p' a)mfo/tera. it apprehends the ultimate and contingent fact, and the minor, premise, since these are the first principles from which the end is inferred, as general rules are based on particular cases; hence we must have perception of particulars, and this immediate perception is Intelligence.Here the intuitive element in Prudence, as well as in - Wisdom (chaps. 5, 6.), is termed Intelligence: at 8.9 it was called + Wisdom (chaps. 5, 6.), is termed Intelligence: at 8.9 it was called merely Prudence, in contrast with Intelligence, which was limited to intuition of the first principles of science. Here then nou=s - approximates to its popular sense (see 12.3, note). + approximates to its popular sense (see 12.3, note).

This is why it is thought that these qualities are a natural gift, and that a man is considerate, understanding and intelligent by nature, though no one is a wise man by nature. That this is so is indicated by our thinking of them as going with certain ages: we say that at such and such an age a man must have got intelligence and considerateness, which implies that they come by nature.

-

[Hence Intelligence is both a beginning and an end, for these things are both - the starting-point and the subject matter of demonstration.]This sentence seems irrelevant here. It might come in after 11.4. +

[Hence Intelligence is both a beginning and an end, for these things are both + the starting-point and the subject matter of demonstration.]This sentence seems irrelevant here. It might come in after 11.4.

Consequently the unproved assertions and opinions of experienced and elderly people, or of prudent men,This addition is auspicious: no one can - become prudent merely by getting old ( - Burnet). are as much deserving of attention as those which + become prudent merely by getting old ( + Burnet). are as much deserving of attention as those which they support by proof; for experience has given them an eye for things, and so they see correctly.

We have now discussed the nature and respective spheres of Prudence and Wisdom, and have @@ -4738,7 +4738,7 @@ convert to P3 which is just and noble and good for man, but these are the things that a good man does by nature. Knowing about them does not make us any more capable of doing them, since the virtues are qualities of character; just as is the case with the knowledge of what is - healthy and vigorous—using these words to mean not productive of health and + healthy and vigorous—using these words to mean not productive of health and vigor but resulting from them: we are not rendered any more capable of healthy and vigorous action by knowing the science of medicine or of physical training.

If on the other hand we are to say that Prudence is useful not in helping us to act @@ -4763,20 +4763,20 @@ convert to P3

Also Prudence as well as Moral Virtue determines the complete performance of man's proper function: Virtue ensures the rightness of the end we aim at, Prudence ensures the rightness of the means we adopt to gain that end.

-

(The fourth partThe other three are the +

(The fourth partThe other three are the scientific, calculative, and appetitive parts, see 1.5,6, whose virtues have now been considered in Books 2-6. Sensation is here omitted, since it is not peculiar to man: cf. 1.7.12. of the soul on the other hand, the nutritive faculty, has no virtue contributing to the proper function of man, since it has no power to act or not to act.Digestion and growth function automatically, not - voluntarily; so they form no part of conduct.)

+ voluntarily; so they form no part of conduct.)

But we must go a little deeper into the objection that Prudence does not render men more capable of performing noble and just actions. Let us start with the following consideration. As some people, we maintain, perform just acts and yet are not just men - (for instance, those who do what the law enjoins but do it unwillingly, or in + (for instance, those who do what the law enjoins but do it unwillingly, or in ignorance, or for some ulterior object, and not for the sake of the actions themselves, although they are as a matter of fact doing what they ought to do and all that a good man - should), on the other hand it appears, there is a state of mind in which a man + should), on the other hand it appears, there is a state of mind in which a man may do these various acts with the result that he really is a good man: I mean when he does them from choice, and for the sake of the acts themselves. Now rightness in our choice of an end is @@ -4792,9 +4792,9 @@ convert to P3 of which we spokeSee 11.6 and cf. 1.6.12. cannot acquire the quality of Prudence without possessing Virtue. This we have said before, and it is manifestly true. For deductive inferences about matters of conduct - always have a major premise of the form ‘Since the End or Supreme Good is so and - so’ (whatever it may be, since we may take it as anything we like for - the sake of the argument); but the Supreme Good only appears good to the good + always have a major premise of the form ‘Since the End or Supreme Good is so and + so’ (whatever it may be, since we may take it as anything we like for + the sake of the argument); but the Supreme Good only appears good to the good man: vice perverts the mind and causes it to hold false views about the first principles of conduct. Hence it is clear that we cannot be prudent without being good.

We have therefore also @@ -4829,30 +4829,30 @@ convert to P3 Prudence. This formula however requires a slight modification. Virtue is not merely a disposition conforming to right principle, but one cooperating with right principle; and Prudence is right principlei.e., prudence is the knowledge of right principle, the presence of the - o)rqo\s lo/gos in the yuxh/ of the fro/nimos (see 2.2.2, - 2.6.15). in matters of conduct. + o)rqo\s lo/gos in the yuxh/ of the fro/nimos (see 2.2.2, + 2.6.15). in matters of conduct. Socrates then thought that the virtues are principles, for he said that they are all of them forms of knowledge. We on the other hand say that the virtues cooperate with principle.

These considerations therefore show that it is not possible to be good in the true sense without Prudence, nor to be prudent without Moral Virtue.

-

(Moreover, this might supply an answer to the dialectical argument that might be +

(Moreover, this might supply an answer to the dialectical argument that might be put forward to prove that the virtues can exist in isolation from each other, on the ground that the same man does not possess the greatest natural capacity for all of them, so that he may have already attained one when he has not yet attained another. In regard to the natural virtues this is possible; but it is not possible in regard to those virtues which entitle a man to be called good without qualification. For if a man have the one virtue of Prudence he will also have all the Moral Virtues together with - it.)

+ it.)

It is therefore clearThe writer recapitulates the solution reached in the last two chapters of the difficulty stated in 12.1. that, even if Prudence had no bearing on conduct, it would still be needed, because it is the virtue ofThe text should probably be emended - ‘of one of the two parts of the intellect’: see 12.4. that + ‘of one of the two parts of the intellect’: see 12.4. that part of the intellect to which it belongs; and also that our choice of actions will not be right without Prudence any more than without Moral Virtue, since, while Moral Virtue enables us to achieveAt 12.6 Aristotle says more - precisely that Virtue ‘makes the End right,’ i.e., makes us choose + precisely that Virtue ‘makes the End right,’ i.e., makes us choose the right End; strictly speaking, to achieve the End requires also Prudence in the choice of the right means. the end, Prudence makes us adopt the right means to the end.

@@ -4870,15 +4870,15 @@ convert to P3

Let us next begin a fresh part of the subject by laying down that the states of moral - character to be avoided are of three kinds—Vice, Unrestraint, and + character to be avoided are of three kinds—Vice, Unrestraint, and Bestiality.Or Brutality: the two English words have acquired slightly different shades of meaning, which are combined in the Greek. The opposite dispositions in the case of two of the three are obvious: one we call Virtue, the other Self-restraint. As the opposite of Bestiality it will be most suitable to speak of Superhuman Virtue, or goodness on a heroic or - divine scale; just as HomerHom. Il. 24.258. The preceding words are, ‘ - Hector, who was a god.’ has represented - Priam as saying of Hector, on account of his surpassing valor— + divine scale; just as HomerHom. Il. 24.258. The preceding words are, ‘ + Hector, who was a god.’ has represented + Priam as saying of Hector, on account of his surpassing valor— nor seemed to be The son of mortal man, but of a god. @@ -4891,12 +4891,12 @@ convert to P3 divine goodness is something more exalted than Virtue, and bestial badness is different in kind from Vice. And inasmuch as it is rare for a man to be divine, in the sense in which that word is commonly - used by the Lacedaemonians as a term of extreme admiration—‘Yon mon's - divine,’they say—, so a bestial character is rare among human beings; + used by the Lacedaemonians as a term of extreme admiration—‘Yon mon's + divine,’they say—, so a bestial character is rare among human beings; it is found most frequently among barbarians, and some cases also occur as a result of - disease or arrested development. We sometimes also use ‘bestial’ as a - term of opprobrium for a surpassing degree of human vice.Lit. ‘for those who surpass (the rest of) men - in Vice’ (i.e., human, not bestial wickedness). + disease or arrested development. We sometimes also use ‘bestial’ as a + term of opprobrium for a surpassing degree of human vice.Lit. ‘for those who surpass (the rest of) men + in Vice’ (i.e., human, not bestial wickedness).

But the nature of the bestial disposition will have to be touched on later; and of Vice we have spoken already. We must however discuss Unrestraint and Softness or Luxury, and @@ -4908,55 +4908,55 @@ convert to P3 opinions generally held with respect to these states of mind; since if the discrepancies can be solved, and a residuum of current opinion left standing, the true view will have been sufficiently established.Aristotle holds - (1.8.7) that the opinions of the mass of mankind, and of philosophers, + (1.8.7) that the opinions of the mass of mankind, and of philosophers, on matters of conduct are likely to be substantially true; although being stated from different points of view, and sometimes in ambiguous language, they often seem mutually contradictory. The business of Ethics is to state them clearly, examine their apparent contradictions, discard such parts of them as really refute each other, and elicit the common residuum of truth: see infra, 2.12.

-

Now the following opinions are held: (a) that Self-restraint and +

Now the following opinions are held: (a) that Self-restraint and Endurance are good and praiseworthy dispositions, Unrestraint and Softness bad and - blameworthy; (b) that the self-restrained man is the man who abides by + blameworthy; (b) that the self-restrained man is the man who abides by the results of his calculations, the unrestrained, one who readily abandons the conclusion - he has reached; (c) that the unrestrained man does things that he knows + he has reached; (c) that the unrestrained man does things that he knows to be evil, under the influence of passion, whereas the self-restrained man, knowing that - his desires are evil, refuses to follow them on principle; (d) that the + his desires are evil, refuses to follow them on principle; (d) that the temperate man is always self-restrained and enduring; but that the converse is invariably the case some deny, although others affirm it: the latter identify the unrestrained with the profligate and the profligate with the unrestrained promiscuously, the former - distinguish between them. (e) Sometimes it is said that the prudent man cannot be unrestrained, - sometimes that some prudent and clever men are unrestrained. (f)Again, + distinguish between them. (e) Sometimes it is said that the prudent man cannot be unrestrained, + sometimes that some prudent and clever men are unrestrained. (f)Again, men are spoken of as unrestrained in anger, and in the pursuit of honor and of gain. These then are the opinions advanced.

-

The difficulties that may be raised are the following. (c) How can a +

The difficulties that may be raised are the following. (c) How can a man fail in self-restraint when believing correctly that what he does is wrong? Some people say that he cannot do so when he knows the act to be wrong; since, as Socrates held, it would be strange if, when a man - possessed Knowledge, some other thing should overpower it, and ‘drag it about - like a slave.’A quotation from Plat. Prot. 352b In fact + possessed Knowledge, some other thing should overpower it, and ‘drag it about + like a slave.’A quotation from Plat. Prot. 352b In fact Socrates used to combat the viewViz., that a man may know the right and do the wrong. altogether, implying that there is no such thing as Unrestraint, since no one, he held, acts contrary to what is best, believing what he does to be bad, but only through ignorance. Now this theory is manifestly at variance with plain facts; and we ought to investigate the state of mind in question more closely. If failure of self-restraint is caused by ignorance, we must examine what sort of ignorance it is. For it is clear that the man who fails in self-restraint does not think - the action right before he comes under the influence of passion.— But some thinkers accept the + the action right before he comes under the influence of passion.— But some thinkers accept the doctrine in a modified form. They allow that nothing is more powerful than knowledge, but they do not allow that no one acts contrary to what he opines to be the better course; and they therefore maintain that the unrestrained man when he succumbs to the temptations of pleasure possesses not Knowledge but only Opinion. And yet if it is really Opinion and not - Knowledge—not a strong belief that offers resistance but only a weak one - (like that of persons in two minds about something)—, we could + Knowledge—not a strong belief that offers resistance but only a weak one + (like that of persons in two minds about something)—, we could forgive a man for not keeping to his opinions in opposition to strong desires; but we do - not forgive vice, nor any other blameworthy quality.—(e) Is it + not forgive vice, nor any other blameworthy quality.—(e) Is it then when desire is opposed by Prudence that we blame a man for yielding? for Prudence is extremely strong. But this is strange, for it means that the same person can be at once prudent and unrestrained; yet no one could possibly maintain that the prudent man is capable of doing voluntarily the basest actions. And furthermore it has already been shownCf. 6.7. 7, 6.12.10. that Prudence displays itself - in action (for it is concerned with ultimate particulars), and implies + in action (for it is concerned with ultimate particulars), and implies the possession of the other Virtues as well.

-

Again (d) if Self-restraint implies having strong and evil desires, the +

Again (d) if Self-restraint implies having strong and evil desires, the temperate man cannot be self-restrained, nor the self-restrained man temperate; for the temperate man does not have excessive or evil desires. But a self-restrained man must necessarily have strong and evil desires; since if a man's desires are good, the @@ -4964,7 +4964,7 @@ convert to P3 not always be good; while if his desires are weak and not evil, there is nothing to be proud of in resisting them; nor is it anything remarkable if they are evil and weak.

-

Again (a, b) if Self-restraint makes a man steadfast in +

Again (a, b) if Self-restraint makes a man steadfast in all his opinions, it may be bad, namely, if it makes him persist even in a false opinion. And if Unrestraint makes him liable to abandon any opinion, in some cases Unrestraint will be good. Take the instance of Neoptolemus in the @@ -4972,7 +4972,7 @@ convert to P3 Sophocles. Neoptolemus abandons a resolution that he has been persuaded by Odysseus to adopt, because of the pain that it gives him to tell a lie: in this case inconstancy is praiseworthy.

-

Again (a, c) there is the difficulty raised by the argument of the +

Again (a, c) there is the difficulty raised by the argument of the sophists. The sophists wish to show their cleverness by entrapping their adversary into a paradox, and when they are successful, the resultant chain of reasoning ends in a deadlock: the mind is fettered, being unwilling to stand still because it cannot approve @@ -4982,39 +4982,39 @@ convert to P3 follows: if a man is foolish and also unrestrained, owing to his unrestraint he does the opposite of what he believes that he ought to do; but he believesSc., because he is foolish. that good things are bad, and that he ought not to do them; therefore he will do good things and not bad ones.

-

Again (b, d) one who does and pursues what is pleasant from conviction +

Again (b, d) one who does and pursues what is pleasant from conviction and choice,i.e., a profligate. This is another - sophistic paradox based on the contradiction between (1) the - identification of the unrestrained man with the profligate, and (2) - the view (2.6) that the former acts contrary to his deliberate - conviction (so - Burnet). might be held to be a better man than one who acts + sophistic paradox based on the contradiction between (1) the + identification of the unrestrained man with the profligate, and (2) + the view (2.6) that the former acts contrary to his deliberate + conviction (so + Burnet). might be held to be a better man than one who acts in the same way not from calculation but from unrestraint, because he is more easy to cure, since he may be persuaded to alter his conviction; whereas the unrestrained man - comes under the proverb that says ‘when water chokes you, what are you to drink - to wash it down?’ Had he been convinced that what he does is right, a change of + comes under the proverb that says ‘when water chokes you, what are you to drink + to wash it down?’ Had he been convinced that what he does is right, a change of conviction might have caused him to desist; but as it is he is convinced that he ought to do one thing and nevertheless does another thing.A variant ou) pepeisme/nos . . . - [a)lla\] gives ‘but as it is he is convinced it is - wrong but nevertheless does it.’ + [a)lla\] gives ‘but as it is he is convinced it is + wrong but nevertheless does it.’

-

Again (f) if Self-restraint and Unrestraint can be displayed with +

Again (f) if Self-restraint and Unrestraint can be displayed with reference to anything, what is the meaning of the epithet - ‘unrestrained’ without qualification? No one has every form of - unrestraint, yet we speak of some men as simply ‘unrestrained.’ + ‘unrestrained’ without qualification? No one has every form of + unrestraint, yet we speak of some men as simply ‘unrestrained.’

Such, more or less, are the difficulties that arise. Part of the conflicting opinions we have to clear out of the way, but part to leave standing; for to solve a difficulty is to find the answer to a problem.See 1.5, note.

-

We have then to consider, first (i) whether men fail in self-restraint +

We have then to consider, first (i) whether men fail in self-restraint knowing what they do is wrong, or not knowing, and if knowing, knowing in what sense; and - next (ii) what are to be set down as the objects with which + next (ii) what are to be set down as the objects with which Self-restraint and Unrestraint are concerned: I mean, are they concerned with pleasure and pain of all sorts, or only with certain special pleasures and pains? and - (iii) is Self-restraint the same as Endurance or distinct from it? and - so on with (iv) the other questions akin to this subject.

+ (iii) is Self-restraint the same as Endurance or distinct from it? and + so on with (iv) the other questions akin to this subject.

A starting-point for our investigation is to askThis question is not pursued below; indeed the contents of the following chapters are correctly outlined in 3.1, and 3.2 is superfluous. whether the differentiaNot the difference between the @@ -5025,15 +5025,15 @@ convert to P3 restrain himself with reference to certain things, or rather because he has a certain disposition, or rather for both reasons combined. A second question is, can Self-restraint and Unrestraint be displayed in regard to everything, or not? When a man is said to be - ‘unrestrained’ without further qualification, it does not mean that he + ‘unrestrained’ without further qualification, it does not mean that he is so in relation to everything, but to those things in regard to which a man can be profligate; and also it does not mean merely that - he is concerned with these things (for in that case Unrestraint would be the same - thing as Profligacy), but that he is concerned with them in a particular manner. + he is concerned with these things (for in that case Unrestraint would be the same + thing as Profligacy), but that he is concerned with them in a particular manner. The profligate yields to his appetites from choice, considering it right always to pursue the pleasure that offers, whereas the man of defective self-restraint does not think so, but pursues it all the same.

-

(i) Now the suggestion that it is not Knowledge, but True Opinion, +

(i) Now the suggestion that it is not Knowledge, but True Opinion, against which unrestrained men act, is of no importance for our argument. Some men hold their opinions with absolute certainty, and take them for positive knowledge; so that if weakness of conviction be the criterion for deciding that men who act against their conception of what is right @@ -5042,30 +5042,30 @@ convert to P3 what they opine as others are of what they know: witness Heracleitus.This seems to refer to the dogmatic tone of Heracleitus's teaching in general.

-

(1) But the word know is used in two senses. A man who has +

(1) But the word know is used in two senses. A man who has knowledge but is not exercising it is said to know, and so is a man who is actually exercising his knowledge. It will make a difference whether a man does wrong having the knowledge that it is wrong but not consciously thinking of his knowledge, or with the knowledge consciously present to his mind. The latter would be felt to be surprising; but it is not surprising that a man should do what he knows to be wrong if he is not conscious of the knowledge at the time.

-

(2) Again, reasoning on matters of conduct employs premises of two +

(2) Again, reasoning on matters of conduct employs premises of two forms.The major premise of a practical syllogism is universal, a general rule; the minor is particular, the application of the rule to the case in hand. The next sentence points out that this application really requires two syllogisms; in the first, the personal term of the major premise is predicated in the - minor of the particular person concerned (Dry food is good for all men: I am a - man: therefore dry food is good for me) ; in the second, the other universal + minor of the particular person concerned (Dry food is good for all men: I am a + man: therefore dry food is good for me) ; in the second, the other universal term is predicated in the minor of a particular thing about which the person is - deliberating (Dry food is good for me: this stale loaf is dry food: therefore - this stale loaf is good for me). It is the minor premise of the second + deliberating (Dry food is good for me: this stale loaf is dry food: therefore + this stale loaf is good for me). It is the minor premise of the second syllogism, viz. the application of the general rule not to himself but to the thing in question, that the unrestrained man seems not to know, or not to think of, at the time. This illustration is confused in the text by the insertion of another minor premise - h)\ o(/ti chro\n to\ toio/nde, ‘or that food - of a certain kind [e.g. stale bread] is dry.’ It would have + h)\ o(/ti chro\n to\ toio/nde, ‘or that food + of a certain kind [e.g. stale bread] is dry.’ It would have been enough to write a)ll' ei) to/de chro/n, - ‘but whether this [stale loaf] is dry.’ Now + ‘but whether this [stale loaf] is dry.’ Now it is quite possible for a man to act against knowledge when he knows both premises but is only exercising his knowledge of the universal premise and not of the particular; for action has to do with particular things. Moreover, there is a distinction as regards the @@ -5075,16 +5075,16 @@ convert to P3 not possess or not be actualizing the knowledge whether the particular food before him is food of that kind. Now clearly the distinction between these two ways of knowing will make all the difference in the world. It will not seem at all strange that the unrestrained man - should ‘know’ in one way, but it would be astonishing if he knew in + should ‘know’ in one way, but it would be astonishing if he knew in another way.

-

(3) Again, it is possible for men to ‘have - knowledge’ in yet another way besides those just discussed; for even in the +

(3) Again, it is possible for men to ‘have + knowledge’ in yet another way besides those just discussed; for even in the state of having knowledge without exercising it we can observe a distinction: a man may in a sense both have it and not have it; for instance, when he is asleep, or mad, or drunk. But persons under the influence of passion are in the same condition; for it is evident that anger, sexual desire, and certain other passions, actually alter the state of the body, and in some cases even cause madness. It is clear therefore that we must pronounce - the unrestrained to ‘have knowledge’ only in the same way as men who + the unrestrained to ‘have knowledge’ only in the same way as men who are asleep or mad or drunk. Their using the language of knowledgeThe reference is to persons of weak will uttering sound moral maxims almost at the very moment of yielding to temptation. is no proof that they possess it. Persons in the states mentionedViz., asleep or drunk. It may have been some Falstaff of Attic comedy that quoted the moral maxims of Empedocles in his cups. repeat propositions of @@ -5092,28 +5092,28 @@ convert to P3 formulae, though they do not yet know their meaning, for knowledge has to become part of the tissue of the mind, and this takes time. Hence we must conceive that men who fail in self-restraint talk in the same way as actors speaking a part.

-

(4) Again, one may also study the cause of Unrestraint +

(4) Again, one may also study the cause of Unrestraint scientifically,i.e., in this case, psychologically: - lit. ‘with reference to its nature.’ Cf. 8.1.6, 9.7.2, 9.9.7. + lit. ‘with reference to its nature.’ Cf. 8.1.6, 9.7.2, 9.9.7. thus: In a practical syllogism, the major premise is an opinion, while the minor premise deals with particular things, which are the province of perception. Now when the two premises are combined, just as in theoretic reasoning the mind is compelled to affirm the resulting conclusion, so in the case of practical premises you are forced at once to do - it. For example, given the premises ‘All sweet things ought to be - tasted’ and ‘Yonder thing is sweet’—a particular - instance of the general class—, you are bound, if able and not prevented, + it. For example, given the premises ‘All sweet things ought to be + tasted’ and ‘Yonder thing is sweet’—a particular + instance of the general class—, you are bound, if able and not prevented, immediately to taste the thing. When therefore there is present in the mind on the one hand a universal judgement forbidding you to taste and on the other hand a universal judgement saying - ‘All sweet things are pleasant,’ and a minor premise ‘Yonder - thing is sweet’ (and it is this minor premise that is activei.e., determines action ( - Ross).) , and when desire is + ‘All sweet things are pleasant,’ and a minor premise ‘Yonder + thing is sweet’ (and it is this minor premise that is activei.e., determines action ( + Ross).) , and when desire is present at the same time, then, though the former universal judgement says - ‘Avoid that thing,’ the desire leads you to it (since desire - can put the various parts of the body in motion). Thus it comes about that when + ‘Avoid that thing,’ the desire leads you to it (since desire + can put the various parts of the body in motion). Thus it comes about that when men fail in self-restraint, they act in a sense under the influence of a principle or opinion, but an opinion not in itself but only accidentally opposed to the right principle - (for it is - the desire, and not the opinion, that is really opposed). Hence the lower animals + (for it is + the desire, and not the opinion, that is really opposed). Hence the lower animals cannot be called unrestrained, if only for the reason that they have no power of forming universal concepts, but only mental images and memories of particular things.

If we ask how the unrestrained man's ignorance is dissipated and he returns to a state of @@ -5127,15 +5127,15 @@ convert to P3 be an object of Scientific Knowledge in the same way as a universal term is, we do seem to be led to the conclusionCf. 2.1. which Socrates sought to establish. For the knowledge which is present - when failure of self-restraintHere to\ pa/qos means a)krateu/esqai, cf. 2.2, 3.12, 4.6; but in the following line (cf. - 2.1) it probably means e)piqumi/a or qumo/s, as 3.7, 5.5, 7.8. occurs is not what is held to + when failure of self-restraintHere to\ pa/qos means a)krateu/esqai, cf. 2.2, 3.12, 4.6; but in the following line (cf. + 2.1) it probably means e)piqumi/a or qumo/s, as 3.7, 5.5, 7.8. occurs is not what is held to be Knowledge in the true sense, nor is it true Knowledge which is dragged about by passion, but knowledge derived from sense-perception.

So much for the question whether failure of self-restraint can go with knowledge or not, and with knowledge in what sense.

-

(ii) We must next discuss whether any man can be called - ‘unrestrained’ without qualification, or whether it must always be in +

(ii) We must next discuss whether any man can be called + ‘unrestrained’ without qualification, or whether it must always be in relation to certain particular things, and if so, to what sort of things. Now it is plain that men are self-restrained and enduring, unrestrained and soft, in regard to Pleasures and Pains. But the things that give pleasure are of two @@ -5148,12 +5148,12 @@ convert to P3 honor, wealth, and the other good and pleasant things of the same sort. Now those who against the right principle within them exceed in regard to the latter class of pleasant things, we do not call unrestrained simply, but with a - qualification—unrestrained as to money, gain, honor or angerCf. 1.7: qumo/s, - ‘spirit,’ aims at victory, and so is brought into this discussion of - ‘pleasures and desires’ ( 4.5); but in chap. 6 it + qualification—unrestrained as to money, gain, honor or angerCf. 1.7: qumo/s, + ‘spirit,’ aims at victory, and so is brought into this discussion of + ‘pleasures and desires’ ( 4.5); but in chap. 6 it is contrasted with desire, and its indulgence in the form of anger is seen to be painful - rather than pleasant (6.4). —not merely - ‘unrestrained’ ; because we regard them as distinct from the + rather than pleasant (6.4). —not merely + ‘unrestrained’ ; because we regard them as distinct from the unrestrained in the strict sense, and only so called by analogy, like our familiar exampleThis seems to be the meaning of the imperfect tenses. An inscription records that a boxer named *)/anqrwpos won at Olympia in 456 B.C. and the Greek commentators say that he is referred to @@ -5161,28 +5161,28 @@ convert to P3 the analogical use of words. of Man the Olympic winner, whose special definition is not very differenti.e., it requires the addition of three words. Strictly speaking, however, it is impossible to define an individual; moreover, - the Olympic victor (a) was a man not merely by analogy but as a member - of the species, and (b) was named Man not even by analogy but only + the Olympic victor (a) was a man not merely by analogy but as a member + of the species, and (b) was named Man not even by analogy but only homonymously. But a humorous illustration need not be precise. from the general - definition of ‘man,’ though nevertheless he is really quite distinct + definition of ‘man,’ though nevertheless he is really quite distinct from men in general.Perhaps Man had some personal - peculiarity which somewhat belied his name. (That such persons are only + peculiarity which somewhat belied his name. (That such persons are only called unrestrained by analogy is proved by our blaming unrestraint, whether unqualified or with reference to some particular bodily pleasure, as a vice and not merely an error, whereas we do not regard those unrestrained in regard to money, etc. as guilty of - vice.) But of those who exceed in relation to + vice.) But of those who exceed in relation to the bodily enjoyments with regard to which we speak of men as temperate or profligate, he - who pursues excessive pleasure, and avoids the extremesProbably this should be amended to ‘moderate bodily pains,’ cf. + who pursues excessive pleasure, and avoids the extremesProbably this should be amended to ‘moderate bodily pains,’ cf. 4.4. of bodily pains such as hunger, heat, cold, and the various pains of touch and taste, not from choice but against his own choice and reason, is described as - unrestrained not with a qualification—unrestrained as regards these pleasures - and pains—as is one who yields to anger, but just simply as unrestrained. - (A proof that - ‘unrestrained’ unqualified denotes unrestraint as regards bodily - pleasures and pains, is that we speak of men as ‘soft’ who yield to - these, but not those who yield to anger or the like.) And hence we class the - unrestrained man with the profligate (and the self-restrained with the - temperate)This parenthesis may be an + unrestrained not with a qualification—unrestrained as regards these pleasures + and pains—as is one who yields to anger, but just simply as unrestrained. + (A proof that + ‘unrestrained’ unqualified denotes unrestraint as regards bodily + pleasures and pains, is that we speak of men as ‘soft’ who yield to + these, but not those who yield to anger or the like.) And hence we class the + unrestrained man with the profligate (and the self-restrained with the + temperate)This parenthesis may be an interpolation. , but not those who yield to anger or the like, because Unrestraint and Profligacy are related to the same pleasures and pains. But as a matter of fact, although they are related to the same things, they are not related to them in the @@ -5191,50 +5191,50 @@ convert to P3 only weak desires or none at all, to be more profligate than one who does so owing to intense desires; for what would the former do if he possessed the ardent desires of youth, and felt violent pain when debarred from the - ‘necessary’ pleasures?

+ ‘necessary’ pleasures?

And inasmuch as some desires and pleasures relate to things that are noble and good in - kind (for some pleasant things are desirable by nature, others the opposite, - while others again are neutral—compare the classification we gave aboveSee 4.2: a third class is now added, pleasures bad in - themselves and not only in excess; and the ‘necessary’ pleasures are - now classed as ‘intermediate,’ neither good nor bad in themselves, - though good as a means of life, and bad in excess.) : for instance + kind (for some pleasant things are desirable by nature, others the opposite, + while others again are neutral—compare the classification we gave aboveSee 4.2: a third class is now added, pleasures bad in + themselves and not only in excess; and the ‘necessary’ pleasures are + now classed as ‘intermediate,’ neither good nor bad in themselves, + though good as a means of life, and bad in excess.) : for instance money, gain, victory, honor: and inasmuch as in relation to all these naturally desirable things, as well as to the neutral ones, men are not blamed merely for regarding or desiring or liking them, but for doing so in a certain way, namely to excess - (hence thoseThis subject is left without its - verb, which apparently would be ‘are not wicked, nor yet unrestrained in the - proper sense.’ Though this clause here begins as a parenthesis, it is resumed - below at ‘well then’ as a fresh sentence, which really, however, + (hence thoseThis subject is left without its + verb, which apparently would be ‘are not wicked, nor yet unrestrained in the + proper sense.’ Though this clause here begins as a parenthesis, it is resumed + below at ‘well then’ as a fresh sentence, which really, however, constitutes the apodosis of the protasis that began at the beginning of the section, - ‘And inasmuch.’ who yield to or pursue, contrary to + ‘And inasmuch.’ who yield to or pursue, contrary to principle, anything naturally noble and good, for example those who care too much for - honor, or for their children and their parents—for parents and children are good + honor, or for their children and their parents—for parents and children are good things and people are praised who care for them, but nevertheless it is possible even in their case to go to excess, by vying even with the gods like Niobe,Niobe vaunted her children as more beautiful than those of Leto. or as Satyrus did,The Greek commentators tell stories of a certain Satyrus who, when his father died, committed suicide for grief. But Heliodorus appears to have read e)pikalou/menos to\n - pate/ra without peri/, ‘or like - Satyrus the Filial invoking his father as a god’ : there were kings of + pate/ra without peri/, ‘or like + Satyrus the Filial invoking his father as a god’ : there were kings of Bosphorus named Satyrus in the 4th century, and one may have borne the surname Philopator. who was nicknamed the filial for his devotion to his father, for he was thought to carry it to the - point of infatuation—) : well then, there cannot be any actual Vice in + point of infatuation—) : well then, there cannot be any actual Vice in relation to these things, because, as has been said, each of them is in itself desirable by nature, although excessive devotion to them is bad and to be avoided. And similarly there cannot be Unrestraint either, since that is not merely to be avoided, but actually blameworthy; though people do use the term in these - matters with a qualification— ‘unrestraint in’ whatever it - may be—because the affection does resemble Unrestraint proper; just as they + matters with a qualification— ‘unrestraint in’ whatever it + may be—because the affection does resemble Unrestraint proper; just as they speak of someone as a bad doctor or bad actor whom they would not call simply - ‘bad.’ As therefore we do not call bad doctors and actors bad men, + ‘bad.’ As therefore we do not call bad doctors and actors bad men, because neither kind of incapacity is actually a vice, but only resembles Vice by analogy, so in the former case it is clear that only self-restraint and lack of restraint in regard to the same things as are the objects of Temperance and Profligacy are to be deemed Self-restraint and Unrestraint proper, and that these terms are applied to anger only by - analogy; and so we add a qualification, ‘unrestrained in anger,’ just - as we say ‘unrestrained in the pursuit of honor’ or - ‘gain.’

+ analogy; and so we add a qualification, ‘unrestrained in anger,’ just + as we say ‘unrestrained in the pursuit of honor’ or + ‘gain.’

Besides those things however which are naturally pleasant, of which some are pleasant generally and others pleasant to particular races of animals and of men, there are other things, not naturally pleasant, which become pleasant either as a result of arrested @@ -5246,8 +5246,8 @@ convert to P3 tribes on the coasts of the Black Sea, who are alleged to delight in raw meat or in human flesh, and others among whom each in turn provides a child for the common banquetThe version follows Williams, and seems to require the emendation given in the critical note. - The mss. give ‘who lend their children to each other for - feasting.’; or the reported depravity of Phalaris.See below, 5.7, note. + The mss. give ‘who lend their children to each other for + feasting.’; or the reported depravity of Phalaris.See below, 5.7, note. These are instances of Bestiality. Other unnatural propensities are due to disease, and sometimes to insanity, as in the case of the madman that offered up his mother to the gods and partook of the sacrifice, or the one that ate @@ -5260,19 +5260,19 @@ convert to P3 state brought about by habitual indulgence.

Now these various morbid dispositions in themselves do not fall within the limits of Vice, nor yet does Bestiality; and to conquer or yield to them does not constitute - UnrestraintWe must understand ‘does not - constitute restraint or unrestraint’ unless we amend ‘and to fail to - conquer, or to be conquered by, them does not constitute unrestraint.’ + UnrestraintWe must understand ‘does not + constitute restraint or unrestraint’ unless we amend ‘and to fail to + conquer, or to be conquered by, them does not constitute unrestraint.’ in the strict sense, but only the state so called by analogy; just as a man who cannot - control his anger must be described as ‘unrestrained in’ that passion, - not ‘unrestrained.’

-

(Indeed folly, cowardice, profligacy, and ill-temper, whenever they run to + control his anger must be described as ‘unrestrained in’ that passion, + not ‘unrestrained.’

+

(Indeed folly, cowardice, profligacy, and ill-temper, whenever they run to excess, are either bestial or morbid conditions. One so constituted by nature as to be frightened by everything, even the sound of a mouse, shows the cowardice of a lower animal; the man who was afraid of a weasel was a case of disease. So with folly: people irrational by nature and living solely by sensation, like certain remote tribes of barbarians, belong to the bestial class; those who lose their reason - owing to some disease, such as epilepsy, or through insanity, to the morbid.) + owing to some disease, such as epilepsy, or through insanity, to the morbid.)

With these unnatural propensities it is possible in some cases merely to have the disposition and not to yield to it: I mean, for instance, PhalarisNo such stories about Phalaris are alluded to elsewhere; so @@ -5291,7 +5291,7 @@ convert to P3 Temperance and Profligacy are related, and that unrestraint in relation to anything else is of another kind, which is only so called metaphorically and with a qualification.

-

Let us now consider the point that Unrestraint in anger ‘Lack of control of the spirit’ : see 4.2, third +

Let us now consider the point that Unrestraint in anger ‘Lack of control of the spirit’ : see 4.2, third note is less disgraceful than Unrestraint in the desires.

Now it appears that anger does to some extent hear reason, but hears it wrong, just as hasty servants hurry out of the room before they have heard the whole of what you are @@ -5300,36 +5300,36 @@ convert to P3 of its nature, hears, but does not hear the order given, and rushes off to take vengeance. When reason or imagination suggests that an insult or slight has been received, anger flares up at once, but after reasoning as it were that you ought to make war on anybody - who insults you. Desire on the other hand, at a mere hint from [the reason + who insults you. Desire on the other hand, at a mere hint from [the reason orThese words are surely an - interpolation.] the senses that a thing is pleasant, rushes off to enjoy + interpolation.] the senses that a thing is pleasant, rushes off to enjoy it. Hence anger follows reason in a manner, but desire does not. Therefore yielding to desire is more disgraceful than yielding to anger, for he that fails to restrain his anger is in a way controlled by reason, but the otherViz., the man - who is ‘unrestrained’ in the strict sense, i.e., cannot restrain his + who is ‘unrestrained’ in the strict sense, i.e., cannot restrain his desires. is controlled not by reason but by desire.

Again, when impulses are natural, it is more excusable to follow them, since even with the desires it is more excusable to follow those that are common to all men, and in so far as they are common. But anger and bad temper are more natural than desire for excessive and unnecessary pleasures; witness the man who was had up for beating his father and who - said in his defence, “Well, my father used to beat his father, and he used to - beat his, and (pointing to his little boy) so will my son here beat me - when he grows up; it runs in our family”; and the man who, when his son was + said in his defence, “Well, my father used to beat his father, and he used to + beat his, and (pointing to his little boy) so will my son here beat me + when he grows up; it runs in our family”; and the man who, when his son was throwing him out of the house, used to beg him to stop when he got to the door, - ‘because he only used to drag his father as far as that.’This story is developed in Robert Browning's poem - ‘Halbert and Hob’ ; it is said also to occur in a German + ‘because he only used to drag his father as far as that.’This story is developed in Robert Browning's poem + ‘Halbert and Hob’ ; it is said also to occur in a German Volkslied.

Again, the craftier men are, the more Unjust they are. Now the hot-tempered man is not crafty, nor is anger, but open; whereas desire is crafty, as they say of Aphrodite: - Weaver of wiles in Cyprus bornThe line seems to have ended *kuproge/neos pro/polon (Bergk, cf. Hesych., K. p. proag<w>go/n) , ‘for - the servant of the wile-weaving Cyprus-born,’ viz., Peitho, Persuasion. + Weaver of wiles in Cyprus bornThe line seems to have ended *kuproge/neos pro/polon (Bergk, cf. Hesych., K. p. proag<w>go/n) , ‘for + the servant of the wile-weaving Cyprus-born,’ viz., Peitho, Persuasion. It is ascribed by Wilamowitz to Sappho, and the same epithet is applied to Aphrodite in Sappho, 1.2. - and Homer writes of her ‘broidered girdle’ + and Homer writes of her ‘broidered girdle’ CajoleryOne of the emblematic figures embroidered on the girdle of Aphrodite, Hom. Il. @@ -5346,8 +5346,8 @@ convert to P3 painful feeling, does not show wantonness or insolence, for wanton acts are pleasant to the doer. An injury done in anger therefore arouses less anger in return, less resentment in the victim, than does wanton outrage due to unrestrained desire. Therefore - it is less ‘unjust,’ less of an injury. Cf. Aristot. Rh. 1380a 34(anger is not so much - resented, because it does not show contempt for its victim). gives + it is less ‘unjust,’ less of an injury. Cf. Aristot. Rh. 1380a 34(anger is not so much + resented, because it does not show contempt for its victim). gives pleasure to the doer, never pain, whereas an act done in anger always causes him a feeling of pain. If then things are unjust in proportion to the justice of the anger they arouse in the victim, unrestraint arising from desire is more unjust than that arising from @@ -5365,28 +5365,28 @@ convert to P3 have neither the faculty of choice nor of calculation: they are aberrations from nature,The writer here seems to regard all animals as unnatural, in the sense of imperfectly developed, because irrational. The order - precludes our taking this clause of the exceptional species (asses, wild boars, - and pigs according to Greek zoology) just alluded to; moreover, as the + precludes our taking this clause of the exceptional species (asses, wild boars, + and pigs according to Greek zoology) just alluded to; moreover, as the excessive appetites of these are analogous to Profligacy in men, they are not aberrations from animal nature any more than profligates are from human nature. like men who are insane. BestialityNo two commentators read the same sense into this section, which is - ‘little more than a series of jottings’ ( - Burnet). The version given largely follows + ‘little more than a series of jottings’ ( + Burnet). The version given largely follows Peters. The insertions in brackets indicate what may possibly have been in the writer's mind. is less <evil> than vice, though more horrible: for <in a bestial man as in an animal> the highest part <i.e. the intellect> is not corrupted, as it is in a man <who is wicked in a human way>, but entirely lacking. So that it is like comparing an inanimate with an animate thing, and asking which is the more evil; for the - badness of a thing which has no originating principle—and intelligence is such a - principle—is always less capable of mischief.The relevance of this parenthesis is obscure; its meaning, in the light of other + badness of a thing which has no originating principle—and intelligence is such a + principle—is always less capable of mischief.The relevance of this parenthesis is obscure; its meaning, in the light of other passages in Aristotle, may be that injustice is worse in the sense that it is evil - per se (whereas the unjust man is evil per accidens) , but the unjust man is worse in the sense - that he is productive of evil. (It is therefore like comparing Injustice - with an unjust man: one is worse in one way and the other in another). For a bad + per se (whereas the unjust man is evil per accidens) , but the unjust man is worse in the sense + that he is productive of evil. (It is therefore like comparing Injustice + with an unjust man: one is worse in one way and the other in another). For a bad man can do ten thousand times more harm than an animal <or a bestial man>.

-

(iii) But in relation to the pleasures and pains of touch and taste, +

(iii) But in relation to the pleasures and pains of touch and taste, and the corresponding desires and acts of avoidance, which have alreadyBk. 3.10. been defined as the sphere in which Profligacy and Temperance are displayed, it is possible on the one hand to have such a disposition as to succumb even to those temptations to which most men are superior, or on @@ -5399,7 +5399,7 @@ convert to P3 necessary within certain limits, excessive indulgence in them not being necessary, nor yet deficient indulgenceThis addition is illogically expressed, but it is a reminder that to take too little of certain - ‘necessary’ pleasures is as wrong as to take too much: see 4.5, + ‘necessary’ pleasures is as wrong as to take too much: see 4.5, first note. either, and inasmuch as the same holds good also of desires and of pains, one who pursues excessive pleasures, or pursues thingsi.e., necessary things; see the tripartite classification of 4.5. to excess and from choice, for their own sakes and @@ -5407,18 +5407,18 @@ convert to P3 character is certain to feel no regret for his excesses afterwards, and this being so, he is incurable,Incurable, and therefore profligate, a)ko/lastos, which means literally either - ‘incorrigible’ or ‘unchastized’ : see note on + ‘incorrigible’ or ‘unchastized’ : see note on 3.12.5. since there is no cure for one who does not regret his error. The man deficient in the enjoyment of pleasures is the opposite of the profligate; and the middle character is the temperate man. And similarly, he who avoids bodily pains not because his - will is overpowered but of deliberate choice, is also profligate. (Those on the other hand who yield not from choice, are + will is overpowered but of deliberate choice, is also profligate. (Those on the other hand who yield not from choice, are prompted either by the pleasure of indulgence, or by the impulse to avoid the pain of unsatisfied desire. Hence there is a difference between deliberate and non-deliberate indulgence. Everyone would think a man worse if he did something disgraceful when he felt only a slight desire, or none at all, than if he acted from a strong desire, or if he struck another in cold blood than if he did so in anger; for what would he have done had his passions been aroused? Hence the profligate man is worse than the - unrestrained.)

+ unrestrained.)

Of the dispositions described above, the deliberate avoidance of pain is rather a kindNot Softness strictly, which ranges with Unrestraint and is not deliberate. of Softness; the deliberate pursuit of @@ -5428,7 +5428,7 @@ convert to P3 matter: victory is more glorious than the mere avoidance of defeat. Hence self-restraint is a more valuable quality than Endurance. One who is deficient in resistance to pains that most men withstand with success, is soft or - luxurious (for Luxury is a kind of Softness) : such a man lets his cloak + luxurious (for Luxury is a kind of Softness) : such a man lets his cloak trail on the ground to escape the fatigue and trouble of lifting it, or feigns sickness, not seeing that to counterfeit misery is to be miserable. The same holds good of Self-restraint and Unrestraint. It is not surprising that a man should be overcome by violent and excessive pleasures or pains: indeed it is excusable if @@ -5436,15 +5436,15 @@ convert to P3 Kerkyon in the Alope of Karkinos, or as men who try to restrain their laughter explode in one great guffaw, as happened to Xenophantus.Seneca, De ira, 2.2, says that Xenophantus's martial music made Alexander put out his hand to grasp his - weapons (the story is told by Suidas of a Theban flute-player Timotheus, cf. + weapons (the story is told by Suidas of a Theban flute-player Timotheus, cf. Dryden, Alexander's - Feast) ; apparently Alexander's music had a different effect on + Feast) ; apparently Alexander's music had a different effect on Xenophantus! But we are surprised when a man is overcome by pleasures and pains which most men are able to withstand, except when his failure to resist is due to some innate tendency, or to disease: instances of the former being the hereditary effeminacyHdt. 1.105, - says that certain Scythians who robbed the temple of Uranian Aphrodite at Askalon were smitten with the ‘feminine - disease,’ which affected their descendants ever after; but Hippocrates, + says that certain Scythians who robbed the temple of Uranian Aphrodite at Askalon were smitten with the ‘feminine + disease,’ which affected their descendants ever after; but Hippocrates, *peri\ a)e/rwn22, describes effeminate symptoms prevalent among wealthy and high-born Scythians, due to being too much on horseback. of the royal family of Scythia, @@ -5459,9 +5459,9 @@ convert to P3 deliberate: since some people withstand the attacks of passion, whether pleasant or painful, by feeling or seeing them coming, and rousing themselves, that is, their reasoning faculty, in advance, just as one is proof against tickling if one has just been - tickled already.The variant ‘can avoid being - tickled by tickling the other person first’ seems less likely, but either - reading may be doubted: see critical note. Aristotle elsewhere (Aristot. Prob. 965a 11) remarks that one is + tickled already.The variant ‘can avoid being + tickled by tickling the other person first’ seems less likely, but either + reading may be doubted: see critical note. Aristotle elsewhere (Aristot. Prob. 965a 11) remarks that one is less sensitive to tickling if one is not taken unawares, and that is why one cannot tickle oneself. It is the quick and the excitable who are most liable to the impetuous form of Unrestraint, because the former are too hasty and the latter too @@ -5474,17 +5474,17 @@ convert to P3 Unrestraint an intermittent evil. Indeed Unrestraint and Vice are entirely different in kind, for Vice is unconscious, whereas the unrestrained man is aware of his infirmity.

-

Among the unrestrained themselves, the impulsivee)kstatiko/s is here used as equivalent to propeth/s, ‘impetuous,’ in 7.8; whereas +

Among the unrestrained themselves, the impulsivee)kstatiko/s is here used as equivalent to propeth/s, ‘impetuous,’ in 7.8; whereas below, 8.5, as in 1.6 and 2.7, it denotes the quality with which it is here contrasted. sort are better than those who know the right principle but do not keep to it; for these succumb to smaller temptations, and they do not yield without deliberation, as do the impulsive; the unrestrainedi.e., the feeble sort who stop to think and yet succumb; the impulsive man is not the typical unrestrained man. man is like people who get drunk quickly, and with a small amount of wine, or with less than most men. That - Unrestraint is not strictly a vice (though it is perhaps vice in a - sense), is clear; for Unrestraint acts against deliberate choice, Vice in + Unrestraint is not strictly a vice (though it is perhaps vice in a + sense), is clear; for Unrestraint acts against deliberate choice, Vice in accordance with it. But nevertheless in the actions that result from it it resembles Vice: - just as Demodocus wrote of the people of Miletus + just as Demodocus wrote of the people of Miletus Milesians are no fools, 'tis true But yet they act as fools would do. @@ -5525,12 +5525,12 @@ convert to P3 essentially it is the true principle and the right choice that the one stands by and the other does not; in the sense that if a man chooses or pursues b as a means to a, a is essentially, b only accidentally, his - object and his choice. And by ‘essentially’ we mean - ‘absolutely’ ; hence while in a sense it is any sort of opinion, + object and his choice. And by ‘essentially’ we mean + ‘absolutely’ ; hence while in a sense it is any sort of opinion, speaking absolutely it is the true opinion that the one stands by and the other abandons.

But there are some persons who stand by their opinion whom we call - ‘obstinate,’ meaning that they are hard to convince, and not easily + ‘obstinate,’ meaning that they are hard to convince, and not easily persuaded to change their convictions. These bear some resemblance to the self-restrained man, as the prodigal does to the liberal, and the reckless to the brave; but they are really different in many respects. The self-restrained man stands firm against passion and @@ -5546,7 +5546,7 @@ convert to P3 2.7. in thePhiIoctetesof Sophocles. It is true that his motive for changing was pleasure, though a noble pleasure, since it was pleasantThe mss., instead of - ‘pleasant,’ repeat ‘noble’ by a slip. for + ‘pleasant,’ repeat ‘noble’ by a slip. for him to speak the truth, and he had only told a lie at the instigation of Odysseus. In fact, not everyone whose conduct is guided by pleasure is either profligate and base, or unrestrained, but only those who yield to disgraceful pleasures.

@@ -5562,7 +5562,7 @@ convert to P3 to be the sole opposite of Self-restraint, just as Profligacy is thought to be the sole opposite of Temperance.

Many terms are used in an analogical sense, and so we have come to speak by analogy of - the ‘self-restraint’ of the temperate man, because the temperate man, + the ‘self-restraint’ of the temperate man, because the temperate man, as well as the self-restrained, is so constituted as never to be led by the pleasures of the body to act against principle. But whereas the self-restrained man has evil desires,Though he conquers them. the temperate man has none; he is so constituted as to take no pleasure in things that are contrary to @@ -5576,24 +5576,24 @@ convert to P3 from Moral Virtue. Also, Prudence does not consist only in knowing what is right, but also in doing it; but the unrestrained man does not do the right.This parenthesis would come better before the - preceding sentence. (Cleverness on the other hand is not incompatible - with Unrestraint—which is why it is sometimes thought that some people are - prudent and yet unrestrained—because Cleverness differs from Prudence in the + preceding sentence. (Cleverness on the other hand is not incompatible + with Unrestraint—which is why it is sometimes thought that some people are + prudent and yet unrestrained—because Cleverness differs from Prudence in the manner explained in our first discourseCf. 6.12.9.: as being intellectual facultiesOr perhaps, with the Aldine scholiast, - ‘in definition.’ they are closely akin, but they differ in - that Prudence involves deliberate choice.) Nor + ‘in definition.’ they are closely akin, but they differ in + that Prudence involves deliberate choice.) Nor indeed does the unrestrained man even know the right in the sense of one who consciously exercises his knowledge, but only as a man asleep or drunk can be said to know something. - Also, although he errs willingly (for he knows in a sense both what he is doing - and what end he is aiming at) , yet he is not wicked, for his moral choice is + Also, although he errs willingly (for he knows in a sense both what he is doing + and what end he is aiming at) , yet he is not wicked, for his moral choice is sound, so that he is only half-wicked. And he is not unjust, for he does not deliberately design to do harm,Cf. 6.3. since the one type of unrestrained person does not keep to the resolve he has formed after deliberation, and the other, the excitable type, does not deliberate at all. In fact the unrestrained man resembles a state which passes all the proper enactments, and has good laws, but which never keeps its laws: the condition of - things satirized by Anaxandrides— + things satirized by Anaxandrides— The state, that recks not of the laws, would fain . . @@ -5610,8 +5610,8 @@ convert to P3 is easier to change than nature; for even habit is hard to change, precisely because it is a sort of nature, as Evenus says: - Mark me, my friend, 'tisi.e., ‘habit - is’ : the subject of e)/menai seems to + Mark me, my friend, 'tisi.e., ‘habit + is’ : the subject of e)/menai seems to have been e)/qos in the preceding verse. long-continued training, And training in the end becomes men's nature. @@ -5626,62 +5626,62 @@ convert to P3 things good or bad in the absolute sense. Moreover this investigation is fundamental for our study, because we have established2.3.1. that Moral Virtue and Vice are concerned with pleasures and pains, and most people hold that pleasure is a necessary adjunct of - Happiness, which is why the word denoting ‘supreme bliss’ is derived - from the verb meaning ‘to enjoy.’maka/rios from ma/la + Happiness, which is why the word denoting ‘supreme bliss’ is derived + from the verb meaning ‘to enjoy.’maka/rios from ma/la xai/rein: cf. 5.4.9.

-

Now (1) some people think that no pleasure is a good thing, whether +

Now (1) some people think that no pleasure is a good thing, whether essentially or accidentally. They argue that Good and Pleasure are two distinct things.

-

(2) Others hold that though some pleasures are good, most are bad.

-

(3) There is also a third view, that even if all pleasures are good, +

(2) Others hold that though some pleasures are good, most are bad.

+

(3) There is also a third view, that even if all pleasures are good, nevertheless pleasure cannot be the Supreme Good.Of these three views, the first is that of Speusippus, Plato's successor as head of the Academy; the second is that of Plato's Philebus; the third, which appears at the end of the Philebus, is that of Aristotle in Book 10 below.

-

(1) To prove that pleasure is not a good at all, it is argued that

-

(a) Every pleasure is a conscious process towards a natural state; but +

(1) To prove that pleasure is not a good at all, it is argued that

+

(a) Every pleasure is a conscious process towards a natural state; but a process can in no case belong to the same order of things as its end; for example, the process of building cannot be a thing of the same sort as the house built.

-

(b) The temperate man avoids pleasures.

-

(c) The prudent man pursues freedom from pain, not pleasure.

-

(d) Pleasures are a hindrance to prudent deliberation, and the more so +

(b) The temperate man avoids pleasures.

+

(c) The prudent man pursues freedom from pain, not pleasure.

+

(d) Pleasures are a hindrance to prudent deliberation, and the more so the more enjoyable they are; for instance, sexual pleasure: no one could think of anything while indulging in it.

-

(e) There is no art of pleasure; yet with every good thing there is an +

(e) There is no art of pleasure; yet with every good thing there is an art which produces it.

-

(f) Children and animals pursue +

(f) Children and animals pursue pleasures.

-

(2) To prove that not all pleasures are good, it is argued that

-

(a) Some pleasures are disgraceful, and discredit the man who indulges +

(2) To prove that not all pleasures are good, it is argued that

+

(a) Some pleasures are disgraceful, and discredit the man who indulges in them.

-

(b) Some pleasures are harmful, for certain pleasant things cause +

(b) Some pleasures are harmful, for certain pleasant things cause disease.

-

(3) To prove that pleasure is not the Supreme Good, it is argued that +

(3) To prove that pleasure is not the Supreme Good, it is argued that it is not an end but a process.

These then, more or less, are the current views.

But the following considerations will show that these arguments are not conclusive to - prove (1) that pleasure is not a good at all, nor (3) + prove (1) that pleasure is not a good at all, nor (3) that it is not the Supreme Good.

-

(1) (a) In the first place (i.) - ‘the good’ has two meanings: it means both that which is good +

(1) (a) In the first place (i.) + ‘the good’ has two meanings: it means both that which is good absolutely, and that which is good for somebody, or relatively. Consequently the term - ‘good’ has the same double meaning when applied to men's natures and + ‘good’ has the same double meaning when applied to men's natures and dispositions; and therefore also when applied to movements and to processes. Also those processes which are thought to be bad will in some cases, though bad absolutely, be not bad relatively, but in fact desirable for a particular person, or in other cases, though not even desirable generally for the particular person, nevertheless desirable for him in particular circumstances and for a short time, although not really desirable. And some - such processesCertain ‘felt processes - towards a natural state’ (9.4) , which are obviously not + such processesCertain ‘felt processes + towards a natural state’ (9.4) , which are obviously not good, are not really pleasant either. are not really pleasures at all, but only seem to be so: I mean the painful processes that are undergone for their curative effects, for instance, treatment applied to the sick.

-

Again (ii.) , the good is either an activity or a +

Again (ii.) , the good is either an activity or a state. Now the pleasures that restore us to our natural state are only accidentally pleasant; while the activity of desire is the activity of that part of us which has remained in the natural stateCf. 14.7.: for that matter, there are some pleasures which do not - involve pain or desire at all (for instance, the pleasure of contemplation), + involve pain or desire at all (for instance, the pleasure of contemplation), being experienced without any deficiency from the normal having occurred. That restorative pleasures are only accidentally pleasant is indicated by the fact that we do not enjoy the same things while the natural state is being replenished as we do after it has been @@ -5691,62 +5691,62 @@ convert to P3 pleasures we get from them are not naturally or absolutely pleasant either, since there is the same distinction between various pleasures as there is between the pleasant things from which they arise.

-

Again (iii.) , it does not follow, as some argue, that as the end is +

Again (iii.) , it does not follow, as some argue, that as the end is better than the process towards it, so there must be something better than pleasure. For pleasures are not really processes, nor are they all incidental to a process: they are activities, and therefore an end; nor do they result from the process of acquiring our faculties, but from their exercise; nor have they all of them some end other than themselves: this is only true of the pleasures of progress towards the perfection of our - nature. Hence it is not correct to define pleasure as a ‘conscious - process’ ; the term should rather be ‘activity of our natural - state,’ and for ‘conscious’ we must substitute - ‘unimpeded.’ Some thinkers hold that pleasure is a process on the + nature. Hence it is not correct to define pleasure as a ‘conscious + process’ ; the term should rather be ‘activity of our natural + state,’ and for ‘conscious’ we must substitute + ‘unimpeded.’ Some thinkers hold that pleasure is a process on the ground that it is good in the fullest sense, because in their view an activity is a process; but really an activity is different from a process.

-

To argue (2) (b) that pleasures are bad because some +

To argue (2) (b) that pleasures are bad because some pleasant things are detrimental to health is the same as to argue that health is bad because some healthy things are bad for the pocket. Both pleasant things and healthy things can be bad in a relative sense, but that does not make them really bad; even contemplation may on occasion be injurious to health.

-

(1) (d) Neither prudence nor any other quality is +

(1) (d) Neither prudence nor any other quality is hampered by its own pleasure, but only by alien pleasuresi.e., the pleasures arising from the exercise of other qualities.; the pleasures of contemplation and study will enable us to contemplate and study better.

-

(1) (e) That there should be no art devoted to the +

(1) (e) That there should be no art devoted to the production of any form of pleasure is only natural; an art never produces an activity, but the capacity for an activity. Though in point of fact the arts of perfumery and cookery are generally considered to be arts of pleasure.

-

The arguments (1) (b) that the temperate man avoids - pleasure, and (1) (c) that the prudent man pursues - freedom from pain, and (1) (f) that animals and +

The arguments (1) (b) that the temperate man avoids + pleasure, and (1) (c) that the prudent man pursues + freedom from pain, and (1) (f) that animals and children pursue pleasure, are all met by the same reply. It has been explainedCf. 4.5. how some pleasures are absolutely good, and how not all pleasures are good.i.e., not good - absolutely or in themselves, though good (in moderation) as means to - life: the ‘necessary’ and ‘neutral’ pleasures of + absolutely or in themselves, though good (in moderation) as means to + life: the ‘necessary’ and ‘neutral’ pleasures of 4.2,5. Now it is those pleasures which are not absolutely good that both animals and children pursue, and it is freedom from pain arising from the want of those pleasures that the prudent man pursuesi.e., the prudent man both satisfies his natural desire for the bodily pleasures in moderation, and trains himself not to mind their absence; but does both not for the sake of pleasure, but to avoid the disturbance of pain.: that is, the pleasures that involve desire and pain, namely - the bodily pleasures (for these are of that nature) , or their excessive + the bodily pleasures (for these are of that nature) , or their excessive forms, in regard to which Profligacy is displayed. That is why the temperate man avoids excessive bodily pleasures: for even the temperate man has pleasures.

That pain moreover is an evil and to be avoided is admitted; since all pain is either absolutely evil, or evil as being some way an impediment to activity. But that which is the opposite of something - to be avoided—opposed to it as a thing to be avoided and evil—must be + to be avoided—opposed to it as a thing to be avoided and evil—must be good. It follows therefore that pleasure is a good. Speusippus attempted to refute this argumentSee more fully, 10.2.5. by saying that, as the greater is opposed to the equal as well as to the less, so pleasure is opposed to a neutral state of feeling as well as to pain. But this refutation does not hold good; for Speusippus would not maintain that pleasure is essentially evil.

-

But granting (2) that some pleasures are bad, it does not therefore - follow (3) that a certain pleasure may not nevertheless be the Supreme +

But granting (2) that some pleasures are bad, it does not therefore + follow (3) that a certain pleasure may not nevertheless be the Supreme Good; just as a certain form of knowledge may be supremely good, although some forms of - knowledge are bad. On the contrary (i) since every faculty has its + knowledge are bad. On the contrary (i) since every faculty has its unimpeded activity, the activity of all the faculties, or of one of them - (whichever constitutes Happiness) , when unimpeded, must probably be the + (whichever constitutes Happiness) , when unimpeded, must probably be the most desirable thing there is; but an unimpeded activity is a pleasure; so that on this showing the Supreme Good will be a particular kind of pleasure, even though most pleasures are bad, and, it may be, bad absolutely. This is why everybody thinks that the happy life @@ -5754,21 +5754,21 @@ convert to P3 with good reason, since no impeded activity is perfect, whereas Happiness is essentially perfect; so that the happy man requires in addition the goods of the body, external goods and the gifts of fortune, in order that his activity may not be impeded through lack of - them. (Consequently those who sayProbably the Cynics. that, if a man be good, + them. (Consequently those who sayProbably the Cynics. that, if a man be good, he will be happy even when on the rack, or when fallen into the direst misfortune, are intentionally or unintentionally talking - nonsense.) But because Happiness requires the + nonsense.) But because Happiness requires the gifts of fortune in addition, some people think that it is the same thing as good fortune; but this is not so, since even good fortune itself when excessive is an impediment to activity, and perhaps indeed no longer deserves to be called good fortune, since good fortune can only be defined in relation to Happiness.

-

(ii.) Moreover, that all animals and all human beings pursue pleasure +

(ii.) Moreover, that all animals and all human beings pursue pleasure is some indication that it is in a sense the Supreme Good: No rumor noised abroad by many peoples Comes utterly to naught.Hes. WD 763; the couplet ends, polloi\ fhmi/zousi: - qeo/s nu/ tis e)sti\ kai\ au)th/ (vox - populi vox dei). + qeo/s nu/ tis e)sti\ kai\ au)th/ (vox + populi vox dei).

@@ -5780,9 +5780,9 @@ convert to P3 pleasures of the body are the ones which we most often meet with, and as all men are capable of these, these have usurped the family title; and so men think these are the only pleasures that exist, because they are the only ones which they know.

-

(iii.) Moreover, it is clear that if +

(iii.) Moreover, it is clear that if pleasure is not good and activity is not pleasure,The - mss. give ‘if pleasure and activity are not good.’ the life + mss. give ‘if pleasure and activity are not good.’ the life of the happy man will not necessarily be pleasant. For why should he need pleasure if it is not good? On the contrary, his life may even be painful; for if pleasure is neither good nor evil, no more is pain either, so why should he avoid it? And if the good man's @@ -5810,37 +5810,37 @@ convert to P3 truth.

We have then to explain why it is that bodily pleasures appear to be more desirable than others.

-

(1) Now the first reason is that pleasure drives out pain; and +

(1) Now the first reason is that pleasure drives out pain; and excessive pain leads men to seek excessive pleasure, and bodily pleasure generally, as a restorative. And these restorative pleasures are intense, and therefore sought for, - because they are seen in contrast with their opposite. (The view that pleasure is + because they are seen in contrast with their opposite. (The view that pleasure is not a good at all is also due to these two facts, as has been said,The reference is presumably to 12.1, but the two passages do not - correspond very closely. (a) that some pleasures are actions + correspond very closely. (a) that some pleasures are actions indicative of an evil nature, whether it be depraved from birth, like the nature of an animal,Cf. 6.6, second note. or corrupted by - habit, as is the case with evil men, and (b) that others are + habit, as is the case with evil men, and (b) that others are restoratives of a defective state,Or possibly - ‘that the restorative pleasures imply a defective state.’ and + ‘that the restorative pleasures imply a defective state.’ and to be in the natural state is better than to be in process of returning to it. But as a matter of fact the latter sort of pleasures accompany a process towards perfection, so that - accidentally they are good.)

-

(2) Another reason is that bodily pleasures are sought for, just - because of their intensity, by people who are incapable of enjoying others (for - instance, some deliberately take steps to make themselves thirsty) : not that + accidentally they are good.)

+

(2) Another reason is that bodily pleasures are sought for, just + because of their intensity, by people who are incapable of enjoying others (for + instance, some deliberately take steps to make themselves thirsty) : not that there is any objection to this if the pleasures are innocuous, but it is bad if they are productive of harmful results. The fact is that some men have no other sources of enjoyment; and also many are so constituted that a neutral state of feeling is to them - positively painful. (This is because a state of strain is the normal condition of + positively painful. (This is because a state of strain is the normal condition of an animal organism, as physiology testifies; it tells us that sight and hearing are in - fact painful, but we have got used to them in course of time—such is the - theory.) Similarly the young are in a condition + fact painful, but we have got used to them in course of time—such is the + theory.) Similarly the young are in a condition resembling intoxication, because they are growing, and youth is pleasant in itself; but persons of an excitable nature need a restorative perpetually, because their temperament keeps their bodies in a constant state of irritation, and their appetites are continually active; and any pleasure, if strong, drives out pain, not only the opposite pleasure. This is why excitable men become profligate and vicious.

-

Pleasures unaccompanied by pain, on the other hand—and these are those derived - from things naturally and not accidentally pleasant—do not admit of excess. By +

Pleasures unaccompanied by pain, on the other hand—and these are those derived + from things naturally and not accidentally pleasant—do not admit of excess. By things accidentally pleasant I mean things taken as restoratives; really their restorative effect is produced by the operationIt is this which is really pleasant: see 12.2. of that part of the system which has remained sound, @@ -5851,8 +5851,8 @@ convert to P3 restoration of a faculty to its natural state.

Nothing however can continue to give us pleasure always, because our nature is not - simple, but contains a second element (which is what makes us perishable - beings), and consequently, whenever one of these two elements is active, its + simple, but contains a second element (which is what makes us perishable + beings), and consequently, whenever one of these two elements is active, its activity runs counter to the nature of the other, while when the two are balanced, their action feels neither painful nor pleasant. Since if any man had a simple nature, the same activity would afford him the greatest pleasure always. Hence God enjoys a single simple @@ -5872,14 +5872,14 @@ convert to P3 Book 8 -

Our next business after this will be to discuss Friendship.fili/a, ‘friendship,’ +

Our next business after this will be to discuss Friendship.fili/a, ‘friendship,’ sometimes rises to the meaning of affection or love, but also includes any sort of kindly feeling, even that existing between business associates, or fellow-citizens. The - corresponding verb means both ‘to like’ and ‘to - love’; the adjective is generally passive, ‘loved,’ - ‘liked,’ ‘dear,’ but sometimes active - ‘loving,’ ‘liking,’ and so on, as a noun - ‘a friend.’ For friendship is a virtue,That is, the social grace of friendliness described in Bk. 4.6.; it is + corresponding verb means both ‘to like’ and ‘to + love’; the adjective is generally passive, ‘loved,’ + ‘liked,’ ‘dear,’ but sometimes active + ‘loving,’ ‘liking,’ and so on, as a noun + ‘a friend.’ For friendship is a virtue,That is, the social grace of friendliness described in Bk. 4.6.; it is there said to be nameless, but it is called fili/a at 2.7.13. or involves virtue; and also it is one of the most indispensable requirements of life. For no one would choose to live without friends, but possessing all @@ -5890,48 +5890,48 @@ convert to P3 greater it is, the greater is its insecurity. And in poverty or any other misfortune men think friends are their only resource. Friends are an aid to the young, to guard them from error; to the elderly, to tend them, and to supplement their failing powers of action; to those in the prime of - life, to assist them in noble deeds— + life, to assist them in noble deeds— When twain together go Hom. Il. 10.224 - + — for two are better able both to plan and to execute. And the affection of parent for offspring and of offspring for parent seems to be a natural instinct, not only in man but also in birds and in most animals; as also is friendship between members of the same species; and this is especially strong in the human race; for which reason we praise those who love their fellow men.fila/nqrwpos means - ‘humane,’ ‘kindly.’ Even when travelling + ‘humane,’ ‘kindly.’ Even when travelling abroad one can observe that a natural affinity and friendship exist between man and man universally. Moreover, as friendship appears to be the bond of the state; and lawgivers seem to set more store by it than they do by justice, for to promote concord, which seems akin to friendship, is their chief aim, while faction, which is enmity, is what they are most anxious to banish. And if men are friends, there is no need of justice between them; whereas merely to be - just is not enough—a feeling of friendship also is necessary. Indeed the highest - form of justice seems to have an element of friendly feeling in it.Or possibly, ‘And the just are thought to possess friendliness - in its highest form.’ + just is not enough—a feeling of friendship also is necessary. Indeed the highest + form of justice seems to have an element of friendly feeling in it.Or possibly, ‘And the just are thought to possess friendliness + in its highest form.’

And friendship is not only indispensable as a means, it is also noble in itself. We praise those who love their friends, and it is counted a noble thing to have many friends; and some people think that a true friend must be a good man.

But there is much difference of opinion as to the nature of friendship. Some define it as a matter of similarity; they say that we love those who are like ourselves: whence the - proverbs ‘Like finds his like,’ ‘Birds of a feather flock - together,’Literally ‘Jackdaw to - jackdaw.’ and so on. Others on the contrary say that with men who are - alike it is always a case of ‘two of a trade.’Literally, ‘all such men are potters to each other,’ + proverbs ‘Like finds his like,’ ‘Birds of a feather flock + together,’Literally ‘Jackdaw to + jackdaw.’ and so on. Others on the contrary say that with men who are + alike it is always a case of ‘two of a trade.’Literally, ‘all such men are potters to each other,’ an allusion to Hes. WD 25, kai\ - kerameu\s keramei= kote/ei kai\ te/ktoni te/ktwn—‘Potter - with potter contends, and joiner quarrels with joiner.’ + kerameu\s keramei= kote/ei kai\ te/ktoni te/ktwn—‘Potter + with potter contends, and joiner quarrels with joiner.’ Some try to find a more profound and scientific explanation of the nature of affection. EuripidesFr. 890 Dindorf, from an unknown play. writes that - ‘Earth yearneth for the rain’ when dried up, ‘And the - majestic Heaven when filled with rain Yearneth to fall to Earth.’ Heracleitus - says, ‘Opposition unites,’ and ‘The fairest harmony springs - from difference,’ and ‘'Tis strife that makes the world go - on.’ Others maintain the opposite view, notably Empedocles, who declares that - ‘Like seeks after like.’

+ ‘Earth yearneth for the rain’ when dried up, ‘And the + majestic Heaven when filled with rain Yearneth to fall to Earth.’ Heracleitus + says, ‘Opposition unites,’ and ‘The fairest harmony springs + from difference,’ and ‘'Tis strife that makes the world go + on.’ Others maintain the opposite view, notably Empedocles, who declares that + ‘Like seeks after like.’

Dismissing then these scientific speculations as not germane to our present enquiry, let us investigate the human aspect of the matter, and examine the questions that relate to man's character and emotions: for instance, whether all men are capable of friendship, or @@ -5951,11 +5951,11 @@ convert to P3 himself, and that while what is really good is lovable absolutely, what is good for a particular person is lovable for that person. Further, each person loves not what is really good for himself, but what appears to him to be so; however, this will not affect - our argument, for ‘lovable’ will mean ‘what appears - lovable.’

+ our argument, for ‘lovable’ will mean ‘what appears + lovable.’

There being then three motives of love, the term Friendship is not applied to love for inanimate objects, since here there is no return of affection, and also no wish for the - good of the object—for instance, it would be ridiculous to wish well to a bottle + good of the object—for instance, it would be ridiculous to wish well to a bottle of wine: at the most one wishes that it may keep well in order that one may have it oneself; whereas we are told that we ought to wish our friend well for his own sake. But persons who wish another good for his own sake, if the feeling is not reciprocated, are @@ -5966,9 +5966,9 @@ convert to P3 be good or useful, and one of these persons may also entertain the same feeling towards him. Here then we have a case of two people mutually well-disposed, whom nevertheless we cannot speak of as friends, because they are not aware of each other's regard. To be - friends therefore, men must (1) feel goodwill for each other, that is, - wish each other's good, and (2) be aware of each other's goodwill, and - (3) the cause of their goodwill must be one of the lovable qualities + friends therefore, men must (1) feel goodwill for each other, that is, + wish each other's good, and (2) be aware of each other's goodwill, and + (3) the cause of their goodwill must be one of the lovable qualities mentioned above.

Now these qualities differ in kind; hence the affection or friendship they occasion may differ in kind also. There are accordingly three kinds of friendship, corresponding in @@ -6019,20 +6019,20 @@ convert to P3 are both good absolutely and profitable to each other. And each is pleasant in both ways also, since good men are pleasant both absolutely and to each other; for everyone is pleased by his own actions, and therefore by actions that resemble his own, and the - actions of all good men are the same or similar.— Such friendship is naturally permanent, + actions of all good men are the same or similar.— Such friendship is naturally permanent, since it combines in itself all the attributes that friends ought to possess. All affection is based on good or on pleasure, either absolute or relative to the person who feels it, and is prompted by similarityThere is some uncertainty here and elsewhere in these - chapters whether ‘similarity’ refers to resemblance between the - friends (as 3.6, and cf. 1139a 10, kaq' o(moio/thta/ - tina), or between the different forms of friendship (as - kaq' o(moio/thta, 1157a 32, 1158b 6) , - friendships based on pleasure or profit being only so called ‘by way of - resemblance,’ i.e. in an analogical and secondary sense. But the latter + chapters whether ‘similarity’ refers to resemblance between the + friends (as 3.6, and cf. 1139a 10, kaq' o(moio/thta/ + tina), or between the different forms of friendship (as + kaq' o(moio/thta, 1157a 32, 1158b 6) , + friendships based on pleasure or profit being only so called ‘by way of + resemblance,’ i.e. in an analogical and secondary sense. But the latter consideration seems irrelevant here, and is first developed in the next chapter - (sects. 1, 4). It is true that whether similarity between the parties - is an element in all friendship (although this is implied by the words - ‘who resemble each other in virtue’ in 3.6) is nowhere + (sects. 1, 4). It is true that whether similarity between the parties + is an element in all friendship (although this is implied by the words + ‘who resemble each other in virtue’ in 3.6) is nowhere clearly decided, and it can hardly be predicated of some friendships considered below. of some sort; but this friendship possesses all these attributes in the friends themselves, for they are alike, et cetera,i.e., absolutely and relatively good and pleasant: cf. @@ -6043,8 +6043,8 @@ convert to P3

Such friendships are of course rare, because such men are few. Moreover they require time and intimacy: as the saying goes, you cannot get to know a man till you have consumed the proverbial amount of saltCf. Aristot. Eud. Eth. 1238a 2, dio\ e)is paroimi/an e)lh/luqen o( me/dimnos tw=n a(lw=n, - ‘hence “the peck of salt” has passed into a - proverb.’ in his company; and so you cannot admit him to friendship or + ‘hence “the peck of salt” has passed into a + proverb.’ in his company; and so you cannot admit him to friendship or really be friends, before each has shown the other that he is worthy of friendship and has won his confidence. People who enter into friendly relations quickly have the wish to be friends, but cannot really be friends without being worthy of friendship, and also knowing each other to be @@ -6077,27 +6077,27 @@ convert to P3 and with them there is the mutual confidence, the incapacity ever to do each other wrong, and all the other characteristics that are required in true friendship. Whereas the other forms of friendship are liable to be dissolved by calumny and suspicion.

-

But since people do apply the term ‘friends’ to persons whose regard - for each other is based on utility, just as states can be ‘friends’ - (since expediency is generally recognized as the motive of international - alliances), or on pleasure, as children make friends, perhaps we too must call +

But since people do apply the term ‘friends’ to persons whose regard + for each other is based on utility, just as states can be ‘friends’ + (since expediency is generally recognized as the motive of international + alliances), or on pleasure, as children make friends, perhaps we too must call such relationships friendships; but then we must say that there are several sorts of friendship, that between good men, as good, being friendship in the primary and proper - meaning of the term, while the other kinds are friendships in an analogical sense,Literally, ‘by way of resemblance to true - friendship’ : see 3.7, note. since such friends are friends in virtue + meaning of the term, while the other kinds are friendships in an analogical sense,Literally, ‘by way of resemblance to true + friendship’ : see 3.7, note. since such friends are friends in virtue of a sort of goodness and of likenessPerhaps the words - ‘and of likeness’ are interpolated; the following clause explains - ‘goodness’ only. That utility is ‘a sort of - goodness’ is assumed. in them: insomuch as pleasure is good in the eyes + ‘and of likeness’ are interpolated; the following clause explains + ‘goodness’ only. That utility is ‘a sort of + goodness’ is assumed. in them: insomuch as pleasure is good in the eyes of pleasure-lovers. But these two secondary forms of friendship are not very likely to coincide: men do not make friends with each other both for utility and for pleasure at the same time, since accidental qualities are rarely found in combination.

Friendship then being divided into these species, inferior people will make friends for - pleasure or for use, if they are alike in that respect,i.e., in being pleasant or useful to each other; or possibly ‘since they are - alike in loving pleasure or profit.’ while good men will be friends for - each other's own sake, since they are alike in being good.Or possibly ‘since they like each other as being - good.’ The latter therefore are friends in an absolute sense, the + pleasure or for use, if they are alike in that respect,i.e., in being pleasant or useful to each other; or possibly ‘since they are + alike in loving pleasure or profit.’ while good men will be friends for + each other's own sake, since they are alike in being good.Or possibly ‘since they like each other as being + good.’ The latter therefore are friends in an absolute sense, the former accidentally, and through their similarity to the latter.

It is with friendship as it is with the virtues; men are called good in two senses, either as having a virtuous disposition or as realizing virtue in action, and similarly @@ -6121,7 +6121,7 @@ convert to P3 goodwill rather than friendship. Nothing is more characteristic of friends than that they seek each other's society: poor men desire their friends' assistance, and even the most prosperous wish for their companionship - (indeed they are the last people to adopt the life of a recluse); but it + (indeed they are the last people to adopt the life of a recluse); but it is impossible for men to spend their time together unless they give each other pleasure, or have common tastes. The latter seems to be the bond between the members of a comradeship.The e(tairei=ai, or Comradeships, at Athens were associations of men of the same age and social standing. In the @@ -6146,7 +6146,7 @@ convert to P3 they love their own good, for the good man in becoming dear to another becomes that other's good. Each party therefore both loves his own good and also makes an equivalent return by wishing the other's good, and by affording him pleasure; for there is a saying, - ‘Amity is equality,’ and this is most fully realized in the + ‘Amity is equality,’ and this is most fully realized in the friendships of the good.

Morose and elderly people rarely make friends, as they are inclined to be surly, and do not take much pleasure in society; good temper and sociability appear to be the chief @@ -6158,9 +6158,9 @@ convert to P3 society nor enjoy it, and these are thought to be the chief marks of friendship.

It is not possible to have many friends in the full meaning of the word friendship, any - more than it is to be in love with many people at once (love indeed seems to be + more than it is to be in love with many people at once (love indeed seems to be an excessive state of emotion, such as is naturally felt towards one person - only); and it is not easy for the same person to like a number of people at once, + only); and it is not easy for the same person to like a number of people at once, nor indeed perhaps can good men be found in large numbers. Also for perfect friendship you must get to know a man thoroughly, and become intimate with him, which is a very difficult thing to do. But it is possible to like a number of persons for their utility and pleasantness, for useful and pleasant people are plentiful, @@ -6185,7 +6185,7 @@ convert to P3 pleasant, but the good man does not become the friend of a superior, unless his superior in rank be also his superior in virtue; otherwise the good man as the inferior party cannot make matters proportionally equal.For this - ‘proportional equalization’ of the parties to an unequal friendship + ‘proportional equalization’ of the parties to an unequal friendship see 7.2, 13.1. It would appear that the meaning here is, that unless the great man is also better than the good man, the good man cannot give more love or respect to the great man than the great man gives to him, which is the only way in which the good man @@ -6196,9 +6196,9 @@ convert to P3 equality, for both parties render the same benefit and wish the same good to each other, or else exchangei.e., equivalent amounts of two different things. two different benefits, for instance pleasure and profit. - (Thesei.e., friendships based on pleasure + (Thesei.e., friendships based on pleasure or utility or both, in contrast to those based on virtue; although the latter also are, - of course, ‘friendships of equality.’ The parenthesis breaks the + of course, ‘friendships of equality.’ The parenthesis breaks the flow of the argument. are less truly friendships, and less permanent, as we have said; and opinions differ as to whether they are really friendships at all, owing to their being both like and unlike the same thing. In view of their likeness to friendship based @@ -6206,7 +6206,7 @@ convert to P3 utility, and these are attributes of that form of friendship too; but in that friendship based on virtue is proof against calumny, and permanent, while the others quickly change, besides differing in many other respects, they appear not to be real friendships, owing to - their unlikeness to it.)

+ their unlikeness to it.)

But there is a different kind of friendship, which involves superiority of one party over the other, for example, the friendship between father and son, and generally between an older person and a younger, and that between husband and wife, and between any ruler and @@ -6227,10 +6227,10 @@ convert to P3 rendered is proportionate to desert, this produces equality in a sense between the parties, and equality is felt to be an essential element of friendship.

Equality in friendship, however, does not seem to be like equality in matters of justice. - In the sphere of justice, ‘equal’ (fair) means - primarily proportionate to desert, and ‘equal in quantity’ is only a - secondary sense; whereas in friendship ‘equal in quantity’ is the - primary meaning, and ‘proportionate to desert’ only secondary. + In the sphere of justice, ‘equal’ (fair) means + primarily proportionate to desert, and ‘equal in quantity’ is only a + secondary sense; whereas in friendship ‘equal in quantity’ is the + primary meaning, and ‘proportionate to desert’ only secondary. This is clearly seen when a wide disparity arises between two friends in point of virtue or vice, or of wealth, or anything else; they no longer remain nor indeed expect to remain friends. This is most manifest in the case of @@ -6239,9 +6239,9 @@ convert to P3 friends, nor do persons of no particular merit expect to be the friends of men of distinguished excellence or wisdom. It is true that we cannot fix a precise limit in such cases, up to which two men can still be friends; the - gap may go on widening and the friendship still remainLit. ‘though many things are taken away, (friendship) still - remains’; apparently an allusion to the Sorites fallacy (ratio ruentis acervi, Hor. Ep. - 2.1.47) , How many grains can be taken from a heap of corn for it still + gap may go on widening and the friendship still remainLit. ‘though many things are taken away, (friendship) still + remains’; apparently an allusion to the Sorites fallacy (ratio ruentis acervi, Hor. Ep. + 2.1.47) , How many grains can be taken from a heap of corn for it still to be in a heap?; but when one becomes very remote from the other, as God is remote from man, it can continue no longer. This gives rise to the question, is it not after all untrue that we wish our friends the greatest of @@ -6265,7 +6265,7 @@ convert to P3 so they enjoy being honored by him as a token of benefits to come. Those on the other hand who covet being honored by good men, and by persons who know them, do so from a desire to confirm their own opinion of themselves; soOr possibly - ‘so what they really enjoy is being assured,’ etc. these like + ‘so what they really enjoy is being assured,’ etc. these like honor because they are assured of their worth by their confidence in the judgement of those who assert it. Affection on the other hand men like for its own sake; from which we infer that it is more valuable than honor, and that friendship is desirable in itself. @@ -6299,7 +6299,7 @@ convert to P3 reasonable demand, but it is ridiculous if they have nothing attractive about them.

But perhaps there is no real attraction between opposites as such, but only accidentally, and what they actually desire is - the mean between them (since this is the Good); the dry for instance + the mean between them (since this is the Good); the dry for instance striving not to become wet, but to reach an intermediate state, and so with the hot, and everything else. Let us however dismiss this question, as being indeed somewhat foreign to our subject.

@@ -6307,10 +6307,10 @@ convert to P3 was said at the outset,1.4. to be the same as those which are the sphere of justice. For in every partnership we find mutual rights of some sort, and also friendly feeling: one notes that shipmates and fellow-soldiers speak - of each other as ‘my friend,’ and so in fact do the partners in any + of each other as ‘my friend,’ and so in fact do the partners in any joint undertaking. But their friendship is limited to the extent of their association in their common business, for so also are their mutual rights as associates. Again, the - proverb says ‘Friends' goods are common property,’ and this is + proverb says ‘Friends' goods are common property,’ and this is correct, since community is the essence of friendship. Brothers have all things in common, and so do members of a comradeshipSee 5.3, note.; other friends hold special possessions in common, more or fewer in different cases, inasmuch as friendships vary in degree. The claims of justice also differ in different relationships. The mutual rights of parents @@ -6332,16 +6332,16 @@ convert to P3 advantage. Thus the other associations aim at some particular advantage; for example sailors combine to seek the profits of seafaring in the way of trade or the like, comrades in arms the gains of warfare, their aim being either - plunder, or victory over the enemy or the capture of a cityLiterally ‘plunder or victory or a city’; the last + plunder, or victory over the enemy or the capture of a cityLiterally ‘plunder or victory or a city’; the last words may refer either to colonists or exiles who obtain a new abode by conquest, or to civil war; but the expression is improbable, and perhaps should be emended to - ‘or to defend the city.’; and similarly the members of a + ‘or to defend the city.’; and similarly the members of a tribe or parishThe bracketed sentences, as Cook Wilson points out, look like an interpolated fragment of a parallel version. - [And some associations appear to be formed for the sake of pleasure, for example religious guilds and dining-clubs, which are + [And some associations appear to be formed for the sake of pleasure, for example religious guilds and dining-clubs, which are unions for sacrifice and social intercourse. But all these associations seem to be subordinate to the association of the State, which aims not at a temporary advantage but - at one covering the whole of life.] combine to perform sacrifices and hold + at one covering the whole of life.] combine to perform sacrifices and hold festivals in connection with them, thereby both paying honor to the gods and providing pleasant holidays for themselves. For it may be noticed that the sacrifices and festivals of ancient origin take place after harvest, being in fact harvest-festivals; this is @@ -6355,14 +6355,14 @@ convert to P3 government or Republic. The best of these constitutions is Kingship, and the worst Timocracy. The perversion of Kingship is Tyranny. Both are monarchies, but there is a very wide difference between them: a tyrant studies his own advantage, a - king that of his subjects. For a monarch is not a kingProbably the text should read ‘a king is not a king at all - unless—’ if he does not possess independent resources, and is + king that of his subjects. For a monarch is not a kingProbably the text should read ‘a king is not a king at all + unless—’ if he does not possess independent resources, and is not better supplied with goods of every kind than his subjects; but a ruler so situated lacks nothing, and therefore will not study his own interests but those of his subjects. - (A king who is not independent of his subjects will be merely a sort of titular - king.Literally, ‘a king elected by - lot,’ like the annual archon at Athens, who had the title of king, but retained only certain religious - functions from the primitive monarchy.) Tyranny is the exact opposite in + (A king who is not independent of his subjects will be merely a sort of titular + king.Literally, ‘a king elected by + lot,’ like the annual archon at Athens, who had the title of king, but retained only certain religious + functions from the primitive monarchy.) Tyranny is the exact opposite in this respect, for the tyrant pursues his own good. The inferiority of Tyranny among the perversions is more evident than that of Timocracy among the constitutions, for the opposite of the best must be the worst.

@@ -6381,7 +6381,7 @@ convert to P3

One may find likenesses and so to speak models of these various forms of constitution in the household. The relationship of father to sons is regal in type, since a father's first care is for his children's welfare. This is why Homer styles Zeus - ‘father,’ for the ideal of kingship is paternal government. Among the + ‘father,’ for the ideal of kingship is paternal government. Among the Persians paternal rule is tyrannical, for the Persians use their sons as slaves. The relation of master to slaves is also tyrannic, since in it the master's interest is aimed at. The autocracy of a master appears to be right, that of the Persian father wrong; for @@ -6401,10 +6401,10 @@ convert to P3 ruled, to the same extent as justice. The friendship of a king for his subjects is one of superiority in beneficence; for a king does good to his subjects, inasmuch as being good he studies to promote their welfare, as a shepherd studies the welfare of his sheep; hence - Homer called Agamemnon ‘shepherd of the people.’ The friendship of a father for his child is of the same kind - (only here the benefits bestowed are greater, for the father is the source of the + Homer called Agamemnon ‘shepherd of the people.’ The friendship of a father for his child is of the same kind + (only here the benefits bestowed are greater, for the father is the source of the child's existence, which seems to be the greatest of all boons, and of its nurture and - education; and we also ascribe the same benefits to our forefathers). For it is + education; and we also ascribe the same benefits to our forefathers). For it is as natural for a father to rule his children, and forefathers those descended from them, as for a king to rule his subjects. These friendships then involve a superiority of benefits @@ -6413,11 +6413,11 @@ convert to P3 both sides, but proportionate to desert, as is the affection bestowed.

The friendship between husband and wife again is the same as that which prevails between rulers and subjects in an aristocracy; for it is in proportion to excellence, and the - better party receives the larger share [of good],The word ‘good’ looks like an interpolation. The - sense seems to require ‘a larger share of affection’ ( + better party receives the larger share [of good],The word ‘good’ looks like an interpolation. The + sense seems to require ‘a larger share of affection’ ( fili/as, or filh/sews, - understood); it is clear throughout that in an unequal friendship the superior - party receives not more but less benefit (though more affection) than + understood); it is clear throughout that in an unequal friendship the superior + party receives not more but less benefit (though more affection) than the inferior. In 10.5 the conjugal association is compared to the aristocratic polity in virtue of the fact that the superior party has more power, not more benefit; and from 10.3 it appears that when the ruling class takes all or most of the benefits for itself, @@ -6435,8 +6435,8 @@ convert to P3 subjects in a tyranny. For where there is nothing in common between ruler and ruled, there can be no friendship between them either, any more than there can be justice. It is like the relation between a craftsman and his tool, or between the soul and the body - [or between master and slaveThese words are - better omitted, as they anticipate what comes below.]: all these instruments + [or between master and slaveThese words are + better omitted, as they anticipate what comes below.]: all these instruments it is true are benefited by the persons who use them, but there can be no friendship, nor justice, towards inanimate things; indeed not even towards a horse or an ox, nor yet towards a slave as slave. For master and slave have nothing in common: a slave is a living @@ -6459,28 +6459,28 @@ convert to P3 Also parents know their offspring with more certainty than children know their parentage; and progenitor is more attached to progeny than progeny to progenitor, since that which springs from a thing belongs to the thing - from which it springs—for instance, a tooth or hair or what not to its - owner—whereas the thing it springs from does not belong to it at all, or only in + from which it springs—for instance, a tooth or hair or what not to its + owner—whereas the thing it springs from does not belong to it at all, or only in a less degree. The affection of the parent exceeds that of the child in duration also; parents love their children as soon as they are born, children their parents only when time has elapsed and they have acquired understanding,Cf. 6.11.2 and note. or at least perception. These considerationsThat is, greater certainty of parentage, closer affinity and earlier commencement of affection. also explain why parental affection is stronger in the mother. Parents then love their children as - themselves (one's offspring being as it were another self—other because - separateOr ‘a second self produced by - separation from oneself.’); children love their parents as the + themselves (one's offspring being as it were another self—other because + separateOr ‘a second self produced by + separation from oneself.’); children love their parents as the source of their being; brothers love each other as being from the same source, since the identity of their relations to that source identifies them with one another, which is why - we speak of ‘being of the same blood’ or ‘of the same - stock’ or the like; brothers are therefore in a manner the same being, though + we speak of ‘being of the same blood’ or ‘of the same + stock’ or the like; brothers are therefore in a manner the same being, though embodied in separate persons. But friendship between brothers is also greatly fostered by their common upbringing and similarity of age; - ‘two of an age agree,’h(=lic h(/lika sc. te/rpeI, - Aristot. Rh. 1371b 15. ‘Crabbed age - and youth cannot live together.’ In its fuller form the proverb continues, - ‘the old get on with the old,’ h(=lic h(/lika + ‘two of an age agree,’h(=lic h(/lika sc. te/rpeI, + Aristot. Rh. 1371b 15. ‘Crabbed age + and youth cannot live together.’ In its fuller form the proverb continues, + ‘the old get on with the old,’ h(=lic h(/lika te/rpe, ge/rwn de/ te te/rpe ge/ronta schol. ad Plat. Plat. Phaedrus 240c. The next phrase appears to be a - proverb as well. and ‘familiarity breeds fellowship,’ which + proverb as well. and ‘familiarity breeds fellowship,’ which is why the friendship between brothers resembles that between members of a comradeship. Cousins and other relatives derive their attachment from the fraternal relationship, since it is @@ -6528,7 +6528,7 @@ convert to P3 pleasant friends and with those who are friends for the sake of utility, who may be equal or may differ in the amount of the benefitsi.e., the pleasure or utility as the case may be. which they confer. Those who are equals - must make matters equal by loving each other, etc.,i.e., ‘and by being good or pleasant and useful.’ equally; + must make matters equal by loving each other, etc.,i.e., ‘and by being good or pleasant and useful.’ equally; those who are unequal by making a returnThe one who is less good or pleasant or useful must give more affection: see 6.6, note, 7.2. proportionate to the superiority of whatever kind on the one side.

@@ -6551,13 +6551,13 @@ convert to P3 grievance that they do not get as much as they want and deserve; and the one who is doing a service can never supply all that the one receiving it wants.

It appears that, as justice is of two kinds, one unwritten and the other defined by law, - so the friendship based on utility may be either morali.e., either a ‘moral obligation’ or a contract enforceable by law. - It is noteworthy that the term ‘friendship’ is stretched to include + so the friendship based on utility may be either morali.e., either a ‘moral obligation’ or a contract enforceable by law. + It is noteworthy that the term ‘friendship’ is stretched to include the latter. or legal. Hence occasions for complaint chiefly occur when the type of friendship in view at the conclusion of the transaction is not the same as when the a relationship was formed. Such a connection when on stated terms is one of the legal type, whether it be a purely business matter of exchange on the - spot, or a more liberal accommodation for future repayment,Or ‘more liberal in point of time.’ though + spot, or a more liberal accommodation for future repayment,Or ‘more liberal in point of time.’ though still with an agreement as to the quid pro quo; and in the latter case the obligation is clear and cannot cause dispute, though there is an element of friendliness in the delay allowed, for which reason in some states there is no action @@ -6573,15 +6573,15 @@ convert to P3 with an eye to receiving one in return, it is profitable to receive one. One ought therefore, if one can, to return the equivalent of services received, and to do so willingly; for one ought not to make a man one's friend if one is unwilling to return his favors. Recognizing therefore that one has made a mistake at the - beginning and accepted a service from a wrong person—that is, a person who was + beginning and accepted a service from a wrong person—that is, a person who was not a friend, and was not acting disinterestedlyLit., - ‘was not doing the service for its own sake,’ or perhaps - ‘for the sake of friendship.’ But probably the text should be - corrected to read ‘was not doing the service for one's own sake’: - cf. 9.1.7, 10.6 fin. —one should accordingly end the transaction as if + ‘was not doing the service for its own sake,’ or perhaps + ‘for the sake of friendship.’ But probably the text should be + corrected to read ‘was not doing the service for one's own sake’: + cf. 9.1.7, 10.6 fin. —one should accordingly end the transaction as if one had accepted the service on stated terms. Also, one would agreei.e., in any case of the sort, if at the outset the question of repayment - were raised. to repay a service if able to do so (and if one were not - able, the giver on his side too would not have expected repayment); hence, if + were raised. to repay a service if able to do so (and if one were not + able, the giver on his side too would not have expected repayment); hence, if possible, one ought to make a return. But one ought to consider at the beginning from whom one is receiving the service, and on what terms, so that one may accept it on those terms or else decline it.

@@ -6600,7 +6600,7 @@ convert to P3 be more noble.

In friendships based on virtue, complaints do not arise, but the measure of the benefit seems to be the intentionLit., - ‘choice’ in Aristotle's technical sense. of the giver; for + ‘choice’ in Aristotle's technical sense. of the giver; for intention is the predominant factor in virtue and in character.

Differences also arise in friendships where there is disparity between the parties. Each claims to get more than the other, and this inevitably leads to a rupture. If one is a @@ -6611,7 +6611,7 @@ convert to P3 men think that it ought to be in a friendship as it is in a business partnership, where those who contribute more capital take more of the profits. On the other hand the needy or inferior person takes the opposite view: he maintains that it is the part of a good friend - to assist those in need; what is the use (he argues) of being friends + to assist those in need; what is the use (he argues) of being friends with the good and great if one is to get nothing out of it?

Now it appears that each of these rival claims is right. Both parties should receive a larger share from the friendship, but not a larger share of the same thing: the superior @@ -6628,7 +6628,7 @@ convert to P3 the preservative of friendship,i.e., the friendly feeling between the citizens as such, see 9.1. But that this is maintained by to\ kat' a)ci/an has not been said before: indeed the phrase is an odd description of what precedes, and its applicability to private friendship is - denied just below. Perhaps ‘since requital . . . above’ is an + denied just below. Perhaps ‘since requital . . . above’ is an interpolation. as has been said above.

This principle therefore should also regulate the intercourse of friends who are unequal: the one who is benefited in purse or character must repay what he can, namely honor. @@ -6655,20 +6655,20 @@ convert to P3

In all dissimilarOr - ‘heterogeneous,’ i.e., friendships between dissimilar people, e.g. + ‘heterogeneous,’ i.e., friendships between dissimilar people, e.g. one pleasant and the other useful, so that the benefits they confer on each other are different in kind. This class of friendship has not been named before, thought it has been recognized, e.g. 8.4.1, 2. It is however incorrectly stated here that the notion of proportion has been applied to it; for the benefits exchanged in such friendships, - though different in kind, are not ‘proportional,’ but actually equal + though different in kind, are not ‘proportional,’ but actually equal in amount or value, just as much as in the friendships where they are the same in kind; - see 8.6.7. The term ‘proportion’ has hitherto been used of - ‘unequal’ friendships, where the superior party bestows more benefit - (of whatever kind) than he receives, and equality is only restored by - his receiving more affection than he bestows: see 8.7.2, 13.1 (and also 14.3, - to which at first sight this passage might be taken to refer). No doubt a - friendship might be both ‘dissimilar’ and - ‘unequal.’ That between a good man and a superior in rank who also + see 8.6.7. The term ‘proportion’ has hitherto been used of + ‘unequal’ friendships, where the superior party bestows more benefit + (of whatever kind) than he receives, and equality is only restored by + his receiving more affection than he bestows: see 8.7.2, 13.1 (and also 14.3, + to which at first sight this passage might be taken to refer). No doubt a + friendship might be both ‘dissimilar’ and + ‘unequal.’ That between a good man and a superior in rank who also surpasses him in goodness, which seems to be contemplated at 8.6.6, is a complex example of this nature; the great man confers both material benefit and moral edification, the good man returns moral edification only, but makes up the deficit by the greater regard @@ -6696,9 +6696,9 @@ convert to P3 he played the more he would pay him; but next morning, when the harper asked him to fulfil his promise, he said that he had already paid for the pleasure he had received by the pleasure he had given.Plutarch, Plut. De Alexandri fortuna 2.1, tells the - story of the tyrant Dionysius, who promised the musician a talent (there seems + story of the tyrant Dionysius, who promised the musician a talent (there seems no particular point in the sliding scale of payment which Aristotle's version - introduces) , but next day told him that he had already been sufficiently paid + introduces) , but next day told him that he had already been sufficiently paid by the pleasure of anticipation. This would have been all right if both had wanted pleasure; but when one wants amusement and the other gain, and one gets what he wants and the other does not, it would not be a @@ -6706,15 +6706,15 @@ convert to P3 and only to get that is he ready to give what he does.

Which party's business is it to decide the amount of the return due? Should it be assessed by the one who proffers the initial service? Or rather by the one who - receivesLit. ‘the one who receives - first,’ and now has to give a service in return. it, since the other by + receivesLit. ‘the one who receives + first,’ and now has to give a service in return. it, since the other by proffering it seems to leave the matter to him? This we are told was the practice of ProtagorasCf. Plat. Prot. 328b.; when he gave lessons in any subject, he used to tell his pupil to estimate the value he set upon his knowledge, and accepted a fee of that amount. In such matters - however some people prefer the principle of ‘the wage stated.’Hes. WD 370, misqo\s d' a)ndri\ fi/lw| ei)rhme/nos a)/krios e)/stw, - ‘let the wage stated to a friend stand good.’ But people who + however some people prefer the principle of ‘the wage stated.’Hes. WD 370, misqo\s d' a)ndri\ fi/lw| ei)rhme/nos a)/krios e)/stw, + ‘let the wage stated to a friend stand good.’ But people who take the money in advance, and then, having made extravagant professions, fail to perform what they undertook, naturally meet with complaints because they have not fulfilled their bargain. Perhaps however @@ -6743,7 +6743,7 @@ convert to P3 buyer is willing to pay.; and in some countries the law does not allow actions for the enforcement of voluntary covenants,Cf. 8.13.6. The phrase occurs in Plat. Rep. 556a: cf. the - ‘voluntary private transactions’ of 5.2.13. on the ground + ‘voluntary private transactions’ of 5.2.13. on the ground that when you have trusted a man you ought to conclude the transaction as you began it. For it is thought fairer for the price to be fixed by the person who received credit than by the one who gave credit.This sentence seems to come @@ -6766,21 +6766,21 @@ convert to P3 that no one person is entitled to unlimited consideration. As a general rule one ought to return services rendered rather than do favors to one's comrades, just as one ought to pay back a loan to a creditor rather than give the money to a friend. Yet perhaps even this rule is not - without exceptions. For example, (a) suppose one has been ransomed from - brigands; ought one to ransom one's ransomer in turn, whoever he may be—or even + without exceptions. For example, (a) suppose one has been ransomed from + brigands; ought one to ransom one's ransomer in turn, whoever he may be—or even if he has not been captured himself but asks for his money back, ought one to repay - him— or ought one to ransom one's own father? for it might be thought to + him— or ought one to ransom one's own father? for it might be thought to be a man's duty to ransom his father even before himself. As a general rule then, as has been said, one ought to pay back a debt, but if the balance of nobility or urgency is on the side of employing the money for a gift, then one ought to decide in favor of the gift. For - (b) there are occasions when it would be actually unfair to return the + (b) there are occasions when it would be actually unfair to return the original service; as for instance when A has done B a service knowing him to be a good man, and B is called upon to return the service to A whom he believes to be a bad man. For even when A has lent B a loan, B is not always bound to lend A a loan in turn: A may have lent money to B, who is an honest man, expecting to get his money back, while B would have no hope of recovering from A, who is a rascal. If A is really a rascal, the return he asks - for is not a fair one; and even if A is not a rascal, but people thinkPerhaps the text should be emended to ‘but B thinks he - is.’ he is, it would not be deemed unreasonable for B to refuse. + for is not a fair one; and even if A is not a rascal, but people thinkPerhaps the text should be emended to ‘but B thinks he + is.’ he is, it would not be deemed unreasonable for B to refuse.

Hence, as has been frequently remarked already,See. 1.3.4, 2.2.3. discussions about our emotions and actions only admit of such @@ -6801,7 +6801,7 @@ convert to P3 mother that appropriate to her. Again, we should pay to all our seniors the honor due to their age, by rising when they enter, offering them a seat, and so on. Towards comrades and brothers on the other hand we should use frankness of speech, and share all our possessions with them. - Kinsmen also, fellow-tribesmen, fellow-citizens, and the rest—to all we must + Kinsmen also, fellow-tribesmen, fellow-citizens, and the rest—to all we must always endeavor to render their due, comparing their several claims in respect of relationship and of virtue or utility. Between persons of the same kind discrimination is comparatively easy; but it is a harder matter when they are differently related to us. Nevertheless we must @@ -6850,69 +6850,69 @@ convert to P3 The forms which friendly feeling for our neighbors takes, and the marks by which the different forms of friendship are defined, seem to be derived from the feelings of regard which we entertain for ourselves. - A friend is defined as (a) one who wishes, and promotes by action, the - real or apparent good of another for that other's sake; or (b) one who - wishes the existence and preservation of his friend for the friend's sake. (This + A friend is defined as (a) one who wishes, and promotes by action, the + real or apparent good of another for that other's sake; or (b) one who + wishes the existence and preservation of his friend for the friend's sake. (This is the feeling of mothers towards their children, and of former friends who have quarrelled.i.e., have had a difference which keeps - them from meeting, but still leaves them well disposed to each other.) - Others say that a friend is (c) one who frequents another's society, and - (d) who desires the same things as he does, or (e) one - who shares his friend's joys and sorrows. (This too is very characteristic of - mothers.) Friendship also is defined by one or other of these marks.These five notes of friendship are taken seriatim in + them from meeting, but still leaves them well disposed to each other.) + Others say that a friend is (c) one who frequents another's society, and + (d) who desires the same things as he does, or (e) one + who shares his friend's joys and sorrows. (This too is very characteristic of + mothers.) Friendship also is defined by one or other of these marks.These five notes of friendship are taken seriatim in sects. 2-5, and again in sects. 8, 9, but in both cases the fourth is dealt with first. But each of them is also found in a good man's feelings - towards himself (and in those of all other men as well, in so far as they believe + towards himself (and in those of all other men as well, in so far as they believe themselves to be good; but, as has been said, virtue and the virtuous man seem to be the - standard in everything). For - (d) the good man is of one mind with himself, and desires the same - things with every part of his nature. Also (a) he wishes his own good, - real as well as apparent, and seeks it by action (for it is a mark of a good man - to exert himself actively for the good) ; and he does so for his own sake - (for he does it on account of the intellectual part of himself, and this appears - to be a man's real self). Also (b) he desires his own life and + standard in everything). For + (d) the good man is of one mind with himself, and desires the same + things with every part of his nature. Also (a) he wishes his own good, + real as well as apparent, and seeks it by action (for it is a mark of a good man + to exert himself actively for the good) ; and he does so for his own sake + (for he does it on account of the intellectual part of himself, and this appears + to be a man's real self). Also (b) he desires his own life and security, and especially that of his rational part. For existence is good for the virtuous man; and everyone wishes his own good: no one would choose to possess every good in the world on - condition of becoming somebody else (for God possesses the good even as it - is),The parenthesis seems to mean that as + condition of becoming somebody else (for God possesses the good even as it + is),The parenthesis seems to mean that as no one gains by God's now having the good, he would not gain if a new person which was - no longer himself were to possess it ( - Ross). But ‘and every one . . . whatever he may - be’ should perhaps be rejected as interpolated. but only while + no longer himself were to possess it ( + Ross). But ‘and every one . . . whatever he may + be’ should perhaps be rejected as interpolated. but only while remaining himself, whatever he may be; and it would appear that the thinking part is the real self, or is so more than anything else. And - (c) the good man desires his own company; for he enjoys being by + (c) the good man desires his own company; for he enjoys being by himself, since he has agreeable memories of the past, and good hopes for the future, which are pleasant too; also his mind is stored with subjects for contemplation. And - (e) he is keenly conscious of his own joys and sorrows; for the same + (e) he is keenly conscious of his own joys and sorrows; for the same things give him pleasure or pain at all times, and not different things at different times, since he is not apt to change his mind.

It is therefore because the good man has these various feelings towards himself, and - because he feels towards his friend in the same way as towards himself (for a - friend is another self) , that friendship also is thought to consist in one or + because he feels towards his friend in the same way as towards himself (for a + friend is another self) , that friendship also is thought to consist in one or other of these feelings, and the possession of them is thought to be the test of a friend.

Whether a man can be said actually to feel friendship for himself is a question that may - be dismissed for the present; though it may be held that he can do so in so farThe MSS. give ‘in so far as two or more of the - characteristics specified are present,’ which hardly gives a sense. The words - ‘though it may be held . . . self-regard,’ have been suspected as an + be dismissed for the present; though it may be held that he can do so in so farThe MSS. give ‘in so far as two or more of the + characteristics specified are present,’ which hardly gives a sense. The words + ‘though it may be held . . . self-regard,’ have been suspected as an interpolation. as he is a dual or composite being, and because very intense friendship resembles self regard.

As a matter of fact, the feelings of self-regard described appear to be found in most people, even though they are of inferior moral worth. Perhaps men share them in so far as they have their own approval and believe in their own virtue; since the utterly worthless and criminal never possess them, or even have the appearance of doing so. Indeed it may almost be said that no morally inferior persons possess - them. For (d) such persons are at variance with themselves, desiring one + them. For (d) such persons are at variance with themselves, desiring one thing and wishing another: this is the mark of the unrestrained, who choose what is pleasant but harmful instead of what they themselves think to be good. - (a) Others again, out of cowardice and idleness, neglect to do what they - think best for their own interests. And (b) men who have committed a + (a) Others again, out of cowardice and idleness, neglect to do what they + think best for their own interests. And (b) men who have committed a number of crimes, and are hated for their wickedness, actually flee from life and make - away with themselves. Also (c) bad men + away with themselves. Also (c) bad men constantly seek the society of others and shun their own company, because when they are by themselves they recall much that was unpleasant in the past and anticipate the same in the future, whereas with other people they can forget. Moreover they feel no affection for - themselves, because they have no lovable qualities. Hence (e) such men + themselves, because they have no lovable qualities. Hence (e) such men do not enter into their own joys and sorrows, as there is civil war in their souls; one part of their nature, owing to depravity, is pained by abstinence from certain indulgences while another part is pleased by it; one @@ -6944,7 +6944,7 @@ convert to P3 and would not actively assist them to attain it, nor be put to any trouble on their behalf. Hence extending the meaning of the term friendship we may say that goodwill is inoperative friendship, which when it continues and reaches the point of intimacy may - become friendship proper—not the sort of friendship whose motive is utility or + become friendship proper—not the sort of friendship whose motive is utility or pleasure, for these do not arouse goodwill. Goodwill is indeed rendered in return for favors received, but this is merely the payment of a due; and that desire for an other's welfare which springs from the anticipation of favors to come does not seem really to show @@ -6963,15 +6963,15 @@ convert to P3 the parties: for instance, there is concord in the state when the citizens unanimously decree that the offices of state shall be elective, or that an alliance shall be made with Sparta, or that Pittacus shall be dictator - (when Pittacus was himself willing to be dictatorPittacus was elected dictator of Mitylene early in the sixth century B.C.; he ruled for fourteen years, and + (when Pittacus was himself willing to be dictatorPittacus was elected dictator of Mitylene early in the sixth century B.C.; he ruled for fourteen years, and then laid down his office. All the citizens wished him to continue, but this was not strictly unanimity or Concord, since there was one dissentient, Pittacus - himself.). When each of two persons wishes himself to rule, like the + himself.). When each of two persons wishes himself to rule, like the rivalsEteocles and Polyneices. in the Phoenissae, Eur. Phoen. 558 ff. there is discord; since men are not of one mind merely when each thinks the same - thing (whatever this may be) , but when each thinks the same thing in + thing (whatever this may be) , but when each thinks the same thing in relation to the same person: for instance, when both the common people and the upper classes wish that the best people shall rule; for only so can all parties get what they desire.

Concord appears therefore to mean friendship between citizens, which indeed is the @@ -6993,9 +6993,9 @@ convert to P3 have his creditor out of the way, the lender actually watches over his debtor's safety, so it is thought that the conferrer of a benefit wishes the recipient to live in order that he may receive a return, but the recipient is not particularly anxious to make a return. - Epicharmus no doubt would say that people who give this explanation are ‘looking - at the seamy side’This half-line of verse - (Epicharmus doubtless wrote qame/nous) + Epicharmus no doubt would say that people who give this explanation are ‘looking + at the seamy side’This half-line of verse + (Epicharmus doubtless wrote qame/nous) is otherwise unknown. of life; but all the same it appears to be not untrue to human nature, for most men have short memories, and are more desirous of receiving benefits than of bestowing them.

@@ -7012,10 +7012,10 @@ convert to P3 therefore loves him more than his handiwork loves its maker. The reason of this is that all things desire and love existence; but we exist in activity, since we exist by living and doing; and in a senseIn a sense he exists - ‘actually’ as long as his work lasts, though strictly speaking he + ‘actually’ as long as his work lasts, though strictly speaking he exists as an actual maker only while the act of making is going on. A possible variant - rendering is ‘and in a sense the work is its maker - actualized.’ one who has made something exists actively, and so he loves + rendering is ‘and in a sense the work is its maker + actualized.’ one who has made something exists actively, and so he loves his handiwork because he loves existence. This is in fact a fundamental principle of nature: what a thing is potentially, that its work reveals in actuality.

Moreover for the benefactor there is an element of nobility in the act, and so he feels @@ -7033,16 +7033,16 @@ convert to P3 naturally found in the more active party to the relationship.

Again, everybody loves a thing more if it has cost him trouble: for instance those who have made money love money more than those who have inherited it. Now to receive a benefit - seems to involve no labor, but to confer one is an effort. (This is why mothers + seems to involve no labor, but to confer one is an effort. (This is why mothers love their children more than fathers, because parenthood costs the mother more trouble - [and the mother is more certain that the child is her own].This seems an irrelevant insertion from 8.12.2 - f.) This also then would seem to be a characteristic of benefactors. + [and the mother is more certain that the child is her own].This seems an irrelevant insertion from 8.12.2 + f.) This also then would seem to be a characteristic of benefactors.

The question is also raised whether one ought to love oneself or someone else most. We - censure those who put themselves first, and ‘lover of self’ is used as + censure those who put themselves first, and ‘lover of self’ is used as a term of reproach. And it is thought that a bad man considers himself in all he does, and - the more so the worse he is—so it is a complaint against him for instance that - ‘he never does a thing unless you make him’ —whereas a good + the more so the worse he is—so it is a complaint against him for instance that + ‘he never does a thing unless you make him’ —whereas a good man acts from a sense of what is noble, and the better he is the more he so acts, and he considers his friend's interest, disregarding his own.

But the facts do not accord with these theories; nor is this surprising. For we admit that one @@ -7052,28 +7052,28 @@ convert to P3 all the other attributes that make up the definition of a friend; for it has been said alreadySee chap. 4. that all the feelings that constitute friendship for others are an extension of regard for self. Moreover, all - the proverbs agree with this; for example, ‘Friends have one soul between - them,’Eur. - Orest. 1046. ‘Friends' goods are common property,’ - ‘Amity is equality,’ ‘The knee is nearer than the - shin.’ ‘Charity begins at - home’ ( - Ross). All of these sayings will apply most fully to oneself; + the proverbs agree with this; for example, ‘Friends have one soul between + them,’Eur. + Orest. 1046. ‘Friends' goods are common property,’ + ‘Amity is equality,’ ‘The knee is nearer than the + shin.’ ‘Charity begins at + home’ ( + Ross). All of these sayings will apply most fully to oneself; for a man is his own best friend. Therefore he ought to love himself most.

So it is naturally debated which of these two views we ought to adopt, since each of them has some plausibility.

Now where there is a conflict of opinion the proper course is doubtless to get the two views clearly distinguished, and to define how far and in what way each of them is true. So probably the matter may become clear if we ascertain what meaning each side attaches to - the term ‘self-love.’

+ the term ‘self-love.’

Those then who make it a term of reproach call men lovers of self when they assign to themselves the larger share of money, honors, or bodily pleasures; since these are the things which most men desire and set their hearts on as being the greatest goods, and which accordingly they compete with each other to obtain. Now those who take more than their share of these things are men who indulge their appetites, and generally their passions and the irrational part of their souls. But - most men are of this kind. Accordingly the use of the term ‘lover of - self’ as a reproach has arisen from the fact that self-love of the ordinary kind + most men are of this kind. Accordingly the use of the term ‘lover of + self’ as a reproach has arisen from the fact that self-love of the ordinary kind is bad. Hence self-love is rightly censured in those who are lovers of self in this sense. And that it is those who take too large a share of things of this sort whom most people usually mean when they speak of lovers of self, is @@ -7083,14 +7083,14 @@ convert to P3 any fault with him. Yet as a matter of fact such a man might be held to be a lover of self in an exceptional degree. At all events he takes for himself the things that are noblest and most truly good. Also it is the most dominant part - of himself that he indulges and obeys in everything. But (a) as in the + of himself that he indulges and obeys in everything. But (a) as in the state it is the sovereign that is held in the fullest sense to be the state, and in any other composite whole it is the dominant part that is deemed especially to be that whole, so it is with man. He therefore who loves and indulges the dominant part of himself is a - lover of self in the fullest degree. Again (b) , the terms - ‘self-restrained’ and ‘unrestrained’ denote being + lover of self in the fullest degree. Again (b) , the terms + ‘self-restrained’ and ‘unrestrained’ denote being restrained or not by one's intellect, and thus imply that the intellect is the man - himself. Also (c) it is our reasoned acts that are felt to be in the fullest + himself. Also (c) it is our reasoned acts that are felt to be in the fullest sense our own acts, voluntary acts. It is therefore clear that a man is or is chiefly the dominant part of himself, and that a good man values this part of himself most. Hence the good man will be a lover of self in the fullest degree, though in another sense than the @@ -7162,13 +7162,13 @@ convert to P3 has no need of adventitious pleasure. And as he does not need useful or pleasant friends, it is assumed that he does not require friends at all.

But perhaps this inference is really untrue. For as we said at the beginning,1.7.15. The argument for friendship from the definition of - happiness as virtuous and therefore pleasant activity is threefold: ( a) the virtuous actions of our friends give us - (by sympathy) the same pleasure as our own; ( b) good activities (e.g. study) can - be carried on longer (because less liable to fatigue) ; ( - g) virtuous friends increase our own virtue - (as we unconsciously imitate their acts). Hence friends useful and - pleasant because virtuous (though not useful or pleasant friends in the - ordinary sense) are necessary adjuncts of happiness. happiness is a form + happiness as virtuous and therefore pleasant activity is threefold: ( a) the virtuous actions of our friends give us + (by sympathy) the same pleasure as our own; ( b) good activities (e.g. study) can + be carried on longer (because less liable to fatigue) ; ( + g) virtuous friends increase our own virtue + (as we unconsciously imitate their acts). Hence friends useful and + pleasant because virtuous (though not useful or pleasant friends in the + ordinary sense) are necessary adjuncts of happiness. happiness is a form of activity, and an activity clearly is something that comes into being, not a thing that we possess all the time, like a piece of property. But if happiness consists in life and activity, and the activity of a good man, as was said at the beginning,1.8.13. is good and so pleasant in itself, and if @@ -7185,11 +7185,11 @@ convert to P3 will be more continuous if practised with friendsThe last four words are implied by the context.; and the life of the supremely happy should be continuously pleasantThis parenthesis comes - better in 9.5 above, after the words, ‘the activity of a good man . . . is - good and pleasant in itself.’ (for a good man, in virtue of + better in 9.5 above, after the words, ‘the activity of a good man . . . is + good and pleasant in itself.’ (for a good man, in virtue of his goodness, enjoys actions that conform with virtue and dislikes those that spring from wickedness, just as a skilled musician is pleased by good music and pained by - bad). Moreover the society of the good may + bad). Moreover the society of the good may supply a sort of training in goodness, as TheognisTheognis 35 e)sqlw=n me\n ga\r a)/p' e)sqla\ maqh/seai. remarks.

Again, if we examine the matter more fundamentally, it appears that a virtuous friend is @@ -7202,31 +7202,31 @@ convert to P3 itself, for it is definite, and definiteness is a part of the essence of goodness, and what is essentially good is good for the good man, and hence appears to be pleasant to all men. We must not argue from a vicious and corrupt life, - or one that is painful, for such a life is indefinite, like its attributes.i.e., vice and pain. (The point as to pain + or one that is painful, for such a life is indefinite, like its attributes.i.e., vice and pain. (The point as to pain will be clearer in the sequel.Bk. - 10.1-5.) But if life itself is good and - pleasant (as it appears to be, because all men desire it, and virtuous and + 10.1-5.) But if life itself is good and + pleasant (as it appears to be, because all men desire it, and virtuous and supremely happy men most of all, since their way of life is most desirable and their - existence the most blissful) ; and if one who sees is consciousai)sqa/nesqai is used - throughout to denote ‘consciousness’ (as well as, where - needed, ‘sensation). At 1170b 11 sunaisqa/nesqai expresses sympathetic consciousness of another's thoughts + existence the most blissful) ; and if one who sees is consciousai)sqa/nesqai is used + throughout to denote ‘consciousness’ (as well as, where + needed, ‘sensation). At 1170b 11 sunaisqa/nesqai expresses sympathetic consciousness of another's thoughts and feelings; it is probable therefore that in l.4 the compound verb is a copyist's mistake. that he sees, one who hears that he hears, one who walks that he walks, and similarly for all the other human activities there is a faculty that is conscious of their exercise, so that whenever we perceive, we are conscious that we perceive, and whenever we think, we are conscious that we think, and to be conscious that we are - perceiving or thinking is to be conscious that we exist (for existence, as we - saw, is sense-perception or thought); and if to be conscious one is alive is a pleasant - thing in itself (for life is a thing essentially good, and to be conscious that - one possesses a good thing is pleasant) ; and if life is desirable, and + perceiving or thinking is to be conscious that we exist (for existence, as we + saw, is sense-perception or thought); and if to be conscious one is alive is a pleasant + thing in itself (for life is a thing essentially good, and to be conscious that + one possesses a good thing is pleasant) ; and if life is desirable, and especially so for good men, because existence is good for them, and so pleasant - (because they are pleased by the perception of what is intrinsically - good) ; and if the virtuous man feels towards - his friend in the same way as he feels towards himself (for his friend is a - second self) —then, just as a man's own existence is desirable for him, + (because they are pleased by the perception of what is intrinsically + good) ; and if the virtuous man feels towards + his friend in the same way as he feels towards himself (for his friend is a + second self) —then, just as a man's own existence is desirable for him, so, or nearly so, is his friend's existence also desirable. But, as we saw, it is the consciousness of oneself as goodPerhaps to be emended - ‘of its goodness,’ cf. l. 5 of the Greek. It is consciousness of + ‘of its goodness,’ cf. l. 5 of the Greek. It is consciousness of life as good that makes it pleasant and desirable. that makes existence desirable, and such consciousness is pleasant in itself. Therefore a man ought also to share his friend's consciousness of his existence, and this is attained by their living @@ -7240,13 +7240,13 @@ convert to P3 Therefore to be happy a man needs virtuous friends.

Ought we then to make as many friends as possible? or, just as it seems a wise saying - about hospitality— + about hospitality— Neither with troops of guests nor yet with none Hes. WD 715 - — so also with friendship perhaps it will be fitting neither to be + — so also with friendship perhaps it will be fitting neither to be without friends nor yet to make friends in excessive numbers. This rule would certainly seem applicable to those friends whom we choose for their utilityBut cf. 8.6.3.; for it is troublesome to have to repay the services of a large number of people, and life is not @@ -7277,8 +7277,8 @@ convert to P3 Patroclus, Orestes and Pylades, Theseus and Pirithous. It is not quite clear whether they are quoted as examples of comradeship or friendship in general. are pairs of friends. Persons of many friendships, who are hail-fellow-well-met with everybody, are - thought to be real friends of nobody (otherwise than as fellow-citizens are - friends) : I mean the sort of people we call obsequious. It is true that one may + thought to be real friends of nobody (otherwise than as fellow-citizens are + friends) : I mean the sort of people we call obsequious. It is true that one may be friendly with many fellow-citizens and not be obsequious, but a model of excellence; but it is not possible to have many friends whom we love for their virtue and for themselves. We may be glad to find even a few @@ -7312,52 +7312,52 @@ convert to P3

In prosperity again the company of friends sweetens our hours of leisure, and also affords the pleasure of being conscious of their pleasure in our welfare.

Hence it may be thought that we ought to be eager to invite our friends to share our good - fortune (since it is noble to wish to bestow benefits), but reluctant to - ask them to come to us in misfortune (since we should impart to others as little - as possible of what is evil: whence the proverb ‘My own misfortune is - enough’). We should summon our friends to our aid chiefly when they + fortune (since it is noble to wish to bestow benefits), but reluctant to + ask them to come to us in misfortune (since we should impart to others as little + as possible of what is evil: whence the proverb ‘My own misfortune is + enough’). We should summon our friends to our aid chiefly when they will be of great service to us at the cost of little trouble to themselves.

So, conversely, it is perhaps fitting that we should go uninvited and readily to those in - misfortune (for it is the part of a friend to render service, and especially to + misfortune (for it is the part of a friend to render service, and especially to those in need, and without being asked, since assistance so rendered is more noble and - more pleasant for both parties); but to the prosperous, though we should go - readily to help them (for even prosperity needs the cooperation of - friends),Cf. 8.1.1 fin., 2 fin. we - should be slow in going when it is a question of enjoying their good things (for - it is not noble to be eager to receive benefits). But doubtless we should be + more pleasant for both parties); but to the prosperous, though we should go + readily to help them (for even prosperity needs the cooperation of + friends),Cf. 8.1.1 fin., 2 fin. we + should be slow in going when it is a question of enjoying their good things (for + it is not noble to be eager to receive benefits). But doubtless we should be careful to avoid seeming churlish in repulsing their advances, a thing that does sometimes occur.

It appears therefore that the company of friends is desirable in all circumstances.

As then lovers find their greatest delight in seeing those they love, and prefer the gratification of the sense of sight to that of all the other senses, that sense being the - chief seat and source of love, so likewise for friends (may we not say?) - the society of each other is the most desirable thing there is. For (i) - friendship is essentially a partnership. And (ii) a man stands in the + chief seat and source of love, so likewise for friends (may we not say?) + the society of each other is the most desirable thing there is. For (i) + friendship is essentially a partnership. And (ii) a man stands in the same relation to a friend as to himselfSee chap. 4 and 9.5.; but the consciousness of his own existence is a good; so also therefore is - the consciousness of his friend's existence; but thisOr possibly, ‘and friendship is realized in intercourse,’ a + the consciousness of his friend's existence; but thisOr possibly, ‘and friendship is realized in intercourse,’ a separate reason for the thesis of the first sentence. consciousness is actualized - in intercourse; hence friends naturally desire each other's society. And (iii) whatever pursuit it is that + in intercourse; hence friends naturally desire each other's society. And (iii) whatever pursuit it is that constitutes existence for a man or that makes his life worth living, he desires to share that pursuit with his friends. Hence some friends drink or dice together, others practise athletic sports and hunt, or study philosophy, in each other's company; each sort spending their time together in the occupation that they love best of everything in life; for - wishing to live in their friends’ society, they pursue and take part with them + wishing to live in their friends’ society, they pursue and take part with them in these occupations as best they can.The text is - doubtful; most MSS. give, ‘by which they think they live in their - society.’ + doubtful; most MSS. give, ‘by which they think they live in their + society.’

Thus the friendship of inferior people is evil, for they take part together in inferior - pursuits [being unstable,]It seems + pursuits [being unstable,]It seems best to excise these words as an inapposite reminiscence of 4.10. and by becoming like each other are made positively evil. But the friendship of the good is good, and grows with their intercourse. And they seem actually to become better by putting their - friendship into practice,For e)nergei=n (sc. filikw=s) + friendship into practice,For e)nergei=n (sc. filikw=s) = suzh=n cf. 8.5.1. and because they correct each other's faults, for each takes the impress from the other of those traits in him that give - him pleasure—whence the saying: "Noble deeds from noble men."Cf. 9.7. + him pleasure—whence the saying: "Noble deeds from noble men."Cf. 9.7.

So much for our treatment of Friendship. Our next business will be to discuss Pleasure.

@@ -7381,7 +7381,7 @@ convert to P3 Good. Others on the contrary say that it is altogether bad: some of them perhaps from a conviction that it is really so, but others because they think it to be in the interests of morality to make out that pleasure is bad, even if it is not, since most men - (they argue) have a bias towards it, and are the slaves of their + (they argue) have a bias towards it, and are the slaves of their pleasures, so that they have to be driven in the opposite direction in order to arrive at the due mean.

@@ -7399,13 +7399,13 @@ convert to P3

That pleasure is the Good was held by Eudoxus, on the following grounds. He saw that all creatures, rational and irrational alike, seek to obtain it; but in every case - (he argued) that which is desirable is good, and that which is most - desirable is the best; therefore the fact that all creatures ‘move in the - direction of’As we should say, - ‘gravitate towards.’ Eudoxus, an unorthodox pupil of Plato, was a + (he argued) that which is desirable is good, and that which is most + desirable is the best; therefore the fact that all creatures ‘move in the + direction of’As we should say, + ‘gravitate towards.’ Eudoxus, an unorthodox pupil of Plato, was a astronomer, and seems to have imported physical terminology into Ethics. the same - thing indicates that this thing is the Supreme Good for all (since everything - finds its own particular good, just as it finds its own proper food); but that + thing indicates that this thing is the Supreme Good for all (since everything + finds its own particular good, just as it finds its own proper food); but that which is good for all, and which all seek to obtain, is the Good.

His arguments owed their acceptance however more to the excellence of his character than to their own merit. He had the reputation of being a man of exceptional temperance, and @@ -7417,9 +7417,9 @@ convert to P3 therefore its opposite must be intrinsically an object of desire to all.

Again, he argued that that thing is most desirable which we choose not as a means to or for the sake of something else; but such admittedly is pleasure: we never ask a man for - what purpose he indulges in pleasure—we assume it to be desirable in itself.

-

He also said that the addition of pleasure to any good—for instance, just or - temperate conduct—makes that good more desirable; but only the good can enhance + what purpose he indulges in pleasure—we assume it to be desirable in itself.

+

He also said that the addition of pleasure to any good—for instance, just or + temperate conduct—makes that good more desirable; but only the good can enhance the good.

Now as for the last argument, it seems only to prove that pleasure is a good, and not @@ -7464,21 +7464,21 @@ convert to P3

Again they arguePlat. Phileb. 24e, Plat. Phileb. 31a. that good is definite, but that pleasure is indefinite, because it admits of degrees. Now - (a) if they base this judgement on the fact that one can be more or less + (a) if they base this judgement on the fact that one can be more or less pleased, the same argument will apply to Justice and the other virtues, the possessors of which are clearly spoken of as being more or less virtuous; for example, A may be more just or brave, and may act more, or less, justly or - temperately, than B. If on the other hand (b) they judge by the nature + temperately, than B. If on the other hand (b) they judge by the nature of the pleasures themselves, I am afraid they do not state the right ground for their conclusion, if it be true that there are two kinds of pleasures, unmixed as well as mixed.i.e., when they attribute - ‘indefiniteness’ to pleasure, they are really thinking of the - ‘mixed’ pleasures only; it does not apply to the - ‘pure’ pleasures, in which there is no admixture of pain; and the + ‘indefiniteness’ to pleasure, they are really thinking of the + ‘mixed’ pleasures only; it does not apply to the + ‘pure’ pleasures, in which there is no admixture of pain; and the distinction between these two kinds of pleasure is Plato's own.

-

Again, (c) why should not pleasure be like health, which is definite +

Again, (c) why should not pleasure be like health, which is definite although it admits of degrees? For health is not constituted by the same proportion of elements in all persons; nor yet by one particular proportion in the same person always, but when it is in process of dissolution it still lasts for a certain time, and therefore @@ -7487,21 +7487,21 @@ convert to P3

Again, they postulatePlat. Phileb. 53c-54d. that the Good is perfect, whereas a motion or process of generation is imperfect, and then they attempt to prove that pleasure is a - motion or process. This appears to be a mistake. (a) It would seem that + motion or process. This appears to be a mistake. (a) It would seem that pleasure is not a motion; for we hold it to be a property of all motion to be quick or - slow—if (as with the motionThis + slow—if (as with the motionThis motion being uniform, it can only be spoken of as quick or slow in comparison with some other motion. not absolutely, i.e. in comparison with itself at some other time. - of the firmament) not absolutely, then relatively to some other moving body. But + of the firmament) not absolutely, then relatively to some other moving body. But pleasure possesses neither absolute nor relative velocity. You can become pleased quickly, just as you can get angry quickly: but you cannot be pleased quickly, nor yet more quickly than somebody else, as you can walk, grow, etc., more quickly than somebody else. It is possible to pass into a pleasurable state quickly or slowly, but not to function in that - state—i.e. to feel pleasure—quickly. And (b) in what sense can pleasure + state—i.e. to feel pleasure—quickly. And (b) in what sense can pleasure be a process of generation? We do not think that any chance thing can be generated from any other chance thing, but that a thing at its dissolution is resolved into that from which it is generated; and if pleasure is the generation of something, pain is the - destruction of that thing. Also (c) they sayPlat. Phileb. 31e-32b, Plat. Phileb. 42c. that pain is a deficiency of + destruction of that thing. Also (c) they sayPlat. Phileb. 31e-32b, Plat. Phileb. 42c. that pain is a deficiency of the natural state and pleasure is its replenishment. But these are bodily experiences. Now if pleasure is a replenishment of the natural state, the pleasure will be felt by the thing in which the replenishment takes place. Therefore it is the body that feels @@ -7518,27 +7518,27 @@ convert to P3 occurred that may be replenished.

In reply to those who bring forward the disreputable pleasures, one may - (a) deny that these are really pleasant: for granted they are pleasant + (a) deny that these are really pleasant: for granted they are pleasant to ill-conditioned people, it cannot therefore be assumed that they are actually pleasant, except to them, any more than things healthy or sweet or bitter to invalids are really so, or any more than things that seem white to people with a disease of the eyes are really white. Or - (b) one may take the line that, though the pleasures themselves are + (b) one may take the line that, though the pleasures themselves are desirable, they are not desirable when derived from those sources; just as wealth is desirable, but not if won by treachery, or health, but not at the cost of eating anything and everything. Or - (c) we may say that pleasures differ in specific quality; since - (a) those derived from noble sources are not the same as those derived + (c) we may say that pleasures differ in specific quality; since + (a) those derived from noble sources are not the same as those derived from base sources, and it is impossible to feel the pleasures of a just man without being - just, or the pleasures of a musician without being musical, and so on. And also ( b) the distinction between a friend and a flatterer + just, or the pleasures of a musician without being musical, and so on. And also ( b) the distinction between a friend and a flatterer seems to show that pleasure is not a good, or else that pleasures are specifically different; since a friend is thought to aim at doing good to his companion, a flatterer at giving pleasure; to be a flatterer is a reproach, whereas a friend is praised because in - his intercourse he aims at other things. And ( a) no one + his intercourse he aims at other things. And ( a) no one would choose to retain the mind of a child throughout his life, even though he continued - to enjoy the pleasures of childhood with undiminished zest; nor ( d) would anyone choose to find enjoyment in doing some - extremely shameful act, although it would entail no painful consequences. Also ( - e) there are many things which we should be + to enjoy the pleasures of childhood with undiminished zest; nor ( d) would anyone choose to find enjoyment in doing some + extremely shameful act, although it would entail no painful consequences. Also ( + e) there are many things which we should be eager to possess even if they brought us no pleasure, for instance sight, memory, knowledge, virtue. It may be the case that these things are necessarily attended by pleasure, but that makes no difference; for we should desire them even if no pleasure @@ -7576,16 +7576,16 @@ convert to P3

And the same is true of walking and the other forms of locomotion. For if locomotion is motion from one point in space to another, and if this is of different kinds, flying, walking, leaping and the like, and not only so, but if there are also differences in - walking itself (for the terminal points of a race course are not the same as + walking itself (for the terminal points of a race course are not the same as those of a portion of the course, nor are those of one portion the same as those of another; nor is traversing this line the same as traversing that one,The lecturer appears to draw a line representing a racecourse, and divide - it into two parts, representing two sections of the course (not two lines - across the course). The motion of traversing one section is not the same as + it into two parts, representing two sections of the course (not two lines + across the course). The motion of traversing one section is not the same as that of traversing the others, if only because they are in different places. for the runner does not merely travel along a certain line but travels along a line that is in a certain place, and this line is in a different place from - that)—however, for a full treatment of the subject of motion I must + that)—however, for a full treatment of the subject of motion I must refer to another work,Physics, 6-8. but it appears that a motion is not perfect at every moment, but the many movements which make up the whole are imperfect; and different from each other in kind, @@ -7599,14 +7599,14 @@ convert to P3 a motion or of a process of generation. For we cannot so describe everything, but only such things as are divided into parts and are not wholes. Thus an act of sight, a geometrical point, an arithmetical unit are not the result of a process of generation - (nor is any of them a motion or processThis - parenthesis is perhaps an interpolation.). Pleasure therefore also is + (nor is any of them a motion or processThis + parenthesis is perhaps an interpolation.). Pleasure therefore also is not the result of a motion or process; for pleasure is a whole.

Again, inasmuch as each of the senses acts in relation to its object, and acts perfectly when it is in good condition and directed to the finest of the and objects that belong to - it (for this seems to be the best description of perfect activity, it being + it (for this seems to be the best description of perfect activity, it being assumed to make no difference whether it be the sense itself that acts or the organ in - which the sense resides), it follows that the activity of any of the senses is at + which the sense resides), it follows that the activity of any of the senses is at its best when the sense-organ being in the best condition is directed to the best of its objects; and this activity will be the most perfect and the pleasantest. For each sense has a corresponding pleasure, as also have thought and @@ -7616,13 +7616,13 @@ convert to P3 pleasure does not however perfect the activity in the same way as the object perceived and the sensory faculty, if good, perfect it; just as health and the physician are not in the same way the cause of being healthy.

-

(It is clear that each of the senses is accompanied by pleasure, since we apply +

(It is clear that each of the senses is accompanied by pleasure, since we apply the term pleasant to sights and soundsAs well as to tastes, scents, and contacts, which are more obviously pleasant.; and it is also clear that the pleasure is greatest when the sensory faculty is both in the best condition and acting in relation to the best object; and given excellence in the perceived object and the percipient organ, there will always be pleasure when an object to cause it and a - subject to feel it are both present.)

+ subject to feel it are both present.)

But the pleasure perfects the activity, not as the fixed disposition does, by being already present in the agent, but as a supervening perfection, like the bloom of health in the young and vigorous.

@@ -7656,13 +7656,13 @@ convert to P3 perfects one kind of activity must differ in kind from that which perfects another kind. Now the activities of the intellect differ from those of the senses, and fromA variant reading gives - ‘and these [sc. the activities of the senses] from one - another.’ one another, in kind: so also therefore do the pleasures that + ‘and these [sc. the activities of the senses] from one + another.’ one another, in kind: so also therefore do the pleasures that perfect them.

This may also be seen from the affinity which exists between the various pleasures and the activities which they perfect. For an activity is augmented by the pleasure that belongs to it; since those who work with pleasure always work with more discernment and - with greater accuracy—for instance, students who are fond of geometry become + with greater accuracy—for instance, students who are fond of geometry become proficient in it, and grasp its various problems better, and similarly lovers of music, architecture or the other arts make progress in their favorite pursuit because they enjoy it. An activity then is augmented by its pleasure; and that which augments a thing must be @@ -7697,7 +7697,7 @@ convert to P3 separate in time and distinct in its nature from the activity, whereas the pleasure is closely linked to the activity, indeed so inseparable from it as to raise a doubt whether the activity is not the same thing as the pleasure. However, we must not regard pleasure as really being a thought or a - sensation—indeed this is absurd, though because they are inseparable they seem + sensation—indeed this is absurd, though because they are inseparable they seem to some people to be the same.

As then activities are diverse, so also are their pleasures. Sight excels touch in purity, and hearing and smell excel taste; and similarly the pleasures of the intellect excel in @@ -7706,7 +7706,7 @@ convert to P3

And it is thought that every animal has its own special pleasure, just as it has its own special function: namely, the pleasure of exercising that function. This will also appear if we consider the different animals one by one: the horse, the dog, man, have different - pleasures—as Heracleitus says, an ass would prefer chaff to gold, since to asses + pleasures—as Heracleitus says, an ass would prefer chaff to gold, since to asses food gives more pleasure than gold. Different species therefore have different kinds of pleasures. On the other hand it might be supposed that there is no variety among the pleasures of the same species. But as a matter of fact in @@ -7760,7 +7760,7 @@ convert to P3 supplying what their patrons desire, and what they want is amusement. So it is supposed that amusements are a component part of happiness, because princes and potentates devote their leisure to them.

-

But (i) perhaps princes and potentates are not good evidence. Virtue +

But (i) perhaps princes and potentates are not good evidence. Virtue and intelligence, which are the sources of man's higher activities, do not depend on the possession of power; and if these persons, having no taste fo pure and liberal pleasure, have recourse to the pleasures of the body, we must not on that account suppose that bodily pleasures are the more desirable. @@ -7771,26 +7771,26 @@ convert to P3 suits his particular disposition, and there fore the good a man thinks virtuous activity most desirable. It follows therefore that happiness is not to be found in amusements.

-

(ii)Indeed it would be strange that amusement should be our - End—that we should toil and moil all our life long in order that we may amuse +

(ii)Indeed it would be strange that amusement should be our + End—that we should toil and moil all our life long in order that we may amuse ourselves. For virtually every object we adopt is pursued as a means to something else, excepting happiness, which is an end in itself; to make amusement the object of our serious pursuits and our work seems foolish and childish to excess: Anacharsis's motto, Play in order that you may work, is felt to be the right rule. For amusement is a form of rest; but we need rest because we are not able to go on working without a break, and therefore it is not an end, since we take it as a means to further activity. - (iii) And the life that conforms with virtue is thought to be a happy + (iii) And the life that conforms with virtue is thought to be a happy life; but virtuous life involves serious purpose, and does not consist in amusement.

-

(iv) Also we pronounce serious things to be superior to things that are +

(iv) Also we pronounce serious things to be superior to things that are funny and amusing; and the nobler a faculty or a person is, the more serious, we think, are their activities; therefore, the activity of the nobler faculty or person is itself superior, and therefore more productive of happiness.

-

(v) Also anybody can enjoy the pleasures of the body, a slave no less +

(v) Also anybody can enjoy the pleasures of the body, a slave no less than the noblest of mankind; but no one allows a slave any measure of happiness, any more - than a life of his own.Cf. Aristot. Pol. 1280a 32 ‘Slaves and lower + than a life of his own.Cf. Aristot. Pol. 1280a 32 ‘Slaves and lower animals are not members of the state, because they do not participate in happiness nor - in purposeful life.’ Therefore happiness does not consist in pastimes + in purposeful life.’ Therefore happiness does not consist in pastimes and amusements, but in activities in accordance with virtue, as has been said already.

But if happiness consists in activity in accordance with virtue, it is reasonable that it @@ -7800,13 +7800,13 @@ convert to P3 either as being itself also actually divine, or as being relatively the divinest part of us, it is the activity of this part of us in accordance with the virtue proper to it that will constitute perfect happiness; and it has been stated alreadyThis does not appear to have been stated exactly, but in Book 6 - (see esp. 5.3, 13.8) it was shown that sofi/a, the virtue of the higher part of the intellect, is the highest of the + (see esp. 5.3, 13.8) it was shown that sofi/a, the virtue of the higher part of the intellect, is the highest of the virtues. that this activity is the activity of contemplation.

And that happiness consists in contemplation may be accepted as agreeing both with the results already reached and with the truth. For contemplation is at once the highest form - of activity (since the intellect is the + of activity (since the intellect is the highest thing in us, and the objects with which the intellect deals are the highest things - that can be known) , and also it is the most continuous, for we can reflect more + that can be known) , and also it is the most continuous, for we can reflect more continuously than we can carry on any form of action. And again we suppose that happiness must contain an element of pleasure; now activity in accordance with wisdom is admittedly the most pleasant of the activities in accordance @@ -7826,27 +7826,27 @@ convert to P3 Also happiness is thought to involve leisure; for we do business in order that we may have leisure, and carry on war in order that we may have peace. Now the practical virtues are exercised in politics or in warfare; but the pursuits - of politics and war seem to be unleisured—those of war indeed entirely so, for + of politics and war seem to be unleisured—those of war indeed entirely so, for no one desires to be at war for the sake of being at war, nor deliberately takes steps to cause a war: a man would be thought an utterly bloodthirsty character if he declared war on a friendly state for the sake of causing battles and massacres. But the activity of the politician also is unleisured, and aims at securing something beyond the mere - participation in politics—positions of authority and honor, or, if the happiness + participation in politics—positions of authority and honor, or, if the happiness of the politician himself and of his fellow-citizens, this happiness conceived as - something distinct from political activity (indeed we are clearly investigating - it as so distinct).Probably the sentence - should be curtailed to run ‘or in fact the happiness of himself and his + something distinct from political activity (indeed we are clearly investigating + it as so distinct).Probably the sentence + should be curtailed to run ‘or in fact the happiness of himself and his fellow-citizens; and happiness we are clearly investigating as something distinct from - the art of politics [whose object it is].’ + the art of politics [whose object it is].’ If then among practical pursuits displaying the virtues, politics and war stand out preeminent in nobility and grandeur, and yet they are unleisured, and directed to some further end, not chosen for their own sakes: whereas the - activity of the intellect is felt to excel in serious worth,This should almost certainly be emended to ‘excel in - leisuredness.’ consisting as it does in contemplation, and to aim at no end beyond itself, and also to contain a + activity of the intellect is felt to excel in serious worth,This should almost certainly be emended to ‘excel in + leisuredness.’ consisting as it does in contemplation, and to aim at no end beyond itself, and also to contain a pleasure peculiar to itself, and therefore augmenting its activityA reminder of 5.2.: and if accordingly the attributes of this activity are found to be self-sufficiency, leisuredness, such freedom from fatigue as is possible for man, and all the other attributes of blessedness: it follows that it is the - activity of the intellect that constitutes complete human happiness—provided it + activity of the intellect that constitutes complete human happiness—provided it be granted a complete span of life, for nothing that belongs to happiness can be incomplete.

Such a life as this however will be higher than the human level:This section and 8.7 and 13 interpret 1.9.3. not in virtue of his @@ -7881,18 +7881,18 @@ convert to P3 human; so therefore also is the life that manifests these virtues, and the happiness that belongs to it. Whereas the happiness that belongs to the intellect is separateIn Aristot. De anima 3.5 Aristotle distinguishes the active from the passive intellect, and pronounces - the former to be ‘separate or separable (from matter, or the - body), unmixed and impassible.’: so much may be said about it + the former to be ‘separate or separable (from matter, or the + body), unmixed and impassible.’: so much may be said about it here, for a full discussion of the matter is beyond the scope of our present purpose. And such happiness would appear to need but little external equipment, or less than the happiness based on moral virtue.Cf. 7.4, 8.9, 10, and 1.8.15-17. Both, it may be granted, require - the mere necessaries of life, and that in an equal degree (though the politician + the mere necessaries of life, and that in an equal degree (though the politician does as a matter of fact take more trouble about bodily requirements and so forth than the - philosopher) ; for in this respect there may be little difference between them. + philosopher) ; for in this respect there may be little difference between them. But for the purpose of their special activities their requirements will differ widely. The liberal man will need wealth in order to do liberal actions, and so indeed will the just - man in order to discharge his obligations (since mere intentions are invisible, - and even the unjust pretend to wish to act justly); and the brave man will need + man in order to discharge his obligations (since mere intentions are invisible, + and even the unjust pretend to wish to act justly); and the brave man will need strength if he is to perform any action displaying his virtue; and the temperate man opportunity for indulgence: otherwise how can he, or the possessor of any other virtue, show that he is virtuous? It is disputed also whether @@ -7909,10 +7909,10 @@ convert to P3 contemplative activity. The gods, as we conceive them, enjoy supreme felicity and happiness. But what sort of actions can we attribute to them? Just actions? but will it not seem ridiculous to think of them as making contracts, restoring deposits and the like? - Then brave actions—enduring terrors and running risks for the nobility of so + Then brave actions—enduring terrors and running risks for the nobility of so doing? Or liberal actions? but to whom will they give? Besides, it would be absurd to suppose that they actually have a coinage or currency of some sort! And temperate - actions—what will these mean in their case? surely it would be derogatory to + actions—what will these mean in their case? surely it would be derogatory to praise them for not having evil desires! If we go through the list we shall find that all forms of virtuous conduct seem trifling and unworthy of the gods. Yet nevertheless they have always been conceived as, at all events, living, and therefore living actively, for @@ -7931,8 +7931,8 @@ convert to P3 it enjoys happiness, not as an accidental concomitant of contemplation but as inherent in it, since contemplation is valuable in itself. It follows that happiness is some form of contemplation.

-

But the philosopher being a man will also need external well—being, since man's - nature is not self—sufficient for the activity of contemplation, but he must +

But the philosopher being a man will also need external well—being, since man's + nature is not self—sufficient for the activity of contemplation, but he must also have bodily health and a supply of food and other requirements. Yet if supreme blessedness is not possible without external goods, it must not be supposed that happiness will demand many or great possessions; for self-sufficiency does not depend on excessive abundance, @@ -7942,7 +7942,7 @@ convert to P3 seem to be less but more given to doing virtuous actions than princes and potentates. It is sufficient then if moderate resources are forthcoming; for a life of virtuous activity will be essentially a happy life.

-

Solon also doubtless gave a good description of happiness,Solon in his conversation with Croesus (Hdt.1.30-32, see 1.10.1, note) says that Tellus the Athenian was the +

Solon also doubtless gave a good description of happiness,Solon in his conversation with Croesus (Hdt.1.30-32, see 1.10.1, note) says that Tellus the Athenian was the happiest man he ever knew. Tellus was well off, he lived to see his children's children, and he died gloriously in battle. when he said that in his opinion those men were happy who, being moderately equipped with external goods, had performed noble exploits and @@ -7979,12 +7979,12 @@ convert to P3 know what virtue is is not enough; we must endeavor to possess and to practice it, or in some other manner actually ourselves to become good.

Now if discourses on ethics were sufficient in themselves to make men virtuous, - ‘large fees and many’ (as TheognisTheognis, 432 ff. + ‘large fees and many’ (as TheognisTheognis, 432 ff. ei)= d' *)asklhpia/dais tou=to g' e)/dwke qeo/s, i)a=sqai kako/thta kai\ a)thra\s fre/nas a)ndrw=n, pollou\s a)\n misqou\s kai\ mega/lous e)/feron If to physicians God had given The power to cure mankind of sin, - Large fees and many they would win. says) ‘would they - win,’ quite rightly, and to provide such discourses would be all that is wanted. + Large fees and many they would win. says) ‘would they + win,’ quite rightly, and to provide such discourses would be all that is wanted. But as it is, we see that although theories have power to stimulate and encourage generous youths, and, given an inborn nobility of character and a genuine love of what is noble, can make them susceptible to the influence of virtue, yet they are powerless to stimulate @@ -8027,7 +8027,7 @@ convert to P3 respond, yet he is bound to impose chastisement and penalties on the disobedient and ill-conditioned, and to banish the incorrigible out of the state altogether. Plat. Prot. 325a - For (they argue) although the virtuous man, who guides his life + For (they argue) although the virtuous man, who guides his life by moral ideals, will be obedient to reason, the base, whose desires are fixed on pleasure, must be chastised by pain, like a beast of burden. This indeed is the ground for the view that the pains and penalties for transgressors should be such as are most opposed @@ -8045,15 +8045,15 @@ convert to P3 the only or almost the only state in which the lawgiver has paid attention to the nurture and exercises of the citizens; in most states such matters have been entirely neglected, and every man lives as he likes, in Cyclops - fashion ‘laying down the law For children and for spouse.’Hom. Od. 9.114 f., + fashion ‘laying down the law For children and for spouse.’Hom. Od. 9.114 f., quoted in Aristot. Pol. 1252b 22.

The best thing is then that there should be a proper system of public regulation; but when the matter is neglected by the community, it would seem to be the duty of the individual to assist his own children and friends to attain virtue, or even if not able to do so successfully,This clause, literally - ‘and to be able to do it,’ Bywater would place here; it comes in the - mss. after ‘public regulation’ above. at all events to make + ‘and to be able to do it,’ Bywater would place here; it comes in the + mss. after ‘public regulation’ above. at all events to make this his aim. But it would seem to follow from what has been said before, that he will be more likely to be successful in this if he has acquired the science of legislation. Public regulations in any case must clearly be established by law, and only good laws will @@ -8073,8 +8073,8 @@ convert to P3 any other director can best treat a particular person if he has a general knowledge of what is good for everybody, or for other people of the same kind: for the sciences deal with what is universal, as their namese.g., medicine - is ‘the science of healing,’ not the ‘science of healing - Brown or Jones.’ imply. Not but what + is ‘the science of healing,’ not the ‘science of healing + Brown or Jones.’ imply. Not but what it is possible no doubt for a particular individual to be successfully treated by someone who is not a scientific expert, but has an empirical knowledge based on careful observation of the effects of various forms of treatment upon the person in question; just @@ -8083,10 +8083,10 @@ convert to P3 doubtless be agreed that anyone who wishes to make himself a professional and a man of science must advance to general principles, and acquaint himself with these by the proper method: for science, as we said, deals with the universal. So presumably a man who wishes to make other people better - (whether few or many) by discipline, must endeavor to acquire the - science of legislation—assuming that it is possible to make us good by laws. For + (whether few or many) by discipline, must endeavor to acquire the + science of legislation—assuming that it is possible to make us good by laws. For to mold aright the character of any and every person that presents himself is not a task - that can be done by anybody, but only (if at all) by the man with + that can be done by anybody, but only (if at all) by the man with scientific knowledge, just as is the case in medicine and the other professions involving a system of treatment and the exercise of prudence.

Is not then the next question to consider from whom or how the science of legislation can @@ -8098,8 +8098,8 @@ convert to P3 politics the sophists, who profess to teach the science, never practice it. It is practiced by the politicians, who would appear to rely more upon a sort of empirical skill than on the exercise of abstract intelligence; for we do not see them writing or lecturing - about political principles (though this might be a more honorable employment than - composing forensic and parliamentary speeches), nor yet do we notice that they + about political principles (though this might be a more honorable employment than + composing forensic and parliamentary speeches), nor yet do we notice that they have made their own sons or any others of their friends into statesmen. Yet we should expect them to have done so had they been able, for they could have bequeathed no more valuable legacy to their countries, nor is there any quality they would choose for themselves, and therefore for those nearest to them, to possess, in @@ -8137,9 +8137,9 @@ convert to P3 the constitution of the State, in order to complete as far as possible our philosophy of human affairs.

WeThis section roughly gives the contents of - Aristotle's Politics, excepting Book 1; ‘a review,’ - etc., is Book 2, ‘then,’ etc., Books 3-4, ‘what is the - best constitution,’ etc., Books 7 and 8. will begin then by attempting + Aristotle's Politics, excepting Book 1; ‘a review,’ + etc., is Book 2, ‘then,’ etc., Books 3-4, ‘what is the + best constitution,’ etc., Books 7 and 8. will begin then by attempting a review of any pronouncements of value contributed by our predecessors in this or that branch of the subject; and then on the basis of our collection of constitutionsAristotle compiled, or caused to be compiled, descriptions of the constitutions of 158 Greek states: of these the Constitution of <placeName key="perseus,Athens">Athens</placeName> alone survives. we will diff --git a/data/tlg0086/tlg025/tlg0086.tlg025.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0086/tlg025/tlg0086.tlg025.perseus-eng1.xml index 86d0187f7..a003a4e26 100644 --- a/data/tlg0086/tlg025/tlg0086.tlg025.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0086/tlg025/tlg0086.tlg025.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -309,7 +309,7 @@ ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/>Most of the earliest philosophers conceived only of material principles as underlying all things. That of which all things consist, from which they first come and into which on their destruction they are ultimately resolved, of which the - essence persists although modified by its affections—this, they say, is an element + essence persists although modified by its affections—this, they say, is an element and principle of existing things. Hence they believe that nothing is either generated or destroyed, since this kind of primary entity always persists. Similarly we do not say that Socrates comes into being absolutely when he becomes handsome or cultured, @@ -337,7 +337,7 @@ gods, also held this same opinion about the primary entity. For theycf. Hom. Il. 14. 201, Hom. Il. 14.246. represented Oceanus and - Tethys to be the parents of creation, and the oath of the gods to be by water— + Tethys to be the parents of creation, and the oath of the gods to be by water— Styx,Cf. Hom. Il. 2.755, Hom. Il. 14.271, Hom. Il.15.37. as they call it. Now what is most @@ -362,13 +362,13 @@ anchored="yes">Fl. about 500 B.C. of Ephesus hold this of fire; and EmpedoclesOf Acragas; fl. 450 - B.C.—adding earth as a fourth to those already mentioned—takes all + B.C.—adding earth as a fourth to those already mentioned—takes all four. These, he says, always persist, and are only generated in respect of multitude and paucity, according as they are combined into unity or differentiated out of unity.Cf. Empedocles, Fr. 17 (Diels), R.P. 166; Burnet, E.G.P. 108-109. Anaxagoras of Clazomenae—prior to - Empedocles in point of age, but posterior in his activities—says that the first + />Anaxagoras of Clazomenae—prior to + Empedocles in point of age, but posterior in his activities—says that the first principles are infinite in number. For he says that as a general rule all things which are, like fire and water,This is Aristotle's illustration; apparently Anaxagoras did not regard the "elements" as homoeomerous (i.e. @@ -448,11 +448,11 @@ things than there are good and beautiful: in view of this another thinker introduced Love and StrifeEmpedocles Fr. 17, 26 (Diels); R.P. 166. Cf. Burnet, E.G.P. 108 ff. as the respective - causes of these things— because if one + causes of these things— because if one follows up and appreciates the statements of Empedocles with a view to his real meaning and not to his obscure language, it will be found that Love is the cause of good, and Strife of evil. Thus it would perhaps be correct to say that Empedocles in a sense spoke - of evil and good as first principles, and was the first to do so—that is, if the + of evil and good as first principles, and was the first to do so—that is, if the cause of all good things is absolute good. These thinkers then, as I say, down to the time of Empedocles, seem to have grasped two of the causes which we have defined in the @@ -478,9 +478,9 @@ his predecessors in that he first introduced the division of this cause, making the source of motion not one but two contrary forces. Further, he was the first to maintain that the so-called material elements are - four—not that he uses them as four, but as two only, treating fire on the one hand - by itself, and the elements opposed to it—earth, air and water—on the other, + by itself, and the elements opposed to it—earth, air and water—on the other, as a single nature.Cf. 3.14. This can be seen from a study of his writings.e.g. Empedocles, Fr. 62 (Diels). however, and his disciple DemocritusOf Abdera; fl. circa 420 B.C. E.G.P loc. cit. hold that the - elements are the Full and the Void—calling the one "what is" and the other "what is + elements are the Full and the Void—calling the one "what is" and the other "what is not." Of these they identify the full or solid with "what is," and the void or rare with "what is not" (hence they hold that what is not is no less real than what is,For the probable connection between the Atomists and @@ -524,13 +524,13 @@ principles, and they fancied that they could detect in numbers, to a greater extent than in fire and earth and water, many analoguesCf. Aristot. Met. 14.6ff.. of what is and - comes into being—such and such a property of number being justice + comes into being—such and such a property of number being justice ,Apparently (cf. infra, Aristot. Met. 1.17) they identified these not only with properties of number but with numbers themselves. Thus justice (properly=squareness)=4, the first square number; soul or mind=1, opportunity=7 (Alexander). and such and such soul or mind , another - opportunity , and similarly, more or less, with all the rest—and + opportunity , and similarly, more or less, with all the rest—and since they saw further that the properties and ratios of the musical scales are based on numbers,Pythagoras himself is credited with having discovered the ratios of the octave (2 : 1), the fifth (3 : 2) and the fourth (4 @@ -649,7 +649,7 @@ anchored="yes">The Pythagoreans; so called because Pythagoras founded his society at Croton. philosophers the other thinkers have expressed themselves vaguely on the subject, except that, as we have said, - they actually employ two causes, and one of these—the source of motion —some + they actually employ two causes, and one of these—the source of motion —some regard as one and others as two. The Pythagoreans, while they likewise spoke of two principles, made this further addition, which is peculiar to them: they believed, not that the Limited and the Unlimited are separate entities, like fire or water or some other such @@ -659,10 +659,10 @@ nature of their pronouncements on this subject. They also began to discuss and define the "what" of things; but their procedure was far too simple. They defined superficially, and supposed that the essence of a thing is that to which the term under consideration first - applies—e.g. as if it were to be thought that "double" and "2" are the same, because + applies—e.g. as if it were to be thought that "double" and "2" are the same, because 2 is the first number which is double another. But presumably "to be double a number" is not the same as "to be the number 2." - Otherwise, one thing will be many—a consequence which actually followed in their + Otherwise, one thing will be many—a consequence which actually followed in their system.i.e., the same number might be the first to which each of several definitions applied; then that number would be each of the concepts so defined. This much, then, can be learned from other and earlier @@ -674,9 +674,9 @@ Italians. In his youth Plato first became acquainted with CratylusCf. Aristot. Met. 4.5.18. and the Heraclitean - doctrines—that the whole sensible world is always in a state of flux,Plat. Crat. 402a (fr. - 41 Bywater). and that there is no scientific knowledge of it—and + 41 Bywater). and that there is no scientific knowledge of it—and in after years he still held these opinions. And when Socrates, disregarding the physical universe and confining his study to moral questions, sought in this sphere for the @@ -697,7 +697,7 @@ things which bear the same name as the Forms exist by participation in them. (With regard to the "participation," it was only the term that he changed; for whereas the Pythagoreans say that things exist by imitation of numbers, Plato says that they exist by - participation—merely a change of term. As + participation—merely a change of term. As to what this "participation" or "imitation" may be, they left this an open question.) Further, he states that besides sensible things and the Forms there exists an intermediate class, the objects of @@ -739,7 +739,7 @@ points out (note ad loc.), we may keep prw/twn in the sense of "prime" if we suppose Aristotle to be referring either (a) to the numbers within the decad (Aristot. Met. 13.8.17) and - forgetting 9—the other odd numbers being primes; or (b) to numbers in general, and + forgetting 9—the other odd numbers being primes; or (b) to numbers in general, and forgetting the entire class of compound odd numbers. Neither of these alternatives is very satisfactory, but it seems better to keep the traditional text. can be readily generated from it, as from a matrix.For a @@ -767,7 +767,7 @@ the Forms are the cause of the essence in everything else, and the One is the cause of it in the Forms. He also tells us what the material substrate is of which the Forms are predicated in the case of sensible things, - and the One in that of the Forms—that it is this the duality, the "Great and Small." + and the One in that of the Forms—that it is this the duality, the "Great and Small." Further, he assigned to these two elements respectively the causation of goodCf. Plat. Phil. 25e-26b. and of evil; a problem which, as we have said,(for some have so described the primary element). These, then, apprehended this cause only, but others apprehended the source of - motion—e.g. all such as make Love and Strife, or Mind, or Desire a first + motion—e.g. all such as make Love and Strife, or Mind, or Desire a first principle. As for the essence or essential nature, nobody has definitely introduced it; but the inventors of the Forms @@ -832,7 +832,7 @@ generation and destruction, and investigate the nature of everything; and at the same time do away with the cause of motion. Then there is their failure to regard the essence or formula as a cause of anything; and - further their readiness to call any one of the simple bodies—except earth—a + further their readiness to call any one of the simple bodies—except earth—a first principle, without inquiring how their reciprocal generation is effected. I refer to fire, water, earth and air. Of these some are generated from each other by combination and others by differentiation; and this difference @@ -843,15 +843,15 @@ particles. Hence all who posit Fire as first principle will be in the closest agreement with this theory. However, even among the other thinkers everyone agrees that the primary corporeal element is of this kind. At any rate - none of the Monists thought earth likely to be an element—obviously on account of - the size of its particles— but each of + none of the Monists thought earth likely to be an element—obviously on account of + the size of its particles— but each of the other three has had an advocate; for some name fire as the primary element, others water, and others air.Cf. Aristot. Met. 3.5, 8. And yet why do they not suggest earth too, as common opinion does? for people say "Everything is earth." And Hesiod too saysCf. Aristot. Met. 4.1. that - earth was generated first of corporeal things—so ancient and popular is the + earth was generated first of corporeal things—so ancient and popular is the conception found to be. Thus according to this theory anyone who suggests any of these bodies other than fire, or who assumes something "denser than air but rarer than water,"Cf. If one were to infer that Anaxagoras recognized twoMind, and the "mixture" of homoeomerous particles. elements, the inference would accord closely with a view @@ -889,7 +889,7 @@ be separated). At the same time, if one were to follow his doctrine carefully and interpret its meaning, perhaps it would be seen to be more up-to-date; because when nothing was yet differentiated, obviously nothing - could be truly predicated of that substance—e.g. that it was white or black or buff + could be truly predicated of that substance—e.g. that it was white or black or buff or any other color. It must necessarily have been colorless, since otherwise it would have had one of these colors. Similarly by the same argument it had no taste or any other such attribute; for it cannot have had any quality @@ -920,7 +920,7 @@ and observe what happens in respect of its parts and affections and activities, and they use up their principles and causes in this connection, as though they agreed with the - others—the physicists—that reality is just so much as is sensible and is + others—the physicists—that reality is just so much as is sensible and is contained in the so-called "heavens." All the same, as we have said,Aristot. Met. 1.8.17. the causes and principles @@ -950,7 +950,7 @@ and a little above or below them Injustice and Separation or Mixture, and when they state as proof of this that each of these abstractions is a number; and that also in this region there is already a plurality of the magnitudes composed of number, inasmuch as these - modifications of number correspond to these several regions,—is the number which we + modifications of number correspond to these several regions,—is the number which we must understand each of these abstractions to be the same number which is present in the sensible universe, or another kind of number?The point seems to be this. The Pythagoreans say that Opinion is a number, 3 (or 2, @@ -971,7 +971,7 @@ n="Aristot. Met. 1.990a">Aristot. Met. 9.1-15 cf. Aristot. Met. 13.4.6-5. in the first place in their attempt to find the causes of things in our sensible world, they introduced an equal - number of other entities—as though a man who wishes to count things should suppose + number of other entities—as though a man who wishes to count things should suppose that it would be impossible when they are few, and should attempt to count them when he has added to them. For the Forms are as many as, or not fewer than, the things in search of whose causes these thinkers were led to the Forms; because corresponding to each thing @@ -1139,7 +1139,7 @@ number <of units>, taken together, be one thing? And further, in addition to the above objections, if the units are unlike, they should be treated as the thinkers who assume two or four elements treat those elements; for not one of them applies the term - "element" to the common substrate, e.g. body, but to fire and earth—whether there is + "element" to the common substrate, e.g. body, but to fire and earth—whether there is a common substrate (i.e. body) or not.In the Aristot. De Gen. et Corr. 320b 23Aristotle says that there is not. As it is, the One is @@ -1182,13 +1182,13 @@ n="Aristot. Met. 1.981a">Aristot. Met. 1.9. and in the belief that we are accounting for their substance we assert the existence of other substances; but as to how the latter are the substances of the former, our explanation is - worthless—for "participation," as we have said before,Aristot. Met. 1.12. means nothing. And as for that which we can see to - be the cause in the sciences, and through which all mind and all nature works—this + be the cause in the sciences, and through which all mind and all nature works—this causeThe final cause. Cf. Aristot. Met. 1.6.9-10. which we hold to be one - of the first principles—the Forms have not the slightest bearing upon it either. + of the first principles—the Forms have not the slightest bearing upon it either. Philosophy has become mathematics for modern thinkers,e.g. Speusippus, for whom see Aristot. Met. 7.2.4. although they profess it does not follow, even if you grant them all their assumptions that everything is One, but only that - there is an absolute One— and not even + there is an absolute One— and not even this, unless you grant that the universal is a class; which is impossible in some cases.Probably those of relative or negative terms. Cf. Aristot. Met. 1.3. Nor is there @@ -1237,7 +1237,7 @@ embraces everythinge.g. Plato's Dialectic.(as some say), the student of it can have no previous knowledge at all. But all learning proceeds, wholly or in part, from what is already - known; whether it is through demonstration or through definition—since the parts of + known; whether it is through demonstration or through definition—since the parts of the definition must be already known and familiar. The same is true of induction. On the other hand, assuming that this knowledge should @@ -1248,7 +1248,7 @@ how is one to know of what elements things consist? how is it to be established? Even this presents a difficulty, because the facts might be disputed, as happens in the case of certain - syllables—for some say that ZA is composed of S, D and A, while others say that it + syllables—for some say that ZA is composed of S, D and A, while others say that it is a distinct sound and not any one of those which are familiar to us.stoixei=on means both "an element" and "a letter of the alphabet"; hence letters are often used as analogues @@ -1277,8 +1277,8 @@ cause, but did not apply it generally. which is the definition or essence of a thing. But by similar reasoning both flesh and every other thing, or else nothing at all, - must be ratio; for it must be because of this, and not because of their matter—which - he calls fire, earth, water and air—that flesh and bone and every other thing + must be ratio; for it must be because of this, and not because of their matter—which + he calls fire, earth, water and air—that flesh and bone and every other thing exists. If anyone else had stated this, he would necessarily have agreed, but his own statement was not clear. These and similar points have been explained already. We will now return to @@ -1307,7 +1307,7 @@ rather superficial opinions. They too have contributed something; by their preliminary work they have formed our mental experience. If there had been no Timotheus,Of Miletus, 446 (?)—357 + key="perseus,Miletus">Miletus, 446 (?)—357 B.C. we should not possess much of our music; and if there had been no Phrynis,Of Mytilene; he is referred to as still alive in Therefore in every case the first principles of things must necessarily be true above everything - else—since they are not merely sometimes true, nor is anything the + else—since they are not merely sometimes true, nor is anything the cause of their existence, but they are the cause of the existence of other - things,—and so as each thing is in respect of existence, so it is in respect of + things,—and so as each thing is in respect of existence, so it is in respect of truth. Moreover, it is obvious that there is some first principle, and that the causes of things are not @@ -1339,7 +1339,7 @@ be moved by air, air by the sun, the sun by Strife,Aristotle is evidently thinking of Empedocles' system. with no limit to the series). In the same way neither can the - Final Cause recede to infinity—walking having health for its object, and health + Final Cause recede to infinity—walking having health for its object, and health happiness, and happiness something else: one thing always being done for the sake of another. And it is just the same with the Formal Cause. For in the case of all intermediate terms of a series which are contained @@ -1356,13 +1356,13 @@ downwards (where there is a beginning in the upper direction) such that from fire comes water, and from water earth, and in this way some other kind of thing is always being produced. There are two senses in which one thing - "comes from" another—apart from that in which one thing is said to come + "comes from" another—apart from that in which one thing is said to come after another, e.g. the Olympian "from"e)k means not only "from" but "after"; Aristotle dismisses this latter meaning. The Isthmian fell alternatively in the same year as the Olympian festival; when this happened the former was held in the spring and the latter in the summer. Cf. Aristot. Met. - 5.24.5. the Isthmian games—either as a man comes from a child as + 5.24.5. the Isthmian games—either as a man comes from a child as it develops, or as air comes from water. Now we say that a man "comes from" a child in the sense that that which has become something comes from that which is becoming: i.e. the perfect from the @@ -1477,7 +1477,7 @@ discussed Aristot. Met. 3.2.1-10, and answered Aristot. Met. 4.1.(2.) Has that science only to contemplate the first principles of substance, or is it also concerned with the - principles which all use for demonstration—e.g. whether it is possible at the same + principles which all use for demonstration—e.g. whether it is possible at the same time to assert and deny one and the same thing, and other similar principles?Discussed Aristot. Met. 3.2.10-15; answered Aristot. Met. @@ -1510,7 +1510,7 @@ (vi.) whether the first principles and elements of things are the genera under which they fall or the pre-existent parts into which each thing is divided; and if the genera, whether they are those which are predicated ultimately of individuals, or the primary - genera—e.g., whether "animal" or "man" is the first principle and the more + genera—e.g., whether "animal" or "man" is the first principle and the more independent of the individual.DiscussedAristot. Met. 3.3; answered Aristot. Met. 7.10, 12-13 Discussed Aristot. Met. 3.4.8-10; answered Aristot. Met. 12.4-5, Aristot. Met. 13.10.—both those in the - definitions and those in the substrate—and (ix.) whether the principles of + n="Aristot. Met. 13.1086b">Aristot. Met. 13.10.—both those in the + definitions and those in the substrate—and (ix.) whether the principles of perishable and of imperishable things are the same or different; and whether all are imperishable, or those of perishable things are perishable.Discussed Aristot. Met. 3.4.11-23; @@ -1658,7 +1658,7 @@ there is not one, with what sort of substance must we assume that this science is concerned? On the other hand, it is not probable that there is one science of all substances; for then there would be one - demonstrative of all attributes—assuming that every demonstrative science proceeds from accepted beliefs and studies the essential attributes concerned with some definite subject matter. Thus to study the essential attributes connected with the same genus @@ -1853,7 +1853,7 @@ n="999b" unit="section"/>If nothing exists apart from individual things, nothing will be intelligible; everything will be sensible, and there will be no knowledge of - anything—unless it be maintained that sense-perception is knowledge. Nor again will + anything—unless it be maintained that sense-perception is knowledge. Nor again will anything be eternal or immovable, since sensible things are all perishable and in motion. Again, if nothing is eternal, even generation is impossible; for there must be something which becomes something, i.e. out of @@ -1889,7 +1889,7 @@ they are numerically one, and each of the principles is one, and not, as in the case of sensible things, different in different instances (e.g. since a given syllable is always the same in kind, its first principles are always the same in kind, but only in kind, - since they are essentially different in number)—if the first principles are one, not + since they are essentially different in number)—if the first principles are one, not in this sense, but numerically, there will be nothing else apart from the elements; for "numerically one" and "individual" are identical in meaning. This is what we mean by "individual": the numerically one; but by "universal" we mean what is predicable of @@ -1897,7 +1897,7 @@ />Hence just as, if the elements of languageOr "letters of the alphabet." Cf. Aristot. Met. 1.9.36n. were limited in number, - the whole of literature would be no more than those elements—that is, if there were + the whole of literature would be no more than those elements—that is, if there were not two nor more than two of the same <so it would be in the case of existing things and their principles>.For the answer to the problem see Aristot. Met. 12.4-5, The school of Hesiod, and all the cosmologists, considered only what was convincing to themselves, and gave no consideration to us. For they make the first principles Gods or generated from Gods, and say that whatever did not taste of the nectar and ambrosia became - mortal—clearly using these terms in a sense significant to themselves; but as regards the actual applications of these causes their statements are beyond our comprehension. For if it is for pleasure that the Gods partake of them, the nectar and ambrosia are in no sense causes of their existence; but if @@ -1945,8 +1945,8 @@ earth perceive, by water water, By air bright air, by fire consuming fire, Love too by love, and strife by grievous strife.Empedocles, Fr. - 109. But—and this is the point from - which we started—thus much is clear: that it follows on his theory that Strife is no + 109. But—and this is the point from + which we started—thus much is clear: that it follows on his theory that Strife is no more the cause of destruction than it is of Being. Nor, similarly, is Love the cause of Being; for in combining things into one it destroys everything else.Cf. Aristot. Met. @@ -1992,7 +1992,7 @@ Pythagoreans hold that neither Being nor Unity is anything else than itself, and that this is their nature, their essence being simply Being and Unity. But the physicists, e.g. Empedocles, explain what Unity is by reducing - it to something, as it were, more intelligible—or it would seem that by Love + it to something, as it were, more intelligible—or it would seem that by Love Empedocles means Unity; at any rate Love is the cause of Unity in all things. Others identify fire and others air with this Unity and Being of which things consist and from which they have been generated. Those who @@ -2034,7 +2034,7 @@ indivisible in such a way that it can be defended even against his argument (for such a thinge.g., a point is indivisible and has no magnitude, yet added to other points it increases their number. when added will - increase a thing in number though not in size)—still how can a + increase a thing in number though not in size)—still how can a magnitude be composed of one or more such indivisible things? It is like saying that the line is composed of points. Moreover, even if one supposes the case to be As for those things - which might be especially supposed to indicate substance—water, earth, fire and air, - of which composite bodies are composed— their heat and cold and the like are modifications, not substances; and it is only the body which undergoes these modifications that persists as something real and a kind of substance. or sound, - for the principles of these are determinate in number too— and similarly with the Intermediates, for in their case too there is an infinity of objects similar in form), then if there is not another set of objects apart from sensible and mathematical objects, such as the Forms are said to be, there will be no @@ -2148,7 +2148,7 @@ term denotes an individual thing, but a type; and substance is an individual thing. But if the common predicate be hypostatized as an individual thing, Socrates will be several beings: himself, and Man, - and Animal—that is, if each predicate denotes one particular thing. These then are the consequences if the principles are universal. If on the other hand they are not universal but like particulars, they will not be knowable; for the knowledge of everything is universal. Hence there will have to be @@ -2177,8 +2177,8 @@ producing it or as indicating it or as receptive of it), and as "medical" relates to the art of medicine (either as possessing - it or as naturally adapted for it or as being a function of medicine)—and we shall - find other terms used similarly to these— so "being " is used in various senses, but always with reference to one principle. For some things are said to "be" because they are substances; others because they are modifications of substance; others because they are a process towards substance, or @@ -2211,9 +2211,9 @@ these phrases has the same significance, and Unity is nothing distinct from Being; and further if the substance of each thing is one in no accidental sense, and similarly is of its very nature something which - is—then there are just as many species of Being as of Unity. And to study the + is—then there are just as many species of Being as of Unity. And to study the essence of these species (I mean, e.g., the study of Same and Other and all the other - similar concepts— roughly speaking all + similar concepts— roughly speaking all the "contraries" are reducible to this first principle; but we may consider that they have been sufficiently studied in the "Selection of Contraries"For Being and Unity at once entail genera, and so the sciences will correspond to these genera. The term "philosopher" is - like the term "mathematician" in its uses; for mathematics too has divisions—there + like the term "mathematician" in its uses; for mathematics too has divisions—there is a primary and a secondary science, and others successively, in the realm of mathematics. Now since it is the province of one science to study opposites, and the opposite of @@ -2233,10 +2233,10 @@ form that it is not present in a particular class; in the latter case Unity is modified by the differentia, apart from the content of the negation (for the negation of Unity is its absence); but in privation there is a substrate of which the privation is - predicated.— The opposite of Unity, - then, is Plurality; and so the opposites of the above-mentioned concepts—Otherness, + predicated.— The opposite of Unity, + then, is Plurality; and so the opposites of the above-mentioned concepts—Otherness, Dissimilarity, Inequality and everything else which is derived from these or from - Plurality or Unity— fall under the + Plurality or Unity— fall under the cognizance of the aforesaid science. And one of them is Oppositeness; for this is a form of Difference, and Difference is a form of Otherness. Hence since the term "one" is used in various senses, so too will @@ -2288,7 +2288,7 @@ is reducible to Being and Not being, and Unity and Plurality; e.g. Rest falls under Unity and Motion under Plurality. And nearly everyone agrees that substance and existing things are composed of contraries; at any rate all speak of the first principles as - contraries— some as Odd and Even,some as Odd and Even,The Pythagoreans. some as Hot and Cold,Perhaps Parmenides. some as Limit and Unlimited,The Platonists. some as Love and @@ -2302,7 +2302,7 @@ the contraries are Unity and Plurality. And these belong to one science, whether they have reference to one common notion or not. Probably the truth is that they have not; but nevertheless even if the term "one" is used in various senses, the others will be related - to the primary sense (and similarly with the contraries)— even if Being or Unity is not a universal and the same in all cases, or is not separable from particulars (as it presumably is not; the unity is in some cases one of reference and in others one of succession). For this very reason it is not the @@ -2318,15 +2318,15 @@ axioms in mathematics and substance, or to different sciences. It is obvious that the investigation of these axioms too pertains to one science, namely the science of the philosopher; for they apply to all existing things, and not to a particular class separate - and distinct from the rest. Moreover all thinkers employ them—because they are + and distinct from the rest. Moreover all thinkers employ them—because they are axioms of Being qua Being, and every genus possesses - Being— but employ them only in so far + Being— but employ them only in so far as their purposes require; i.e., so far as the genus extends about which they are carrying out their proofs. Hence since these axioms apply to all things qua Being (for this is what is common to them), it is the function of him who studies Being qua Being to investigate them as well. For this reason no one who is pursuing a particular - inquiry—neither a geometrician nor an arithmetician—attempts to state whether + inquiry—neither a geometrician nor an arithmetician—attempts to state whether they are true or false; but some of the physicists did so, quite naturally; for they alone professed to investigate nature as a whole, and Being. But inasmuch as there is a more ultimate type of thinker than the @@ -2359,7 +2359,7 @@ anyone to suppose that the same thing is and is not, as some imagine that Heraclitus saysFor examples of Heraclitus's paradoxes cf. Heraclitus Fr. 36, 57, 59 (Bywater); and for their - meaning see Burnet, E.G.P. 80.—for what a man says does not necessarily + meaning see Burnet, E.G.P. 80.—for what a man says does not necessarily represent what he believes. And if it is impossible for contrary attributes to belong at the same time to the same subject (the usual qualifications must be added to this premiss also), and an opinion which contradicts @@ -2481,8 +2481,8 @@ not even more than two accidents can be combined in predication. An accident cannot be an accident of an accident unless both are accidents of the same thing. I mean, e.g., that "white" is "cultured" and "cultured" "white" - merely because both are accidents of a man. But it is not in this sense—that both - terms are accidents of something else—that Socrates is cultured. Therefore since + merely because both are accidents of a man. But it is not in this sense—that both + terms are accidents of something else—that Socrates is cultured. Therefore since some accidents are predicated in the latter and some in the former sense, such as are predicated in the way that "white" is of Socrates cannot be an infinite series in the upper direction; e.g. there cannot be another accident of "white Socrates," for the sum of @@ -2622,7 +2622,7 @@ (1.) The belief that contradictions and contraries can be true at the same time comes to them from seeing the contraries generated from the same thing. Then if what is not cannot be generated, the thing must have existed - before as both contraries equally—just as Anaxagoras saysCf. Aristot. Met. 4.4.28. that everything is mixed in everything; and also Democritus, for he too saysCf. Aristot. Met. @@ -2675,7 +2675,7 @@ he made Hector,The only passage in our text of Homer to which this reference could apply isHom. Il. 23.698; but there the subject is Euryalus, not Hector. when he was - stunned by the blow, lie with thoughts deranged—thus implying that even those who + stunned by the blow, lie with thoughts deranged—thus implying that even those who are "out of their minds" still think, although not the same thoughts. Clearly then, if both are kinds of thought, reality also will be "both so and not so." It is along this path that the consequences are most difficult; @@ -2738,7 +2738,7 @@ the healthy or to the diseased; and whether heavy things are as they appear to the weak or to the strong; and whether truth is as it appears to the waking or to the sleeping. For clearly they do not really - believe the latter alternative—at any rate no one, if in the night he thinks that he + believe the latter alternative—at any rate no one, if in the night he thinks that he is at Athens whereas he is really in Africa, starts off to the Odeum.A concert-hall (used also for other purposes) built by @@ -2834,7 +2834,7 @@ since the contradiction of a statement cannot be true at the same time of the same thing, it is obvious that contraries cannot apply at the same time to the same thing. For in each pair of contraries one is a privation no - less than it is a contrary—a privation of substance. And privation is the negation + less than it is a contrary—a privation of substance. And privation is the negation of a predicate to some defined genus. Therefore if it is impossible at the same time to affirm and deny a thing truly, it is also impossible for contraries to apply to a thing at the same time; either both must apply in @@ -2898,7 +2898,7 @@ the mixture is neither good nor not-good; and so no statement is true. It is obvious from this analysis that the one-sided and sweeping statements which some people make cannot be - substantially true—some maintaining that nothing is true (for they say that there is + substantially true—some maintaining that nothing is true (for they say that there is no reason why the same rule should not apply to everything as applies to the commensurability of the diagonal of a squareA stock example of impossibility and falsity; see Index.), and some that everything is @@ -2974,14 +2974,14 @@ comes into being or becomes known; and some beginnings are originally inherent in things, while others are not. Hence "nature" is a beginning, and so is "element" and "understanding" and "choice" and "essence" and "final - cause"—for in many cases the Good and the Beautiful are the beginning both of + cause"—for in many cases the Good and the Beautiful are the beginning both of knowledge and of motion. "Cause" means: (a) in one sense, that as the result of whose presence - something comes into being—e.g. the bronze of a statue and the silver of a cup, and - the classessc. of material—metal, wood, + something comes into being—e.g. the bronze of a statue and the silver of a cup, and + the classessc. of material—metal, wood, etc. which contain these; (b) in another sense, the form or pattern; - that is, the essential formula and the classes which contain it—e.g. the ratio 2:1 - and number in general is the cause of the octave—and the parts of the + that is, the essential formula and the classes which contain it—e.g. the ratio 2:1 + and number in general is the cause of the octave—and the parts of the formula. (c) The source of the first beginning of change or rest; e.g. the man who plans is a cause, and the father is the cause of the child, and in general that which produces is the cause of that which is @@ -3000,11 +3000,11 @@ different connections, but qua statue. However, they are not causes in the same way, but the one as material and the other as the source of motion. And things are causes of each other; as e.g. labor of vigor, and vigor of - labor—but not in the same way; the one as an end , and the other as + labor—but not in the same way; the one as an end , and the other as source of motion . And again the same thing is sometimes the cause of contrary results; because that which by its presence is the cause of so-and-so we sometimes accuse of being, by its absence, - the cause of the contrary—as, e.g., we say that the absence of the pilot is the + the cause of the contrary—as, e.g., we say that the absence of the pilot is the cause of a capsize, whereas his presence was the cause of safety. And both, presence and privation, are moving causes. Now there are four senses which are most obvious @@ -3081,7 +3081,7 @@ metaphorically to any small unity which is useful for various purposes; and so that which is small or simple or indivisible is called an "element." (e) Hence it comes that the most universal things are elements; - because each of them, being a simple unity, is present in many things—either in all + because each of them, being a simple unity, is present in many things—either in all or in as many as possible. Some too think that unity and the point are first principles. (f) Therefore since what are called generaThis must refer to the highest genera, @@ -3094,9 +3094,9 @@ ed="P" unit="para"/>"Nature"On the meaning of fu/sis cf. Burnet, E.G.P. pp. 10-12, 363-364. means: (a) in one - sense, the genesis of growing things—as would be suggested by pronouncing the + sense, the genesis of growing things—as would be suggested by pronouncing the u of fu/sis - long—and (b) in another, that immanent thingProbably the seed (Bonitz). from which a growing thing first begins to grow. (c) The source from which the primary motion in every natural object is induced in that object as such. All things are said to grow which gain @@ -3127,7 +3127,7 @@ e.g. animals and their parts. And nature is both the primary matter (and this in two senses: either primary in relation to the thing, or primary in general; e.g., in bronze articles the primary matter in relation to those articles is bronze, but in general it is - perhaps water—that is if all things which can be melted are water) and the form or + perhaps water—that is if all things which can be melted are water) and the form or essence, i.e. the end of the process, of generation. Indeed from this sense of "nature," by an extension of meaning, every essence in general is called "nature," because the nature of anything is a kind of essence. "Necessary" means: (a) That without which, as a concomitant condition, life is impossible; e.g. respiration and food are necessary for an animal, because it cannot exist without them. (b) The conditions without which good cannot be or come to be, - or without which one cannot get rid or keep free of evil—e.g., drinking medicine is + or without which one cannot get rid or keep free of evil—e.g., drinking medicine is necessary to escape from ill-health, and sailing to Aegina is necessary to recover one's money. (c) The compulsory and compulsion; i.e. that which hinders and @@ -3230,7 +3230,7 @@ all animals); and that in a way very similar to that in which the matter is one. Sometimes these things are said to be "one" in this sense, and sometimes their higher genus is said to be one and the same (if they are final - species of their genus)—the genus, that is, which is above the genera of which their + species of their genus)—the genus, that is, which is above the genera of which their proximate genus is one; e.g., the isosceles and equilateral triangles are one and the same figure (because they are both triangles), but not the same triangles. (d) Again, things are said to @@ -3255,7 +3255,7 @@ unit="Loeb chap"/>Again, in one sense we call anything whatever "one" if it is quantitative and continuous; and in another sense we say that it is not "one" unless it is a whole of some kind, i.e. unless it is one in form (e.g., if we saw the - parts of a shoe put together anyhow, we should not say that they were one — except + parts of a shoe put together anyhow, we should not say that they were one — except in virtue of their continuity; but only if they were so put together as to be a shoe, and to possess already some one form). Hence the circumference of a circle is of all lines the most truly one, because it is whole and @@ -3517,11 +3517,11 @@ happen, or because they might do so well . Even in inanimate things this kind of potency is found; e.g. in instruments; for they say that one lyre "can" be played, and another not at all, if it has not a good tone. "Impotence" is a privation of potency—a kind of - abolition of the principle which has been described—either in general or in + n="12.8" ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/>"Impotence" is a privation of potency—a kind of + abolition of the principle which has been described—either in general or in something which would naturally possess that principle, or even at a time when it would - naturally already possess it (for we should not use "impotence"—in respect of - begetting—in the same sense of a boy, a man and a eunuch). Again, there is an "impotence" corresponding to each kind of potency; both to the kinetic and to the successfully kinetic. Some things are said to be "impotent" in @@ -3566,15 +3566,15 @@ of the former class some are quantitative in virtue of their substance, e.g. the fine (because the definition which describes it is quantitative in some form); and others are attributes and conditions of a substance of this - kind— e.g., "much" and "little," "long" and "short," "broad" and "narrow," "deep" + kind— e.g., "much" and "little," "long" and "short," "broad" and "narrow," "deep" and "shallow," "heavy" and "light," etc. Moreover, "great" and "small," and "greater" and "smaller," whether used absolutely or relatively to one another, are essential attributes of quantity; by an extension of meaning, however, these terms are also applied to other things. Of things called quantitative in an accidental sense, one kind is so called in the sense in which we said above that "cultured" or "white" is - quantitative—because the subject to which they belong is quantitative; and others in - the sense that motion and time are so called—for these too are said in a sense to be + quantitative—because the subject to which they belong is quantitative; and others in + the sense that motion and time are so called—for these too are said in a sense to be quantitative and continuous, since the subjects of which they are attributes are divisible. I mean, not the thing moved, but that through or along which the motion has taken place; for it is because the latter is quantitative that the motion is quantitative, @@ -3586,14 +3586,14 @@ />which shows that the essential differentia is quality. In this one sense, then, "quality" means differentia of essence; but (b) in another it is used as of immovable and - mathematical objects, in the sense that numbers are in a way qualitative—e.g. such + mathematical objects, in the sense that numbers are in a way qualitative—e.g. such as are composite and are represented geometrically not by a line but by a plane or solid - (these are products respectively of two and of three factors)—and in general means + (these are products respectively of two and of three factors)—and in general means that which is present besides quantity in the essence. For the essence of each number is that which goes into it once; e.g. that of 6 is not what goes twice or three times, but what goes once; for 6 is once 6. (c) All affections of substance in motion in respect of which bodies become different when they - (the affections) change—e.g. heat and cold, whiteness and blackness, heaviness and + (the affections) change—e.g. heat and cold, whiteness and blackness, heaviness and lightness, etc. (d) The term is used with reference to goodness and badness, and in general to good and bad. Thus there are, roughly speaking, two meanings which the term @@ -3660,9 +3660,9 @@ there is a thought which thinks it; but thought is not relative to that of which it is the thought (for then the same thing would have been said twice). And similarly sight is the sight of something; not of that of which it is the sight, although this is of course - true—it is relative to some color or other similar thing. To describe it in the other way—"the sight of the object of - sight"—would be to say the same thing twice. To describe it in the other way—"the sight of the object of + sight"—would be to say the same thing twice. Things, then, which are called relative of their own nature are so called, some in these senses, and others because the classes which contain them are of this kind. E.g., medicine is reckoned as relative because its genus, @@ -3680,7 +3680,7 @@ are "perfect" when they have no deficiency in respect of the form of their peculiar excellence. And thus by an extension of the meaning we use the term in a bad connection, and speak of a "perfect" humbug and a - "perfect" thief; since indeed we call them "good"— e.g. a "good" thief and a "good" humbug. (c) And goodness is a kind of perfection. For each thing, and every substance, is perfect when, and only when, in respect of the form of its peculiar @@ -3792,7 +3792,7 @@ so); and "invisible" either because it has no color at all or because it has only a faint one; and "footless" either because it has no feet at all or because it has rudimentary feet. Again, a negative affix may mean - "having something in a small degree"—e.g. "stoneless"— that is, having it in some rudimentary manner. Again, it may mean having it "not easily" or "not well"; e.g., "uncutable" means not only that which cannot be cut, but that which cannot be cut easily @@ -3850,7 +3850,7 @@ in honor of Apollo and Artemis) at the end of May. "Part" means: (a) That into which a quantity can be in any way divided; for that which is taken from a quantity qua quantity is always called a part of that quantity—e.g., we + rend="Italic">qua quantity is always called a part of that quantity—e.g., we call 2 part (in a sense) of 3. (b) In another sense the term is only applied to those "parts" in sense (a) which measure the whole; hence in one sense we call 2 part of 3, and in another not. Again, (c) those divisions @@ -3888,13 +3888,13 @@ singular qua one; all this number, all these units. We do not describe any chance quantity as "mutilated"; it must have parts, and must be a whole. The number 2 is - not mutilated if one of its 1's is taken away—because the part lost by mutilation is - never equal to the remainder—nor in general is any number mutilated; because the + not mutilated if one of its 1's is taken away—because the part lost by mutilation is + never equal to the remainder—nor in general is any number mutilated; because the essence must persist. If a cup is mutilated, it must still be a cup; but the number is no longer the same. Moreover, not even all things which have dissimilar parts are mutilated; for a number has in a sense dissimilar as well - as similar parts—e.g. 2, 3. But in general of things whose position makes no - difference, e.g. water or fire, none is mutilated;— to be mutilated, things must be such as have their position according to their essence. Further, they must be continuous; for a musical scale is composed of dissimilar parts, and has position; but it @@ -3923,7 +3923,7 @@ or a particular solid); i.e., that which underlies the differentiae. (d) In the sense that in formulae the first component, which is stated as part of the essence, is the genus, and the qualities are said to be its - differentiae. The term "genus," then, is used in all these senses—(a) in respect of + differentiae. The term "genus," then, is used in all these senses—(a) in respect of continuous generation of the same type; (b) in respect of the first mover of the same type as the things which it moves; (c) in the sense of material. For that to which the differentia or quality belongs is the substrate, which we call material. Cf. Plat. Euthyd. 283e-284c, 286c, d. nearly so. But it is possible to describe everything not only by its own definition but by that of - something else; quite falsely, and yet also in a sense truly—e.g., 8 may be + something else; quite falsely, and yet also in a sense truly—e.g., 8 may be described as "double" by the definition of 2. Such are the meanings of "false" in these cases. (3.) A false man is one who readily and deliberately makes such statements, for the sake of - doing so and for no other reason; and one who induces such statements in others—just + doing so and for no other reason; and one who induces such statements in others—just as we call things false which induce a false impression. Hence the proof in the HippiasPlat. Hipp. Min 365-375. that the same @@ -3998,7 +3998,7 @@ his course by a storm, or captured by pirates. The accident has happened or exists, but in virtue not of itself but of something else; for it was the storm which was the cause of his coming to a place for which he was not - sailing—i.e. Aegina. Aegina. "Accident" has also another sense,i.e. "property." namely, whatever belongs to each thing in virtue of itself, but is not in its essence; e.g. as having the sum of its angles equal to two @@ -4030,7 +4030,7 @@ principle of motion and rest), obviously it is neither a practical nor a productive science. For in the case of things produced the principle of motion (either mind or art or some kind of potency) is in the producer; - and in the case of things done the will is the agent—for the thing done and the + and in the case of things done the will is the agent—for the thing done and the thing willed are the same. Thus if every intellectual activity is either practical or productive or speculative, physics will be a speculative science; but speculative about that kind of Being which can be moved, and about formulated substance for the most part @@ -4042,9 +4042,9 @@ form with matter; because the "snub" is a concave nose , whereas concavity is independent of sensible matter. Now if all physical - terms are used in the same sense as "snub"—e.g. nose, eye, face, flesh, bone, and in + terms are used in the same sense as "snub"—e.g. nose, eye, face, flesh, bone, and in general animal; leaf, root, bark, and in general vegetable (for not one of these has a - definition without motion; the definition invariably includes matter)—it is clear + definition without motion; the definition invariably includes matter)—it is clear how we should look for and define the essence in physical things, and why it is the province of the physicist to study even some aspects of the soul, so far as it is not independent of matter. Now all causes must be eternal, but these especially; since they are the causes of what is visible of things divine. Hence there will be three speculative philosophies: mathematics, physics, and - theology— since it is obvious that if + theology— since it is obvious that if the divine is present anywhere, it is present in this kind of entity; and also the most honorable science must deal with the most honorable class of subject. The speculative sciences, then, are to be preferred to the other sciences, and "theology" to the other speculative sciences. One might indeed raise the question whether the primary philosophy is universal or deals with some one genus or entity; because even the mathematical sciences differ in - this respect—geometry and astronomy deal with a particular kind of entity, whereas + this respect—geometry and astronomy deal with a particular kind of entity, whereas universal mathematics applies to all kinds alike. Then if there is not some other substance besides those which are naturally composed, physics will be the primary science; but if there is a substance which @@ -4099,7 +4099,7 @@ n="Plat. Soph. 254a">Plat. Soph. 254a. was not far wrong in making sophistry deal with what is nonexistent; because the sophists discuss the accident more, perhaps, than any other - people—whether "cultured" and "grammatical,"i.e. able to read and write. The sophistic argument is given by Alexander as follows: A is grammatical; therefore grammatical A=A. A is cultured; therefore cultured A=A. Therefore grammatical=cultured, and he who is grammatical must be cultured. But B, @@ -4121,7 +4121,7 @@ considerations as the following: of things which are in other senses there is generation and destruction, but of things which are accidentally there is not.i.e., the process of becoming or change takes - place in the subject—the man , who is accidentally cultured, becomes + place in the subject—the man , who is accidentally cultured, becomes grammatical, and when the process is complete "the cultured" is accidentally grammatical; but it does not become so. Nevertheless we must state further, so far as it is possible, with regard to the accidental, what its @@ -4163,11 +4163,11 @@ questions must be inquired into laterCf. Aristot. Met. 12.6-8.; but it is clear that there is no science of the - accidental—because all scientific knowledge is of that which is always + accidental—because all scientific knowledge is of that which is always or usually so. How else indeed can one learn it or teach it to another? For a fact must be defined by being so always or usually; e.g., honey-water is usually beneficial in case of fever. But science will - not be able to state the exception to the rule: when it is not beneficial—e.g. at + not be able to state the exception to the rule: when it is not beneficial—e.g. at the new moon; because that which happens at the new moon also happens either always or usually; but the accidental is contrary to this. We have now explained the nature and cause of the accidental, and that there is no science of it. Thus of necessity he will either die or not die. And similarly if one jumps over to the past, the principle is the same; for - this—I mean that which has just happened—is already present in something. + this—I mean that which has just happened—is already present in something. Everything, then, which is to be, will be of necessity; e.g., he who is alive must - die—for some stage of the process has been reached already; e.g., the contraries are - present in the same body—but whether by disease or violence is not yet determined; + die—for some stage of the process has been reached already; e.g., the contraries are + present in the same body—but whether by disease or violence is not yet determined; it depends upon whether so-and-so happens. Clearly, then, the series goes back to some starting-point, which does not go back to something else. This, therefore, will be the starting-point of the fortuitous, and nothing @@ -4207,10 +4207,10 @@ thought" I mean thinking them not as a succession but as a unitysc., "or not as a unity but as a succession" (this is separating in thought).); for "falsity" and "truth" are not in - things —the good, for example, being true, and the bad - false—but in thought ; and with regard to simple concepts and essences + things —the good, for example, being true, and the bad + false—but in thought ; and with regard to simple concepts and essences there is no truth or falsity even in thought; —what points we must study in connection with being and not-being in this sense, + />—what points we must study in connection with being and not-being in this sense, we must consider later. But since the combination and separation exists in thought and not in things, and this sense of "being" is different from the proper senses (since thought attaches or detaches essence or quality or quantity or some other category), we may @@ -4258,11 +4258,11 @@ alone; and it is primary also in definition, because in the formula of each thing the formula of substance must be inherent; and we assume that we know each particular thing most truly when we know what "man" - or "fire" is— rather than its quality or quantity or position; because we know each of these points too when we know what the quantity or quality is. Indeed, the question which was raised long ago, is - still and always will be, and which always baffles us—"What is Being?"—is in + still and always will be, and which always baffles us—"What is Being?"—is in other words "What is substance?" Some say that it is oneThe Milesians and Eleatics.; others, more than one; some, finiteThe Pythagoreans and Empedocles.; @@ -4277,8 +4277,8 @@ n="2.2" ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/>We must consider whether (a) these are the only substances, or (b) these and some others, or (c) some of these, or (d) some of these and some others, or (e) none of these, but certain others. SomeThe Pythagoreans. hold that the bounds of body—i.e. the - surface, line, point and unit—are substances, and in a truer sense than body or the + anchored="yes">The Pythagoreans. hold that the bounds of body—i.e. the + surface, line, point and unit—are substances, and in a truer sense than body or the solid. Again, someThe pre-Socratics. believe that there is nothing of this kind besides sensible things, while others believe in eternal entities more numerous and more @@ -4291,7 +4291,7 @@ then another for the soul. In this way he multiplies the kinds of substance. SomeThe followers of Xenocrates, successor to Speusippus. again hold that the Forms and numbers have the same nature, and that - other things—lines and planes—are dependent upon them; and soon back to the + other things—lines and planes—are dependent upon them; and soon back to the substance of the visible universe and sensible things. We must consider, then, with regard to these matters, which of the views expressed is right and which wrong; and what things are substances; and whether @@ -4312,7 +4312,7 @@ two, the concrete thing: the statue. Thus if the form is prior to the matter and more truly existent, by the same argument it will also be prior to the combination. We have now stated in - outline the nature of substance—that it is not that which is predicated of a + outline the nature of substance—that it is not that which is predicated of a subject, but that of which the other things are predicated. But we must not merely define it so, for it is not enough. Not only is the statement itself obscure, but also it makes matter substance; for if matter is not substance, it is beyond our power to say what else @@ -4335,8 +4335,8 @@ substance. But this is impossible; for it is accepted that separability and individuality belong especially to substance. Hence it would seem that the form and the combination of form and matter are more truly substance than matter is. The substance, then, which consists of both—I mean of matter and - form—may be dismissed, since it is posterior and obvious. Matter too is in a sense + unit="Loeb chap"/>The substance, then, which consists of both—I mean of matter and + form—may be dismissed, since it is posterior and obvious. Matter too is in a sense evident. We must consider the third type, for this is the most perplexing. Now it is agreed that some sensible things are substances, and so we should begin our inquiry in connection with these. Hence essence will belong to nothing except species of a genus, but to these only; for in these the predicate is not considered to be related to the subject by participation or affection, nor as an accident. But of everything else as - well, if it has a name, there will be a formula of what it means—that X - belongs to Y; or instead of a simple formula one more exact—but no definition, nor + well, if it has a name, there will be a formula of what it means—that X + belongs to Y; or instead of a simple formula one more exact—but no definition, nor essence. Or perhaps "definition," like the "what," has more than one sense. For the "what" in one sense means the substance and the individual, Now although we must also consider how we should express ourselves in each particular case, it is still more important to consider what the facts are. Hence now, since the language @@ -4442,7 +4442,7 @@ they belong equally to other things too, but not primarily . For if we assume this, it does not necessarily follow that there is a definition of anything which means the same as any formula; it must mean the same as a particular kind of formula, i.e. the - formula of one thing— one not by + formula of one thing— one not by continuity like the Iliad, or things which are arbitrarily combined, but in one of the proper senses of "one." And "one" has the same variety of senses as "being." "Being" means sometimes the individual thing, sometimes the quantity, sometimes the @@ -4619,7 +4619,7 @@ art of medicine or of building is the form of health or the house). By substance without matter I mean the essence. In generations and motions part of the process is - called cogitation, and part production—that which proceeds from the starting-point + called cogitation, and part production—that which proceeds from the starting-point and the form is cogitation, and that which proceeds from the conclusion of the cogitation is production. Each of the other intermediate measures is carried out in the same way. I mean, e.g., that if A is to be healthy, his physical condition will have to be made @@ -4633,7 +4633,7 @@ starting-point is, perhaps, the heating of the patient; and this the doctor produces by friction. Heat in the body, then, is either a part of health, or is followed (directly or through several intermediaries) by something similar which is a part of health. This is - the ultimate thing, namely that produces, and in this sense is a part of, health—or + the ultimate thing, namely that produces, and in this sense is a part of, health—or of the house (in the form of stones)There is no real analogy between the casual relationship of heat to health and of stones to a house. The former is both material and @@ -4654,9 +4654,9 @@ invalid" become healthy), but it is more properly said to proceed from the privation; e.g., a man becomes healthy from being an invalid rather than from being a man. Hence a healthy person is not called an invalid, but - a man, and a healthy man. But where the privation is obscure and has no name—e.g. in + a man, and a healthy man. But where the privation is obscure and has no name—e.g. in bronze the privation of any given shape, or in bricks and wood the privation of the shape - of a house—the generation is considered to proceed from these materials, as in the + of a house—the generation is considered to proceed from these materials, as in the former case from the invalid. Hence just as in the former case the subject is not called that from which it is generated, so in this case the statue is not called wood, but is called by a verbal change not wood, but wooden; not @@ -4682,8 +4682,8 @@ unit="Loeb chap"/>If, then, we make the spherical form itself, clearly we shall have to make it in the same way; and the processes of generation will continue to infinity. It is therefore obvious that the form (or - whatever we should call the shape in the sensible thing) is not generated—generation - does not apply to it— nor is the essence generated; for this is that which is + whatever we should call the shape in the sensible thing) is not generated—generation + does not apply to it— nor is the essence generated; for this is that which is induced in something else either by art or by nature or by potency. But we do cause a bronze sphere to be, for we produce it from bronze and a sphere; we induce the form into this particular matter, and the result is a @@ -4715,8 +4715,8 @@ generation and destruction, is useless; nor, for this reason at any rate, should they be regarded as self-subsistent substances. Indeed in some cases it is even obvious that that which generates is of the same kind as that - which is generated—not however identical with it, nor numerically one with it, but - formally one—e.g. in natural productions (for man begets man), unless something + which is generated—not however identical with it, nor numerically one with it, but + formally one—e.g. in natural productions (for man begets man), unless something happens contrary to nature, as when a horse sires a mule. And even these cases are similar; for that which would be common to both horse and ass, the genus immediately above them, has no name; but it would probably be both, just as the mule is both.The question might be raised - why some things are generated both artificially and spontaneously—e.g. - health—and others not; e.g. a house. The reason is that in some cases the - matter—which is the starting-point of the process in the production and generation - of artificial things, and in which some part of the result is already existent—is + why some things are generated both artificially and spontaneously—e.g. + health—and others not; e.g. a house. The reason is that in some cases the + matter—which is the starting-point of the process in the production and generation + of artificial things, and in which some part of the result is already existent—is such that it can initiate its own motion, and in other cases it is not; and of the former kind some can initiate motion in a particular way, and some cannot. For many things can move themselves, but not in a particular way, e.g. so as to dance. and that from which the seed comes has in some sense the same name as the product (for we must not expect that all should have the - same name in the sense that "man" is produced by "man"—since woman is also produced + same name in the sense that "man" is produced by "man"—since woman is also produced by man); unless the product is a freak. This is why a mule is not produced by a mule. Those natural objects which are produced, like artificial objects, spontaneously, are those @@ -4837,7 +4837,7 @@ ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/>All things which are concrete combinations of form and matter (e.g. "the snub" or the bronze circle) can be resolved into form and matter, and the matter is a part of them; but such as are not concrete combinations with matter, but are - without matter—whose formulae refer to the form only—cannot be resolved; + without matter—whose formulae refer to the form only—cannot be resolved; either not at all, or at least not in this way. Thus these material components are principles and parts of the concrete objects, but they are neither parts nor principles of the form. For this reason @@ -4849,7 +4849,7 @@ unit="para"/>We have now stated the truth; nevertheless let us recapitulate and state it more clearly. All constituents which are parts of the formula, and into which the formula can be divided, are prior to their - wholes—either all or some of them. But the formula of the right angle is not + wholes—either all or some of them. But the formula of the right angle is not divisible into the formula of an acute angle, but vice versa; since in defining the acute angle we use the right angle, because "the acute angle is less than a right angle." It is the same with the circle and @@ -4885,11 +4885,11 @@ formula refers to the universal; for "circle" is the same as "essence of circle," and "soul" the same as "essence of soul." But when we come - to the concrete thing, e.g. this circle—which is a particular individual, either + to the concrete thing, e.g. this circle—which is a particular individual, either sensible or intelligible (by intelligible circles I mean those of mathematics,i.e., something very similar to the Platonic "intermediates." Cf. Introduction. and by sensible those which are of bronze or - wood)—of these individuals there is no definition; we apprehend them by intelligence or perception; and when they have passed from the sphere of actuality it is uncertain whether they exist or not, but they are always spoken of and apprehended by the universal formula. But the matter is in itself @@ -4899,9 +4899,9 @@ resp="Tredennick" anchored="yes">See Aristot. Met. 13.2, 3. We have now discussed the case of the whole and part, and of prior and - posterior. But we must answer the question, when we are asked which is prior—the + posterior. But we must answer the question, when we are asked which is prior—the right angle and circle and animal, or that into which they are resolved and of which they - are composed, i.e. their parts—by saying that neither is absolutely + are composed, i.e. their parts—by saying that neither is absolutely prior. For if the soul also is the animal or living thing, or the soul of the individual is the individual, and "being a circle" is the circle, and "being a right angle" or the essence @@ -4974,7 +4974,7 @@ which is not essence or form considered independently, but a particular thing. Thus the semicircles will be parts not of the universal circle but of the particular circles, as we said beforeAristot. - Met. 7.10.17.—for some matter is sensible, and some + Met. 7.10.17.—for some matter is sensible, and some intelligible. It is clear also that the soul is the primary substance, and the body matter; and "man" or "animal" is the combination of both taken universally. And " Socrates" or "Coriscus" has a double sense, @@ -5006,7 +5006,7 @@ substance, e.g., in the case of a man, the formula of the soul; because the substance is the indwelling form, of which and of the matter the so called concrete substance is composed. E.g., concavity is such a form, since from this and "nose" is derived "snub - nose" and "snubness"—for "nose" will be present twice over in these + nose" and "snubness"—for "nose" will be present twice over in these expressions); but in the concrete substance, e.g. snub nose or Callias, matter will be present too.Chapters. 10-11; and cf. Aristot. Met. @@ -5076,7 +5076,7 @@ differentiae. If, then, we keep on taking a differentia of a differentia, one of them, the last, will be the form and the substance. But if we proceed with reference to accidental - qualities—e.g. if we divide "that which has feet" into white and black—there + qualities—e.g. if we divide "that which has feet" into white and black—there will be as many differentiae as there are divisions. It is therefore obvious that the definition is the formula derived from the differentiae, and strictly speaking from the last of them. This will be clear if we change @@ -5091,7 +5091,7 @@ of these are called substance, so too is the universal. With two of these we have already dealt, i.e. with the essenceChs. 4-5.,10-12. and the substrateCh. 3.; of the latter we - have said that it underlies in two senses—either being an individual thing (as the + have said that it underlies in two senses—either being an individual thing (as the animal underlies its attributes), or as matter underlies the actuality. The universal also is thought by someThe Platonists. to be in the truest sense a cause and a principle. @@ -5136,7 +5136,7 @@ unit="Loeb chap"/>Again, it is clear in this way too. Substance can not consist of substances actually present in it; for that which is actually two can never be actually one, whereas if it is potentially two it can be one. E.g., the double consists of two - halves—that is, potentially; for the actualization separates the halves. Thus if substance is one, it cannot consist of substances present in it even in this sense, as Democritus rightly observes; he says that it is impossible for two to come from one, or one from two, because he identifies @@ -5211,7 +5211,7 @@ requires scientific knowledge, and if, just as knowledge cannot be sometimes knowledge and sometimes ignorance (it is opinion that is of this nature), so too demonstration and definition cannot vary (it is opinion that is concerned with that which can be otherwise - than it is)— then clearly there can be neither definition nor demonstration of individual sensible substances. For (a) things which perish are obscure to those who have knowledge of them when they are removed from @@ -5233,7 +5233,7 @@ to "two-footed" (and in the case of eternal elements this is even necessarily so; since they are prior to the compound, and parts of it. Indeed they are also separable, if the term "man" is - separable—for either neither can be separable, or both are so. If neither, the genus will not exist apart from the species, or if it is so to exist, so will the differentia); (2.) that "animal" and "two-footed" are prior in being to "two-footed animal," and that which is prior to something else is not @@ -5249,10 +5249,10 @@ defining individuals is hard to realize when we are dealing with eternal entities, especially in the case of such as are unique, e.g. the sun and moon. For people go wrong not only by including in the definition attributes on whose removal it will still be - sun—e.g., "that which goes round the earth," or "night-hidden " (for they suppose + sun—e.g., "that which goes round the earth," or "night-hidden " (for they suppose that if it stops or becomes visiblesc. in the night. it will no longer be sun; but it is absurd that this should be so, since - "the sun "denotes a definite substance)—they also mention attributes which may apply + "the sun "denotes a definite substance)—they also mention attributes which may apply to something else; e.g., if another thing with those attributes comes into being, clearly it will be a sun. The formula, then, is general; but the sun was supposed to be an @@ -5263,7 +5263,7 @@ which are thought to be substances the majority are potentialities; both the parts of living things (for none of them has a separate substantial existence; and when they are separated, although they still exist, they exist as matter), and earth, fire and air; for - none of these is one thing —they are a mere aggregate before they are + none of these is one thing —they are a mere aggregate before they are digested and some one thing is generated from them. It might be supposed very reasonably that the parts of living things and the corresponding parts of their vital principle are both, i.e. exist both actually @@ -5335,7 +5335,7 @@ predicated in this way of another. Or again, "why are these things, e.g. bricks and stones, a house?" Clearly then we are inquiring for the cause (i.e., to speak abstractly, the essence); which is in the case of some things, - e.g. house or bed, the end , and in others the prime mover—for this + e.g. house or bed, the end , and in others the prime mover—for this also is a cause. We look for the latter kind of cause in the case of generation and destruction, but for the former also in the case of existence. What we are now looking for is @@ -5358,7 +5358,7 @@ unit="Loeb chap"/>Now since that which is composed of something in such a way that the whole is a unity; not as an aggregate is a unity, but as a syllable isThis sentence is not finished; the parenthesis which - follows lasts until the end of the chapter.—the syllable is not the + follows lasts until the end of the chapter.—the syllable is not the letters, nor is BA the same as B and A; nor is flesh fire and earth; because after dissolution the compounds, e.g. flesh or the syllable, no longer exist; but the letters exist, and so do fire and earth. Therefore the @@ -5428,7 +5428,7 @@ separable); and thirdly there is the combination of the two, which alone admits of generation and destruction,Cf. Aristot. Met. 7.8. and is separable in an - unqualified sense—for of substances in the sense of formula some are separableIn point of fact the only form which is absolutely separable is Mind or Reason. Cf. Aristot. Met. 12.7, 9. and some are not. We must therefore comprehend - the various kinds of differences—for these will be principles of being—i.e. + the various kinds of differences—for these will be principles of being—i.e. the differences in degree, or in density and rarity, and in other such modifications, for they are all instances of excess and defect. And if anything differs in shape or in smoothness or roughness, all these are @@ -5520,7 +5520,7 @@ substance is, and in what sense it exists; either as matter, or as form and actuality, or thirdly as the combination of the two. We must not fail to realize that sometimes it is doubtful - whether a name denotes the composite substance or the actuality and the form—e.g. + whether a name denotes the composite substance or the actuality and the form—e.g. whether "house" denotes the composite thing, "a covering made of bricks and stones arranged in such-and-such a way," or the actuality and form, "a covering"; and whether "line" means "duality in length" or "duality"Cf. @@ -5607,7 +5607,7 @@ matter or the four elements.; i.e. even if all things that are generated have the same matter for their first principle, nevertheless each thing has some matter peculiar to it; e.g., "the sweet" or "the viscous" is the proximate matter of mucus, and "the bitter" - or some such thing is that of bile— although probably mucus and bile are derived from the same ultimate matter. The result is that there is more than one matter of the same thing, when one thing is the matter of the other; e.g., mucus is derived from "the @@ -5652,11 +5652,11 @@ />Since some things both are and are not, without being liable to generation and destructionCf. Aristot. Met. 6.3.1, Aristot. Met. 7.8.3.—e.g. points,Aristot. Met. 7.8.3.—e.g. points,Cf. Aristot. Met. 3.5.8, 9. if they exist at all; and in general the forms and shapes of things (because white does not come to be, but the wood becomes white, since everything - which comes into being comes from something and becomes something)—not all the + which comes into being comes from something and becomes something)—not all the contrariesi.e., we must distinguish "contraries" in the sense of "contrary qualities" from "contraries" in the sense of "things characterized by contrary qualities." can be generated from each other. White is @@ -5696,11 +5696,11 @@ "two-footed"? Why are not these Ideas "man," and why should not man exist by participation, not in any "man," but in two Ideas, those of "animal" and "two-footed"? And in general - "man" will be not one, but two things—"animal" and "two-footed." Evidently if we + "man" will be not one, but two things—"animal" and "two-footed." Evidently if we proceed in this way, as it is usual to define and explain, it will be impossible to answer and solve the difficulty. But if, as we - maintain, man is part matter and part form—the matter being potentially, and the - form actually man—, the point which we are investigating will no longer seem to be a + maintain, man is part matter and part form—the matter being potentially, and the + form actually man—, the point which we are investigating will no longer seem to be a difficulty. For this difficulty is just the same as we should have if the definition of XLiterally "cloak"; cf. Aristot. Met. 7.4.7 n. were "round bronze"; @@ -5762,7 +5762,7 @@ or quality or quantity, but also in accordance with potentiality and actuality and function, let us also gain a clear understanding about potentiality and actuality; and first about potentiality in the sense which is most proper to the word, but not most - useful for our present purpose— for potentiality and actuality extend beyond the sphere of terms which only refer to motion. When we have discussed this sense of potentiality we will, in the course of our definitions of @@ -5782,7 +5782,7 @@ by the action of some other thing, or of itself qua other. Another is a positive state of impassivity in respect of deterioration or destruction by something else or by itself qua something else; i.e. by a transformatory - principle—for all these definitions contain the formula of the primary sense of + principle—for all these definitions contain the formula of the primary sense of potentiality. Again, all these potentialities are so called either because they merely act or are acted upon in a particular way, or because they do so well . Hence in their formulae also the formulae of @@ -5795,7 +5795,7 @@ a certain principle, and because even the matter is a kind of principle, that the patient is acted upon; i.e., one thing is acted upon by another: oily stuff is inflammable, and stuff which yields in a certain way is breakable, and similarly in other - cases)— and partly in the agent; e.g. + cases)— and partly in the agent; e.g. heat and the art of building: the former in that which produces heat, and the latter in that which builds. Hence in so far as it is a natural unity, nothing is acted upon by itself; because it is one, and not a separate thing. Privation has several sensesCf. - Aristot. Met. 5.22.—it is applied + Aristot. Met. 5.22.—it is applied (1.) to anything which does not possess a certain attribute; (2.) to that which would naturally possess it, but does not; either (a) in general, or (b) when it would naturally possess it; and either (1) in a particular way, e.g. entirely, or (2) in any way at all. @@ -5822,7 +5822,7 @@ rational account, and the same account explains both the thing and its privation, though not in the same way; and in one sense it applies to both, and in another sense rather to the actual fact. Therefore such sciences must - treat of contraries—essentially of the one, and non-essentially of the other; for + treat of contraries—essentially of the one, and non-essentially of the other; for the rational account also applies essentially to the one, but to the other in a kind of accidental way, since it is by negation and removal that it throws light on the contrary. For the contrary is the primary privation,Cf. is or will be, will be in error, for this is what "incapable" meant.i.e., we have just said that that which is incapable is deprived of its - potency—in this case, of its potency for happening. Thus these theories do away with both motion and generation; for that which is standing will always stand, and that which is sitting will always sit; because if it is sitting it will not get up, since it is impossible that anything which is @@ -5908,8 +5908,8 @@ it cannot be true to say that so-and-so is possible, but will not be, this view entirely loses sight of the instances of impossibility.If it is true to say that a thing which is possible will not be, anything may be possible, and - nothing impossible. I mean, suppose that someone—i.e. the sort of man who - does not take the impossible into account—were to say that it is possible to measure + nothing impossible. I mean, suppose that someone—i.e. the sort of man who + does not take the impossible into account—were to say that it is possible to measure the diagonal of a square, but that it will not be measured, because there is nothing to prevent a thing which is capable of being or coming to be from neither being nor being likely ever to be. But from our premisses this @@ -5935,7 +5935,7 @@ real, then B must be real at that time and in that way. Since all potencies are either innate, like the senses, or acquired by practice, like flute-playing, or by study, as in the arts, - some—such as are acquired by practice or a rational formula—we can only + some—such as are acquired by practice or a rational formula—we can only possess when we have first exercised themCf. Aristot. Met. 9.8.6, 7.; in the case of others which are not of this kind and which imply passivity, this is not necessary. Let actuality be defined by one member of this antithesis, and the potential by the other. But things are not all said to exist actually in the same sense, but only by - analogy—as A is in B or to B, so is C in or to D; for the relation is either that of + analogy—as A is in B or to B, so is C in or to D; for the relation is either that of motion to potentiality, or that of substance to some particular matter. Infinity and void and other concepts of this kind are said to "be" potentially or actually in a different sense from @@ -6020,8 +6020,8 @@ time, like the thinning-process; but it has not ceased at the present moment; we both are living and have lived. Now of these processes we should call the one type motions, and the other actualizations. Every motion is incomplete—the processes of thinning, learning, - walking, building—these are motions, and incomplete at that. For it is not the same + unit="Loeb chap"/>Every motion is incomplete—the processes of thinning, learning, + walking, building—these are motions, and incomplete at that. For it is not the same thing which at the same time is walking and has walked, or is building and has built, or is becoming and has become, or is being moved and has been moved, but two different things; and that which is causing motion is different from that which has caused @@ -6064,10 +6064,10 @@ n="Aristot. Met. 7.1033a">Aristot. Met. 7.7.10-12. and wood is not earth, but earthen material; and earth also is an illustration of our point if it is similarly not some other thing, but a definite - material—it is always the latter term in this series which is, in the fullest sense, + material—it is always the latter term in this series which is, in the fullest sense, potentially something else. E.g., a box is not earth, nor earthen, but wooden; for it is this that is potentially a box, and this is the - matter of the box—that is, wooden material in general is the matter of "box" in + matter of the box—that is, wooden material in general is the matter of "box" in general, whereas the matter of a particular box is a particular piece of wood. If there is some primary stuff, which is not further called the material of some other thing, this is primary matter. E.g., if earth is "made of air," and @@ -6112,7 +6112,7 @@ already exist in actuality. But prior in time to these potential entities are other actual entities from which the former are generated; for the actually existent is always generated from the potentially existent by something - which is actually existent—e.g., man by man, cultured by cultured—there is + which is actually existent—e.g., man by man, cultured by cultured—there is always some prime mover; and that which initiates motion exists already in actuality. We have saidAristot. Met. 7.7, 8. in @@ -6142,7 +6142,7 @@ they may see. Similarly men possess the art of building in order that they may build, and the power of speculation that they may speculate; they do not speculate in order that they may have the power of - speculation—except those who are learning by practice; and they do not really + speculation—except those who are learning by practice; and they do not really speculate, but only in a limited sense, or about a subject about which they have no desire to speculate. Further, matter exists potentially, because it may attain to the form; but when it exists actually, it is then in the form. @@ -6199,7 +6199,7 @@ is it potentially in motion (except in respect of some starting-point or destination), and there is no reason why the matter of such a thing should not exist. Hence the sun and stars and the whole visible heaven are always - active, and there is no fear that they will ever stop—a fear which the writerse.g. Empedocles; cf. Aristot. Met. 5.23.3 n. on physics entertain. Nor do the heavenly bodies tire in their activity; for motion does not imply for them, as it does for @@ -6256,7 +6256,7 @@ n="Plat. Laws 896e">Plat. Laws 896e, Plat. Laws 898c). Nor is there in things which are original and eternal any evil or error, or anything which has been - destroyed—for destruction is an evil. Geometrical constructions, too, are discovered by an actualization, because it is by dividing that we discover them. If the division were already done, they would be obvious; but as it is the division is only there potentially. @@ -6327,7 +6327,7 @@ does not exist in that way, it does not exist at all. Truth means to think these objects, and there is no falsity or deception, but only - ignorance—not, however, ignorance such as blindness is; for blindness is like a + ignorance—not, however, ignorance such as blindness is; for blindness is like a total absence of the power of thinking. And it is obvious that with regard to immovable things also, if one assumes that there are immovable things, there is no deception in respect of time. E.g., if we suppose that the @@ -6395,7 +6395,7 @@ is known by unity, and that by which quantities are primarily known is absolute unity. Thus unity is the starting point of number qua number. Hence in other cases too "measure" means that by - which each thing is primarily known, and the measure of each thing is a unit—in + which each thing is primarily known, and the measure of each thing is a unit—in length, breadth, depth, weight and speed. (The terms "weight" and "speed" are common to both contraries, for each of them has a double meaning; e.g., "weight" applies to that which has the least amount of gravity and also to @@ -6419,7 +6419,7 @@ kind is the starting point and measure; for they assume that the motion of the heavens is uniform and the most rapid, and by it they judge the others. In music the measure is the quarter tone, because it is the smallest interval; and in language the letter. All these - are examples of units in this sense—not in the sense that unity is something common + are examples of units in this sense—not in the sense that unity is something common to them all, but in the sense which we have described. The measure is not always numerically one, but sometimes more than one; e.g., there are two quarter tones, distinguished not by our hearing but by their @@ -6437,14 +6437,14 @@ n="20" ed="Bekker" unit="line"/>in respect of either quantity or form. Hence unity is indivisible, because that which is primary in each class of things is indivisible. But not every unit is indivisible in the - same sense—e.g. the foot and the arithmetical unit; but the latter is absolutely + same sense—e.g. the foot and the arithmetical unit; but the latter is absolutely indivisible, and the former must be classed as indivisible with respect to our power of perception, as we have already stated; since presumably everything which is continuous is divisible. The measure is always akin to the thing measured. The measure of magnitude is magnitude, and in particular the measure of length is a length; of breadth, a breadth; of sounds, a sound; of weight, a weight; of units, a unit; for this is the view that we must take, and not that the measure of numbers is a number. The latter, indeed, would necessarily be - true, if the analogy held good; but the supposition is not analogous—it is as though + true, if the analogy held good; but the supposition is not analogous—it is as though one were to suppose that the measure of units is units, and not a unit; for number is a plurality of units. We also speak of knowledge or sense perception as a measure of things @@ -6470,8 +6470,8 @@ which we approached in our discussion of difficultiesAristot. Met. 3.4.24-27.: what unity is, and what view we are to take of it; whether that unity - itself is a kind of substance—as first the Pythagoreans, and later Plato, both - maintain—or whether rather some nature underlies it, and we should give a more + itself is a kind of substance—as first the Pythagoreans, and later Plato, both + maintain—or whether rather some nature underlies it, and we should give a more intelligible account of it, and more after the manner of the physicists; for of them oneEmpedocles. holds that the One is Love, anotherAnaximenes. Air, and anotherClearly of colors. And unity would be some one color, e.g. white. - Similarly if all existing things were tunes, there would be a number—of + Similarly if all existing things were tunes, there would be a number—of quarter-tones; but their substance would not be a number; and unity would be something whose substance is not unity but a quarter-tone. Similarly in the case of sounds, existing @@ -6514,7 +6514,7 @@ so too in the sphere of substance the One-itself is one substance. And that in a sense unity means the same as being is clear (a) from the fact that it has a meaning corresponding to each of the categories, and is - contained in none of them—e.g., it is contained neither in substance nor in quality, + contained in none of them—e.g., it is contained neither in substance nor in quality, but is related to them exactly as being is; (b) from the fact that in "one man" nothing more is predicated than in "man"Cf. Aristot. Met. 4.2.6-8.(just as Being too does @@ -6526,8 +6526,8 @@ undivided is called one. Then since opposition is of four kinds, and one of the present pairs of opposites is used in a privative sense, they must be contraries, and neither contradictories nor relative terms. Unity is - described and explained by its contrary—the indivisible by the - divisible—because plurality, i.e. the divisible, is more easily perceptible than the + described and explained by its contrary—the indivisible by the + divisible—because plurality, i.e. the divisible, is more easily perceptible than the indivisible; and so in formula plurality is prior to the indivisible, on account of our powers of perception. To Unity belong (as we showed by tabulation in our distinction of the contrariesCf. @@ -6548,7 +6548,7 @@ straight lines are similar. These are similar, but not absolutely the same. (b) If, having the same form, and being capable of difference in degree, they have no difference of degree. (c) If things have an attribute which - is the same and one in form—e.g. white—in different degrees, we say that they + is the same and one in form—e.g. white—in different degrees, we say that they are similar because their form is one. (d) If the respects in which they are the same are more than those in which they differ, either in general or as regards their more prominent qualities; e.g., tin is similar to silver, as being white; and gold to fire, as being @@ -6574,7 +6574,7 @@ either "other" or "the same." But that which is different from something is different in some particular respect, so that that in which they differ must be the same sort of thing; i.e. the same genus or species. For everything - which is different differs either in genus or in species—in genus, such things as + which is different differs either in genus or in species—in genus, such things as have not common matter and cannot be generated into or out of each other, e.g. things which belong to different categories; and in species, such things as are of the same genus (genus meaning that which is predicated of both the different things alike in respect of @@ -6621,7 +6621,7 @@ most different things which come under the same faculty are contraries; for one science treats of one class of things, in which complete difference is the greatest. "Positive state" and - "Privation" constitute primary contrariety—not every form of privation (for it has + "Privation" constitute primary contrariety—not every form of privation (for it has several senses), but any form which is complete. All other contraries must be so called with respect to these; some because they possess these, others because they produce them or are productive of them, and others because they are acquisitions or losses of these or @@ -6634,7 +6634,7 @@ which is totally incapable of possessing some attribute,This is not a proper example of privation. Cf. Aristot. Met. 5.22. or that which would - naturally possess some attribute but does not, that suffers privation—either + naturally possess some attribute but does not, that suffers privation—either absolutely or in some specified way. Here we already have several meanings, which we have distinguished elsewhere. Thus privation is a kind of contradiction or incapacity which is determinate or associated with the receptive material. And the differences are as we have stated: one case is, if a thing is merely deprived; another, if it is deprived at a certain time or in a certain - part—e.g. at a certain age or in the important part—or entirely. Hence in some + part—e.g. at a certain age or in the important part—or entirely. Hence in some cases there is an intermediate (there are men who are neither good nor bad), and in others - there is not—a thing must be either odd or even. Again, some have a determinate subject, and others have not. Thus it is evident that one of a pair of contraries always has a privative sense; but it is enough if this is true of the primary or generic contraries, e.g. unity and plurality; for the others can be reduced to them. Since one thing has one contrary, it might be asked in what sense unity is opposed to plurality, and the equal to the great and to the small. For if we - always use the word "whether" in an antithesis—e.g., "whether it is white or black," + always use the word "whether" in an antithesis—e.g., "whether it is white or black," or "whether it is white or not" (but we do not ask "whether it is a man or white," unless we are proceeding upon some assumption, and asking, for instance, whether it was Cleon who came or Socrates. This is not a necessary disjunction in any class of things, but is derived from the use in the case of - opposites—for it is only opposites that cannot be true at the same time—and we + opposites—for it is only opposites that cannot be true at the same time—and we have this same use here in the question "which of the two came?" for if both alternatives were possible, the question would be absurd; but even so the question falls into an antithesis: - that of "one" or "many"—i.e., "whether both came, or one")— if, then, the question "whether" is always concerned with opposites, and we can ask "whether it is greater or smaller, or equal," what is the nature of the antithesis between "equal" and "greater or smaller"? It is contrary neither to one @@ -6691,7 +6691,7 @@ negation or as privation. Now it cannot be so opposed to one of the two, for it is no more opposed to the great than to the small. Therefore it is a privative negation of both. For this reason we say "whether" with - reference to both, and not to one of the two—e.g., "whether it is greater or equal," + reference to both, and not to one of the two—e.g., "whether it is greater or equal," or "whether it is equal or smaller"; there are always three alternatives. But it is not a necessary privation; for not everything is equal which is not greater or smaller, but only things which would naturally have these @@ -6706,7 +6706,7 @@ unit="para"/>Therefore those persons are wrong in their criticism who imagine that all terms are used analogously, so that that which is neither a shoe nor a hand will be intermediate between "shoe" and "hand," because - that which is neither good nor bad is intermediate between good and bad—as though + that which is neither good nor bad is intermediate between good and bad—as though there must be an intermediate in all cases; but this does not necessarily follow. For the one is a joint negation of opposites where there is an intermediate and a natural interval; sc. "and then the absurdity of his view would have been apparent, for," etc. Aristotle assumes the Anaxagoras meant "smallness" (MIKRO/THS) to be the opposite of "multitude" (PLH=QOS); but he meant just what he said—that the + lang="greek">PLH=QOS); but he meant just what he said—that the particles of which things consist are infinitely many and infinitely small. See Bowman in Classical Review 30, 42-44. for things cannot be infinite in fewness), since fewness is constituted not by one, as some hold, but by two. Aristot. Met. 5.15.8, 9. - that things are called relative in two senses—either as being contraries, or as + that things are called relative in two senses—either as being contraries, or as knowledge is related to the knowable, A being related to B because B is described in relation to A. There is no reason why one should not be fewer than something, e.g. two; for if it is @@ -6763,7 +6763,7 @@ is a plurality measurable by one. And in a sense one and number are opposed; not, however, as being contrary, but as we have said some relative terms to be; for it is qua measure and measurable that they are opposed. (Hence not everything which is one is a number—e.g., a + ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/>(Hence not everything which is one is a number—e.g., a thing which is indivisible.) But although the relation between knowledge and the knowable is said to be similar to this, it turns out not to be similar. For it would seem that knowledge is a measure, and the knowable that which is measurable by it; but it happens @@ -6796,9 +6796,9 @@ intermediate term); of the remaining types of opposites some are relative, others privative, and others contrary. Those relative opposites which are not contrary have no intermediate. The reason for this is that they - are not in the same genus— for what is intermediate between knowledge and the - knowable?—but between great and small there is an intermediate. Now since + knowable?—but between great and small there is an intermediate. Now since intermediates are in the same genus, as has been shown, and are between contraries, they must be composed of those contraries. For the contraries must either belong to a genus or not. And if there is a genus in such a way that @@ -7157,7 +7157,7 @@ permanent or temporary state or motion or some other such affection of Being qua Being. And since everything that is can be referred to some one common concept, each of the contrarieties - too can be referred to the primary differentiae and contrarieties of Being—whether + too can be referred to the primary differentiae and contrarieties of Being—whether the primary differentiae of Being are plurality and unity, or similarity and dissimilarity, or something else; for we may take them as already discussed.Cf. Aristot. Met. 4.2.9 @@ -7169,7 +7169,7 @@ contraries pertains to one and the same science, and each contrary is so called in virtue of privation (although indeed one might wonder in what sense they can be called contraries in virtue of privation when they admit of a - middle term—e.g. "unjust" and "just"), in all such cases we must regard the + middle term—e.g. "unjust" and "just"), in all such cases we must regard the privation as being not of the whole definition but of the ultimate species. E.g., if the just man is "one who is obedient to the laws in virtue of some volitional state," the unjust man will not be entirely deprived of the whole definition, but will be "one who is @@ -7178,8 +7178,8 @@ cases). And just as the mathematician makes a study of abstractions (for in his investigations he first abstracts everything that is sensible, such as weight and lightness, hardness and its contrary, and also heat and cold - and all other sensible contrarieties, leaving only quantity and continuity—sometimes - in one, sometimes in two and sometimes in three dimensions—and their affections qua quantitative and continuous, and does not study them with respect to any other thing; and in some cases investigates the relative positions of things and the properties of these, Aristot. Met. 11.1.1. may be regarded as solvedAlso the problem stated in ch. i. 3.—I mean the problem as to how there + >Also the problem stated in ch. i. 3.—I mean the problem as to how there can be one science of several things which are different in genus. Since even the mathematician uses the common axioms only in a particular application, it will be the province of @@ -7227,7 +7227,7 @@ is a principle in existing things about which we cannot make a mistakeThis chapter corresponds to Aristot. Met. 4.3.7-4.31.; of which, on the - contrary, we must always realize the truth—viz. that the same thing cannot at one + contrary, we must always realize the truth—viz. that the same thing cannot at one and the same time be and not be, nor admit of any other similar pair of opposites. Of such axioms although there is a proof ad hominem, there is no absolute proof; And - further, if nothing can be truly affirmed, then this very statement—that there is no - such thing as a true affirmation—will be false. But if there is such a thing, the + further, if nothing can be truly affirmed, then this very statement—that there is no + such thing as a true affirmation—will be false. But if there is such a thing, the contentions of those who raise objections of this kind and utterly destroy rational discourse may be considered to be refuted.Cf. Aristot. Met. 4.8.4, 5. And since every science must have some knowledge of the essence and must use it as a starting-point, we must be careful to observe how the natural - philosopher should define, and how he should regard the formula of essence—whether + philosopher should define, and how he should regard the formula of essence—whether in the same way as the term "snub," or rather as the term "concave." For of these the formula of "snub" is stated in conjunction with the matter of the object, whereas that of "concave" is stated apart from the matter; @@ -7446,7 +7446,7 @@ permanent things, but not with things which can exist separately. Hence there is a science distinct from both of these, which deals with that which exists separately and is immovable; that is, if there really is a substance of - this kind—I mean separately existent and immovable—as we shall endeavor to + this kind—I mean separately existent and immovable—as we shall endeavor to prove.Aristot. Met. 12.6, 7. And if there is an entity of this kind in the world of reality, here surely must be the Divine, and this must be the first and most fundamental @@ -7481,7 +7481,7 @@ cultured, when he has become lettered, will be both at once although he was not before; but that which is but was not always so must have come to be; therefore he must have become at the same time cultured and lettered" —none of the recognized sciences considers this, except sophistry. This is the + />—none of the recognized sciences considers this, except sophistry. This is the only science which concerns itself with the accidental, and hence Plato was not far wrong in sayingPlat. Sop. 254a. that the sophist spends his time in the study of unreality. But @@ -7551,11 +7551,11 @@ (generation and destruction); quantitative (increase and decrease); qualitative (alteration); spatial (locomotion). Cf. Aristot. Met. 11.12.1, 2.; and there is nothing which is common to these and in no one - category. Each category belongs to all its members in two ways—e.g. substance, for + category. Each category belongs to all its members in two ways—e.g. substance, for this is sometimes the form of the thing and sometimes its privation; and as regards quality there is white and black; and as regards quantity, complete and incomplete; and as regards spatial motion there is up and down or - light and heavy—so that there are as many forms of motion and change as there are of + light and heavy—so that there are as many forms of motion and change as there are of Being.This is inaccurate; see previous note. Now since every kind of thing is divided into the potential and the real, I call the actualization of the potential as such,(This is obvious in the case of contraries; for the potentiality for health and the potentiality for illness are not the - same—for if they were, health and illness would be the same too—but the + same—for if they were, health and illness would be the same too—but the substrate which becomes healthy or ill, whether it is moisture or blood, is one and the same.) And since it is not the same, just as "color" and "visible" are not the same, it is the complete reality of the potential qua potential that is @@ -7593,8 +7593,8 @@ everything may sometimes be actual, and sometimes not; e.g. the "buildable" qua "buildable"; and the actualization of the "buildable" qua "buildable" is the act of building. For the actualization is either this—the act of - building—or a house. But when the house exists, it will no longer be buildable; the + unit="Loeb chap"/>For the actualization is either this—the act of + building—or a house. But when the house exists, it will no longer be buildable; the buildable is that which is being built. Hence the actualization must be the act of building, and the act of building is a kind of motion. The same argument applies to the other kinds of motion. The region proper to the body which is homogeneous with the clod is infinite. Then will the clod occupy the whole of that region? How can it? Then what of its rest or motion? It will either rest - everywhere—in which case it cannot move—or move everywhere; in which case it + everywhere—in which case it cannot move—or move everywhere; in which case it cannot rest.If earth is an infinite body, its region must be infinite. But the infinite has no center (cf. sect. 13). Therefore a clod, which cannot occupy the whole region proper to earth, will have no region proper @@ -7746,8 +7746,8 @@ whole must be finite. In general, there cannot be an infinite body and a place for bodies if every body which is sensible has either weight or lightness; for it will - have to move either towards the center or upwards, and the infinite—either the whole - or the half—cannot do either; for how can you divide it? How can the infinite be + have to move either towards the center or upwards, and the infinite—either the whole + or the half—cannot do either; for how can you divide it? How can the infinite be part up and part down, or part extreme and part center? Further, every sensible body is in some place, and of place there are six kinds,i.e., above and below, before and behind, @@ -7780,9 +7780,9 @@ affirmation. Thus there must be three forms of change; for that which is from negative into negative is not change, because they are neither contraries nor contradictories, since they entail no opposition. The change - from the negative into its contradictory positive is generation—absolute change + from the negative into its contradictory positive is generation—absolute change absolute generation, and qualified change qualified generation; and the change from the - positive to the negative is destruction—absolute change absolute destruction, and + positive to the negative is destruction—absolute change absolute destruction, and qualified change qualified destruction.The change from positive to positive is omitted here (but cf. sect. 7). Aristotle no doubt intended to use it as an example of non-substantial change, e.g. from "poor man" to "rich man"; @@ -7809,7 +7809,7 @@ 3. and of these those which relate to generation and destruction are not motions, and these are the changes between contradictories, the change from positive to positive must alone be motion. The subjects are either contraries or intermediates (for privative - terms may also be regarded as contraries) and are denoted by a positive term—e.g. + terms may also be regarded as contraries) and are denoted by a positive term—e.g. "naked" or "toothless" or "black." Now since the categories are distinguished as substance, quality, place, activity or passivity, relation and quantity,the last belongs to some other science, if there is no principle common to all three. Sensible substance is liable to change. Now if change proceeds from - opposites or intermediates—not however from all opposites (for speech is not white), + opposites or intermediates—not however from all opposites (for speech is not white), but only from the contraryCf. Aristot. Met. 10.7.—then there must be + n="Aristot. Met. 10.1057a">Aristot. Met. 10.7.—then there must be something underlying which changes into the opposite contrary; for the contrariesi.e., contrary qualities. Cf. Aristot. Met. 8.5.1. do not change. these are all matter, and the last is the matter of a substance in the strictest sense); (2.) the "nature"i.e., - form.(existing individually)—i.e. a kind of positive state which is the + form.(existing individually)—i.e. a kind of positive state which is the terminus of motion; and (3.) the particular combination of these, e.g. Socrates or Callias. In some cases the individuality does not exist apart from the composite substance (e.g., the form of a house does not exist separately, except as the art of @@ -8229,8 +8229,8 @@ or the doctrine of the physicists that "all things were together,"Cf. Aristot. Met. 12.2.3. we have the same impossibility; for how can there be motion if there is no actual cause? - Wood will not move itself—carpentry must act upon it; nor will the menses or the - earth move themselves—the seeds must act upon the earth, and the semen on the + Wood will not move itself—carpentry must act upon it; nor will the menses or the + earth move themselves—the seeds must act upon the earth, and the semen on the menses. Hence some, e.g. LeucippusCf. Aristot. Met. 1.4.12, Aristot. De Caelo 300b 8, and @@ -8255,7 +8255,7 @@ Empedocles with his theory of Love and Strife, and by those who hold that motion is eternal, e.g. Leucippus. Therefore Chaos or Night did not endure for an unlimited time, but the same things have always existed, either passing - through a cycle or in accordance with some other principle—that is, if actuality is + through a cycle or in accordance with some other principle—that is, if actuality is prior to potentiality. Now if there is a regular cycle, there must be somethingThe sphere of the fixed stars, Aristot. Met. 12.8.9; cf. For the primary kind of change is locomotion,Proved in Aristot. Physics 8.7. @@ -8345,7 +8345,7 @@ concerned with that which is in itself best, and thinking in the highest sense with that which is in the highest sense best.Since the prime mover is pure actuality, and has or rather is the highest form of life, Aristotle - identifies it with the highest activity—pure thinking. And thought thinks itself through participation in the object of thought; for it becomes an object of thought by the act of apprehension and thinking, so that thought and the object of thought are the @@ -8373,7 +8373,7 @@ n="7.11" ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/>For seed comes from prior creatures which are perfect, and that which is first is not the seed but the perfect creature. E.g., one might say that prior - to the seed is the man—not he who is produced from the seed, but another man from + to the seed is the man—not he who is produced from the seed, but another man from whom the seed comes.Cf. Aristot. Met. 9.8.4, 5. Thus it is evident from the @@ -8408,8 +8408,8 @@ and since we can see that besides the simple spatial motion of the universei.e., the (apparent) diurnal revolution of the heavens.(which we hold to be excited by the primary immovable substance) there - are other spatial motions—those of the planets—which are eternal (because a - body which moves in a circle is eternal and is never at rest—this has been proved in + are other spatial motions—those of the planets—which are eternal (because a + body which moves in a circle is eternal and is never at rest—this has been proved in our physical treatisesAristot. Physics 8.8, 9, Aristot. De Caelo 1.2, 2.3-8.); then each of these spatial motions must also be excited by a @@ -8495,7 +8495,7 @@ in calculation see Ross ad loc. spheres in all. This, then, may be taken to be the number of the spheres; and thus it is reasonable to suppose that there are as many immovable substances and principles,i.e., the movers of the spheres.—the statement of logical + anchored="yes">i.e., the movers of the spheres.—the statement of logical necessity may be left to more competent thinkers. If there can be no spatial motion which is not conducive to the motion of a star, and if @@ -8645,7 +8645,7 @@ resp="Tredennick" anchored="yes">See Aristot. Met. 12.7.10 does not even regard the Good and the Bad as principles; yet the Good is in the truest sense a principle in all things. The former school is right in - holding that the Good is a principle, but they do not explain how it is a principle— + holding that the Good is a principle, but they do not explain how it is a principle— whether as an end or as a moving cause or as form. Empedocles theory is also absurd, for he identifies @@ -8663,7 +8663,7 @@ moves things, but moves them for some end, and therefore there must be some other GoodMotion presupposes a final cause, which was not what Anaxagoras meant by "Mind." Cf. Aristot. Met. - 1.7.5.—unless it is as we say; for on our view the art of medicine + 1.7.5.—unless it is as we say; for on our view the art of medicine is in a sense health.Aristotle identifies the efficient cause, in a sense, with the final cause. Cf. Aristot. Met. 7.9.3. It is absurd also not to provide a contrary for @@ -8745,19 +8745,19 @@ Ideas are substances. Now since someThis was the orthodox Platonist view; cf. Aristot. Met. 1.6.4. recognize these as two - classes— the Ideas and the mathematical - numbers—and othersXenocrates and his + classes— the Ideas and the mathematical + numbers—and othersXenocrates and his followers. regard both as having one nature, and yet othersThe Pythagoreans and Speusippus. hold that only the mathematical substances are substances, we must first consider the mathematical - objects, without imputing to them any other characteristic—e.g. by asking whether + objects, without imputing to them any other characteristic—e.g. by asking whether they are really Ideas or not, or whether they are principles and substances of existing - things or not—and merely inquire whether as mathematical objects they exist or not, + things or not—and merely inquire whether as mathematical objects they exist or not, and if they do, in what sense; then after this we must separately consider the Ideas themselves, simply and in so far as the accepted procedure requires; for most of the arguments have been made familiar already by the criticisms of other thinkers. And further, the greater part of our discussion must - bear directly upon this second question—viz. when we are considering whether the + bear directly upon this second question—viz. when we are considering whether the substances and first principles of existing things are numbers and Ideas; for after we have dealt with the Ideas there remains this third question. Now if the objects of mathematics exist, @@ -8769,7 +8769,7 @@ that they are is a fabrication, has been observed already in our discussion of difficultiesCf. Aristot. Met. 3.2.23-30. - —the + —the reasons being (a) that two solids cannot occupy the same space, and (b) that on this same theory all other potentialities and characteristics would exist in sensible things, and none of them would exist separately. This, then, has been already stated; Now the accumulation becomes absurd; because whereas we get only one class of solids besides sensible solids, we get three classes of planes besides - sensible planes—those which exist separately from sensible planes, those which exist + sensible planes—those which exist separately from sensible planes, those which exist in the mathematical solids, and those which exist separately from those in the - mathematical solids—four classes of lines, and five of points; with which of these, then, will the mathematical sciences deal? Not, surely, with the planes, lines and points in the immovable solid; for knowledge is always concerned with that which is prior. And the same argument applies to numbers; for @@ -8860,9 +8860,9 @@ indissociable. For if attributes, such as "moving" or "white," do not exist apart from their substances, "white" will be prior in formula to "white man," but not in substantiality; for it cannot exist in separation, but - always exists conjointly with the concrete whole—by which I mean "white + always exists conjointly with the concrete whole—by which I mean "white man." Thus it is obvious that neither is the - result of abstraction prior, nor the result of adding a determinant posterior—for + result of abstraction prior, nor the result of adding a determinant posterior—for the expression "white man" is the result of adding a determinant to "white." Thus we have sufficiently shown (a) that the objects of mathematics are not more substantial than corporeal objects; (b) that they are not prior in point of @@ -8893,14 +8893,14 @@ say in a general sense that mathematical objects exist, and in such a form as mathematicians describe them. And just as it is true to say generally of the other sciences that they deal with a particular - subject—not with that which is accidental to it (e.g. not with "white" if "the + subject—not with that which is accidental to it (e.g. not with "white" if "the healthy" is white, and the subject of the science is "the healthy"), but with that which is the subject of the particular science; with the healthy if it treats of things qua healthy, and with man if qua man—so this is also + >qua healthy, and with man if qua man—so this is also true of geometry. If the things of which it treats are accidentally sensible although it does not treat of them qua sensible, it does not follow that the - mathematical sciences treat of sensible things—nor, on the other hand, that they + mathematical sciences treat of sensible things—nor, on the other hand, that they treat of other things which exist independently apart from these. Many attributes are essential properties of things as possessing a particular characteristic; e.g., there are attributes @@ -8979,8 +8979,8 @@ >Aristot. De Part. Anim. 642a 24. and defined, after a fashion, "the hot" and "the cold"; while the PythagoreansCf. Aristot. Met. 1.5.2, 16. at an earlier - date had arrived at definitions of some few things—whose formulae they connected - with numbers—e.g., what "opportunity" is, or "justice" or "marriage"); and he + date had arrived at definitions of some few things—whose formulae they connected + with numbers—e.g., what "opportunity" is, or "justice" or "marriage"); and he naturally inquired into the essence of things; for he was trying to reason logically, and the starting-point of all logical reasoning is the essence. At that time there was as yet no such proficiency in Dialectic that men @@ -9114,7 +9114,7 @@ Confusion (or textual inaccuracy) is further suggested by the fact that Aristotle offers no alternative statement of the nature of number in general, such as we should expect from his language. In any case the classification is arbitrary and - incomplete.— and this applies + incomplete.— and this applies directly to units, and any given unit is inaddible to any other given unit; or (b) theyThe units. are all directly successive, and any units can be added to any other @@ -9139,7 +9139,7 @@ resp="Tredennick" anchored="yes">In Aristot. Met. 13.2.1-3. but in the sense that sensible things are composed of numbers which are present in themThe Pythagorean - number-atomist view; See Introduction.)—either some of them and not others, + number-atomist view; See Introduction.)—either some of them and not others, or all of them.i.e., either all numbers are material elements of things, or some are and others are not. These are of necessity the only ways in which the numbers can @@ -9157,10 +9157,10 @@ n="Aristot. Met. 12.1075b">Aristot. Met. 12.10.14. being the primary reality and separate from sensible things. The Pythagoreans also believe in one kind of - number—the mathematical; only they maintain that it is not separate, but that + number—the mathematical; only they maintain that it is not separate, but that sensible substances are composed of it. For they construct the whole universe of numbers, but not of numbers consisting of abstract units; they suppose the units to be extended—but as for how the first extended unit was + />they suppose the units to be extended—but as for how the first extended unit was formed they appear to be at a loss.Cf. Aristot. Met. 13.8.9, 10, Aristot. Met. 14.3.15, Aristot. Met. 1.9.30.; and of those who treat the subject in a different manner someSpeusippus; cf. sect. 7 above. speak of the mathematical objects and in a - mathematical way—viz. those who do not regard the Ideas as numbers, nor indeed hold - that the Ideas exist—and othersXenocrates. + mathematical way—viz. those who do not regard the Ideas as numbers, nor indeed hold + that the Ideas exist—and othersXenocrates. For his belief in indivisible lines see Ritter and Preller 362. Aristotle ascribes the doctrine to Plato in Aristot. Met. 1.9.25. speak of the mathematical objects, but not in a mathematical way; @@ -9236,7 +9236,7 @@ >i.e., the Great-and-Small, which Aristotle wrongly understands as two unequal things. It is practically certain that Plato used the term (as he did that of "Indeterminate Dyad") to describe indeterminate quantity. See Introduction.(coming into being - when these were equalized), or otherwise— since if we regard the one unit as prior to the other,This is a necessary implication of the theory of inaddible units (cf. Aristot. Met. 13.6.1, 2). it will be @@ -9301,7 +9301,7 @@ 10 is not a chance number,I think Ross's interpretation of this passage must be right. The Ideal 10 is a unique number, and the numbers contained in it must be ideal and unique; therefore the two 5's must be - specifically different, and so must their units—which contradicts the view under + specifically different, and so must their units—which contradicts the view under discussion. and is not composed of chance 5's, any more than of chance units, the units in this number 10 must be different; for if they are not different, the 5's of which the 10 is composed will not be different; but @@ -9343,7 +9343,7 @@ unit="Loeb chap"/>In general, to regard units as different in any way whatsoever is absurd and fictitious (by "fictitious" I mean "dragged in to support a hypothesis"). For we can see that one unit differs from another neither in quantity nor in quality; and a - number must be either equal or unequal—this applies to all numbers, but especially + number must be either equal or unequal—this applies to all numbers, but especially to numbers consisting of abstract units. Thus if a number is neither more nor less, it is equal; and things which are equal and entirely without difference we assume, in the sphere of number, to be identical. Otherwise even the @@ -9351,7 +9351,7 @@ that they are not different, what reason will he be able to allege? Again, if every unit plus another unit makes 2, a unit from the Ideal 2 plus one from the Ideal 3 will make - 2—a 2 composed of different unitsWhich + 2—a 2 composed of different unitsWhich conflicts with the view under discussion.; will this be prior or posterior to 3? It rather seems that it must be prior, because one of the units is contemporaneous with 3, and the other with 2.The implication seems to be, @@ -9430,8 +9430,8 @@ abstract existence. From these considerations it is also clear that the third alternativeCf. Aristot. Met. 13.6.7.—that Ideal number and mathematical number - are the same—is the worst; for two errors have to be combined to make one theory. + >Aristot. Met. 13.6.7.—that Ideal number and mathematical number + are the same—is the worst; for two errors have to be combined to make one theory. (1.) Mathematical number cannot be of this nature, but the propounder of this view has to spin it out by making peculiar assumptions; (2.) his theory must admit all the difficulties which confront those who speak of Ideal number. Aristot. Met. 1.6.10. Proportion alone of the "derivatives" here mentioned appears to be derived from number. As Syrianus says, the three types of proportion can be illustrated - by numbers from within the decad—arithmetical 1. 2. 3, geometrical 1. 2. 4, + by numbers from within the decad—arithmetical 1. 2. 3, geometrical 1. 2. 4, harmonic 2. 3. 6. Hence they identify the odd with Unity; because if oddness depended on 3, how could 5 be odd?sc. because (on their theory) 3 is not contained in 5. Thus oddness had to be referred to not a number but a - principle—unity. Again, they hold that + principle—unity. Again, they hold that spatial magnitudes and the like have a certain limit; e.g. the first or indivisible line, then the 2, and so on; these too extending up to 10.The @@ -9544,8 +9544,8 @@ unit="Loeb chap"/>Now if we regard number as composite, Unity is prior; but if we regard the universal or form as prior, number is prior, because each unit is a material part of number, while number is the form of the units. And there is a sense in which the right - angle is prior to the acute angle—since it is definite and is involved in the - definition of the acute angle—and another sense in which the acute angle is prior, + angle is prior to the acute angle—since it is definite and is involved in the + definition of the acute angle—and another sense in which the acute angle is prior, because it is a part of the other, i.e., the right angle is divided into acute angles. Thus regarded as matter the acute angle and element and unit are prior; but with respect to form and substance in the sense @@ -9563,15 +9563,15 @@ impossible; for in one sense it is the One qua form or essence, and in the other the One qua part or matter, that is primary. There is a sense in which both - number and unit are one; they are so in truth potentially—that is, if a number is + number and unit are one; they are so in truth potentially—that is, if a number is not an aggregate but a unity consisting of units distinct from those of other numbers, as - the Platonists hold— but each of the + the Platonists hold— but each of the twoAristotle takes the number two as an example, but the principle is of course universal. In a sense both number and unit are one; but if the number exists as an actual unity, the unit can only exist potentially. units is not one in complete reality. The cause of the error which befell the Platonists - was that they were pursuing their inquiry from two points of view—that of - mathematics and that of general definition—at the same time. Hence as a result of + was that they were pursuing their inquiry from two points of view—that of + mathematics and that of general definition—at the same time. Hence as a result of the former they conceived of the One or first principle as a point, for the unit is a point without position. (Thus they too, just like certain others, represented existing things as composed of that which is @@ -9596,13 +9596,13 @@ Further, if 2 itself and 3 itself are each one thing, both together make 2. From what, then, does this 2 come? Since - there is no contact in numbers, but units which have nothing between them—e.g. those - in 2 or 3—are successive, the question might be raised whether or not they are + there is no contact in numbers, but units which have nothing between them—e.g. those + in 2 or 3—are successive, the question might be raised whether or not they are successive to Unity itself, and whether of the numbers which succeed it 2 or one of the units in 2 is prior. We find similar difficulties in the case of the genera posterior to numberCf. Aristot. Met. 13.6.10.—the line, plane and solid. Some derive + >Aristot. Met. 13.6.10.—the line, plane and solid. Some derive these from the species of the Great and Small; viz. lines from the Long and Short, planes from the Broad and Narrow, and solids from the Deep and Shallow. These are species of the Great and Small. As for the geometrical first @@ -9620,7 +9620,7 @@ from the Straight and Crooked, or solids from the Smooth and Rough. Common to all these Platonic theories is the same problem which presents itself in the case of species of a genus when - we posit universals—viz. whether it is the Ideal animal that is present in the + we posit universals—viz. whether it is the Ideal animal that is present in the particular animal, or some other "animal" distinct from the Ideal animal. This question will cause no difficulty if the universal is not separable; but if, as the Platonists say, Unity and the numbers exist separately, then it is not easy to solve (if we should apply @@ -9637,7 +9637,7 @@ if the matter is one, line, plane and solid will be the same; because the product of the same elements must be one and the same. If on the other hand there is more than one kind of - matter—one of the line, another of the plane, and another of the solid—either + matter—one of the line, another of the plane, and another of the solid—either the kinds are associated with each other, or they are not. Thus the same result will follow in this case also; for either the plane will not contain a line, or it will be a line. Further, no attempt is made to explain how number can be generated from unity and @@ -9658,12 +9658,12 @@ indivisible; otherwise it will be a plurality and the unit will be divisible, and unity and plurality will not be its elements, because each unit will not be generated from pluralitysc. but from an indivisible part of plurality—which is not a + anchored="yes">sc. but from an indivisible part of plurality—which is not a plurality but a unity. and unity. (b) The exponent of this theory merely introduces another number; because plurality is a number of indivisible parts.i.e., to say that number is derived from plurality is to say that number is derived from - number—which explains nothing. Again, we must + number—which explains nothing. Again, we must inquire from the exponent of this theory whether the numbersc. which plurality has been shown to be. is infinite or finite. There was, it appears, a finite @@ -9696,7 +9696,7 @@ posits theseUnity and the indeterminate dyad; for the difficulty see Aristot. Met. 13.7.3, 4. as first principles, mathematical number can exist besides Ideal - number, identified Ideal with mathematical number,—but only in theory, since + number, identified Ideal with mathematical number,—but only in theory, since actually mathematical number is done away with, because the hypotheses which they state are peculiar to them and not mathematical.Cf. Aristot. Met. 13.6.10. Cf. previous note. in all), are the elements of numbers; the two former as matter, and Unity as form. Others speak of the Many and Few, because the Great and the Small are in their nature more suited to be the principles of - magnitude; and others use the more general term which covers these—"the exceeding" + magnitude; and others use the more general term which covers these—"the exceeding" and "the exceeded." But none of these variations makes any appreciable difference with respect to some of the consequences of the theory; they only affect the abstract @@ -9872,7 +9872,7 @@ and if there is either no contrary to unity, or if there is to be any contrary it is plurality; and if the unequal is contrary to the equal, and the different to the same, and the other to the thing itself then those who oppose unity to plurality have the best claim - to credibility—but even their theory is inadequate, because then unity will be few. + to credibility—but even their theory is inadequate, because then unity will be few. For plurality is opposed to paucity, and many to few. That "unity" denotes a measureCf. Aristot. Met. @@ -9900,8 +9900,8 @@ regard the unequal as a unity, and the dyad as an indeterminate compound of great and small, hold theories which are very far from being probable or possible. For these terms represent affections and attributes, rather than substrates, of numbers and - magnitudes—"many" and "few" applying to number, and "great" and "small" to - magnitude— just as odd and even, smooth + magnitudes—"many" and "few" applying to number, and "great" and "small" to + magnitude— just as odd and even, smooth and rough, straight and crooked, are attributes. Further, in addition to this error, "great" and "small" and all other such terms must be relative. And the relative is of all the categories in the least degree @@ -9955,7 +9955,7 @@ have had occasion to say elsewhere.Aristot. Met. 9.8.15-17, Aristot. De Caelo 1.12. Now if what we have just - been saying—that no substance is eternal unless it is actuality—is true + been saying—that no substance is eternal unless it is actuality—is true universally, and the elements are the matter of substance, an eternal substance can have no elements of which, as inherent in it, it consists. There are some who, while making the @@ -9973,8 +9973,8 @@ they encountered and refuted Parmenides' dictum: It will ne'er be proved that things which are not, are,Parmenides Fr. 7 (Diels). i.e., that they must show that that which is not, is; for only so—of - that which is, and of something else—could existing things be composed, if they are + unit="para"/>i.e., that they must show that that which is not, is; for only so—of + that which is, and of something else—could existing things be composed, if they are more than one.Cf. Plat. Soph. 237a, 241d, 256e. However, (i) in the first place, if "being" has several @@ -10006,7 +10006,7 @@ generated from or resolved into not-being in this sense. But not only has "not-being" in its various cases as many meanings as there are categories, but moreover the false and the potential are called "not-being"; and it is from the latter that generation takes - place—man comes to be from that which is not man but is potentially man, and white + place—man comes to be from that which is not man but is potentially man, and white from that which is not white but is potentially white; no matter whether one thing is generated or many. Clearly the point at issue is how "being" in the sense of the @@ -10038,7 +10038,7 @@ ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/>We must, then, as I say, presuppose in the case of each thing that which is it potentially. The authorPlato. of this theory further explained what it is that is potentially a - particular thing or substance, but is not per se existent—that it is the relative + particular thing or substance, but is not per se existent—that it is the relative (he might as well have said "quality"); which is neither potentially unity or Being, nor a negation of unity or Being, but just a particular kind of Being. And it was still @@ -10123,7 +10123,7 @@ has to face the question why sensible things exhibit numerical attributes. can make out a case for the contrary view, and that those who hold this theory must find a solution for the difficulty which was recently raisedsect. 3.—why it is that while numbers are in no way present + anchored="yes">sect. 3.—why it is that while numbers are in no way present in sensible things, their attributes are present in sensible things. There are someProbably Pythagoreans. Cf. Aristot. Met. 7.2.2, like a poorly constructed drama. ThoseXenocrates (that the reference is not to Plato is clear from sect. 11). who posit the Ideas escape this difficulty, because they construct spatial magnitudes out of matter and a - number—2 in the case of lines, and 3, presumably, in that of planes, and 4 in that + number—2 in the case of lines, and 3, presumably, in that of planes, and 4 in that of solids; or out of other numbers, for it makes no difference. But are we to regard these magnitudes as Ideas, or what is their mode of existence? and what contribution do they make to reality? They contribute nothing; just @@ -10197,8 +10197,8 @@ this theory, to introduce generation of things which are eternal. There is no reason to doubt whether the Pythagoreans do or do not introduce it; for they clearly state that when the One had been - constituted—whether out of planes or superficies or seed or out of something that - they cannot explain—immediately the nearest part of the Infinite began to be drawn + constituted—whether out of planes or superficies or seed or out of something that + they cannot explain—immediately the nearest part of the Infinite began to be drawn in and limited by the Limit.Cf. Aristot. Physics 3.4, Aristot. Physics 4.6, and Burnet, E.G.P. sect. 53. which clearly implies that there is generation of even ones; and some hold that the even is constructed - first out of unequals—the Great and Small—when they are equalized.Cf. Aristot. Met. 13.7.5. Therefore the inequality must apply to them before they are equalized. If they had always been equalized they would not have been unequal before; for @@ -10237,14 +10237,14 @@ goodness to the first principle as an attribute, but from treating unity as a principle, and a principle in the sense of an element, and then deriving number from unity. The early poets agree with this view in so far as they assert that it was not the original - forces—such as Night, Heaven, Chaos or Ocean—but Zeus who was king and + forces—such as Night, Heaven, Chaos or Ocean—but Zeus who was king and ruler. It was, however, on the ground of the changing of the rulers of the world that the poets were led to state these theories; because those of them who compromise by not describing everything in mythological - language—e.g. PherecydesOf Of Syros (circa 600-525 B.C.). He made Zeus one of the three primary beings - (Diels,Vorsokratiker201, 202). and certain others—make the + (Diels,Vorsokratiker201, 202). and certain others—make the primary generator the Supreme Good; and so do the Magi,The Zoroastrian priestly caste. and some of the later philosophers such as Empedocles and Anaxagoras: the one making Love an element,mathematical number). For on this view all units become identical with some good, and we get a great abundance of goods.If unity is goodness, and every unit is a kind of unity, every unit must be a kind of - goodness—which is absurd. Further, if the Forms are numbers, all Forms become identical with some good. Again, let + goodness—which is absurd. Further, if the Forms are numbers, all Forms become identical with some good. Again, let us assume that there are Ideas of anything that we choose. If there are Ideas only of goods, the Ideas will not be substancesBecause they are Ideas not of substances but of qualities.; and if there are Ideas of @@ -10283,7 +10283,7 @@ contraries, the nature of plurality would then necessarily be bad. OthersPlato and Xenocrates. hold that inequality is the nature of the bad. It follows, then, that - all things partake of the Bad except one—absolute unity; and that numbers partake of + all things partake of the Bad except one—absolute unity; and that numbers partake of it in a more unmitigated form than do spatial magnitudesAs being more directly derived from the first principles. Cf. Aristot. Met. 1.9.23 n.; And if, as we said,Aristot. Met. 14.1.17. the matter of each - thing is that which is it potentially—e.g., the matter of actual fire is that which - is potentially fire—then the Bad will be simply the potentially Good. Thus all these objections follow because (1.) they make every principle an element; (2.) they make contraries principles; (3.) they make unity a principle; and (4.) they make numbers the primary substances, and separable, and @@ -10312,7 +10312,7 @@ objects that the imperfect does not really exist, and so Speusippus deprives his first principle of reality. He is wrong; for even in the natural world the principles from which these things are derived are - perfect and complete—for it is man that begets man; the seed does not come + perfect and complete—for it is man that begets man; the seed does not come first.Cf. Aristot. Met. 9.8.5. It is absurd also to generate space simultaneously with the mathematical solids (for space is peculiar to particular things, which is why @@ -10333,7 +10333,7 @@ as they intend it to be. Is it by composition, as we hold of the syllable? But (a) this necessarily implies position; (b) in thinking of unity and plurality we shall think of them separately. This, then, is what number will - be—a unit plus plurality, or unity plus the + be—a unit plus plurality, or unity plus the Unequal. And since a thing is derived from elements either as inherent or as not inherent in it, in which way is number so derived? Derivation from inherent elements is only possible for things which admit of generation. and as EurytusDisciple of Philolaus; he "flourished" in the early fourth century B.C. determined which number belongs - to which thing—e.g. this number to man, and this to horse—by using pebbles to + to which thing—e.g. this number to man, and this to horse—by using pebbles to copy the shape of natural objects, like those who arrange numbers in the form of geometrical figures, the triangle and the square.cf. Burnet, E.G.P. sect. 47. Or is it because harmony is a ratio of numbers, and so too is man and everything else? But in - what sense are attributes—white, and sweet, and hot—numbers?This is an objection to the view that numbers are causes as bounds. And clearly numbers are not the essence of things, nor are they causes of the form; for the ratioOr @@ -10391,7 +10391,7 @@ particles of fire or earth, or of units. But the essence is the proportion of one quantity to another in the mixture; i.e. no longer a number, but a ratio of the mixture of numbers, either of corporeal particles or of any other kind. Thus number is not an efficient - cause—neither number in general, nor that which consists of abstract units—nor + cause—neither number in general, nor that which consists of abstract units—nor is it the matter, nor the formula or form of things. Nor again is it a final cause. The question might also be raised as to what the good is which things derive from numbers @@ -10448,7 +10448,7 @@ C with the fifth, and Y with the octave. and that because there are three concords, there are three double consonants. They ignore the fact that there might be thousands of double - consonants—because there might be one symbol for *G*R. But if they say that each of these letters is double any of the others, whereas no other is,Q, F, and X are aspirated, not double, @@ -10456,7 +10456,7 @@ resp="Tredennick" anchored="yes">Palate, lips, and teeth. of the mouth, and that one consonant is combined with S in each region, it is for this reason that there are only three double consonants, and not because there are three - concords—because there are really more than three; but there cannot be more than + concords—because there are really more than three; but there cannot be more than three double consonants. Thus these thinkers are like the ancient Homeric scholars, who see minor similarities but overlook important ones. Some say @@ -10500,7 +10500,7 @@ the same force. Hence they would seem to be mere coincidences, for they are accidental; but all the examples are appropriate to each other, and they are one by analogy. For there is analogy between all the categories of - Being—as "straight" is in length, so is + Being—as "straight" is in length, so is "level" in breadth, perhaps "odd" in number, and "white" in color. Again, it is not the Ideal numbers that are the causes of harmonic relations, etc. (for Ideal numbers, even when they diff --git a/data/tlg0086/tlg029/tlg0086.tlg029.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0086/tlg029/tlg0086.tlg029.perseus-eng1.xml index bc15cb087..a88a1fcae 100644 --- a/data/tlg0086/tlg029/tlg0086.tlg029.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0086/tlg029/tlg0086.tlg029.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -116,7 +116,7 @@ between the two kinds of community over which they severally preside. There is, however, this further difference: that whereas the government of a nation is in many hands, a household has but a single ruler.Now some arts are divided into two separate branches, one concerned with the - making of an object—for example a lyre or a flute—and the + making of an object—for example a lyre or a flute—and the other with its use when made. Statecraft on the other hand shows us how to build up a nation from its beginning, as well as how to order rightly a nation that already exists; from which we infer that Housecraft also tells us first how to @@ -218,8 +218,8 @@ should be given to those who are doing more of a freeman's work, and abundance of food to those who are laboring with their hands. And whereas the use of wine renders even free men insolent, so that in many countries they too refrain from - it—as, for instance, the Carthaginians do when they are on - campaign—it follows that we must either deny wine to slaves + it—as, for instance, the Carthaginians do when they are on + campaign—it follows that we must either deny wine to slaves altogether, or reserve it for rare occasions. We may apportion to our slaves (1) work, (2) chastisement, and (3) food. If men are given food, but no chastisement nor any work, they become insolent.

If they are made @@ -692,7 +692,7 @@ suggesting that silver formed the entire load; and so continued his march. The soldiers, beholding the plate and supposing that they convoyed a full load of silver, were cheered by the expectation of their pay. They were informed however - by Didales that they would have to take it to Amisus to be coined—a journey of many days, and in + by Didales that they would have to take it to Amisus to be coined—a journey of many days, and in the winter season. And during all this time, he continued to employ the army without giving it more than its necessary rations.Moreover, all the craftsmen in the army, and the hucksters who traded with the soldiers by barter, were under his personal control, and enjoyed a complete diff --git a/data/tlg0086/tlg034/tlg0086.tlg034.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0086/tlg034/tlg0086.tlg034.perseus-eng1.xml index ab8eb233b..70aa7ca47 100644 --- a/data/tlg0086/tlg034/tlg0086.tlg034.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0086/tlg034/tlg0086.tlg034.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -128,13 +128,13 @@ added cvs log keyword Poetics

LetThe text here printed is based on Vahlen's - third edition(Leipzig, - 1885), and the chief deviations from it are noted at the foot of each + third edition(Leipzig, + 1885), and the chief deviations from it are noted at the foot of each page. The prime source of all existing texts of the Poetics is the eleventh century Paris manuscript, No. 1741, designated as Ac. To the manuscripts of the Renaissance few, except Dr. Margoliouth, now assign any independent value, but they contain useful suggestions for the correction of obvious errors and defects - in Ac. These are here designated “copies.”V. stands for + in Ac. These are here designated “copies.”V. stands for Vahlen's third edition, and By. for the late Professor Ingram Bywater, who has earned the gratitude and admiration of all students of the Poetics by his services both to the text and to its interpretation. Then there is the Arabic @@ -150,7 +150,7 @@ added cvs log keyword first with first principles. Epic poetry, then, and the poetry of tragic drama, and, moreover, comedy and dithyrambic poetry, and most flute-playing and harp-playing, these, speaking generally, may all be said to be "representations of life."The explanation of MI/MHSIS, as Aristotle uses the word, demands a treatise; all - that a footnote can say is this:—Life "presents" to the artist the + that a footnote can say is this:—Life "presents" to the artist the phenomena of sense, which the artist "re-presents" in his own medium, giving coherence, designing a pattern. That this is true not only of drama and fiction but also of instrumental music ("most flute-playing and harp-playing") was more @@ -166,8 +166,8 @@ added cvs log keyword in representing different objects or in representing objects not in the same way but in a different manner. For just as by the use both of color and form people represent many objects, making likenesses of - them—some having a - knowledge of art and some working empirically—and just as others use the + them—some having a + knowledge of art and some working empirically—and just as others use the human voice; so is it also in the arts which we have mentioned, they all make their representations in rhythm and language and tune, using these means either separately or in combination. For tune and rhythm @@ -187,8 +187,8 @@ added cvs log keyword similar to the mimes of Herondas and the fifteenth Idyll of Theocritus, but in prose. There was a tradition that their mimes suggested to Plato the use of dialogue. and to the Socratic dialogues: nor again supposing a poet were to make his representation in - iambics or elegiacs or any other such metre—except that people attach the - word poet(maker)to the name of the metre and speak of elegiac + iambics or elegiacs or any other such metre—except that people attach the + word poet(maker)to the name of the metre and speak of elegiac poets and of others as epic poets. Thus they do not call them poets in virtue of their representation but apply the name indiscriminately in virtue of the metre. For if people publish medical or scientific treatises in @@ -205,7 +205,7 @@ added cvs log keyword as either drama or epic. Cf. Aristot. Poet. 24.11. On this point the distinctions thus made may suffice. There are certain arts which employ all the means which I - have mentioned, such as rhythm and tune and metre—dithyrambic and "nomic" + have mentioned, such as rhythm and tune and metre—dithyrambic and "nomic" poetry,The traditional definition is that the Dithyramb was sung to a flute accompaniment by a chorus in honor of Dionysus; and that the Nome was a solo sung to a harp accompaniment in honor of Apollo, @@ -217,13 +217,13 @@ added cvs log keyword These differences then in the various arts I call the means of representation. Since living personsLiterally "men doing or experiencing something." are the objects of representation, these must necessarily be - either good men or inferior—thus only are characters normally - distinguished, since ethical differences depend upon vice and virtue—that + either good men or inferior—thus only are characters normally + distinguished, since ethical differences depend upon vice and virtue—that is to say either better than ourselves or worse or much what we are. It is the same with painters. Polygnotus depicted men as better than they are and Pauson worse, while Dionysius made likenesses.Polygnotus's portraits were in the grand style and - yet expressive of character(cf. Aristot. - Poet. 6.15): Aristophanes aIludes to a Pauson as a + yet expressive of character(cf. Aristot. + Poet. 6.15): Aristophanes aIludes to a Pauson as a "perfectly wicked caricaturist": Dionysius of Colophon earned the name of "the man-painter" because he always painted men and presumably made "good likenesses." Clearly each of the above mentioned @@ -247,8 +247,8 @@ added cvs log keyword to-day, the former as better. A third difference in these arts is the manner in which one may represent each of these objects. For in representing the same objects by the same means it is possible to proceed either partly by - narrative and partly by assuming a character other than your own—this is - Homer's method—or by remaining yourself without any such change, or else + narrative and partly by assuming a character other than your own—this is + Homer's method—or by remaining yourself without any such change, or else to represent the characters as carrying out the whole action themselves. These, as we said above, are the three differences which form the several species of the art of representation, the means, the objects, and the manner. It follows that in one respect @@ -257,7 +257,7 @@ added cvs log keyword in action and doing things. And that according to some is the reason why they are called "dramas," because they present people as doing"Drama" being derived from DRA=N "to do." things. And for this - reason the Dorians claim as their own both tragedy and comedy—comedy is + reason the Dorians claim as their own both tragedy and comedy—comedy is claimed both by the Megarians here in Greece, who say that it originated in the days of their democracy, and by the Megarians in Sicily,The inhabitants of Megara Hyblaea. for it was from there the poet EpicharmusEpicharmus of Cos @@ -268,9 +268,9 @@ added cvs log keyword fifth century B.C. came, who was much earlier than Chionides and Magnes; and tragedy some of the Peloponnesians claim. Their evidence is the two names. Their name, they say, for suburb - villages is KW=MAI—the Athenians call them - "Demes"—and comedians are so called not from KWMA/ZEIN, "to revel," but because they were turned out of the towns - and went strolling round the villages( KW=MAI). Their word for action, they add, is DRA=N, whereas the Athenian word is PRA/TTEIN. So much then for the differences, their number, and their + villages is KW=MAI—the Athenians call them + "Demes"—and comedians are so called not from KWMA/ZEIN, "to revel," but because they were turned out of the towns + and went strolling round the villages( KW=MAI). Their word for action, they add, is DRA=N, whereas the Athenian word is PRA/TTEIN. So much then for the differences, their number, and their nature. Speaking generally, poetry seems to owe its origin to two particular causes, both natural. From childhood men have an instinct for representation, and in this respect, differs from the other animals @@ -288,9 +288,9 @@ added cvs log keyword for imitation, (2) the natural enjoyment of mimicry by others; or whether these two are combined into one and the second cause is the instinct for tune and rhythm. Obviously this last is an essential cause of - poetry.—for the metres are obviously sections of rhythmse.g., the rhythm of the blacksmith's hammer or of a + poetry.—for the metres are obviously sections of rhythmse.g., the rhythm of the blacksmith's hammer or of a trotting horse is dactylic, but the hexameter is a "section" or slice of that - rhythm; it is cut up into sixes.—and starting with these + rhythm; it is cut up into sixes.—and starting with these instincts men very gradually developed them until they produced poetry out of their improvisations. Poetry then split into two kinds according to the poet's nature. For the more serious poets represented @@ -322,9 +322,9 @@ added cvs log keyword whether tragedy is fully developed by now in all its various species or not, and to criticize it both in itself and in relation to the stage, that is another question. At any rate it originated in - improvisation—both tragedy itself and comedy. The one came from the - preludeBefore the chorus began (or in - pauses between their songs) the leader of the performance would + improvisation—both tragedy itself and comedy. The one came from the + preludeBefore the chorus began (or in + pauses between their songs) the leader of the performance would improvise some appropriate tale or state the theme which they were to elaborate. Thus he was called O( E)CA/RXWN or "the starter," and became in time the first "actor." to the dithyramb and the @@ -356,7 +356,7 @@ added cvs log keyword probably be a long task to go through them in detail. Comedy, as we have said, is a representation of inferior people, not indeed in the full sense of the word bad, but the laughable is a species of the base or ugly."Ugly" was to a Greek an equivalent of "bad." The persons in Comedy are - "inferior" (see chapter 2.), but have only one of the many + "inferior" (see chapter 2.), but have only one of the many qualities which make up Ugliness or Badness, viz. the quality of being ludicrous and therefore in some degree contemptible. It consists in some blunder or ugliness @@ -373,8 +373,8 @@ added cvs log keyword themselves paid for and produced their plays. Comedy had already taken certain forms before there is any mention of those who are called its poets. Who introduced masks - or prologues, the number of actors, and so on, is not known. Plot making [Epicharmus and - Phormis]Epicharmus and Phormis, being + or prologues, the number of actors, and so on, is not known. Plot making [Epicharmus and + Phormis]Epicharmus and Phormis, being both early Sicilian "comedians", are appropriate here. Either part of a sentence is lost or an explanatory note has got into the text. originally came from Sicily, and of the Athenian poets CratesFragments of his comedies survive, dating about the middle of the @@ -397,7 +397,7 @@ added cvs log keyword of an actionMargoliouth's phrase "a chapter of life," illuminates the meaning, since PRA=CIS includes what the hero does and what happens to him. (Cf. Aristot. Poet. 2.1 and note.) that is - heroic and complete and of a certain magnitude—by means of language + heroic and complete and of a certain magnitude—by means of language enriched with all kinds of ornament, each used separately in the different parts of the play: it represents men in action and does not use narrative, and through pity and fear it effects relief to these and similar emotions.The sense of "the pity of it "and fear lest such disasters might @@ -413,10 +413,10 @@ added cvs log keyword here the metrical arrangement of the words; and "song making" I use in the full, obvious sense of the word. And since tragedy represents action and is acted by living persons, who must of necessity have - certain qualities of character and thought—for it is these which determine + certain qualities of character and thought—for it is these which determine the quality of an action; indeed thought and character are the natural causes of any action and it is in virtue of these that all men succeed or - fail— it follows then that + fail— it follows then that it is the plot which represents the action. By "plot" I mean here the arrangement of the incidents: "character" is that which determines the quality of the agents, and "thought" appears wherever in the dialogue they put forward an argument or deliver @@ -501,18 +501,18 @@ added cvs log keyword parts must not only be orderly arranged but must also have a certain magnitude of their own; for beauty consists in magnitude and ordered arrangement. From which it follows that neither would a very - small creature be beautiful—for our view of it is almost instantaneous and + small creature be beautiful—for our view of it is almost instantaneous and therefore confusedWith a very small object the duration of our vision is, as it were, so rapid that the parts are invisible; we, therefore, cannot appreciate their proportion and arrangement, in which - beauty consists.—nor a very large one, since being unable to + beauty consists.—nor a very large one, since being unable to view it all at once, we lose the effect of a single whole; for instance, suppose a creature a thousand miles long. As then creatures and other organic structures must have a certain magnitude and yet be easily taken in by the eye, so too with plots: they must have length but must be easily taken in by the memory. The limit of length considered in relation to competitions and productionAI)/SQHSIS is the play's "perception" by an - audience—how much an audience will stand. before an audience + audience—how much an audience will stand. before an audience does not concern this treatise. Had it been the rule to produce a hundred tragedies, the performance would have been regulated by the water clock, as it is said they did once in other days. But as for the @@ -527,7 +527,7 @@ added cvs log keyword single piece of action. It seems therefore that all those poets are wrong who have written a Heracleid or Theseid or other such poems.Aristotle condemns them all, - assuming—or perhaps assured by experience—that their sole + assuming—or perhaps assured by experience—that their sole claim to unity lay in the fact that all the stories in the poem had a common hero. They think that because Heracles was a single individual the plot must for that reason have unity. But @@ -535,8 +535,8 @@ added cvs log keyword either by instinct or from knowledge of his art. For in writing an Odyssey he did not put in all that ever happened to Odysseus, his being wounded on Parnassus, for instance, - or his feigned madness when the host was gathered(these being events - neither of which necessarily or probably led to the other), but he + or his feigned madness when the host was gathered(these being events + neither of which necessarily or probably led to the other), but he constructed his Odyssey round a single action in our sense of the phrase. And the Iliad the same. As then in the other arts of representation a single representation means a representation of a single object, so too the plot being a @@ -548,7 +548,7 @@ added cvs log keyword poet's object is not to tell what actually happened but what could and would happen either probably or inevitably. The difference between a historian and a poet is not that one writes in prose and the - other in verse— indeed the writings of Herodotus could be put into + other in verse— indeed the writings of Herodotus could be put into verse and yet would still be a kind of history, whether written in metre or not. The real difference is this, that one tells what happened and the other what might happen. For this reason poetry is @@ -583,7 +583,7 @@ added cvs log keyword is to be found of course in its religious origin. It was the function of tragedy to interpret and embroider myths. Aristotle never gives this reason, but offers instead tbe unconvincing explanation that tragedians adhered to certain "real" - stories to gain verisimilitude—and yet he has to admit that, since to + stories to gain verisimilitude—and yet he has to admit that, since to many of the auditors these stories were unfamiliar and none the less attractive, dramatists might just as well invent new themes. It is clear, then, from what we have said that the poet must be a "maker" not of verses but of stories, @@ -594,7 +594,7 @@ added cvs log keyword inevitably happen, and it is in virtue of that that he is their "maker." Of "simple"This term is defined in the next chapter. It seems odd to use it before its meaning is explained. Perhaps we - should read A)/LLWN(Tyrwhitt)and translate "of all + should read A)/LLWN(Tyrwhitt)and translate "of all plots." plots and actions the worst are those which are "episodic." By this I mean a plot in which the episodes do not follow each other probably or inevitably. Bad poets write such @@ -608,8 +608,8 @@ added cvs log keyword pity, and this happens most of all when the incidents are unexpected and yet one is a consequence of the other.The logic suffers from ellipse. Plays which fail to exhibit the sequence of cause and effect are - condemned (1) because they lack the unity which befits - tragedy, (2) because they miss that supreme effect of fear or + condemned (1) because they lack the unity which befits + tragedy, (2) because they miss that supreme effect of fear or pity produced by incidents which, though unexpected, are seen to be no mere accident but the inevitable result of what has gone before. For in that way the incidents will @@ -628,16 +628,16 @@ added cvs log keyword difference between what happens propter hoc and post hoc. A "reversal" is a change of the situation into the opposite, as described above,At the end of chapter 7. Vahlen and many other exponents of the Politics confine the meaning of - “reversal” to the situation in which the hero's action has + “reversal” to the situation in which the hero's action has consequences directly opposite to his intention and expectation. There is much to be said for this interpretation, which stresses the irony at the heart of all tragedy. But it is too narrow for Aristotle's theory. All tragedy involves a - change of fortune ( META/BASIS). In a “simple” plot this is - gradual; in a “complex” plot it is catastrophic, a sudden + change of fortune ( META/BASIS). In a “simple” plot this is + gradual; in a “complex” plot it is catastrophic, a sudden revolution of fortune's wheel. In some of the greatest tragedies, but not in all, this is the result of action designed to produce the opposite effect. this change being, moreover, as we are saying, probable or - inevitable— like the man + inevitable— like the man in the Oedipus who came to cheer Oedipus and rid him of his anxiety about his mother by revealing his parentage and changed the whole situation.The messenger for Corinth announces the death of Polybus and Oedipus's succession to the throne. Oedipus, feeling now safe from the prophecy that he would murder @@ -670,7 +670,7 @@ added cvs log keyword the letter, but a separate discovery was needed to make him known to Iphigeneia.Euripides' Iphigeneia in - Tauris—Orestes and Pylades arriving among the + Tauris—Orestes and Pylades arriving among the Tauri are by the custom of the country to be sacrificed to Artemis by her priestess, Iphigeneia. It is agreed that Pylades shall be spared to carry a letter from Iphigeneia to Orestes, whom she supposes to be in Argos. In order that Pylades may deliver the @@ -706,7 +706,7 @@ added cvs log keyword in the construction of a plot, and the means by which the object of tragedy may be achieved. Since then the structure of the best tragedy should be not simple but complexSee chapter 10. and one that represents incidents arousing fear and - pity—for that is peculiar to this form of art—it is obvious to + pity—for that is peculiar to this form of art—it is obvious to begin with that one should not show worthy men passing from good fortune to bad. That does not arouse fear or pity but shocks our feelings. Nor again wicked people passing from bad fortune to good. That is the most untragic of all, having none of the requisite qualities, @@ -714,19 +714,19 @@ added cvs log keyword preference for "poetic justice." or arouse pity or fear. Nor again the passing of a thoroughly bad man from good fortune to bad fortune. Such a structure might satisfy our feelings but it arouses neither pity nor fear, the one being for the man who does not deserve his - misfortune and the other for the man who is like ourselves—pity for the - undeserved misfortune, fear for the man like ourselves—so that the result + misfortune and the other for the man who is like ourselves—pity for the + undeserved misfortune, fear for the man like ourselves—so that the result will arouse neither pity nor fear. There remains then the mean between these. This is the sort of man who is not pre-eminently virtous and just, and yet it is through no badness or villainy of his own that he falls into the fortune, but rather through some flaw in him,Whether Aristotle regards the - “flaw” as intellectual or moral has been hotly discussed. It + “flaw” as intellectual or moral has been hotly discussed. It may cover both senses. The hero must not deserve his misfortune, but he must cause it by making a fatal mistake, an error of judgement, which may well involve some imperfection of character but not such as to make us regard him as - “morally responsible” for the disasters although they are + “morally responsible” for the disasters although they are nevertheless the consequences of the flaw in him, and his wrong decision at a - crisis is the inevitable outcome of his character(cf. Aristot. Poet. 6.24.). he + crisis is the inevitable outcome of his character(cf. Aristot. Poet. 6.24.). he being one of those who are in high station and good fortune, like Oedipus and Thyestes and the famous men of such families as those. The successful plot must then have a singleA(PLOU=S elsewhere in the Poetics means "simple" as opposed to PEPLEGME/NOS, "complex"; here it is opposed to DIPLOU=S, which describes a double denouement, @@ -736,7 +736,7 @@ added cvs log keyword great flaw in such a man as we have described, or of one who is better rather than worse. This can be seen also in actual practice. For at first poets accepted any plots, but to-day the best tragedies are - written about a few families—Alcmaeon for instance and Oedipus and Orestes and Meleager and Thyestes and + written about a few families—Alcmaeon for instance and Oedipus and Orestes and Meleager and Thyestes and Telephus and all the others whom it befell to suffer or inflict terrible disasters. Judged then by the theory of the art, the bestThis is modified by 19 in the following chapter, where he finds an even better formula for the tragic effect. tragedy is @@ -746,13 +746,13 @@ added cvs log keyword That is, as we have shown, correct. And there is very good evidence of this, for on the stage and in competitions such plays appear the most tragic of all, if they are successful, and even if Euripides is in other respects a bad manager,Against Euripides Aristotle makes the following - criticisms: (1)his choruses are often irrelevant; - (2)the character of the heroine in his Iphigeneia in + criticisms: (1)his choruses are often irrelevant; + (2)the character of the heroine in his <title>Iphigeneia in Tauris is inconsistent; - (3)in the Medea the deliberate killing of the + (3)in the Medea the deliberate killing of the children is ineffective and the play is inartistically ended by the machina; - (4)the character of Menelaus in the Orestes is - needlessly depraved; (5)Melanippe is too philosophical for a + (4)the character of Menelaus in the Orestes is + needlessly depraved; (5)Melanippe is too philosophical for a woman. yet he is certainly the most tragic of the poets. Next in order comes the structure which some put first, that which has a double issue, like the Odyssey, and ends in opposite ways for the good characters and @@ -769,7 +769,7 @@ added cvs log keyword To produce this effect by means of an appeal to the eye is inartistic and needs adventitious aid, while those who by such means produce an effect which is not fearful but merely monstrous have nothing in common with tragedy.that here were plays which relied for their effect on - the scenery and "make up" is clear from chapter 17:—"The Phorcides and + the scenery and "make up" is clear from chapter 17:—"The Phorcides and Prometheus and Scenes laid in Hades." It was even possible to produce the Eumenides so badly as to bring it into this category. But Aristotle's criticism here includes the more important point that the poignancy @@ -789,16 +789,16 @@ added cvs log keyword actual calamity goes. Nor would there be if they were neither friends nor enemies. But when these calamities happen among friends,when for instance brother - kills brother, or son father, or mother son, or son mother—either kills or + kills brother, or son father, or mother son, or son mother—either kills or intends to kill, or does something of the kind, that is what we must look for. Now it is not right to break up the traditional stories, I mean, for instance, Clytaemnestra being killed by Orestes and Eriphyle by Alcmaeon, but the poet must show invention and make a skilful use of the tradition.But we must state more clearly what is meant by "skilful." The action may happen in the way in which the old dramatists made their characters - act—consciously and knowing the facts, as EuripidesThis does not necessarily imply that Aristotle reckons Euripides - “a modern,” since the Greek can equally mean - “Euripides as well as other old dramatists.” also + act—consciously and knowing the facts, as EuripidesThis does not necessarily imply that Aristotle reckons Euripides + “a modern,” since the Greek can equally mean + “Euripides as well as other old dramatists.” also made his Medea kill her children. Or they may do the deed but without realizing the horror of it and then discover the relationship afterwards, like Oedipus in Sophocles. That indeed lies outside the @@ -855,8 +855,8 @@ added cvs log keyword of Odysseus in the ScyllaA dithyramb by Timotheus. Cf. Aristot. Poet. 26.3. and Melanippe's speechA - fragment survives (Eur. Fr. 484 - (Nauck)). Euripides seems to have given her a knowledge of + fragment survives (Eur. Fr. 484 + (Nauck)). Euripides seems to have given her a knowledge of science and philosophy inappropriate to a woman.; of inconsistent character Iphigeneia in Aulis, for the suppliant Iphigeneia is not at all like her later character. In character-drawing just as much as in the arrangement of the incidents one should always seek what is inevitable or probable, @@ -893,7 +893,7 @@ added cvs log keyword the distinctive form and making a likeness, yet paint people better than they are. It is the same with the poet. When representing people who are hot-tempered or lazy, or have other such traits of character, he should make them such, yet men of worth - [an example of hardness]Apparently a note on Achilles which has been copied by mistake into the + [an example of hardness]Apparently a note on Achilles which has been copied by mistake into the text.; take the way in which Agathon and Homer portray Achilles. Keep, then, a careful eye on these rules and also on the appeal to the eyei.e., stage-craft rather than @@ -902,7 +902,7 @@ added cvs log keyword discussed in the published treatises.As distinct from the body of "esoteric" doctrine circulated by oral teaching among Aristotle's pupils. What a "Discovery" is has been already stated.In chapter 11.As for kinds of Discovery, first comes the least artistic kind, - which is largely used owing to incompetence—discovery by tokens. + which is largely used owing to incompetence—discovery by tokens. These may be congenital, like "the spear the Earth-born bear" or stars, like those which CarcinusA prolific tragedian of the early fourth century. The family are agreeably ridiculed in Aristophanes' Wasps. uses in his @@ -981,8 +981,8 @@ added cvs log keyword stories, of misleading the audience by false clues in order to make the final revelation more effective. Best of all is the discovery which is brought about directly by the incidents, the surprise being produced by means of - what is likely—take the scene in Sophocles' Oedipus or in - the Iphigeneia—for it is likely enough that she should want + what is likely—take the scene in Sophocles' Oedipus or in + the Iphigeneia—for it is likely enough that she should want to send a letter. These are the only discovery scenes which dispense with artificial tokens, like necklaces.The classical example of these tokens in English drama is "the strawberry mark on the left arm" in @@ -1001,7 +1001,7 @@ added cvs log keyword Margoliouth suggests that if Amphiaraus were a god he should come down, and if a mere hero, he sould not have a temple. In The Master of Ballantrae Mrs. Henry cleans a - sword by thrusting it up to the hilt in the ground—which is iron-bound + sword by thrusting it up to the hilt in the ground—which is iron-bound by frost. The would be noticed on the stage: a reader may miss the incongruity. The poet should also, as far as @@ -1024,7 +1024,7 @@ added cvs log keyword and has disappeared beyond the ken of those who sacrificed her and has been established in another country, where it is a custom to sacrifice strangers to the goddess; and this priesthood she holds. Some time afterwards it happens that the - brother of the priestess arrives there—the fact that the god told him to + brother of the priestess arrives there—the fact that the god told him to go there, and why, and the object of his journey, lie outside the outline-plot. He arrives, is seized, and is on the point of being sacrificed, when he reveals his identity either by Euripides' method or according to Polyidos, by making the very @@ -1062,14 +1062,14 @@ added cvs log keyword different mainly in virtue of the plot, that is to say those that have the same entanglement and denouement. Many who entangle well are bad at the denouement. Both should always be mastered.There are four varieties of - tragedy—the same as the number given for the "elements"Apparently the reference here is to the four elements + tragedy—the same as the number given for the "elements"Apparently the reference here is to the four elements into which in the course of chapters 10-15. Plot has been analysed, "Reversal," "Discovery," "Calamity," and "Character." But the symmetry is spoilt by the fact that his first species, "the complex play," corresponds to the first two of these four elements, viz. to "Reversal" and "Discovery." Thus his fourth species is left in the air and he hurriedly introduces "Spectacle" as the fourth corresponding element. Other explanations seem even sillier than - this. first the + this. first the complex kind, which all turns on reversal and discovery; the "calamity play" like the stories of Ajax and Ixion; the "character play" like the Phthian WomenBy @@ -1085,7 +1085,7 @@ added cvs log keyword been good poets in each style, to demand that a single author should surpass the peculiar merits of each. One must remember, as we have often said, not to make a tragedy an epic structure: by epic I - mean made up of many stories—suppose, for instance, one were to dramatize + mean made up of many stories—suppose, for instance, one were to dramatize the IIiad as a whole. The length of the IIiad allows to the parts their proper size, but in plays the result is full of disappointment. And the proof is that all who have dramatized the Sack of @@ -1096,7 +1096,7 @@ added cvs log keyword "simple" storiesi.e., those that have no "Discovery" or "Reversal." See chapter 10. too,they admirably achieve their end, which is a tragic effect that also satisfies your feelings. This is achieved when the wise man, who is, however, - unscrupulous, is deceived—like Sisyphus—and the man who is brave + unscrupulous, is deceived—like Sisyphus—and the man who is brave but wicked is worsted. And this, as Agathon says, is a likely result, since it is likely that many quite unlikely things should happen. The chorus too must be regarded as one of the actors. It must @@ -1108,8 +1108,8 @@ added cvs log keyword have been already discussed. It remains to speak of "Diction" and "Thought." All that concerns Thought may be left to the treatise on Rhetoric, for the subject is more proper to that - inquiry."Thought"—no English word - exactly corresponds with DIA/NOIA—is + inquiry."Thought"—no English word + exactly corresponds with DIA/NOIA—is all that which is expressed or effected by the words (cf. Aristot. Poet. 6.22, 23, and 25). Thus the student is rightly referred to the Art of Rhetoric, where he learns "what to say in every case." Aristotle adds that the rules there given @@ -1130,7 +1130,7 @@ added cvs log keyword which is proper to elocution or to the man who knows the master artRhetoric is a "master art" in relation to elocution, since it decides the effects to be produced, and elocution decides how to produce them. So the doctor's art is "master" to that of the dispenser, and the - art of riding to that of the maker of bridles.—I mean for + art of riding to that of the maker of bridles.—I mean for instance, what is a command, a prayer, a statement, a threat, question, answer, and so on. The knowledge or ignorance of such matters brings upon the poet no censure worth serious consideration. For who @@ -1174,11 +1174,11 @@ added cvs log keyword a cause of despair. Bywater's notes suggest a restoration. A noun is a composite sound with a meaning, not indicative of time, no part of which has a meaning by itself; for in compounds we do not use each part as having a meaning of - its own, for instance, in "Theodorus," there is no meaning of DW=RON (gift). A verb is a composite sound with + its own, for instance, in "Theodorus," there is no meaning of DW=RON (gift). A verb is a composite sound with a meaning, indicative of time, no part of which has a meaning by - itself—just as in nouns. "Man" or "white" does not signify time, but + itself—just as in nouns. "Man" or "white" does not signify time, but "walks" and "has walked" connote present and past time respectively. A - case(or inflection)of a noun or verb is that which signifies + case(or inflection)of a noun or verb is that which signifies either "of" or "to" a thing and the like;or gives the sense of "one or many" e.g. men and man; or else it may depend on the delivery, for example question and command. "Walked?" and "Walk!" are verbal "cases" of this kind. A phraseThere is no exact @@ -1196,8 +1196,8 @@ added cvs log keyword kinds. There is the simple noun, by which I mean one made up of parts that have no meaning, like GH=, and there is the compound noun. These may be made up either of a - part which has no meaning and a part which has a meaning—though it does - not have its meaning in the compound—or of two parts both having a + part which has no meaning and a part which has a meaning—though it does + not have its meaning in the compound—or of two parts both having a meaning. A compound noun may be triple and quadruple and multiple, e.g. many of the bombastic names like Hermocaicoxanthus.A compound of the names of @@ -1228,9 +1228,9 @@ added cvs log keyword that to which the term supplanted by the metaphor is relative.This may claim to be one of Aristotle's least lucid sentences. It means this: If Old Age: Life:: Evening: Day, then we may call old age " the Evening of Life." In that case "old age" is the "term supplanted by the - metaphor," and it is relative to " Life"; therefore "Life" (i.e., "that - to which the term supplanted by the metaphor is relative")is added to - the metaphorical (or "transferred") term + metaphor," and it is relative to " Life"; therefore "Life" (i.e., "that + to which the term supplanted by the metaphor is relative")is added to + the metaphorical (or "transferred") term "Evening."For instance, a cup is to Dionysus what a shield is to Ares; so he will call the cup "Dionysus's shield" and the shield "Ares' cup." Or old age is to life as evening is to day; so he will call the evening @@ -1243,7 +1243,7 @@ added cvs log keyword to the seed, and so you have the phrase "sowing the god-created fire." Besides this another way of employing metaphor is to call a thing by the strange name and then to deny it some attribute of that name. For instance, suppose you call the shield not - "Ares' cup" but a “wineless cup.” . . .Or you might call Love "Venus's bloodless War." At this point a few + "Ares' cup" but a “wineless cup.” . . .Or you might call Love "Venus's bloodless War." At this point a few lines on "Ornament" have evidently been lost, since this is its place in the catalogue of nouns above. By "ornament" he seems to mean an embellishing epithet or synonym. In the Rhetoric he quotes "Our lady the fig-tree" as @@ -1394,14 +1394,14 @@ added cvs log keyword time, and used well. Of his poems he made the one, the Iliad , a "simple" story turning on "calamity," and the Odyssey a - "complex" story—it is full of "discoveries"—turning on + "complex" story—it is full of "discoveries"—turning on character. Besides this they surpass all other poems in diction and thought. Epic differs from tragedy in the length of the composition and in metre. The limit of length - already givenSee Aristot. Poet. 7.12. will suffice—it must be + already givenSee Aristot. Poet. 7.12. will suffice—it must be possible to embrace the beginning and the end in one view,which would be the case if the compositions were shorter than the ancient epics but reached to the length of the tragedies presented - at a single entertainment.“Entertainment” must mean a festival. At the City Dionysia + at a single entertainment.“Entertainment” must mean a festival. At the City Dionysia three poets competed, each with three tragedies. By the end of the fifth century only one Satyr play was performed at each festival. But the tragedies were longer than those we possess. It is therefore likely that the nine tragedies @@ -1437,7 +1437,7 @@ added cvs log keyword than his own. Both these "manners" come under the head of "Imitation." When Aristotle says "the poet speaks himself" and "plays a part himself" he refers not to narrative, of which there is a great deal in Homer, but to the "preludes" - (cf. FROIMIASA/MENOS below) in + (cf. FROIMIASA/MENOS below) in which the poet, invoking the Muse, speaks in his own person. Ridgeway points out that in the whole of the Iliad @@ -1448,10 +1448,10 @@ added cvs log keyword dramatically, but Homer after a brief prelude at once brings in a man or a woman or some other character, never without character, but all having character of their own.<milestone ed="P" unit="para"/><milestone n="24.15" ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/> Now the marvellous should certainly be portrayed in tragedy, but epic affords - greater scope for the inexplicable(which is the chief element in what is - marvellous), because we do not actually see the persons of the story. + greater scope for the inexplicable(which is the chief element in what is + marvellous), because we do not actually see the persons of the story. <milestone n="24.16" ed="P" unit="Loeb chap"/> The incident of - Hector's pursuit<note anchored="yes" resp="Fyfe"><title>Iliad, xxii. 205. sq. “And to the host divine Achilles nodded with his head a sign and let them not launch their bitter darts at Hector, lest another should win glory by shooting him and Achilles himself come second.” would look ridiculous + Hector's pursuitIliad, xxii. 205. sq. “And to the host divine Achilles nodded with his head a sign and let them not launch their bitter darts at Hector, lest another should win glory by shooting him and Achilles himself come second.” would look ridiculous on the stage, the people standing still and not pursuing and Achilles waving them back, but in epic that is not noticed. But that the marvellous causes pleasure is shown by the fact that people always tell a piece of news with additions by way of being agreeable. Above all, Homer has @@ -1465,18 +1465,18 @@ added cvs log keyword O. on his voyage to Troy. As evidence, he describes O.'s dress and his companions (Hom. Od. 19.164-260). P. commits the fallacy of inferring the truth of the - antecedent from the truth of the consequent: “If his story were true, + antecedent from the truth of the consequent: “If his story were true, he would know these details; But he does know them; Therefore his story is - true.” The artist in fiction uses the same fallacy, e.g.: - “If chessmen could come to life the white knight would be a duffer; - But he is a most awful duffer (look at him!); Therefore - chessmen can come to life.” He makes his deductions so convincing that + true.” The artist in fiction uses the same fallacy, e.g.: + “If chessmen could come to life the white knight would be a duffer; + But he is a most awful duffer (look at him!); Therefore + chessmen can come to life.” He makes his deductions so convincing that we falsely infer the truth of his hypothesis. What is convincing though impossible should always be preferred to what is possible and unconvincing. Stories should not be made up of inexplicable details; so far as possible there should be nothing inexplicable, or, - if there is, it should lie outside the story—as, for instance, Oedipus not - knowing how Laius died—and not in the play; for example, in the + if there is, it should lie outside the story—as, for instance, Oedipus not + knowing how Laius died—and not in the play; for example, in the Electra the news of the Pythian games,In Sophocles'Electrathe plot hinges on a false story of Orestes' death by an accident at the Pythian games. Presumably the anachronism shocked Aristotle. or in the Mysians the man who came from @@ -1508,7 +1508,7 @@ added cvs log keyword of them, how many kinds there are, and the nature of each kind, all will be clear if we look at them like this. Since the poet represents life, as a painter does or any other maker of likenesses, he must - always represent one of three things—either things as they were or are; or + always represent one of three things—either things as they were or are; or things as they are said and seem to be; or things as they should be. These are expressed in diction with or without rare words and metaphors, there being many modifications of diction, all of which we allow the poet to use. @@ -1522,7 +1522,7 @@ added cvs log keyword impossibility has been portrayed, but that is not an essential error. These considerations must, then, be kept in view in meeting the charges contained in these objections.Let us first take the charges against the art of poetry itself. If an impossibility has been portrayed, an error has been made. But it is justifiable if the poet thus achieves the - object of poetry—what that is has been already stated—and makes + object of poetry—what that is has been already stated—and makes that part or some other part of the poem more striking. The pursuit of Hector is an example of this.See Aristot. Poet. 24.16 and note. @@ -1539,7 +1539,7 @@ added cvs log keyword do, then say, "Such is the tale"; for instance, tales about gods. Very likely there is no advantage in telling them, and they are not true either, but may well be what Xenophanes declaredi.e., immoral and therefore untrue. He opened the assault on Homeric theology at the end of the sixth or the beginning of the - fifth century B.C.—all the same such is the tale. In another case, perhaps, there is no + fifth century B.C.—all the same such is the tale. In another case, perhaps, there is no advantage but "such was the fact," e.g. the case of the arms, "Their spears erect on butt-spikes stood,"Hom. Il. 10.152. Problem: "Surely a bad stance: they might so easily fall @@ -1593,8 +1593,8 @@ added cvs log keyword Zeus is instructing the Dream, whom he is sending to lure Agamemnon to disaster. Problem: "The last statement is a lie." Solution: "Change the accent and the statement DI/DOMEN DE/ OI( becomes a command - (the infinitive DIDO/MENAI written in a - shortened form and used as an imperative). The lie will then be told by + (the infinitive DIDO/MENAI written in a + shortened form and used as an imperative). The lie will then be told by the Dream and not by Zeus, who may thus save his reputation for veracity." and TO\ ME\N OU(= KATAPU/QETAI O)/MBRW|Hom. Il. 23.327: "A fathom high from the earth there rises a stump @@ -1611,7 +1611,7 @@ added cvs log keyword spent and at hand is the dawning, Far across are the stars and more than two parts of the night-time Are gone, but a third is still left us." Problem: If "more than two parts" are gone, a third cannot be left. Solution: PLE/W here means "full," i.e., " the full night of - two-thirds"="full two-thirds of the night is gone," and so Homer's + two-thirds"="full two-thirds of the night is gone," and so Homer's arithmetic is saved. Others according to the habitual use of the phrase, e.g. wine and water is called "wine" so you get the phrase "greaves of new-wrought tin";Problem: "Greaves are made not of tin but of an alloy of tin and copper." @@ -1664,7 +1664,7 @@ added cvs log keyword made of the improbability.An example is Euripides' intro duction of AegeusEur. Medea 663. In Aristotle's opinion there is no good reason for Aegeus's appearance and no good use is made of it. - or(of depravity)the character of Menelans in the + or(of depravity)the character of Menelans in the Orestes. The censures they bring are of five kinds; that things are either impossible or irrational or harmful or inconsistent or contrary to artistic correctness. The solutions must be studied under the heads specified above, @@ -1705,7 +1705,7 @@ added cvs log keyword function even without acting, just as much as epic, and its quality can be gauged by reading aloud. So, if it is in other respects superior, this disadvantage is not necessarily inherent. Secondly, tragedy has all the elements of the - epic—it can even use the hexameter— and in addition a considerable element of its own in the + epic—it can even use the hexameter— and in addition a considerable element of its own in the spectacle and the music, which make the pleasure all the more vivid; and this vividness can be felt whether it is read or acted. Another point is that it attains its end with greater economy of length. What is concentrated is @@ -1721,14 +1721,14 @@ added cvs log keyword less unity I mean an epic made up of several separate actions. The Iliad has many such parts and so has the Odyssey, and each by itself has a certain magnitude. And yet the composition of these poems is as perfect as can be and each of them - is—as far as an epic may be—a representation of a single action. + is—as far as an epic may be—a representation of a single action. If then tragedy is superior in - these respects and also in fulfilling its artistic function—for tragedies + these respects and also in fulfilling its artistic function—for tragedies and epics should produce not any form of pleasure but the pleasure we have describedi.e., the pleasure felt when by the - representation of life in art “relief is given” to pity, + representation of life in art “relief is given” to pity, fear, and other such emotions, or, to use a term now prevalent, when such - emotions are “released.”Cf. Aristot. Poet. 14.3.—then obviously, since it + emotions are “released.”Cf. Aristot. Poet. 14.3.—then obviously, since it attains its object better than the epic, the better of the two is tragedy. This must suffice for our treatment of tragedy and epic, their characteristics, their species, their constituent parts, and their number and attributes; for the causes of success diff --git a/data/tlg0086/tlg038/tlg0086.tlg038.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0086/tlg038/tlg0086.tlg038.perseus-eng1.xml index 261e98d55..1e0746d86 100644 --- a/data/tlg0086/tlg038/tlg0086.tlg038.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0086/tlg038/tlg0086.tlg038.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -151,19 +151,19 @@ a kind of pair with it, and corresponding to it as the antistrophe to the strophe in a choral ode. of Dialectic; for both have to do with matters that are in a manner within the cognizance of all men and not - confinedOr “and they - (Rhetoric and Dialectic) are not - confined.” to any special science. Hence all men in a manner + confinedOr “and they + (Rhetoric and Dialectic) are not + confined.” to any special science. Hence all men in a manner have a share of both; for all, up to a certain point, endeavor to criticize or uphold an argument, to defend themselves or to accuse. Now, the majority of people do this either at random or with a familiarity arising from habit. But since both these ways are possible, it is clear that matters can be reduced to a system, for it is possible to examine the reason why some attain their end by familiarity and others by chance; and such an examination all would at once admit to be the function of an art.The special characteristic of an art is the - discovery of a system or method, as distinguished from mere knack ( - e)mpeiri/a).

+ discovery of a system or method, as distinguished from mere knack ( + e)mpeiri/a).

Now, previous compilers of - “Arts”Manuals or + “Arts”Manuals or handbooks treating of the rules of any art or science. of Rhetoric have provided us with only a small portion of this art, for proofs are the only things in it that come within the province of art; everything else is merely an @@ -210,11 +210,11 @@ or the narrative, or of the other parts of the discourse, are bringing under the rules of art what is outside the subject; for the only thing to which their attention is devotedis how to put the judge into a - certain frame of mind. They give no account of the artificial proofs,Systematic logical proofs (enthymeme, - for example), including testimony as to character and appeals to - the emotions (2.3), which the rhetorician has to invent - ( eu(rei=n, inventio) for use in particular cases. They are - contrasted with “inartificial” proofs, which have + certain frame of mind. They give no account of the artificial proofs,Systematic logical proofs (enthymeme, + for example), including testimony as to character and appeals to + the emotions (2.3), which the rhetorician has to invent + ( eu(rei=n, inventio) for use in particular cases. They are + contrasted with “inartificial” proofs, which have nothing to do with the rules of the art, but are already in existence, and only need to be made use of. The former are dealt with in chs. 4-14, the latter in ch. 15 of this book. which make a man a master of @@ -227,7 +227,7 @@ The reason of this is that in public speaking it is less worth while to talk of what is outside the subject, and that deliberative oratory lends itself to trickery less than forensic, because it is of more general interest.koino/teron: - or, “more intelligible to the ordinary man.” For + or, “more intelligible to the ordinary man.” For in the assembly the judges decide upon their own affairs, so that the only thing necessary is to prove the truth of the statement of one who recommends a measure, but in the law courts this is not sufficient; there it is useful to win @@ -243,14 +243,14 @@

It is obvious, therefore, that a system arranged according to the rules of art is only concerned with proofs; that proof is a sort of demonstration,Exact scientific - proof ( a)po/deicis), - which probable proof ( pi/stis) only to a certain extent resembles. + proof ( a)po/deicis), + which probable proof ( pi/stis) only to a certain extent resembles. since we are most strongly convinced when we suppose anything to have been demonstrated; that rhetorical demonstration is an enthymeme, which, generally speaking, is the strongest of rhetorical proofs and lastly, that the enthymeme is a kind of syllogism. Now, as it is the function of Dialectic as a whole, or of one of its parts,Dialectic here apparently - includes logic generally, the “part” being either the + includes logic generally, the “part” being either the Analytica Priori, which deals with the syllogism, or the Sophistici Elenchi, on Fallacies. to consider every kind of syllogism in a similar manner, it is clear that he who is most @@ -261,13 +261,13 @@ purview of the same faculty, and at the same time men have a sufficient natural capacity for the truth and indeed in most cases attain to it; wherefore one who divines well in regard to the truth will also be able to divine well in regard - to probabilities.e)/ndoca, “resting on opinion”; defined - in the Topics (1.1) as “things + to probabilities.e)/ndoca, “resting on opinion”; defined + in the Topics (1.1) as “things generally admitted by all, or by most men, or by the wise, and by all or - most of these, or by the most notable and esteemed.”

+ most of these, or by the most notable and esteemed.”

It is clear, then, that all other rhetoricians bring under the rules of art what - is outside the subject,anddio/ti either = o(/ti, “that”; or, - (it is clear) “why.” have + is outside the subject,anddio/ti either = o(/ti, “that”; or, + (it is clear) “why.” have rather inclined to the forensic branch of oratory. Nevertheless, Rhetoric is useful, because the true and the just are naturally superior to their opposites, so that, if decisions are improperly made, they must owe their defeat to their own advocates; which is reprehensible. @@ -281,7 +281,7 @@ eight books on Dialectic and drawing conclusions from probabilities. when speaking of converse with the multitude. Further, the orator should be able to prove opposites, as in logical arguments; not that we should do both - (for one ought not to persuade people to do what is wrong), + (for one ought not to persuade people to do what is wrong), but that the real state of the case may not escape us, and that we ourselves may be able to counteract false arguments, if another makes an unfair use of them. Rhetoric and Dialectic alone of all the arts prove opposites; for both are @@ -298,11 +298,11 @@ wealth, generalship; for as these, rightly used, may be of the greatest benefit, so, wrongly used, they may do an equal amount of harm.

It is thus evident that Rhetoric does not deal - with any one definite class of subjects, but, like Dialectic, [is of - general application]; also, that it is useful; and further, that its + with any one definite class of subjects, but, like Dialectic, [is of + general application]; also, that it is useful; and further, that its function is not so much to persuade, as to find out in each case the existing means of persuasion.The early sophistical - definition was “the art of persuasion.” The same + definition was “the art of persuasion.” The same holds good in respect to all the other arts. For instance, it is not the function of medicine to restore a patient to health, but only to promote this end as far as possible; for even those whose recovery is impossible may be @@ -348,20 +348,20 @@ room for doubt, our confidence is absolute. But this confidence must be due to the speech itself, not to any preconceived idea of the speaker's character; for it is not the case, as some writers of rhetorical treatises lay down in their - “Art,” that the worth of the orator in no way contributes to + “Art,” that the worth of the orator in no way contributes to his powers of persuasion; on the contrary, moral character, so to say, constitutes the most effective means of proof. The orator persuades by means of his hearers, when they are roused to emotion by his speech; for the judgements we deliver are not the same when we are influenced by joy or sorrow, love or hate; and it is to this alone that, as we have said, the present-day writers of treatises endeavor to devote their - attention. (We will discuss these matters in detail when we come to - speak of the emotions.) Lastly, + attention. (We will discuss these matters in detail when we come to + speak of the emotions.) Lastly, persuasion is produced by the speech itself, when we establish the trueor apparently true from the means of persuasion applicable to each individual subject.

Now, since proofs are effected by these means, it is evident that, to be able to grasp them, a man must be capable of logical reasoning, of studying characters and the virtues, and thirdly the - emotions—the nature and character of each, its origin, and the manner + emotions—the nature and character of each, its origin, and the manner in which it is produced. Thus it appears that Rhetoric is as it were an offshoot of Dialectic and of the science of Ethics, which may be reasonably called Politics.Rhetoric, as dealing with human @@ -373,7 +373,7 @@ important factor in the training and education of the individual citizen and of the members of the State as a whole, may be described as an offshoot of Politics, with which the sophistical rhetoricians identified - it. That is why Rhetoric assumesOr, “slips into the garb of” (Jebb). + it. That is why Rhetoric assumesOr, “slips into the garb of” (Jebb). Probably a stage metaphor. the character of Politics, and those who claim to possess it, partly from ignorance, partly from boastfulness, and partly from other human weaknesses, do the same. For, as we said at the outset, @@ -389,15 +389,15 @@ rhetorical induction. Now all orators produce belief by employing as proofs either examples or enthymemes and nothing else; so that if, generally speaking, it is necessary to prove any fact whatever either by syllogism or by - induction—and that this is so is clear from the + induction—and that this is so is clear from the AnalyticsAristot. Pr. Anal. 2.23; Aristot. Post. Anal. - 1.1.—each of the two former must be identical with each + 1.1.—each of the two former must be identical with each of the two latter.That is, enthymeme and example must be the same as syllogism and induction. The difference between example and enthymeme is evident from the Topics,From - the definitions of syllogism (1.1) and induction - (1.12). No particular passage, however, explains the + the definitions of syllogism (1.1) and induction + (1.12). No particular passage, however, explains the difference here mentioned. where, in discussing syllogism and induction, it has previously been said that the proof from a number of particular cases that such is the rule, is called in Dialectic induction, in @@ -409,14 +409,14 @@ advantagesThe employment of syllogism and induction, to\ ei)=dos th=s r(htorikh=s being taken as simply = h( r(htorikh/. - Another rendering is: “that each kind of Rhetoric (that - which depends upon example or upon enthymeme) enjoys some special - advantage.”for what has + Another rendering is: “that each kind of Rhetoric (that + which depends upon example or upon enthymeme) enjoys some special + advantage.”—for what has been said in the MethodicaA lost treatise, mentioned by Diogenes Laertius in his Life of Aristotle, 24, and by Dionysius of Halicarnassus in the first letter to Ammaeus, 6. It is supposed to have dealt with some branch of Logic. holds good also in - this case—for rhetorical speeches are sometimes characterized by + this case—for rhetorical speeches are sometimes characterized by examples and sometimes by enthymemes, and orators themselves may be similarly distinguished by their fondness for one or the other. Now arguments that depend on examples are not less calculated to persuade, but those which depend upon @@ -425,16 +425,16 @@ more clearly these proofs themselves.

Now, that which is persuasive is persuasive in reference to some one, and is persuasive and convincing either at once and in and by itself, or because it - appears to be proved by propositions that are convincingOr, “by persons which are so” - (Jebb).; further, no art has the particular in + appears to be proved by propositions that are convincingOr, “by persons which are so” + (Jebb).; further, no art has the particular in view, medicine for instance what is good for Socrates or Callias, but what is good for this or that class of - persons (for this is a matter that comes within the province of an art, + persons (for this is a matter that comes within the province of an art, whereas the particular is infinite and cannot be the subject of a true - science); similarly, therefore, Rhetoric will not consider what seems + science); similarly, therefore, Rhetoric will not consider what seems probable in each individual case, for instance to Socrates or Hippias, but that which seems probable to this or that class of persons. It is the same with Dialectic, which does not draw - conclusions from any random premises—for even madmen have some - fancies—but it takes its material from subjects which demand reasoned + conclusions from any random premises—for even madmen have some + fancies—but it takes its material from subjects which demand reasoned discussion, as Rhetoric does from those which are common subjects of deliberation.

The function of Rhetoric, then, is to deal with @@ -463,8 +463,8 @@ Diagoras of Rhodes, and like his father celebrated for his victories in the Greek athletic contests. He played a considerable part in political and naval affairs in support of the - Spartans (412-407 - B.C.) whom he afterwards offended, and by whom he is said to have + Spartans (412-407 + B.C.) whom he afterwards offended, and by whom he is said to have been put to death. was the victor in a contest at which the prize was a crown,it is enough to say that he won a victory at the Olympic games; there is no need to add that the prize at the Olympic games is a @@ -475,8 +475,8 @@ deliberation and examination, being all of such a character and, generally speaking, none of them necessary; since, further, facts which only generally happen or are merely possible can only be demonstrated by other facts of the - same kind, and necessary facts by necessary propositions (and that this - is so is clear from the AnalyticsAristot. APr. 1.8.13.), it is evident that the materials + same kind, and necessary facts by necessary propositions (and that this + is so is clear from the AnalyticsAristot. APr. 1.8.13.), it is evident that the materials from which enthymemes are derived will be sometimes necessary, but for the most part only generally true; and these materials being probabilities and signs, it follows that these two elements must correspond to these two kinds of @@ -492,12 +492,12 @@ called tekmeria; those which are not necessary have no distinguishing name. I call those necessary signs from which a logical syllogism can be constructed, wherefore such a sign - is called tekmērion; for when people think + is called tekmērion; for when people think that their arguments are irrefutable, they think that they are bringing forward - a tekmērion, something as it were proved + a tekmērion, something as it were proved and concluded; for in the old language tekmar and - peras have the same meaning (limit, - conclusion).

+ peras have the same meaning (limit, + conclusion).

Among signs, some are related as the particular to the universal; for instance, if one were to say that all wise men are just, because Socrates was both wise and just. Now this is a sign, but even though the @@ -505,7 +505,7 @@ syllogistic form. But if one were to say that it is a sign that a man is ill, because he has a fever, or that a woman has had a child because she has milk, this is a necessary sign. This alone among signs is a - tekmērion; for only in this case, if the fact is true, is + tekmērion; for only in this case, if the fact is true, is the argument irrefutable. Other signs are related as the universal to the particular, for instance, if one were to say that it is a sign that this man has a fever, because he breathes hard; but even if the fact be true,this argument also can be refuted, for it is possible for a man to @@ -536,7 +536,7 @@ they transgress the limits of Rhetoric and Dialectic. But this will be clearer if stated at greater length.

I mean by dialectical and rhetorical syllogisms - those which are concerned with what we call “topics,” which + those which are concerned with what we call “topics,” which may be applied alike to Law, Physics, Politics, and many other sciences that differ in kind, such as the topic of the more or less, which will furnish syllogisms and enthymemes equally well for Law, Physics, or any other science @@ -553,13 +553,13 @@ Rhetoric. For if once he hits upon first principles, it will no longer be Dialectic or Rhetoric, but that science whose principles he has arrived at.The common topics do not deal with particular subject matter, as the specific topics do. In making use of the latter, the - “better” (that is, in regard to a special - science) the propositions chosen by a man, the more he will without + “better” (that is, in regard to a special + science) the propositions chosen by a man, the more he will without knowing it quit the domain of Rhetoric and Dialectic, and become a professor of that special science whose first principles he has hit upon. Most enthymemes are constructed from these specific topics, which are called particular and special, fewer from those that - are common or universal. As then we have done in the TopicsAristot. Sophist. Elenchi (Fallacies) 9. This + are common or universal. As then we have done in the TopicsAristot. Sophist. Elenchi (Fallacies) 9. This treatise is really the ninth and concluding part of the Topics., so here we must distinguish the specific and universal topics, from which enthymemes may be constructed. By specific topics I @@ -567,11 +567,11 @@ common to all alike. Let us then first speak of the specific topics, but before doing so let us ascertain the different kinds of Rhetoric, so that, having determined their number, we may separately ascertain their elements and - propositions.Propositions (or - premises), the name given to the two first statements in a + propositions.Propositions (or + premises), the name given to the two first statements in a syllogism from which the conclusion is drawn: All men are mortal - (major premise); Socrates is a man (minor - premise); therefore Socrates is mortal.

+ (major premise); Socrates is a man (minor + premise); therefore Socrates is mortal.

The kinds of Rhetoric are three in number, corresponding to the three kinds of hearers. For every speech is composed of three parts: the speaker, the subject of which he treats, and the person to @@ -579,8 +579,8 @@ refers. Now the hearer must necessarily be either a mere spectator or a judge, and a judge either of things past or of things to come.All three kinds of hearers are - regarded as judges (the mere spectator as a - “critic”), although strictly krith/s should be limited to the law + regarded as judges (the mere spectator as a + “critic”), although strictly krith/s should be limited to the law courts. For instance, a member of the general assembly is a judge of things to come; the dicast, of things past; the mere spectator, of the ability of the speaker. Therefore there are necessarily @@ -620,16 +620,16 @@ that the enslavement of neighboring peoples, even if they have done no harm, is not an act of injustice.The omission of ou)k before a)/dikon has been suggested. The sense would then be: - “As to the injustice of enslaving . . . he is quite - indifferent.” There is no doubt a reference to the cruel treatment + “As to the injustice of enslaving . . . he is quite + indifferent.” There is no doubt a reference to the cruel treatment by Athens of the inhabitants of - the island of Melos (416 B.C.) for its loyalty to the Spartans - during the Peloponnesian war (Thuc. - 5.84-116). The Athenian envoys declined to discuss the + the island of Melos (416 B.C.) for its loyalty to the Spartans + during the Peloponnesian war (Thuc. + 5.84-116). The Athenian envoys declined to discuss the question of right or wrong, which they said was only possible between equal powers, and asserted that expediency was the only thing that - had to be considered. The question of justice or injustice (in the - Melian case entirely disregarded), even when taken into account, + had to be considered. The question of justice or injustice (in the + Melian case entirely disregarded), even when taken into account, was merely accessory and intended to serve as a specious justification for the policy of might. Similarly, those who praise or blame do not consider whether a man has @@ -637,8 +637,8 @@ that, disregarding his own interest, he performed some deed of honor. For example, they praise Achilles because he went to the aid of his comrade Patroclus,To protect his body and avenge - his death (Hom. Il. - 18.). knowing that he was fated to die, although he might + his death (Hom. Il. + 18.). knowing that he was fated to die, although he might have lived. To him such a death was more honorable, although life was more expedient.

From what has been said it is evident that the @@ -647,7 +647,7 @@ honorable, and their contraries. Now, necessary signs, probabilities, and signs are the propositions of the rhetorician; for the syllogism universallyo(/lws: or, reading o(/los, - “the syllogism as a whole.” consists of + “the syllogism as a whole.” consists of propositions, and the enthymeme is a syllogism composed of the propositions above mentioned. Again, since what is impossible can neither have been done nor will be done, but only what is @@ -699,8 +699,8 @@ sciencesTaking ei)s e)pisth/mas with metabai/nein. If taken with e)piskeua/zwn, the sense will - be: “by changing his ground ( metabai/nein being used absolutely) while altering - their characters from faculties to sciences.”, whose + be: “by changing his ground ( metabai/nein being used absolutely) while altering + their characters from faculties to sciences.”, whose subjects are certain definite things, not merely words. Nevertheless, even at present we may mention such matters as it is worth while to analyze, while still leaving much for political science to investigate.

@@ -734,8 +734,8 @@

Again, in regard to the defense of the country, he should not be ignorant how it is carried on; he should know both the strength of the guard, its character, and the positions of the guard-houses - (which is impossible for one who is unacquainted with the - country), so that if any guard is insufficient it may be increased, or + (which is impossible for one who is unacquainted with the + country), so that if any guard is insufficient it may be increased, or if any is superfluous it may be disbanded, and greater attention devoted to suitable positions.

Again, in regard to food, he should know what @@ -744,7 +744,7 @@ in order that contracts and agreements may be made with thosetou/tous: those who will receive exports and send imports. who can furnish them; for it is necessary to keep the citizens free from reproach in their relations with two - classes of people—those who are stronger and those who are useful for + classes of people—those who are stronger and those who are useful for commercial purposes.

With a view to the safety of the State, it is necessary that the orator should be able to judge of all these questions, but an @@ -765,9 +765,9 @@ are suitable to what kinds of people. It is clear, therefore, that for legislation books of travel are useful, since they help us to understand the laws of other nations, and for political debates historical works.This rendering, although convenient, hardly - represents the Greek, which, literally translated, is “the + represents the Greek, which, literally translated, is “the investigations of those who write about human - actions” (cf. i(storiko/s, 4.8). All these things, however, + actions” (cf. i(storiko/s, 4.8). All these things, however, belong to Politics and not to Rhetoric.

Such, then, are the most important questions upon which the would-be deliberative orator must be well informed. @@ -786,10 +786,10 @@

Let us then define happiness as well-being combined with virtue, or independence of life, or the life that is most agreeable combined with security, or abundance of possessions and slaves,This is the usual rendering, although it is - hardly satisfactory. Jebb translates “a flourishing state . . . of - body.” combined with power to protect and make use of - themOr, “bring - about,” “effect them.”; for nearly all + hardly satisfactory. Jebb translates “a flourishing state . . . of + body.” combined with power to protect and make use of + themOr, “bring + about,” “effect them.”; for nearly all men admit that one or more of these things constitutes happiness. If, then, such is the nature of happiness, its component parts must necessarily be:noble birth, numerous friends, good friends, wealth, good children, numerous children, a good @@ -798,8 +798,8 @@ a man would be entirely independent, provided he possessed all internal and external goods; for there are no others. Internal goods are those of mind and body; external goods are noble birth, friends, wealth, honor. To these we think - should be added certain capacitiesi.e. of mind and body; or duna/meis may mean “positions of authority and - influence.” and good luck; for on these conditions life + should be added certain capacitiesi.e. of mind and body; or duna/meis may mean “positions of authority and + influence.” and good luck; for on these conditions life will be perfectly secure. Let us now in the same way define each of these in detail.

Noble birth, in the case of a nation or State, @@ -824,24 +824,24 @@ sordid. The object of both the individual and of the community should be to secure the existence of each of these qualities in both men and women; for all those States in which the character of women is unsatisfactory, as in - Lacedaemon,A similar charge against the Spartan woman is made in Aristot. Pol. 2.9.5: “Further - the looseness ( a)/nesis) + Lacedaemon,A similar charge against the Spartan woman is made in Aristot. Pol. 2.9.5: “Further + the looseness ( a)/nesis) of the Spartan women is injurious both to the purpose of the constitution and the well-being of the State . . . their life is one of absolute luxury - and intemperance” (compare Eur. Andr. 595-596 “even if she wished it, a Spartan - girl could not be chaste”). The opinion of Xenophon and + and intemperance” (compare Eur. Andr. 595-596 “even if she wished it, a Spartan + girl could not be chaste”). The opinion of Xenophon and Plutarch is much more favorable. may be considered only half-happy.

Wealth consists in abundance of money, ownership of land and properties, and further of movables, cattle, and slaves, remarkable for number, size, and beauty, if they are all secure, liberal, and useful. Property that is productive is more useful, but that which has enjoyment for its object is more liberal. By productive I mean that which is a source of income, - by enjoyable that which offers no advantage beyond the use of it—at + by enjoyable that which offers no advantage beyond the use of it—at least, none worth mentioning. Security may be definedas possession of property in such places and on such conditions that the use of it is in our own hands; and ownership as the right of alienation or noth)\ mh/: in the MS. readings these words follow tou= oi)kei=a - ei)=nai: “ownership or non-ownership.” The + ei)=nai: “ownership or non-ownership.” The alteration is Spengel's., by which I mean giving the property away or selling it. In a word, being wealthy consists rather in use than in possession; for the actualizatione)ne/rgeia: realization in action or fact. and use of @@ -866,10 +866,10 @@

Bodily excellence is health, and of such a kind that when exercising the body we are free from sickness; for many are healthy in the way HerodicusOf Selymbria, physician and teacher of - hygienic gymnastics (c. 420 - B.C.). He is said to have made his patients walk from Athens to Megara and back, about 70 miles. He was + hygienic gymnastics (c. 420 + B.C.). He is said to have made his patients walk from Athens to Megara and back, about 70 miles. He was satirized by Plato and by his old pupil Hippocrates as one who killed those - for whom he prescribed (cf. 2.23.29). is said to + for whom he prescribed (cf. 2.23.29). is said to have been, whom no one would consider happy in the matter of health, because they are obliged to abstain from all or nearly all human enjoyments.

Beauty varies with each age. In a young man, it @@ -882,7 +882,7 @@ of war, in being pleasant to look upon and at the same time awe-inspiring. In an old man, beauty consists in being naturally adapted to contend with unavoidable labors and in not causing annoyanceOr simply, - “freedom from pain” (5.15). to + “freedom from pain” (5.15). to others, thanks to the absence of the disagreeable accompaniments of old age.

Strength consists in the power of moving another as one wills, for which purpose it is necessary to pull or push, to @@ -918,20 +918,20 @@ the most, or the most important of those goods of which fortune is the cause. Now fortune is the cause of some things with which the arts also are concerned, and also of many which have nothing to do with art, for instance, such as are - due to nature (though it is possible that the results of fortune may be - contrary to nature); for art is a cause of health, but nature of beauty + due to nature (though it is possible that the results of fortune may be + contrary to nature); for art is a cause of health, but nature of beauty and stature.The results of art and the - results due to nature are often assisted (or hindered) by + results due to nature are often assisted (or hindered) by the interference of the irregular operations of fortune or chance. Health - may be the result of fortune, as well as art (a sick man may be + may be the result of fortune, as well as art (a sick man may be cured by a drug taken by chance, one not prescribed by the - physician); beauty and strength, of fortune as well as nature. It + physician); beauty and strength, of fortune as well as nature. It is parenthetically remarked that fortune may also produce unnatural monstrosities. The removal of the brackets and the substitution of a comma for the colon after fu/sis have been - suggested. The meaning would then be: “for instance, such as are + suggested. The meaning would then be: “for instance, such as are due to nature, but possibly may be also contrary to - nature.” Speaking generally, the goods which come from fortune + nature.” Speaking generally, the goods which come from fortune are such as excite envy. Fortune is also a cause of those goods which are beyond calculation; for instance, a man's brothers are all ugly, while he is handsome; they did not see the treasure, while he found it; the arrow hit one who stood by @@ -960,7 +960,7 @@ which such things follow, or all that is likely to prevent or destroy their opposites.

Now things follow in two - ways—simultaneously or subsequently; for instance, knowledge is + ways—simultaneously or subsequently; for instance, knowledge is subsequent to learning, but life is simultaneous with health. Things which produce act in three ways; thus, healthiness produces health; and so does food; and exercise as a rule. This being laid down, @@ -974,7 +974,7 @@ one and a loss of the other. The virtues also must be a good thing; for those who possess them are in a sound condition, and they are also productive of good things and practical. However, we must speak - separately concerning each—what it is, and of what kind. Pleasure also must be a good; for all living creatures + separately concerning each—what it is, and of what kind. Pleasure also must be a good; for all living creatures naturally desire it. Hence it follows that both agreeable and beautiful things must be good; for the former produce pleasure, while among beautiful things some are pleasant and others are desirable in themselves.

@@ -990,7 +990,7 @@ acquisitionThe excellence of anything is proportionate to its success in the performance of its proper function. The function of acquisition is to get something valuable, such as money, and its - “excellence” may be judges by the amount of wealth + “excellence” may be judges by the amount of wealth obtained. and productive of many things.A friend and friendship, since a friend is desirable in himself and produces many advantages. Honor and good repute, since they are agreeable and produce many advantages, and are generally accompanied by the possession of those things for @@ -1020,15 +1020,15 @@ common danger threatens them.

That which is not in excessReading o(/. The ordinary reading ou(= is taken to mean - “that which does not permit excess,” that which is + “that which does not permit excess,” that which is midway between two extremes, the mean. Another suggested rendering is, - “that of which one cannot have too much.” is + “that of which one cannot have too much.” is good, whereas that which is greater than it should be, is bad. And that which has cost much labor and expense, for it at once is seen to be an apparent good, and such a thing is regarded as an end, and an end of many efforts; now, an end is a good. Wherefore it was said: - And they would [leave Argive Helen for Priam and the - Trojans] to boast of,Hom. Il. 2.160. Addressed + And they would [leave Argive Helen for Priam and the + Trojans] to boast of,Hom. Il. 2.160. Addressed by Hera to Athene, begging her to prevent the Greeks departing from Troy and leaving Helen behind. @@ -1037,18 +1037,18 @@ It is disgraceful to tarry long,Hom. Il. 2.298. Spoken by Odysseus. While sympathizing with the desire of the army to - leave, he points out that it would be “disgraceful - after waiting so long” to return unsuccessful, and + leave, he points out that it would be “disgraceful + after waiting so long” to return unsuccessful, and exhorts them to hold out. - and the proverb, “[to break] the pitcher at - the door.”Proverbial for - “lost labor.” Cf. French “faire naufrage - au port,” and the English “there's many a - slip 'twixt cup and lip.”

+ and the proverb, “[to break] the pitcher at + the door.”Proverbial for + “lost labor.” Cf. French “faire naufrage + au port,” and the English “there's many a + slip 'twixt cup and lip.”

And that which many aim at and which is seen to be competed for by many; for that which all aim at was recognized as a good, and - the majority may almost stand for “all.” And that which is the object of praise, for no one + the majority may almost stand for “all.” And that which is the object of praise, for no one praises that which is not good. And that which is praised by enemies; for if even those who are injured by it acknowledge its goodness, this amounts to a universal recognition of it; for it is because of its goodness being evident @@ -1057,8 +1057,8 @@ done their duty against their enemies, who would then have blamed them. Another suggested reading is ou(\s oi( fi/loi ye/gousi kai\ ou(\s oi( e)xqroi\ mh\ ye/gousi - (“those whom their friends blame and whom their enemies - do not blame.”) Wherefore the Corinthians imagined + (“those whom their friends blame and whom their enemies + do not blame.”) Wherefore the Corinthians imagined themselves insulted by Simonides, when he wrote, Ilium does not blame the @@ -1067,9 +1067,9 @@ an ally of the Trojans. Simonides meant to praise, but the Corinthians were suspicious and thought his words were meant satirically, in accordance with the view just expressed by - Aristotle. The Simonides referred to is Simonides of Ceos (Frag. 50, + Aristotle. The Simonides referred to is Simonides of Ceos (Frag. 50, P.L.G. 3, where the line is differently - given). Aristotle is evidently quoting from memory, as + given). Aristotle is evidently quoting from memory, as he often does, although not always accurately. @@ -1082,14 +1082,14 @@ and advantageous to their friends, and things which are possible. The last are of two kinds: things which might happen,geno/mena a)/n: Spengel omits a)/n: i.e. - “things which have happened.” and + “things which have happened.” and things which easily happen; by the latter are meant things that happen without labor or in a short time, for difficulty is defined by labor or length of time. And anything that happens as men wish is good; and what they wish is either what is not evil at all or is less an evil than a good, which will be the case for instance, whenever the penalty attached to it is unnoticed or light. And things that are peculiar to them, or which no one - else possesses, “Or which no one - else has done” (Jebb). or which are out + else possesses, “Or which no one + else has done” (Jebb). or which are out of the common; for thus the honor is greater. And things which are appropriate to them; such are all things befitting them in respect of birth and power. And things which they think they lack, however unimportant; for none the less they @@ -1110,14 +1110,14 @@

But since men often agree that both of two things are useful, but dispute which is the more so, we must next speak of the greater good and the more expedient. Let one thing, then, be said to exceed another, when - it is as great and something more—and to be exceeded when it is - contained in the other. “Greater” and - “more” always imply a relation with less; - “great” and “small,” - “much” and “little” with the general - size of things; the “great” is that which exceeds, and that - which falls short of it is “small”; and similarly - “much” and “little.” Since, besides, we call good that which is desirable + it is as great and something more—and to be exceeded when it is + contained in the other. “Greater” and + “more” always imply a relation with less; + “great” and “small,” + “much” and “little” with the general + size of things; the “great” is that which exceeds, and that + which falls short of it is “small”; and similarly + “much” and “little.” Since, besides, we call good that which is desirable for its own sake and not for anything else, and that which all things aim at and which they would choose if they possessed reason and practical wisdom; and that which is productive or protective of good, or on which such things follow; and @@ -1138,17 +1138,17 @@ men in general are bigger than women, the biggest man will be bigger than the biggest woman; for the superiority of classes and of the greatest things contained in them are proportionate. And when - this follows on that, but not that on this [then - “that” is the greater good];If B (life) follows on, is the consequent - of A (health), but A is not the consequent of B, then A is + this follows on that, but not that on this [then + “that” is the greater good];If B (life) follows on, is the consequent + of A (health), but A is not the consequent of B, then A is a greater good than B. for the enjoyment of that which follows is contained in that of the other. Now, things follow simultaneously, or successively, or potentially; thus, life follows simultaneously on health, but - not health on life; knowledge follows subsequently on learning [but not - learning on knowledge]; and simple theft potentially on sacrilege, for + not health on life; knowledge follows subsequently on learning [but not + learning on knowledge]; and simple theft potentially on sacrilege, for one who commits sacrilege will also steal. And - things which exceed the same thing by a greater amount [than something - else] are greater, for they must also exceed the greater.Eight is greater than 2 by 6, which itself is + things which exceed the same thing by a greater amount [than something + else] are greater, for they must also exceed the greater.Eight is greater than 2 by 6, which itself is greater than 2. And things which produce a greater good are greater; for this we agreed was the meaning of productive of greater. And @@ -1163,8 +1163,8 @@ for instance, exercise is only a means for the acquirement of a good constitution. And that which has less need of one or several other things in addition is a greater good, for it is more - independent (and “having less need” means needing - fewer or easier additions). And when + independent (and “having less need” means needing + fewer or easier additions). And when one thing does not exist or cannot be brought into existence without the aid of another, but that other can, then that which needs no aid is more independent, and accordingly is seen to be a greater good.

@@ -1177,24 +1177,24 @@ It is clear then, from what has been said, that a thing may be greater in two ways; for if it is a first principle but another is not, it will appear to be greater, and if it is not a first principle - [but an end], while another is; for the end is greater and not + [but an end], while another is; for the end is greater and not a first principle.A thing may be of greater - importance in two ways: (a) that which is a first - principle is superior to that which is not; (b) that which + importance in two ways: (a) that which is a first + principle is superior to that which is not; (b) that which is not a first principle, but an end, is superior to that which is a first principle; for the end is superior to the means. In the illustration that - follows: (a) the first principle (suggesting the - plot) is said to be of more importance (worse) - than the end or result (carrying out the plot); - (b) on the other hand, this end is said to be worse than + follows: (a) the first principle (suggesting the + plot) is said to be of more importance (worse) + than the end or result (carrying out the plot); + (b) on the other hand, this end is said to be worse than the first principle, since the end is superior to the means. Thus the question of the amount of guilt can be argued both ways. Thus, Leodamas, when accusing Callistratus,Oropus, a frontier-town of Boeotia and Attica, had been occupied by - the Thebans (366 B.C.). + the Thebans (366 B.C.). Callistratus suggested an arrangement which was agreed to and carried out by - Chabrias—that the town should remain in Theban possession for the + Chabrias—that the town should remain in Theban possession for the time being. Negotiations proved unsuccessful and the Thebans refused to leave, whereupon Chabrias and Callistratus were brought to trial. Leodamas was an Athenian orator, pupil of Isocrates, and pro-Theban in his political @@ -1209,7 +1209,7 @@ the possession of it is more valuable, since it is more difficult of acquisition. From another point of view, that which is abundant is to be preferred to that which is scarce, because the use of it is greater, for - “often” exceeds “seldom,”; whence the + “often” exceeds “seldom,”; whence the saying: Water is best.Pind. O. 1.1. @@ -1221,7 +1221,7 @@ that which is more difficult; for its nature is as we wish. And that, the contrary or the deprivation of which is greater, is the greater good.e.g. it is worse to be blind than deaf; therefore sight is better than hearing - (Schrader). And virtue is greater than non-virtue, + (Schrader). And virtue is greater than non-virtue, and vice than non-vice; for virtues and vices are ends, the others not. And those things whose works are nobler or more disgraceful are themselves greater; and the works of those things, the @@ -1267,10 +1267,10 @@ are safe.

And things in all cases follow the relations between coordinates and similar inflections; for instance, if - “courageously” is nobler than and preferable to - “temperately,” then “courage” is - preferable to “temperance,” and it is better to be - “courageous” than “temperate.” + “courageously” is nobler than and preferable to + “temperately,” then “courage” is + preferable to “temperance,” and it is better to be + “courageous” than “temperate.” And that which is chosen by all is better than that which is not; and that which the majority choose than that which the minority choose; for, as we @@ -1281,23 +1281,23 @@ that of those who are acknowledged authorities and experts. And sometimes a good is greater in which all participate, for it is a disgrace not to participate in it; sometimes when none or only a few participate in it, for it is scarcer. And things which are more praiseworthy, since they are nobler. And - in the same way things which are more highly honored,“Things of which the prices are greater, price - being a sort of worth” (Jebb). for honor + in the same way things which are more highly honored,“Things of which the prices are greater, price + being a sort of worth” (Jebb). for honor is a sort of measure of worth; and conversely those things are greater evils, the punishment for which is greater. And those things which are greater than what is acknowledged, or appears, to be great, are greater. And the same whole when divided into parts appears greater, for there - appears to be superiority in a greater number of things.Or, “superiority over a greater number of - things.” Whence the poet says that Meleager was persuaded + appears to be superiority in a greater number of things.Or, “superiority over a greater number of + things.” Whence the poet says that Meleager was persuaded to rise up and fight by the recital ofAfter pei=sai all the MSS. except A Paris have le/gousan. If this is retained, it must - refer to Meleager's wife Cleopatra, who “persuaded him . . . by - quoting.” As the text stands, the literal rendering is: - “the poet says that (the recital of the three - verses) persuaded.” The passage is from Hom. Il. 9.592-594 (slightly - different). + refer to Meleager's wife Cleopatra, who “persuaded him . . . by + quoting.” As the text stands, the literal rendering is: + “the poet says that (the recital of the three + verses) persuaded.” The passage is from Hom. Il. 9.592-594 (slightly + different). All the ills that befall those whose city is taken; the people @@ -1305,13 +1305,13 @@ the children.

-

Combination and building up, as employed by Epicharmus,Epicharmus (c. 550-460 B.C.) writer of comedies and Pythagorean +

Combination and building up, as employed by Epicharmus,Epicharmus (c. 550-460 B.C.) writer of comedies and Pythagorean philosopher, was born at Megara - in Sicily (according to - others, in the island of Cos). His comedies, written in the Doric + in Sicily (according to + others, in the island of Cos). His comedies, written in the Doric dialect, and without a chorus, were either mythological or comedies of - manners, as extant titles show. Plato speaks of him as “the prince - of comedy” and Horace states definitely that he was imitated by + manners, as extant titles show. Plato speaks of him as “the prince + of comedy” and Horace states definitely that he was imitated by Plautus. produce the same effect as division, and for the same reason; for combination is an exhibition of great superiority and appears to be the origin and cause of great things. And @@ -1319,16 +1319,16 @@ produce great effects; for if a man does things beyond his powers, beyond his age, and beyond what his equals could do, if they are done in such a manner, in such a place, and at such a time, they will possess importance in actions that - are noble, good, or just, or the opposite. Hence the epigramSimonides, Frag. 163 (P.L.G. - 3.). on the Olympian victor: + are noble, good, or just, or the opposite. Hence the epigramSimonides, Frag. 163 (P.L.G. + 3.). on the Olympian victor: Formerly, with a rough basketOr, the yoke to which the basket, like our milk-pails long ago, was attached. on my shoulders, I used to carry fish from Argos to Tegea. - And Iphicrates lauded himself, saying, “Look what I started - from!” And that which is natural is + And Iphicrates lauded himself, saying, “Look what I started + from!” And that which is natural is a greater good than that which is acquired, because it is harder. Whence the poet says: @@ -1345,9 +1345,9 @@ greater need, as in old age and illness, are greater goods. And of two things that which is nearer the end proposed is preferable. And that which is useful for the individual is preferable to that which is useful absolutely;Or, reading kai\ - a(plw=s: “that which is useful both to the individual - and absolutely is a greater good” (than that which is - only useful in one way), but this necessitates a considerable + a(plw=s: “that which is useful both to the individual + and absolutely is a greater good” (than that which is + only useful in one way), but this necessitates a considerable ellipse. that which is possible to that which is impossible; for it is the possible that is useful to us, not the impossible. And those things which are at the end of life; for things near the end are more like ends.

@@ -1372,12 +1372,12 @@ which pass unnoticed, because they appear more real; whence being wealthy would appear to be a greater good than the appearance of it.It is difficult to see the connection here. Munro's suggestion, tw=| dokei=n for tou= dokei=n, adopted by Roemer, would mean - “by the show of it,” that is, by its attracting notice. + “by the show of it,” that is, by its attracting notice. And that which is held most dear, sometimes alone, sometimes accompanied by other things, is a greater good. Wherefore he who puts out the eye of a one-eyed man and he who puts out one eye of another who has two, does not do equal injury;Or, - “is not punished equally.” for in the former + “is not punished equally.” for in the former case, a man has been deprived of that which he held most dear.

These are nearly all the topics from which argumentsmay be drawn @@ -1404,14 +1404,14 @@

Nor should the end of each form of government be neglected, for men choose the things which have reference to the end. Now, the end of democracy is liberty, of oligarchy wealth, of aristocracy things relating - to education and what the law prescribes, . . . ,The “end” of monarchy is wanting + to education and what the law prescribes, . . . ,The “end” of monarchy is wanting here. of tyranny self-protection. It is clear then that we must distinguish the manners and customs, institutions, and interests of each form of government, since it is in reference to this that men make their choice. But as proofs are established not only by - demonstrative, but also by ethical argument—since we have confidence + demonstrative, but also by ethical argument—since we have confidence in an orator who exhibits certain qualities, such as goodness, goodwill, or - both—it follows that we ought to be acquainted with the characters of + both—it follows that we ought to be acquainted with the characters of each form of government; for, in reference to each, the character most likely to persuade must be that which is characteristic of it. These characters will be understood by the same means; for characters reveal themselves in accordance @@ -1438,9 +1438,9 @@ pleasant because it is good. If this is the noble, then virtue must of necessity be noble, for, being good, it is worthy of praise. Virtue, it would seem, is a faculty of providing and preserving good things, a faculty productive of many and great benefits, in fact, of all things - in all cases.Or, “a faculty of - doing many and great benefits to all men in all cases” - (Jebb). + in all cases.Or, “a faculty of + doing many and great benefits to all men in all cases” + (Jebb). The components of virtue are justice, courage, self-control, magnificence, magnanimity, liberality, gentleness, practical and speculative wisdom. The greatest virtues are necessarily @@ -1460,20 +1460,20 @@ Practical wisdom is a virtue of reason, which enables men to come to a wise decision in regard to good and evil things, which have been mentioned as connected with happiness.Or, taking ei)s eu)daimoni/an - with bouleu/esqai, “come to a wise - decision conducive to their happiness.”

+ with bouleu/esqai, “come to a wise + decision conducive to their happiness.”

Concerning virtue and vice in general and their separate parts, enough has been said for the moment. To discern the resti.e. the causes and results of virtue - (Cope); or, the noble and the disgraceful - (Jebb). presents no difficulty; for it is evident + (Cope); or, the noble and the disgraceful + (Jebb). presents no difficulty; for it is evident that whatever produces virtue, as it tends to it, must be noble, and so also must be what comes from virtue; for such are its signs and works. But since the signs of virtue and such things as are the works and sufferings of a good man are noble, it necessarily follows that all the works and signs of courage and all courageous acts are also noble. The - same may be said of just things and of just actions; (but not of what + same may be said of just things and of just actions; (but not of what one suffers justly; for in this alone amongst the virtues that which is justly done is not always noble, and a just punishment is more disgraceful than an - unjust punishment). The same applies equally to the other virtues. + unjust punishment). The same applies equally to the other virtues. Those things of which the reward is honor are noble; also those which are done for honor rather than money. Also, those desirable things which a man does not do for his own sake; things which are absolutely good, which a man has @@ -1490,14 +1490,14 @@ when Alcaeus said: I would fain say something, but shame holds me back,Frag. 55 - (P.L.G. 3.). + (P.L.G. 3.). Sappho rejoined: Hadst thou desired what was good or noble, and had not thy tongue stirred up some evil to utter it, shame would not have filled thine eyes; but thou would'st have spoken of what is right.Frag. 28 - (P.L.G. 3.). + (P.L.G. 3.).

Those things also are noble for which men @@ -1543,7 +1543,7 @@ esteemed among the particular audience, Scythians, Lacedaemonians, or philosophers,Thus, the Scythians may be assumed to be brave and great hunters; the Spartans hardy, courageous, and - brief in speech; the Athenians fond of literature—and they should + brief in speech; the Athenians fond of literature—and they should be praised accordingly. as actually existing there. And, generally speaking, that which is esteemed should be classed as noble, since there seems to be a close resemblance between the two.That is, to\ ti/mion looks as if it were @@ -1556,11 +1556,11 @@ and nobler, and goes beyond what is to be expected; for instance, if a man is moderate in good fortune and stout-hearted in adversity, or if, when he becomes greater, he is better and more forgiving. Such was the phrase of Iphicrates, - “Look what I started from !”Cp. 7.32 above. and of the Olympian victor: + “Look what I started from !”Cp. 7.32 above. and of the Olympian victor: Formerly, with a rough basket on my shoulders, I used to carry fish - from Argos to Tegea.Frag. 111 (P.L.G. - 3.). + from Argos to Tegea.Frag. 111 (P.L.G. + 3.). and of Simonides: @@ -1579,7 +1579,7 @@ of virtue and moral purpose.

Now praise is language that sets forth greatness of virtue; hence it is necessary to show that a man's actions are - virtuous. But encomium deals with achievements—all attendant + virtuous. But encomium deals with achievements—all attendant circumstances, such as noble birth and education, merely conduce to persuasion; for it is probable that virtuous parents will have virtuous offspring and that a man will turn out as he has been brought up. Hence we pronounce an encomium upon @@ -1592,11 +1592,11 @@ what you might suggest in counseling becomes encomium by a change in the phrase. Accordingly, when we know what we ought to do and the qualities we ought to possess, we ought to make a change in the phrase and turn it, employing - this knowledge as a suggestion. For instance, the statement that “one + this knowledge as a suggestion. For instance, the statement that “one ought not to pride oneself on goods which are due to fortune, but on those which - are due to oneself alone,” when expressed in this way, has the force - of a suggestion; but expressed thus, “he was proud, not of goods which - were due to fortune, but of those which were due to himself alone,” it + are due to oneself alone,” when expressed in this way, has the force + of a suggestion; but expressed thus, “he was proud, not of goods which + were due to fortune, but of those which were due to himself alone,” it becomes praise. Accordingly, if you desire to praise, look what you would suggest; if you desire to suggest, look what you would praise. The form of the expression will necessarily be opposite, when the prohibitive has been changed into the non-prohibitive.In the first sentence, the statement is @@ -1654,20 +1654,20 @@ they know what they do, and do not act under compulsion. What is done voluntarily is not always done with premeditation; but what is done with premeditation is always known to the agent, for no one is ignorant of what he - does with a purpose.proai/resis (premeditation, deliberate or moral - choice) is always voluntary, but all voluntary action is not + does with a purpose.proai/resis (premeditation, deliberate or moral + choice) is always voluntary, but all voluntary action is not premeditated; we sometimes act on the spur of the moment. Choice is a voluntary act, the result of deliberate counsel, including the use of reason and knowledge. In Aristot. Nic. Eth. - 11 Aristotle defines proai/resis as “a deliberate appetition of - (longing for, o)/recis) - things in our power,” as to which we should necessarily be + 11 Aristotle defines proai/resis as “a deliberate appetition of + (longing for, o)/recis) + things in our power,” as to which we should necessarily be well-informed. The motives which lead men to do injury and commit wrong actions are depravity and incontinence. For if men have one or more vices, it is in that which makes him vicious that he shows himself unjust; for example, the illiberal in regard to money, the licentious in regard to bodily - pleasures, the effeminate in regard to what makes for ease,Or, “in the matter of ease,” taking + pleasures, the effeminate in regard to what makes for ease,Or, “in the matter of ease,” taking ta\ r(a/quma as = r(aqumi/a. the coward in regard to dangers, for fright makes him desert his comrades in peril;the ambitious in his desire for honor, the irascible owing to anger, one who is eager to conquer @@ -1690,7 +1690,7 @@ which they do of themselves and of which they are the cause, some are the result of habit, others of longing, and of the latter some are due to rational, others to irrational longing. Now wish is a - [rational] longing for good, for no one wishes for anything + [rational] longing for good, for no one wishes for anything unless he thinks it is good; irrational longings are anger and desire. Thus all the actions of men must necessarily be referred to seven causes: chance, nature, compulsion, habit, reason, anger, and desire.

@@ -1698,13 +1698,13 @@ distinctions of men's acts based upon age, moral habits, or anything else. For if the young happen to beIn the cases of the young, the poor, and the rich, their youth etc. are only - “accidents,” accidental not real causes. Aristotle - defines to\ sumbebhko/s (Aristot. Met. 4.30) as - “that which is inherent in something, and may be predicated of it + “accidents,” accidental not real causes. Aristotle + defines to\ sumbebhko/s (Aristot. Met. 4.30) as + “that which is inherent in something, and may be predicated of it as true, but neither necessarily, nor in most cases; for instance, if a man, - when digging a hole for a plant, finds a treasure.” The color of a - man's eyes is an “inseparable” accident, the fact that a - man is a lawyer is a “separabIe” accident. + when digging a hole for a plant, finds a treasure.” The color of a + man's eyes is an “inseparable” accident, the fact that a + man is a lawyer is a “separabIe” accident. irascible, or passionately desire anything, it is not because of their youth that they act accordingly, but because of anger and desire. Nor is it because of wealth or poverty; but the poor happen to desire wealth because of their lack of @@ -1734,8 +1734,8 @@ regular; for they turn out always, or generally, in the same way. As for those which happen contrary to nature there is no need to investigate minutely whether their occurrence is due - to a certain force of nature or some other cause (it would seem, however, that such cases also are due to - chance). Those things are the result of compulsion which are done by + to a certain force of nature or some other cause (it would seem, however, that such cases also are due to + chance). Those things are the result of compulsion which are done by the agents themselves in opposition to their desire or calculation. Things are the result of habit, when they are done because they have often been done. Things are the result of calculation which are done because, of the goods already @@ -1770,34 +1770,34 @@ If such is the nature of pleasure, it is evident that that which produces the disposition we have just mentioned is pleasant, and that that which destroys it or produces the contrary settling down is painful. Necessarily, therefore, it must be generally pleasant - to enter into a normal state (especially when what is done in - accordance with that state has come into its own again)The true nature of the “normal - state” was lost during the period of disturbance and + to enter into a normal state (especially when what is done in + accordance with that state has come into its own again)The true nature of the “normal + state” was lost during the period of disturbance and unsettlement.; and the same with habits. For that which has become habitual becomes as it were natural; in fact, habit is something like nature, - for the distance between “often” and - “always” is not great, and nature belongs to the idea of - “always,” habit to that of “often.” + for the distance between “often” and + “always” is not great, and nature belongs to the idea of + “always,” habit to that of “often.” That which is not compulsory is also pleasant, for compulsion is contrary to nature. That is why what is necessary is painful, and it was rightly said, - For every act of necessity is disagreeable.From Evenus of Paros (Frag. 8, P.L.G. - 2.): see Introd. + For every act of necessity is disagreeable.From Evenus of Paros (Frag. 8, P.L.G. + 2.): see Introd. Application, study, and intense effort are also painful, for these involve necessity and compulsion, if they have not become habitual; for then habit makes them pleasant. Things contrary to these are pleasant; wherefore - states of ease, idleness, carelessness, amusement, recreation,Or “rest” - (bodily). and sleep are among pleasant things, + states of ease, idleness, carelessness, amusement, recreation,Or “rest” + (bodily). and sleep are among pleasant things, because none of these is in any way compulsory. Everything of which we have in us the desire is pleasant, for desire is a longing for the pleasant.

Now, of desires some are irrational, others rational. I call irrational all those that are not the result of anyassumption.There is no consideration or - “definite theory” (Jebb, Welldon) of + “definite theory” (Jebb, Welldon) of the results that may follow. The desires arise without anything of the kind; they simply come. Such are all those which are called natural; for - instance, those which come into existence through the body—such as the + instance, those which come into existence through the body—such as the desire of food, thirst, hunger, the desire of such and such food in particular; the desires connected with taste, sexual pleasures, in a word, with touch, smell, hearing, and sight. I call those desires rational which are due to our @@ -1807,33 +1807,33 @@ certain emotion, and imagination is a weakened sensation, then both the man who remembers and the man who hopes will be attended by an imagination of what he remembers or hopes.The passage e)pei\ d' e)sti\ . . . ai)/sqhsis has been - punctuated in two ways. (1) With a full stop at e)lpi/zei (Roemer, Jebb). The + punctuated in two ways. (1) With a full stop at e)lpi/zei (Roemer, Jebb). The conclusion then drawn is that memory and hope are accompanied by imagination of what is remembered or hoped. To this it is objected that what Aristotle really wants to prove is that memory and hope are a cause of pleasure. - (2) With a comma at e)lpi/zei (Cope, Victorius). The steps in the + (2) With a comma at e)lpi/zei (Cope, Victorius). The steps in the argument will then be: if pleasure is the sensation of a certain emotion; if - imagination is a weakened (faded) sensation; if one who + imagination is a weakened (faded) sensation; if one who remembers or hopes is attended by an imagination of what he remembers or hopes; then, this being so, pleasure will attend one who remembers or hopes, since there is sensation, and pleasure is sensation and a kind of movement - (sect. 1). fantasi/a, the - faculty of forming mental images (variously translated - “imagination,” “mental impression,” - “fantasy”) is defined by Aristotle - (Aristot. De Anima - 3.3.11) as a kind of movement, which cannot + (sect. 1). fantasi/a, the + faculty of forming mental images (variously translated + “imagination,” “mental impression,” + “fantasy”) is defined by Aristotle + (Aristot. De Anima + 3.3.11) as a kind of movement, which cannot arise apart from sensation, and the movement produced must resemble the sensation which produced it. But fantasi/a is more than this; it is not merely a faculty of sense, but occupies a place midway between sense and intellect; while imagination has need of the senses, the intellect has need of imagination. If fantasi/a is referred to an earlier perception of which the sense image is a copy, this is memory. Imagination carries the sense images - ( fanta/smata) to the seat - of memory. They are then transformed into memory (of something - past) or hope (of something future) and are - handed on to the intellect. (See Cope here, and R. D. Hicks in his - edition of the De Anima.) This being so, it + ( fanta/smata) to the seat + of memory. They are then transformed into memory (of something + past) or hope (of something future) and are + handed on to the intellect. (See Cope here, and R. D. Hicks in his + edition of the De Anima.) This being so, it is evident that there is pleasure both for those who remember and for those who hope, since there is sensation. Therefore all pleasant things must either be present in sensation, or past in recollection, or @@ -1844,7 +1844,7 @@ whence the saying: Truly it is pleasant to remember toil after one has escaped it,Euripides, Andromeda - (Frag. 133, T.G.F.). + (Frag. 133, T.G.F.). and, @@ -1874,8 +1874,8 @@ fever and tormented by thirst enjoy the remembrance of having drunk and the hope that they will drink again. The lovesick always take pleasure in talking, writing,or composing - versesOr “doing something that - has to do with the beloved.” about the beloved; for it + versesOr “doing something that + has to do with the beloved.” about the beloved; for it seems to them that in all this recollection makes the object of their affection perceptible. Love always begins in this manner, when men are happy not only in the presence of the beloved, but also in his absence when they recall him to @@ -1900,8 +1900,8 @@ superiority, which all with more or less eagerness desire. And since victory is pleasant, competitive and disputatiousControversiae or school rhetorical exercises, as well as arguing in the law courts; unless - e)ristika/s means simply “in - which there is rivalry.” amusements must be so too, for victories are often gained + e)ristika/s means simply “in + which there is rivalry.” amusements must be so too, for victories are often gained in them; among these we may include games with knuckle-bones, ball-games, dicing, and draughts. It is the same with serious sports; for some become pleasant when one is familiar with them, while others are so from the outset, @@ -1920,8 +1920,8 @@

A friend also is among pleasant things, for it is pleasant to loveFor the meaning of fili/a, filei=n cf. Book - 2.4.—for no one loves wine unless he finds pleasure in - it—just as it is pleasant to be loved; for in this case also a man has + 2.4.—for no one loves wine unless he finds pleasure in + it—just as it is pleasant to be loved; for in this case also a man has an impression that he is really endowedwith good qualities, a thing desired by all who perceive it; and to be loved is to be cherished for one's own sake. And it is @@ -1940,12 +1940,12 @@ admiration is to be desired, and learning implies a return to the normal.True knowledge or philosophy, which is the result of learning, is the highest condition of the intellect, its normal or settled state. Consequently, a return to this is pleasure, which is defined - (11.1) as a settling down of the soul into its natural + (11.1) as a settling down of the soul into its natural state after a period of disturbance. It is pleasant to bestow and to receive benefits; the latter is the attainment of what we desire, the former the possession of more than - sufficient means,Or, “larger means - than the person benefited.” both of them things that men + sufficient means,Or, “larger means + than the person benefited.” both of them things that men desire. Since it is pleasant to do good, it must also be pleasant for men to set their neighbors on their feet, and to supply their deficiencies. And since learning and admiring are pleasant, all things connected with them must also be pleasant; for instance, a work of @@ -1962,8 +1962,8 @@ young,Like to like,Hom. Od. 17.218 w(s ai)ei\ to\n o(moi=on a)/gei qeo\s w(s to\n o(moi=on.Beast knows - beast,Birds of a feather flock together,Literally, “ever jackdaw to - jackdaw.” and all similar sayings.

+ beast,Birds of a feather flock together,Literally, “ever jackdaw to + jackdaw.” and all similar sayings.

And since things which are akin and like are always pleasant to one another, and every man in the highest degree feels this in regard to himself, it must needs bethat all men are @@ -1982,16 +1982,16 @@ And allotting the best part of each day to that in which he happens to surpass himself, he presses eagerly towards it.Antiope - (Frag. 183, T.G.F.). + (Frag. 183, T.G.F.). Similarly, since amusement, every kind of - relaxation, and laughter are pleasant, ridiculous things—men, words, - or deeds—must also be pleasant. The ridiculous has been discussed separately in the + relaxation, and laughter are pleasant, ridiculous things—men, words, + or deeds—must also be pleasant. The ridiculous has been discussed separately in the Poetics.Only the - definition appears in the existing text; “The ridiculous is an - error, painless and non-destructive ugliness (Aristot. Poet. - 5).” Let this suffice for things that are + definition appears in the existing text; “The ridiculous is an + error, painless and non-destructive ugliness (Aristot. Poet. + 5).” Let this suffice for things that are pleasant; those that are painful will be obvious from the contraries of these.

Such are the motives of injustice; let us now state the frame of mind of those who commit it, @@ -2031,7 +2031,7 @@ would never have attempted it. And, those who have ways or places of concealment for stolen property, or abundant opportunities of disposing of it.Or, a - “resourceful mind.” And those who, even if they + “resourceful mind.” And those who, even if they do not remain undetected, can get the trial set aside or put off, or corrupt the judges. And those who, if a fine be imposed, can get payment in full set aside or put off for a long time, or those who, owing to poverty, have nothing to @@ -2054,8 +2054,8 @@ And all who hope for pleasure and profit at once, while the pain and the loss come later; such are the intemperate, intemperance being concerned with all things that men long for. And when, on the contrary, the pain or the loss is - immediate, while the pleasure and the profit are later and more lasting“More distant” - (Jebb).; for temperate and wiser men pursue such + immediate, while the pleasure and the profit are later and more lasting“More distant” + (Jebb).; for temperate and wiser men pursue such aims. And those who may possibly be thought to have acted by chance or from necessity, from some natural impulse or from habit, in a word, to have committed an error rather than a crime. And those who hope to obtain indulgence; and all @@ -2068,7 +2068,7 @@ wrong, and the objects of their wrongdoing are men and circumstances of the following kind.With a comma or colon after ta\ toiau=ta; without these render: - “those who possess such things as they . . .” + “those who possess such things as they . . .” Those who possess what they themselves lack, things either necessary, or superfluous, or enjoyable; both those who are far off and those who are near, for in the one case the gain is speedy, in the @@ -2080,9 +2080,9 @@ unawares. And those who are indolent; for it requires a man who takes pains to prosecute. And those who are bashful; for they are not likely to fight about money. And those who have often been wronged - but have not prosecuted, being, as the proverb says, “Mysian - booty.”A proverb meaning - “an easy prey.” The Mysians were regarded as cowardly + but have not prosecuted, being, as the proverb says, “Mysian + booty.”A proverb meaning + “an easy prey.” The Mysians were regarded as cowardly and unwarlike. And those who have never, or those who have often, suffered wrong; for both are off their guard, the one because they have @@ -2094,7 +2094,7 @@ pretend that either their ancestors, or themselves, or their friends, have either committed, or intended to commit, wrong either against himself, or his ancestors, or those for whom he has great regard; for, as the proverb says, - “evil-doing only needs an excuse.” And both enemies and friends; for it is easy to injure the latter, + “evil-doing only needs an excuse.” And both enemies and friends; for it is easy to injure the latter, and pleasant to injure the former. And those who are friendless. And those who are unskilled in speech or action; for either they make no attempt to prosecute, or come to terms, or accomplish nothing. And @@ -2105,19 +2105,19 @@ are suffering; for it seems almost an act of justice that a man should suffer a wrong such as he had been accustomed to make others suffer; if, for instance, one were to assault a man who was in the habit of outraging others.ai)ki/a - (assault) was a less serious offence than u(/bris (wanton outrage). + (assault) was a less serious offence than u(/bris (wanton outrage). And those who have already injured us, or intended, or intend, or are about to do so; for in such a case vengeance is both - pleasant and honorable, and seems to be almost an act of justice. And those whom we wrongoi(=s i.e. supplying a)dikoume/nois, “by whose being - wronged.” ou(\s has been + pleasant and honorable, and seems to be almost an act of justice. And those whom we wrongoi(=s i.e. supplying a)dikoume/nois, “by whose being + wronged.” ou(\s has been suggested, i.e. supplying a)dikou=ntes, - “wronging whom.” in order to ingratiate ourselves + “wronging whom.” in order to ingratiate ourselves with our friends, or persons whom we admire or love, or our masters, in a word, those by whom our life is ruled. And those in reference to whom there is a chance of obtaining merciful consideration.In our relations with whom, almost = from whom. - Another interpretation is: “In reference to whom there is a chance - . . . consideration from others, meaning the judges” - (Welldon). And those against whom we have a + Another interpretation is: “In reference to whom there is a chance + . . . consideration from others, meaning the judges” + (Welldon). And those against whom we have a complaint, or with whom we have had a previous difference, as Callippus acted in the matter ofDionCallipus was a friend of Dion, who freed Syracuse from @@ -2129,8 +2129,8 @@ Aenesidemus is said to have sent the prize in the game of cottabus to Gelon,Aenesidemus, tyrant of Leontini, being anticipated by Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, in the enslavement of a neighboring state, sent - him the cottabus prize, as a compliment for having “played the - game” so skilfully. The cottabus was originally a Sicilian + him the cottabus prize, as a compliment for having “played the + game” so skilfully. The cottabus was originally a Sicilian game. who, having reduced a town to slavery, had anticipated him by doing what he had intended to do himself. And those to whom, after having injured them, we shall be enabled to do many acts of @@ -2174,8 +2174,8 @@ AlcidamasOf Elis, pupil of Gorgias. The oration is not extant, but the scholiast supplies his words: e)leuqe/rous a)fh=ke pa/ntas qeo/s: ou)de/na dou=lon h( fu/sis - pepoi/hken (“God has left all men free; - Nature has made none a slave”). The Messenians had + pepoi/hken (“God has left all men free; + Nature has made none a slave”). The Messenians had revolted from Sparta. also speaks of this precept in his Messeniacus. . . . And in relation to persons, there is a twofold division of law; for what one ought to do or ought not to do is concernedwith the community generally, or one of its members.

@@ -2198,13 +2198,13 @@ statedBook 1.11, 12. in what circumstances and with what dispositions men act with deliberate purpose.

But since a man, while admitting the fact, often denies the description - of the charge or the point on which it turns—for instance, admits that + of the charge or the point on which it turns—for instance, admits that he took something, but did not steal it; that he was the first to strike, but committed no outrage; that he had relations, but did not commit adultery, with a woman; or that he stole something but was not guilty of sacrilege, since the object in question was not consecrated; or that he trespassed, but not on public land; or that he held converse with the enemy, but was not guilty of - treason—for this reason it will be necessary that a definition should + treason—for this reason it will be necessary that a definition should be given of theft, outrage, or adultery, in order that, if we desire to prove that an offence has or has not been committed, we may be able to put the case in a true light. In all such instances the @@ -2216,25 +2216,25 @@ upon the other or to please himself. Again, if a man has taken something by stealth, it is by no means certain that he has committed theft, but only if he has taken it to injure anotherRoemer reads, - after Dittmeyer, ei) e)pi\ bla/bh| [tou/tou - a)f' ou(= e)/labe] kai\ . . . from the old Latin + after Dittmeyer, ei) e)pi\ bla/bh| [tou/tou + a)f' ou(= e)/labe] kai\ . . . from the old Latin translation or to get something for himself. It is the same in all other cases as in these.

We have said that there are two kinds of just - and unjust actions (for some are written, but others are - unwritten),and have spoken of those + and unjust actions (for some are written, but others are + unwritten),and have spoken of those concerning which the laws are explicit; of those that are unwritten there are two kinds. One kind arises from an excess of virtue or vice, which is followed by praise or blame, honor or dishonor, and rewards; for instance, to be grateful to a benefactor, to render good for good, to help one's friends, and the like;Laws are special and general, the former being written or unwritten. The unwritten - law, again, is of two kinds: (1) general; - (2) supplementary to the special written law. This general - law (not the same as the general law “based upon - nature” sect. 2) refers to acts which go beyond the legal + law, again, is of two kinds: (1) general; + (2) supplementary to the special written law. This general + law (not the same as the general law “based upon + nature” sect. 2) refers to acts which go beyond the legal standard of virtuous or vicious acts and are characterized by a remarkable - degree ( kaq' u(perbolh/n) + degree ( kaq' u(perbolh/n) of virtue or the opposite. For these laws do not prescribe any special reward or punishment, but acts are praised or blamed, honored or dishonored, rewarded or punished, in accordance with the general feeling of @@ -2245,8 +2245,8 @@ involuntary when it may have escaped their notice, voluntary when, being unable to define for all cases, they are obliged to make a universal statement, which is not applicable to all, but only to most, cases; and whenever it is difficult - to give a definition owing to the infinite number of cases,“Inexperience” - (Jebb). as, for instance, the size and kind of an iron + to give a definition owing to the infinite number of cases,“Inexperience” + (Jebb). as, for instance, the size and kind of an iron instrument used in wounding; for life would not be long enough to reckon all the possibilities. If then no exact definition is possible, but legislation is necessary, one must have recourse to general terms; @@ -2266,9 +2266,9 @@ the whole; not to what a man is now, but to what he has been, always or generally; to remember good rather than ill treatment, and benefits received rather than those conferred; to bear injury with patience; to be willing to - appeal to the judgement of reason rather than to violence;“To be willing that a judicial sentence should be - nominal rather than real” - (Jebb).to + appeal to the judgement of reason rather than to violence;“To be willing that a judicial sentence should be + nominal rather than real” + (Jebb).to preferarbitration to the law court, for the arbitrator keeps equity in view, whereas the dicast looks only to the law, and the reason why arbitrators were appointed was that equity might prevail. Let @@ -2286,7 +2286,7 @@ Wrong acts are judged greater sometimes in this way, sometimes by the extent of the injury done. A wrong act is greater when there is no adequate punishment for it, but all are insufficient; when there is - no remedy, because it is difficult if not impossible to repair it;Understanding i)a=sqai. Or “to punish adequately,” + no remedy, because it is difficult if not impossible to repair it;Understanding i)a=sqai. Or “to punish adequately,” supplying ou(= mh\ i)/sh timwri/a. and when the person injured cannot obtain legal satisfaction, since it is irremediable; for justice and punishment are kinds of remedies. And if the sufferer, having been wronged, has @@ -2295,14 +2295,14 @@ not the tragic poet. when pleading on behalf of Euctemon, who had committed suicide after the outrage he had suffered, declared that he would not assess the punishment at less than the victim had assessed it for himself. A wrong act is also greater when it is unprecedented, or the first of - its kind, or when committed with the aid of few accomplices“Or has been seldom paralleled” - (Cope, but cp. 1.9.38).; and when it has been + its kind, or when committed with the aid of few accomplices“Or has been seldom paralleled” + (Cope, but cp. 1.9.38).; and when it has been frequently committed; or when because of it new prohibitions and penalties have been sought and found: thus, at Argos the citizen owing to whom a new law has been passed, is punished, as well as those on whose account a new prison had to be built. The crime is greater, the more brutal it is; or when it has been for a long time premeditated; when the recital of it inspires terror rather than - pity. Rhetorical tricks of the following kind may be used:—the + pity. Rhetorical tricks of the following kind may be used:—the statement that the accused person has swept away or violated several principles of justice, for example, oaths, pledges of friendship, plighted word, the sanctity of marriage; for this amounts to heaping crime upon crime. Wrong acts are greater when committed in the very @@ -2335,19 +2335,19 @@ judgement, he means that he will not abide rigorously by the written laws; that equity is ever constant and never changes, even as the general law, which is based on nature, whereas the written - laws often vary (this is why Antigone in Sophocles justifies herself + laws often vary (this is why Antigone in Sophocles justifies herself for having buried Polynices contrary to the law of Creon, but not contrary to the unwritten law: For this law is not of now or yesterday, but is eternal . . . this I - was not likely [to infringe through fear of the - pride] of any man);The first line is quoted 1.13.2. The second + was not likely [to infringe through fear of the + pride] of any man);The first line is quoted 1.13.2. The second differs somewhat from Soph. Ant. 458, where the passage runs, tou/twn e)gw\ ou)k e)/mellon, a)ndro\s ou)deno\s fro/nhma dei/sas', e)n qeoi=si th\n di/khn dw/sein - (“I was not likely, through fear of the pride + (“I was not likely, through fear of the pride of any man, to incur the penalty for violating these statutes at - the bar of heaven”). + the bar of heaven”). and further, that justice is real and @@ -2368,8 +2368,8 @@ to the enactment of the law are now obsolete, while the law itself remains, one must endeavor to make this clear and to combat the law by this argument. But if the written law favors our case, we - must say that the oath of the dicast “to decide to the best of his - judgement” does not justify him in deciding contrary to the law, but + must say that the oath of the dicast “to decide to the best of his + judgement” does not justify him in deciding contrary to the law, but is only intended to relieve him from the charge of perjury, if he is ignorant of the meaning of the law; that no one chooses that which is good absolutely, but that which is good for himself;that there is no @@ -2397,12 +2397,12 @@ Critias, to prove that his family had long been notorious for licentiousness, otherwise Solon would never have written: - Bid me the fair-haired Critias listen to his father.(Frag. 22, + Bid me the fair-haired Critias listen to his father.(Frag. 22, P.L.G. 2, where the line runs, ei)pe/menai *kriti/a| canqo/trixi patro\s - a)kou/ein). The Critias attacked by + a)kou/ein). The Critias attacked by Cleophon is the well-known oligarch and grandson of the first. - Cleophon argued from the phrase “bid him listen to his - father” that his ancestor was a disobedient son and a + Cleophon argued from the phrase “bid him listen to his + father” that his ancestor was a disobedient son and a degenerate. In reality, Solon had a high opinion of the family, and probably meant to praise the father. @@ -2412,16 +2412,16 @@ of oracles for the future; thus, for instance, Themistocles interpreted the wooden wall to mean that they must fight at sea.Hdt. 7.141. Further, proverbs, as stated,They have not been - mentioned before. Spengel would therefore omit ei)/rhtai, and remove the commas: “proverbs are, as - it were, evidence.” are evidence; for instance, if one man + mentioned before. Spengel would therefore omit ei)/rhtai, and remove the commas: “proverbs are, as + it were, evidence.” are evidence; for instance, if one man advises another not to make a friend of an old man, he can appeal to the proverb, Never do good to an old man. And if he advises another to kill the children, after having killed the fathers, he can say, Foolish is he who, having killed the father, suffers the children to live.From the - Cypria of Stasinus, of the “epic - cycle.” + Cypria of Stasinus, of the “epic + cycle.”

By recent witnesses I mean all well-known @@ -2429,19 +2429,19 @@ to those who are arguing about similar cases. Thus for instance, Eubulus,Opponent of Demosthenes. Chares was an Athenian commander, both naval and military. Nothing is known of Archibius. Plato is probably the comic poet. when attacking Chares in the law courts, - made use of what Plato said against Archibius, namely, “that the open - confession of wickedness had increased in the city.” And those who share the risk of the trial, if they + made use of what Plato said against Archibius, namely, “that the open + confession of wickedness had increased in the city.” And those who share the risk of the trial, if they are thought to be perjurers. Such witnesses only serve to establish whether an act has taken place or not, whether it is or is not the case; but if it is a question of the quality of the act, for instance, whether it is just or unjust, expedient or inexpedient, they are not - competent witnesses; but witnesses from a distanceOr, “witnesses wholly unconnected with the - case.” are very trustworthy even in regard to this. But + competent witnesses; but witnesses from a distanceOr, “witnesses wholly unconnected with the + case.” are very trustworthy even in regard to this. But ancient witnesses are the most trustworthy of all, for they cannot be corrupted. In regard to the confirmation of evidence, when a man has no witnesses, he can say that the decision should be given in accordance with probabilities, and that - this is the meaning of the oath “according to the best of one's - judgement”; that probabilities cannotbe bribed + this is the meaning of the oath “according to the best of one's + judgement”; that probabilities cannotbe bribed to deceive, and that they cannot be convicted of bearing false witness. But if a man has witnesses and his adversary has none, he can say that probabilities incur no responsibility, and that there would have been no need of evidence, if @@ -2486,7 +2486,7 @@ countries, or to any general law, or to other previous or subsequent contracts. For either the latter are valid and the former not, or the former are right and the latter fraudulent; we may put it in whichever way it seems fit. We must also - consider the question of expediency—whether the contract is in any way + consider the question of expediency—whether the contract is in any way opposed to the interest of the judges. There are a number of other arguments of the same kind, which are equally easy to discern.

Torture is a kind of evidence, which appears @@ -2505,11 +2505,11 @@ stout-hearted heroically hold out under sufferings, while the cowardly and cautious, before they see the sufferings before them, are bold enough; wherefore evidence from torture may be considered utterly untrustworthy.

-

As to oathsIn Attic legal procedure, the challenge ( pro/klhsis) to take an oath on the question at issue +

As to oathsIn Attic legal procedure, the challenge ( pro/klhsis) to take an oath on the question at issue was one method of deciding it. One party offered the other something to - swear by ( di/dwsi - o(/rkon), this being the real meaning of o(/rkos, and the other party either accepted - ( lamba/nei, de/xetai) it + swear by ( di/dwsi + o(/rkon), this being the real meaning of o(/rkos, and the other party either accepted + ( lamba/nei, de/xetai) it or refused it. Both parties, of their own accord, might propose to take the oath. four divisions may be made; for either we tender an oath and accept it, or we do neither, or one without the other, and in the last case we @@ -2520,11 +2520,11 @@ has taken the oath, he will refuse to repay the money, while, if he does not take the oath, you think that the dicasts will condemn him; and also because the risk incurred in leaving the decision to the dicasts is preferable, for you have - confidence in them, but not in your adversary.There are three reasons for not tendering the oath: (1) + confidence in them, but not in your adversary.There are three reasons for not tendering the oath: (1) men are always ready to perjure themselves, if they are likely to benefit by - doing so; (2) if your adversary takes the oath, he will + doing so; (2) if your adversary takes the oath, he will decline to pay, trusting that he will be acquitted, whereas, if he is not on - his oath, he will probably be condemned; (3) there is less + his oath, he will probably be condemned; (3) there is less risk in leaving the decision to the dicasts, who can be trusted. If you refuse to take the oath yourself, you may argue that the oath is only taken with a view to money; that, if you had @@ -2533,7 +2533,7 @@ your case, if not, you will probably lose it; consequently, your refusal to take it is due to moral excellence, not to fear of committing perjury. And the apophthegm of XenophanesBorn at Colophon in Asia Minor, he migrated to Elea in Italy, where he founded the Eleatic school of - philosophy. is apposite— that “it is unfairfor an impious man to challenge a pious one,” + philosophy. is apposite— that “it is unfairfor an impious man to challenge a pious one,” for it is the same as a strong man challenging a weak one to hit or be hit. If you accept the oath, you may say that you have confidence in yourself, but not in your opponent, and, reversing the @@ -2553,14 +2553,14 @@ already taken an oath which contradicts the present one, we may argue that it is not perjury; for whereas wrongdoing is voluntary, and perjury is wrongdoing, what is done in error or under compulsion is involuntary. Here we must draw the conclusion that perjury - consists in the intention, not in what is said.The defence in such cases is: (1) that the + consists in the intention, not in what is said.The defence in such cases is: (1) that the previous oath was taken as a result of fraud or compulsion; - (2) that you did not mean what you said. But if the + (2) that you did not mean what you said. But if the opponent has taken such an oath, we may say that one who does not abide by what be has sworn subverts everything, for this is the reason why the dicasts take an - oath before applying the laws; and [we may make this appeal]: - “They demand that you abide by your oath as judges, while they - themselves do not abide by theirs.” Further, we should employ all + oath before applying the laws; and [we may make this appeal]: + “They demand that you abide by your oath as judges, while they + themselves do not abide by theirs.” Further, we should employ all means of amplification. Let this suffice for the inartificial proofs.

@@ -2571,17 +2571,17 @@ blaming, accusing and defending, and such are the opinions and propositions that are useful to produce conviction in these circumstances; for they are the subject and source of enthymemes,which are specially - suitable to each class (so to say) of speeches.This is Cope's interpretation. Jebb renders: - “If we take each branch of Rhetoric by itself.” The + suitable to each class (so to say) of speeches.This is Cope's interpretation. Jebb renders: + “If we take each branch of Rhetoric by itself.” The classes are of course the deliberative, forensic, and epideictic. But since the object of Rhetoric is - judgement—for judgements are pronounced in deliberative rhetoric and - judicial proceedings are a judgement—it is not only necessary to + judgement—for judgements are pronounced in deliberative rhetoric and + judicial proceedings are a judgement—it is not only necessary to consider how to make the speech itself demonstrative and convincing, but also that the speaker should show himself to be of a certain character and should know how to put the judge into a certain frame of mind. For it makes a great difference with regard to - producing conviction—especially in demonstrative, and, next to this, - in forensic oratory—that the speaker should show himself to be + producing conviction—especially in demonstrative, and, next to this, + in forensic oratory—that the speaker should show himself to be possessed of certain qualities and that his hearers should think that he is disposed in a certain way towards them; and further, that they themselves should be disposed in a certain way towards him.The @@ -2590,11 +2590,11 @@ and its end is a judgement; and since an appeal to the speaker's own character and to the passions of those who are to give the judgement is bound to carry great weight, the speaker must be provided with rules for - ethical and “pathetic” (emotional) + ethical and “pathetic” (emotional) proofs. In Book 1.5 Aristotle mentions appeals to the emotions with disapproval, but this does not apply to all such appeals, but only to those - which are likely to bias the judges unfairly (e.g. stirring up - envy, hatred, a desire for revenge). + which are likely to bias the judges unfairly (e.g. stirring up + envy, hatred, a desire for revenge). In deliberative oratory, it is more useful that the orator should appear to be of a certain character, in forensic, that the hearer should be disposed in a certain way; for opinions vary, according as men @@ -2605,15 +2605,15 @@ if a man desires anything and has good hopes of getting it, if what is to come is pleasant, he thinks that it is sure to come to pass and will be good; but if a man is unemotional or not hopefulOpposed to - eu)e/lpidi. Others render “in - a bad humor.” it is quite the reverse.

+ eu)e/lpidi. Others render “in + a bad humor.”
it is quite the reverse.

For the orator to produce conviction three qualities are necessary; for, independently of demonstrations, the things which induce belief are three in number. These qualities are good sense, virtue, and goodwill; for speakers are wrong both in what they say and in the advice they give, because they lack either all three or one of them. For either through want of sense they form incorrect opinions, or, if their opinions are correct, through viciousness they do not say - what they think, or, if they are sensible and good,e)pieikh/s and spoudai=os both = a)gaqo/s. In a restricted sense e)pieikh/s is “respectable,” spoudai=os “serious.” + what they think, or, if they are sensible and good,e)pieikh/s and spoudai=os both = a)gaqo/s. In a restricted sense e)pieikh/s is “respectable,” spoudai=os “serious.” they lack goodwill; wherefore it may happen that they do not give the best advice, although they know what it is. These qualities are all that are necessary, so that the speaker who appears to possess all three will necessarily @@ -2632,20 +2632,20 @@ even two of these heads, but not all three, it would be impossible to arouse that emotion. The same applies to the rest. Just as, then, we have given a list of propositionsIn Book 1 generally - (cp. 1.2.22). in what we have previously said, we + (cp. 1.2.22). in what we have previously said, we will do the same here and divide the emotions in the same manner.

Let us then define anger as a longing, accompanied by pain, for a real or apparent revenge for a real or apparent slight,Gomperz - translates fainome/nhs “real or - apparent”; Jebb omits fainome/nhs + translates fainome/nhs “real or + apparent”; Jebb omits fainome/nhs and translates fainome/nhn - “apparent”; Cope confines both to the meaning - “manifest.” affecting a man himself or one of his + “apparent”; Cope confines both to the meaning + “manifest.” affecting a man himself or one of his friends, when such a slight is undeserved. If this definition is correct, the angry man must always be angry with a particular - individual (for instance, with Cleon, but not with men - generally), and + individual (for instance, with Cleon, but not with men + generally), and because this individual has done, or was on the point of doing, something against him or one of his friends; and lastly, anger is always accompanied by a certain pleasure, due to the hope of revenge to come. For it is pleasant to @@ -2654,8 +2654,8 @@ possible for himself. Wherefore it has been well said of anger, that Far sweeter than dripping honey down the throat it spreads in men's - hearts.Hom. Il. 18.109 (cp. - 1.11.9). + hearts.Hom. Il. 18.109 (cp. + 1.11.9). for it is accompanied by a certain pleasure, for this reason first,The thought of revenge in the @@ -2666,8 +2666,8 @@ regard to something which appears valueless; for things which are really bad or good, or tend to become so, we consider worthy of attention, but those which are of no importance or triflingOr, - “those in which this tendency does not exist, or is - trifling.” we ignore. Now there are three kinds of slight: + “those in which this tendency does not exist, or is + trifling.” we ignore. Now there are three kinds of slight: disdain, spitefulness, and insult. For he who disdains, slights, since men disdain those things which they consider valueless and slight what is of no account. And the spiteful man appears to show disdain; @@ -2678,16 +2678,16 @@ has no idea that the other is likely to hurt him, for in that case he would be afraid of him instead of slighting him; nor that he will be of any use to him worth speaking of, for in that case his thought would be how to become his - friend.Or, “how to make him his - friend,” fi/los being for fi/lon by attraction.

+ friend.Or, “how to make him his + friend,” fi/los being for fi/lon by attraction.

Similarly, he who insults another also slights - him; for insultIn Attic law u(/bris (insulting, degrading - treatment) was a more serious offence than ai)ki/a (bodily ill-treatment). It was the - subject of a State criminal prosecution ( grafh/), ai)ki/a of - a private action ( di/kh) + him; for insultIn Attic law u(/bris (insulting, degrading + treatment) was a more serious offence than ai)ki/a (bodily ill-treatment). It was the + subject of a State criminal prosecution ( grafh/), ai)ki/a of + a private action ( di/kh) for damages. The penalty was assessed in court, and might even be death. It had to be proved that the defendant struck the first blow - (2.24.9). One of the best known instances is the action + (2.24.9). One of the best known instances is the action brought by Demosthenes against Midias for a personal outrage on himself, when choregus of his tribe and responsible for the equipment of a chorus for musical competitions at public festivals. consists in @@ -2706,9 +2706,9 @@ and - [has treated me] like a dishonored vagrant,Hom. Il. + [has treated me] like a dishonored vagrant,Hom. Il. 9.648. metana/sths, - lit. “one who changes his home,” used as a + lit. “one who changes his home,” used as a term of reproach. @@ -2744,17 +2744,17 @@ just the same; and if anyone goes against him or refuses to assist him, or troubles him in any other way when he is in this frame of mind, he is angry with all such persons. Wherefore the sick, the - necessitous, [those at war], the lovesick, the thirsty, in a + necessitous, [those at war], the lovesick, the thirsty, in a word, all who desire something and cannot obtain it, are prone to anger and easily excited, especially against those who make light of their present condition; for instance, the sick man is easily provoked in regard to his illness,toi=s pro\s - th\n no/son: lit. “the sick man [is angry - with those who slight him] in regard to his illness,” + th\n no/son: lit. “the sick man [is angry + with those who slight him] in regard to his illness,” that is, by making light of it. the necessitous in regard to his poverty, the warrior in regard to warlike affairs, the - lover in regard to love affairs, and so with all the rest; for the passionOr, “his suffering at the - moment.” present in his mind in each case paves the way for + lover in regard to love affairs, and so with all the rest; for the passionOr, “his suffering at the + moment.” present in his mind in each case paves the way for his anger. Again, men are angry when the event is contrary to their expectation, for the more unexpected a thing is, the more it pains; just as they are overjoyed if, contrary to expectation, what they @@ -2798,10 +2798,10 @@ want something from them, as PlexippusPlexippus was the uncle of Meleager. The allusion is obscure. It may refer to Meleager giving the skin of the Calydonian boar to Atalanta, which his uncle wanted. One of Antiphon's tragedies was named Meleager - (T.G.F. p.792). in Antiphon's + (T.G.F. p.792). in Antiphon's tragedy reproached Meleager; for failure to perceive this is a sign of slight; - since, when we care for people, these things are noticed.Literally, “for the things which (= the - persons whom) one respects, do not escape notice.” + since, when we care for people, these things are noticed.Literally, “for the things which (= the + persons whom) one respects, do not escape notice.” And they are angry with those who rejoice, or in a general way are cheerful when they are unfortunate; for this is an indication of enmity or slight. And with those who do not care if they pain @@ -2817,12 +2817,12 @@ They are also angry with those who slight such persons as it would be disgraceful for them not to defend, for instance, parents, children, wives, and dependents.Cope - translates “rulers and governors”; but can a)/rxesqai be used in a middle sense? And + translates “rulers and governors”; but can a)/rxesqai be used in a middle sense? And with those who are ungrateful,To avoid the - apparent tautology ( 2.17), Roemer - (<persName><surname>Rhein</surname></persName>. - Mus. 39 p. 503) boldly conjectures xai/rein: “not to return another's - greeting.” for the slight is contrary to all sense of + apparent tautology ( 2.17), Roemer + (<persName><surname>Rhein</surname></persName>. + Mus. 39 p. 503) boldly conjectures xai/rein: “not to return another's + greeting.” for the slight is contrary to all sense of obligation. And with those who employ irony, when they themselves are in earnest; for irony shows contempt. And with those who do good to others, but not to them; for not @@ -2860,7 +2860,7 @@ ceases towards those who humble themselves, for they do not bite those who sit down.e)capi/nhs d' *o)dush=a i)/don ku/nes u(lako/mwpoi: oi( me\n keklh/gontes e)pe/dramon: - au)ta\r *o)dusseu/s e(/zeto kerdosu/nh| (Hom. Od. 14.29-31). + au)ta\r *o)dusseu/s e(/zeto kerdosu/nh| (Hom. Od. 14.29-31). And men are mild towards those who are serious with them when they are serious, for they think they are being treated seriously, not with contempt. And towards those @@ -2880,28 +2880,28 @@ regard the disrespectful treatment as merely a temporary lapse.

It is also evident that those are mild whose condition is contrary to that which excites anger, as when laughing, in sport, at a feast, in prosperity, in - success, in abundance,plh/rwsis: lit. “filling up.” The - reference may be to the “fulfillment” of one's desires, - or to “repletion” in the matter of food (L. and - S.), which seems less likely; “in fulness of - content” (Jebb). and, in general, in + success, in abundance,plh/rwsis: lit. “filling up.” The + reference may be to the “fulfillment” of one's desires, + or to “repletion” in the matter of food (L. and + S.), which seems less likely; “in fulness of + content” (Jebb). and, in general, in freedom from pain, in pleasure which does not imply insult, or in virtuous hope. Further, those whose anger is of long standing and not in its full flush, for time appeases anger. Again, vengeance previously taken upon one person appeases anger against another, even though it be greater. Wherefore Philocrates,Opponent of Demosthenes, and one of the pro-Macedonian party. Impeached for his share in - the disastrous “Peace of Philocrates,” he went into + the disastrous “Peace of Philocrates,” he went into exile and was condemned to death during his absence. when someone asked him why he did not justify himself when the people were angry with him, - made the judicious reply, “Not yet.” “When - then?” “When I see someone accused of the same - offence”; for men grow mild when they have exhausted their anger upon + made the judicious reply, “Not yet.” “When + then?” “When I see someone accused of the same + offence”; for men grow mild when they have exhausted their anger upon another, as happened in the case of Ergophilus.Ergophilus failed in an attack on Cotys, king of Thrace, while Callisthenes concluded a premature peace with Perdiccas, king of Macedonia. For although the Athenians were more indignant with him than with Callisthenes, they acquitted him, because they had condemned CalIicrates to death on the previous day. Men also grow mild towards those whom they pityAnother reading is e)a\n - e(/lwsi, “if they have convicted him.” This is + e(/lwsi, “if they have convicted him.” This is adopted by Roemer, who refers to Plat. Rep. 558a, where, in speaking of the freedom allowed to all who live under a democracy, it is remarked that, even if a man is convicted by a court of @@ -2925,13 +2925,13 @@ Tell him that it is Odysseus, sacker of cities,Hom. Od. 9.504. - as if Polyphemus would not have been punished,Or, “as if Odysseus would not have considered - himself avenged, had P. remained ignorant . . .” had he + as if Polyphemus would not have been punished,Or, “as if Odysseus would not have considered + himself avenged, had P. remained ignorant . . .” had he remained ignorant who had blinded him and for what. So that men are not angry - either with any others who cannot know who punishes them,Or, “with any who can no longer feel their - anger.” Cope translates: “with all the rest - (besides those actually within reach) who are out of - sight.” or with the dead, since they have paid the last + either with any others who cannot know who punishes them,Or, “with any who can no longer feel their + anger.” Cope translates: “with all the rest + (besides those actually within reach) who are out of + sight.” or with the dead, since they have paid the last penalty and can feel neither pain nor anything else, which is the aim of those who are angry.To make the offender feel pain as part of the punishment. So then, in regard @@ -2949,10 +2949,10 @@ great services, or acted involuntarily, or as exceedingly grieved at what they have done.

Let us now - state who are the persons that men lovefilei=n may be translated “to - love” or “to like”; fili/a by “love,” - “liking,” or “friendship”; for - fi/los “friend” + state who are the persons that men lovefilei=n may be translated “to + love” or “to like”; fili/a by “love,” + “liking,” or “friendship”; for + fi/los “friend” alone is suitable. For the two meanings cp. the use of aimer in French, and lieben in German. or hate, and why, after we have defined love and loving. Let loving, then, be defined as wishing for @@ -2992,11 +2992,11 @@ bear arms. On the other hand, it claims so much of a man's time that he is unable to devote proper attention to political duties, and should be excluded from holding office. He further says that husbandmen, if possible, - should be slaves (neither of the same race nor hot-tempered, for - they will work better and are less likely to revolt); or, as the + should be slaves (neither of the same race nor hot-tempered, for + they will work better and are less likely to revolt); or, as the next best alternative, barbarians or serfs. The favorable view taken by - Aristotle here and in the Oeconomics (probably not - his) does not agree with that put forward in the + Aristotle here and in the Oeconomics (probably not + his) does not agree with that put forward in the Politics. And the self-controlled, because they are not likely to commit injustice; and those who are @@ -3004,8 +3004,8 @@ if they also seem to wish it; such are those who excel in virtue and enjoy a good reputation, either generally, or amongst the best, or amongst those who are admired by us or by whom we are admired.Spengel reads h)\ e)n oi(=s qauma/zousin - au)toi/ and brackets [ h)\ e)n - toi=s qaumazome/nois u(f' au(tw=n]. a(/pasin, + au)toi/ and brackets [ h)\ e)n + toi=s qaumazome/nois u(f' au(tw=n]. a(/pasin, belti/stois, and oi(=s will then all be neuter. Further, those who are agreeable to live or @@ -3032,9 +3032,9 @@ with ours and that they do not gain their living in the same way; for then it becomes a case of - Potter [being jealous] of potter.Two of a trade never agree - (Hes. WD - 25). + Potter [being jealous] of potter.Two of a trade never agree + (Hes. WD + 25). And those who desire the same things, provided @@ -3043,10 +3043,10 @@ terms that we do not blush before them for faults merely condemned bypublic opinion, provided that this is not due to contempt; and those before whom we do blush for faults that are really bad. And those whose rivals we are,Those with whom we are ambitious of entering - into competition “in the race for distinction” - (Cope). There is no unfriendliness, whereas envy produces + into competition “in the race for distinction” + (Cope). There is no unfriendliness, whereas envy produces it. or by whom we wish to be emulated, but not - envied,—these we either like or wish to be friends with them. + envied,—these we either like or wish to be friends with them. And those whom we are ready to assist in obtaining what is good, provided greater evil does not result for ourselves. And those who show equal fondness for @@ -3056,9 +3056,9 @@ leave them in the lurch; for among good men they chiefly like those who are good friends. And those who do not dissemble with them; such are those who do not fear to mention even their faults. - (For, as we have said, before friends we do not blush for faults merely + (For, as we have said, before friends we do not blush for faults merely condemned by public opinion; if then he who blushes for such faults is not a - friend, he who does not is likely to be one).A parenthetical remark. Aristotle explains that he is not + friend, he who does not is likely to be one).A parenthetical remark. Aristotle explains that he is not thinking of merely conventional faults; if, then, one who is ashamed of these is no friend, then one who is not . . . And men like those who are not formidable, and in whom they have confidence; for @@ -3129,8 +3129,8 @@

And among those whom we have wronged, or are our enemies or rivals,we should fear not the hot-tempered oroutspoken, but those who are mild, dissemblers, and thorough rascals; for it is uncertain whether they are on - the point of acting, so that one never knows whether they are far from it.Or simply, “near . . . far from - us.” + the point of acting, so that one never knows whether they are far from it.Or simply, “near . . . far from + us.” All things that are to be feared are more so when, after an error has once been committed, it is impossible to repair it, either because it is absolutely impossible, or no longer in our power, but in @@ -3220,7 +3220,7 @@ illicit relations with any persons, at forbidden places or times, for this is due to licentiousness. And making profit out of what is petty or disgraceful, or out of the weak, such as the indigent or dead; - whence the proverb, “to rob even a corpse,” for this is due + whence the proverb, “to rob even a corpse,” for this is due to base love of gain and stinginess. And to refuse assistance in money matters when we are able to render it, or to give less than we can; to accept assistance from those less able to afford it than @@ -3253,8 +3253,8 @@ things which tend to ignominy and reproach; such are prostituting one's person or performing disgraceful actions, including unnatural lust. And of these actions those that promote licentiousness are disgraceful, whether voluntary or - involuntary (the latter being those that are done under - compulsion),since meek endurance and the + involuntary (the latter being those that are done under + compulsion),since meek endurance and the absence of resistance are the result of unmanliness or cowardice.

These and similar things are those of which men are ashamed. And since shame is an impression about dishonor, and that for its own sake and not for its results; and since no one heeds the @@ -3271,8 +3271,8 @@ before their eyes and in broad daylight; whence the proverb, The eyes are the abode of shame.Euripides, Cresphontes: ai)dw\s e)n o)fqalmoi=si - gi/gnetai, te/knon (T.G.F. frag. - 457). That is why they feel more ashamed before those who + gi/gnetai, te/knon (T.G.F. frag. + 457). That is why they feel more ashamed before those who are likely to be always with them or who keep watch upon them, because in both cases they are under the eyes of others.

Men are also ashamed before those who are not @@ -3288,17 +3288,17 @@ And before those who spend their time in looking for their neighbors' faults, for instance, mockers and comic poets; for they are also in a manner slanderers and gossips. And before those from whom they have never asked anything in - vain,Jebb translates, “who have - never seen us break down.” for they feel as if they were + vain,Jebb translates, “who have + never seen us break down.” for they feel as if they were greatly esteemed. For this reason they feel ashamed before those who ask them for something for the first time, as never yet having lost their good opinion. - Such are those who have recently sought their friendship (for they have + Such are those who have recently sought their friendship (for they have only seen what is best in them, which is the point of the answer of Euripides to - the Syracusans),The Greek scholiast - says: “Euripides, having been sent as ambassador to the + the Syracusans),The Greek scholiast + says: “Euripides, having been sent as ambassador to the Syracusans, to ask for peace and friendship, when they refused said: O Syracusans, if for no other reason than that we are just feeling the need of - your friendship, you ought to respect our admiration.” Nothing is + your friendship, you ought to respect our admiration.” Nothing is known of this embassy. Hyperides has been suggested instead of Euripides. or old acquaintances who know nothing against us. And men are ashamed not only of the disgraceful things we have spoken of, but also of indications of them, for instance, not @@ -3308,8 +3308,8 @@ have been mentioned, but also before those who will reveal their faults to them, such as their servants or friends. In a word, they are not ashamed either before those whose opinion in regard to the truth - they greatly despise—for instance, no one feels shame before children - or animals—or of the same things before those who are known to them + they greatly despise—for instance, no one feels shame before children + or animals—or of the same things before those who are known to them and those who are not; before the former, they are ashamed of things that appear really disgraceful, before strangers, of those which are only condemned by convention.

@@ -3319,18 +3319,18 @@ admired by them or who admire them, or by whom they wish to be admired, or from whom they need some service, which they will not obtain if they lose their reputation. These, again, are either persons who directly see what is going on - (just as Cydias, when haranguing the people about the allotment of the + (just as Cydias, when haranguing the people about the allotment of the territory of Samos, begged the Athenians to picture to themselves that the Greeks were standing round them and - would not only hear, but also see what they were going to decree); or + would not only hear, but also see what they were going to decree); or neighbors; or those likely to be aware of what they say or do. That is why men do not like, when unfortunate, to be seen by those who were once their rivals, for rivalry presumes admiration. Men also feel shame when they are connected with actions or things which entail disgrace,This rendering involves a plural neuter with a plural verb. - Others take the actions or things in a good sense, “deeds and + Others take the actions or things in a good sense, “deeds and fortunes, their own or their ancestors, which they are likely - to disgrace.” for which either they themselves, or their + to disgrace.” for which either they themselves, or their ancestors, or any others with whom they are closely connected are responsible. In a word, men feel shame for those whom they themselves respect;i.e. when they have done anything disgraceful. such are those mentioned and those who have any relation to @@ -3340,19 +3340,19 @@ associate openly with those who are aware of their disgrace. Wherefore the tragic poet Antiphon,When on an embassy to Syracuse, he was asked by - Dionysius which was the best kind of brass. On his replying, “that + Dionysius which was the best kind of brass. On his replying, “that from which the Athenians made their statues of Harmodius and - Aristogiton,” Dionysius ordered him to be put to death. + Aristogiton,” Dionysius ordered him to be put to death. when he was about to be flogged to death by order of Dionysius, seeing that those who were to die with him covered their faces as they passed through the - gates, said, “Why cover your faces? Is it because you are afraid that - one of the crowd should see you tomorrow?” Let this account of shame + gates, said, “Why cover your faces? Is it because you are afraid that + one of the crowd should see you tomorrow?” Let this account of shame suffice; as for shamelessness, it is evident that we shall be able to obtain ample knowledge of it from the contrary arguments.

The persons - towards whom men feel benevolent,xa/ris may mean (1) - benevolence, the feeling which prompts a favor; (2) an - actual favor conferred; (3) gratitude. and for what + towards whom men feel benevolent,xa/ris may mean (1) + benevolence, the feeling which prompts a favor; (2) an + actual favor conferred; (3) gratitude. and for what reasons, and in what frame of mind, will be clear when we have defined what favor is. Let it then be taken to be the feeling in accordance with which one who has it is said to render a service to @@ -3369,17 +3369,17 @@ for instance, the man who gave the matProbably given to a beggar or vagrant who had nothing to sleep on. to another in the Lyceum. It is necessary then, if possible, that the service should be in the same directionThat is, should have in view the satisfaction of urgent wants - and desires (Cope).; if not, that it should apply + and desires (Cope).; if not, that it should apply to cases of similar or greater need.

-

Since then it is evident on what occasions,Reading o(/te; others read oi(=s, “by whom.” for +

Since then it is evident on what occasions,Reading o(/te; others read oi(=s, “by whom.” for what reasons, and in what frame of mind a feeling of benevolence arises, it is - clear that we must derive our arguments from this—to show that the one + clear that we must derive our arguments from this—to show that the one side either has been, or still is, in such pain or need, and that the other has rendered, or is rendering, such a service in such a time of need. It is evident also by what means it is possible to make out that there is no favor at all, or that those who render it are not actuated by benevolencea)xari/stous: the word generally means - “ungrateful,” and so Jebb takes it here: “and - to make men ungrateful.”; for it can either be said that they do, or have done so, + “ungrateful,” and so Jebb takes it here: “and + to make men ungrateful.”; for it can either be said that they do, or have done so, for their own sake, in which case there is no favor; or that it was mere chance; or that they acted under compulsion; or that they were making a return, not a gift, whether they knew it or not; for in both cases it is an equivalent return, @@ -3431,8 +3431,8 @@ and destructive are various kinds of death, personal ill-treatment and injuries, old age, disease, and lack of food. The evils for which fortune is responsible are lack of friends, or few friends - (wherefore it is pitiable to be torn away from friends and - intimates), ugliness, weakness, mutilation; if some misfortune comes to + (wherefore it is pitiable to be torn away from friends and + intimates), ugliness, weakness, mutilation; if some misfortune comes to pass from a quarter whence one might have reasonably expected something good; and if this happens often; and if good fortune does not come until a man has already suffered, as when the presents @@ -3446,10 +3446,10 @@ to have wept when his son was led to execution, but did weep at the sight of a friend reduced to beggary, for the latter excited pity, the former terror. The terrible is different from the pitiable, for it drives out pity, and often - serves to produce the opposite feeling. Further, the nearness of the terrible makes men pity.Jebb renders: “Again men pity when the danger is - near themselves,” which may mean when they see something terrible + serves to produce the opposite feeling. Further, the nearness of the terrible makes men pity.Jebb renders: “Again men pity when the danger is + near themselves,” which may mean when they see something terrible happening to others and likely soon to befall themselves. Vahlen inserts - ou) ga\r before e)/ti: “for men cease to pity when the terrible + ou) ga\r before e)/ti: “for men cease to pity when the terrible comes close to themselves. Men also pity those who resemble them in age, character, habits, position, or family; for all such relations make a man more likely to think that their misfortune may befall him as well. For, in @@ -3465,8 +3465,8 @@ same reason. Pity is also aroused by signs and actions, such as the dress of those who have suffered, and all such objects, and the words and everything else that concerns those who are actually suffering, - for instance, at the point of death. And when men show themselves undaunted“When the men, who are in such - crises, are good men” (Jebb). If they were not, + for instance, at the point of death. And when men show themselves undaunted“When the men, who are in such + crises, are good men” (Jebb). If they were not, their misfortune would appear deserved. at such critical times it is specially pitiable; for all these things,The signs and actions, and the demeanor of the sufferer. because they @@ -3474,8 +3474,8 @@ because the sufferer does not seem to deserve his fate, and because the suffering is before our eyes.

Now what is - called indignationnemesa=n: “the nobler brother of envy” - (Nietzsche). is the antithesis to pity; for the + called indignationnemesa=n: “the nobler brother of envy” + (Nietzsche). is the antithesis to pity; for the being pained at undeserved good fortune is in a manner contrary to being pained at undeserved bad fortune and arises from the same character. And both emotions show good character, for if we sympathize with @@ -3511,23 +3511,23 @@ being pained at the sight of good fortune that is apparently undeserved, in the first place it is clear that it is not possible to feel indignation at all good things; for no one will be indignant with a man - who is just or courageous, or may acquire any virtue (for one does not - feel pity in the case of opposites of those qualities),Because it is a man's own fault, and pity is + who is just or courageous, or may acquire any virtue (for one does not + feel pity in the case of opposites of those qualities),Because it is a man's own fault, and pity is only felt for what is undeserved. but men are indignant at wealth, power, in a word, at all the advantages of which good men are worthy. - [And those who possess natural advantages, such as noble birth, beauty, - and all such things.]The first part + [And those who possess natural advantages, such as noble birth, beauty, + and all such things.]The first part of the sentence is clear: men are indignant when what good men deserve is possessed by those who are not good. The literal translation o the text as - it stands is: “Men are indignant . . . at all the advantages of + it stands is: “Men are indignant . . . at all the advantages of which good men and those who possess natural advantages are - worthy”; but this cannot be right, since there is nothing in + worthy”; but this cannot be right, since there is nothing in natural advantages to arouse moral indignation, there is no question of their being deserved or undeserved. Something may have fallen - out like “but they will not be indignant with those who possess - natural advantages.” Roemer (<persName><surname>Rhein</surname></persName>. Mus. 39 p. - 504) suggests ou)d' ei) ta\ fu/sei e)/xousin - a)gaqa/ (understanding nemesh/sei tou/tois). + out like “but they will not be indignant with those who possess + natural advantages.” Roemer (<persName><surname>Rhein</surname></persName>. Mus. 39 p. + 504) suggests ou)d' ei) ta\ fu/sei e)/xousin + a)gaqa/ (understanding nemesh/sei tou/tois). And since that which is old seems closely to resemble that which is natural, it follows that, if two parties have the same good, men are more indignant with the one who has recently acquired it and owes @@ -3547,11 +3547,11 @@ regarded as his by right. And since every kind of good is not suitable to the first comer, but a certain proportion and suitability are necessary - (as for instance beautiful weapons are not suitable to the just but to + (as for instance beautiful weapons are not suitable to the just but to the courageous man, and distinguished marriages not to the newly rich but to the - nobly born), if a virtuous man does not obtain what is suitable to him, + nobly born), if a virtuous man does not obtain what is suitable to him, we feel indignant. Similarly, if the inferior contends with the superior, - especially among those engaged in the same pursuit,—whence the saying + especially among those engaged in the same pursuit,—whence the saying of the poet, He avoided battle with Ajax, son of Telamon,Hom. Il. 11.542. @@ -3569,12 +3569,12 @@ prone to indignation, first, if they happen to deserve or possess the greatest advantages, for it is not just that those who do not resemble them should be deemed worthy of the same advantages; secondly, if they happen to be virtuous and worthy,It has been suggested to insert mh\ before tugxa/nwsi: - “if, although virtuous and worthy, they do not happen to possess - such advantages.” for they both judge correctly and hate + “if, although virtuous and worthy, they do not happen to possess + such advantages.” for they both judge correctly and hate what is unjust. And those who are ambitious and long for certain positions, especially if they are those which others, although unworthy, have obtained.Or, - “of which others happen to be unworthy.” + “of which others happen to be unworthy.” And, in general, those who think themselves worthy of advantages of which they consider others unworthy, are inclined to be indignant with the latter and because of these advantages. This is why the @@ -3582,15 +3582,15 @@ is nothing of which they think themselves worthy. It is evident from this what kind of men they are whose ill fortunes, calamities, and lack of success must make us rejoice or at least feel no pain; for the opposites are clear from what has been said. If then the - speaker puts the judges into such a frame of mind and proves thatthose who claim our pity (and the reasons why they do - so) are unworthy to obtain it and deserve that it should be refused + speaker puts the judges into such a frame of mind and proves thatthose who claim our pity (and the reasons why they do + so) are unworthy to obtain it and deserve that it should be refused them, then pity will be impossible.

It is equally clear for what reason, and of whom, and in what frame of mind, men are envious, if envy is a kind of pain at the sight of good fortune in regard to the goods mentioned; in the case of those like themselves; and not for the sake of a man getting anything, but because of others possessing it. For those men will be - envious who have, or seem to have, others “like” them. + envious who have, or seem to have, others “like” them. I mean like in birth, relationship, age, moral habit, reputation, and possessions. And those will be envious who possess all but one of these advantagesIf some one @@ -3626,13 +3626,13 @@ and the people and things which one envies are on the same footing.That is, no one will attempt to compete with them in their special branch of study. Roemer reads kai\ pro\s tou\s peri\ ta\ toiau=ta, translated by Jebb as if there were a full stop at u(pere/xein. - “In like manner we vie with those engaged in such or such - pursuits.” + “In like manner we vie with those engaged in such or such + pursuits.” And since men strive for honor with those who are competitors, or rivals in love, in short, with those who aim at the same things, they are bound to feel most envious of these; whence the saying, - Potter [being jealous] of potter.2.4.21. + Potter [being jealous] of potter.2.4.21. And those who have succeeded with difficulty or @@ -3645,15 +3645,15 @@ have only spent little to obtain the same thing. And it is clear at what things and persons the envious rejoice, and in what frame of mind; for, as when they do not possess certain things, they are pained, so when they do possess them, they will rejoice in the opposite - circumstances.“The same state + circumstances.“The same state of mind which is absent in the painful feeling will be present in the joy - excited by the opposite occasions,” meaning that, if one set of + excited by the opposite occasions,” meaning that, if one set of circumstances produces pain, the opposite will produce pleasure - (Cope). Or, omitting ou)k - before e)/xontes, “For in the same - frame of mind as they are pained (at another's good - fortune) they will rejoice in the contrary state of - things” (at another's bad fortune). So + (Cope). Or, omitting ou)k + before e)/xontes, “For in the same + frame of mind as they are pained (at another's good + fortune) they will rejoice in the contrary state of + things” (at another's bad fortune). So that if the judges are brought into that frame of mind, and those who claim their pity or any other boon are such as we have stated, it is plain that they will not obtain pity from those with whom the decision rests.

@@ -3662,7 +3662,7 @@ be clear from the following considerations. Let us assume that emulation is a feeling of pain at the evident presence of highly valued goods, which are possible for us to obtain, in the possession of those who naturally resemble - us—pain not due to the fact that another possesses them, but to the + us—pain not due to the fact that another possesses them, but to the fact that we ourselves do not. Emulation therefore is virtuous and characteristic of virtuous men, whereas envy is base and characteristic of base men; for the one, owing to emulation, fits himself to obtain such goods, while @@ -3670,7 +3670,7 @@ them. Necessarily, then, those are emulous who hold that they have a claim to goods that they do not possess;Something like - “although they are within their grasp” is needed to + “although they are within their grasp” is needed to complete the sense. for no one claims what seems impossible. Hence the young and high-minded are emulous. And so are those who possess such advantages as are worthy of honorable @@ -3693,22 +3693,22 @@ already been spoken of, for instance, courage, wisdom, authority; for those in authority, such as generals, orators, and all who have similar powers, can do good to many. And those whom many desire to be - like, or to be their acquaintancesor friends;“Who have many acquaintances or - friends” (Jebb). those whom many or + like, or to be their acquaintancesor friends;“Who have many acquaintances or + friends” (Jebb). those whom many or ourselves admire; those who are praised or eulogized either by poets or by prose writers.logogra/foi means either the oldest - Greek historians (or rather - “chroniclers”), or the writers of speeches for + Greek historians (or rather + “chroniclers”), or the writers of speeches for use in the law courts, or of panegyrics. The opposite characters we despise; for contempt is the opposite of emulation, and the idea of emulation of the idea of contempt. And those who are in a condition which makes them emulate, or be emulated by, others, must be inclined to despise those personskai\ e)pi\ tou/tois. According to Cope, an unnecessary parenthetical note - (“and on such occasions”). Jebb refers - both tou/twn and tou/tois to persons: “tend to show contempt to or - about those who.” The “reason” in the - translation above is that they suffer from the want of “the highly - valued goods.” (and for that reason) who + (“and on such occasions”). Jebb refers + both tou/twn and tou/tois to persons: “tend to show contempt to or + about those who.” The “reason” in the + translation above is that they suffer from the want of “the highly + valued goods.” (and for that reason) who suffer from defects contrary to the good things which excite emulation. That is why we often despise those who are fortunate, whenever their good fortune is not accompanied by highly valued goods. The means of producing and destroying the @@ -3740,8 +3740,8 @@ Greece. said in his pithy remark on Amphiaraus. They are not ill-natured but simple-natured,Or, - “they do not look at things in a bad light, but in a - good,” i.e., they are not always ready to suspect. because + “they do not look at things in a bad light, but in a + good,” i.e., they are not always ready to suspect. because they have never yet witnessed much depravity; confiding, because they have as yet not been often deceived; full of hope, for they are naturally as hot-blooded as those who are drunken with wine, and @@ -3763,10 +3763,10 @@ there is high-mindedness in thinking oneself worthy of great things, a feeling which belongs to one who is full of hope.

In their actions, they prefer the noble to the - useful; their life is guided by their characterh)=qos “in the + useful; their life is guided by their characterh)=qos “in the widest sense, includes all that is habitual and characteristic; in a limited - sense, it expresses the habitual temper or disposition” - (Twining). rather than by calculation, for the + sense, it expresses the habitual temper or disposition” + (Twining). rather than by calculation, for the latter aims at the useful, virtue at the noble. At this age more than any other they are fond of their friends and companions because they take pleasure in living in company and as yet judge nothing by expediency, not even their @@ -3777,8 +3777,8 @@ think they know everything, and confidently affirm it, and this is the cause of their excess in everything. If they do wrong, it is due to insolence, not to wickedness. And they are inclined to pity, - because they think all men are virtuous and better than themselvesOr, “better than they really - are.”; for they measure their neighbors by their own + because they think all men are virtuous and better than themselvesOr, “better than they really + are.”; for they measure their neighbors by their own inoffensiveness, so that they think that they suffer undeservedly. And they are fond of laughter, and therefore witty; for wit is cultured insolence. Such then is the character of the young.

Older men and @@ -3787,9 +3787,9 @@ more often deceived by others or made more mistakes themselves, and since most human things turn out badly, they are positive about nothing, and in everything they show an excessive lack of energy. They - always “think,” but “know” nothing; and - in their hesitation they always add “perhaps,” or - “maybe”; all theirstatements are of + always “think,” but “know” nothing; and + in their hesitation they always add “perhaps,” or + “maybe”; all theirstatements are of this kind, never unqualified. They are malicious; for malice consists in looking upon the worse side of everything. Further, they are always suspicious owing to mistrust, and mistrustful owing to @@ -3835,8 +3835,8 @@ why the old are querulous, and neither witty nor fond of laughter; for a querulous disposition is the opposite of a love of laughter. Such are the characters of the young and older men. Wherefore, since all men are willing to listen to speeches which harmonize with - their own character and to speakers who resemble them,Or, “speeches which resemble (or - reflect) it” (their character). + their own character and to speakers who resemble them,Or, “speeches which resemble (or + reflect) it” (their character). it is easy to see what language we must employ so that both ourselves and our speeches may appear to be of such and such a character.

It is evident @@ -3887,11 +3887,11 @@ men's emulation. At the same time this feeling is not unreasonable; for those who have need of the wealthy are many in number. Hence the answer of Simonides to the wife of Hiero concerning the wise and the rich, when she asked which was - preferable, to be wise or to be rich. “Rich,” he answered, - “for we see the wise spending their time at the doors of the - rich.” And the rich think they are - worthy to rule, because they believe they possess that which makes them so.“What makes power worth - having” (Cope). In a word, the character + preferable, to be wise or to be rich. “Rich,” he answered, + “for we see the wise spending their time at the doors of the + rich.” And the rich think they are + worthy to rule, because they believe they possess that which makes them so.“What makes power worth + having” (Cope). In a word, the character of the rich man is that of a fool favored by fortune. At the same time there is a difference between the character of the newly rich and of those whose wealth is of long standing, because the former have the vices of wealth in a greater degree and more; for, so to say, they have @@ -3906,19 +3906,19 @@ performance of deeds which their power gives them the opportunity of carrying out. And they are more energetic; for being obliged to look after their power, they are always on the watch.e)n - e)pimelei/a|: “because they are - administrators” (Jebb). + e)pimelei/a|: “because they are + administrators” (Jebb). And they are dignified rather than heavily pompous; for their rank renders them more conspicuous, so that they avoid excess; and this dignity is a mild and decent pomposity. And their wrongdoings are never petty, but great.

Good fortune in its divisionsThe three divisions are noble birth, wealth, and power. The meaning is that the highest kinds of good fortune tend or converge to these - (i.e., to noble birth, wealth, and power). kata\ ta\ mo/ria might also mean “in - part.” Hobbes, in his Brief of the Art of - Rhetorick, paraphrases: “the manners of men that prosper, + (i.e., to noble birth, wealth, and power). kata\ ta\ mo/ria might also mean “in + part.” Hobbes, in his Brief of the Art of + Rhetorick, paraphrases: “the manners of men that prosper, are compounded of the manners of the nobility, the rich, and those that are - in power, for to some of these all prosperity appertains.” + in power, for to some of these all prosperity appertains.” exhibits characters corresponding to those which have just been mentioned; for those which appear to be the most important kinds of good fortune tend in their direction; further, good fortune furnishes advantages over others in the @@ -3935,20 +3935,20 @@ three kinds of Rhetoric. The difficulty in the Greek lies in the absence of a suitable apodosis to the long sentence beginning e)pei\ de\ h( tw=n piqanw=n. Grammatically, it might be w(/ste diwrisme/non a)\n ei)/h, but - it by no means follows that “since the employment of persuasive + it by no means follows that “since the employment of persuasive speeches is directed towards a judgement . . . therefore it has - been determined how . . . we must make our speeches ethical.” + been determined how . . . we must make our speeches ethical.” Spengel, regarding e)pei\ de\ . . . bouleu/ontai merely as an enlargement of Book 2.1, 2, brackets the - passage. Cope suggests that something has fallen out after bouleu/ontai: “Since in all the three - kinds of Rhetoric the object is to secure a judgement, [I have + passage. Cope suggests that something has fallen out after bouleu/ontai: “Since in all the three + kinds of Rhetoric the object is to secure a judgement, [I have shown how to put the judges into a certain frame of mind in the discussion - of the characters and emotions]. I have also spoken of the + of the characters and emotions]. I have also spoken of the characters of the forms of government; so that this part of the subject need - no longer detain us.” It is generally agreed that we have not the + no longer detain us.” It is generally agreed that we have not the chapter as originally arranged, although it is not supposed that any part of - it is non-Aristotelian (see Cope and note in Jebb's - translation). the employment of persuasive speeches is + it is non-Aristotelian (see Cope and note in Jebb's + translation). the employment of persuasive speeches is directed towards a judgement; for when a thing is known and judged, there is no longer any need of argument. And there is judgement, whether a speaker addresses himself to a single individual and makes use of his speech to exhort or @@ -3963,9 +3963,9 @@ controversiesBoth forensic and deliberative. is a judge in the proper sense of the word, for in judicial cases the point at issue is the state of the case, in deliberative the - subjects of deliberation.Or, “for + subjects of deliberation.Or, “for in both forensic and deliberative arguments the issue is the state of the - case.” We have already spoken of the characters of forms of + case.” We have already spoken of the characters of forms of government in treatingof deliberative rhetoric,Book 1.8. so that it has been determined how and by what means we must make our speeches conform to those characters.

Now, since each kind of Rhetoric, as was @@ -4000,7 +4000,7 @@ as contraries, although it may not be true in particular cases. If a man is ill, he may also be well, although in particular cases certain qualities may make him more liable to one or the other, e.g. he may suffer from an - incurable disease (Schrader). Similarly, if of two + incurable disease (Schrader). Similarly, if of two like things the one is possible, so also is the other. And if the harder of two things is possible, so also is the easier. And if it is possible for a thing to be made excellent or beautiful, it is possible for @@ -4043,8 +4043,8 @@ And if a thing is possible for those who are inferior, or weaker, or less intelligent, it will be still more so for those whose qualities are the opposite; as Isocrates said, it would be very strange if - he were unable by himself to find out what Euthynus had learnt [with - the help of others]. As for the + he were unable by himself to find out what Euthynus had learnt [with + the help of others]. As for the impossible, it is clear that there is a supply of arguments to be derived from the opposite of what has been said about the possible.

The question whether a thing has or has not @@ -4096,15 +4096,15 @@

It remains to speak of the proofs common to all branches of Rhetoric, since the particular proofs have been discussed. These common proofs are of two kinds, example and - enthymeme (for the maxim is part of an enthymeme). Let us then first speak of the example; for the + enthymeme (for the maxim is part of an enthymeme). Let us then first speak of the example; for the example resembles induction, and induction is a beginning.As a starting-point and first principle of knowledge.

There are two kinds of examples; namely, one which consists in relating things that have happened before, and another in inventing them oneself. The latter are subdivided into comparisons or fables, such as those of Aesop and the Libyan.The Libyan fables were of African origin. They are mentioned by Quintilian - (Quint. Inst. Orat. - 5.11.20) and belonged to the class of animal + (Quint. Inst. Orat. + 5.11.20) and belonged to the class of animal fables. It would be an instance of the historical kind of example, if one were to say that it is necessary to make preparations against the Great King and not to allow him to subdue Egypt; for @@ -4127,35 +4127,35 @@ Stesichorus concerning Phalaris, or that of Aesop on behalf of the demagogue. For Stesichorus, when the people of Himera had chosen Phalaris dictator and were on the point of giving him a body-guard, after many arguments related a fable to - them: “A horse was in sole occupation of a meadow. A stag having come + them: “A horse was in sole occupation of a meadow. A stag having come and done much damage to the pasture, the horse, wishing to avenge himself on the stag, asked a man whether he could help him to punish the stag. The man consented, on condition that the horse submitted to the bit and allowed him to mount him javelins in hand. The horse agreed to the terms and the man mounted him, but instead of obtaining vengeance on the stag, the horse from that time - became the man's slave. So then,” said he, “do you take care + became the man's slave. So then,” said he, “do you take care lest, in your desire to avenge yourselves on the enemy,you be treated like the horse. You already have the bit, since you have chosen a dictator; if you give him a body-guard and allow him to mount you, you will at - once be the slaves of Phalaris.” Aesop, when defending at Samos a + once be the slaves of Phalaris.” Aesop, when defending at Samos a demagogue who was being tried for his life, related the following anecdote. - “A fox, while crossing a river, was driven into a ravine. Being unable + “A fox, while crossing a river, was driven into a ravine. Being unable to get out, she was for a long time in sore distress, and a number of dog-fleas clung to her skin. A hedgehog, wandering about, saw her and, moved with compassion, asked her if he should remove the fleas. The fox refused and when - the hedgehog asked the reason, she answered: ‘They are already full of + the hedgehog asked the reason, she answered: ‘They are already full of me and draw little blood; but if you take them away, others will come that are - hungry and will drain what remains to me.’ You in like manner, O + hungry and will drain what remains to me.’ You in like manner, O Samians, will suffer no more harm from this man, for he is wealthy; but if you put him to death, others will - come who are poor, who will steal and squander your public funds.” + come who are poor, who will steal and squander your public funds.” Fables are suitable for public speaking, and they have this advantage that, while it is difficult to find similar things that have really happened in the past, it is easier to invent fables; for they must be invented, like comparisons, if a man is capable of seizing the analogy; - and this is easy if one studies philosophy.“Literary knowledge” (Jebb); - “literature” (Cope, Introd. p. 256, who, - however, in his annotated ed. explains: “intellectual study and - mental exercises in general”). + and this is easy if one studies philosophy.“Literary knowledge” (Jebb); + “literature” (Cope, Introd. p. 256, who, + however, in his annotated ed. explains: “intellectual study and + mental exercises in general”). Thus, while the lessons conveyed by fables are easier to provide, those derived from facts are more useful for deliberative oratory, because as a rule the future resembles the past.

@@ -4165,8 +4165,8 @@ enthymemes.If we have no enthymemes, we must use examples instead of them; for they are useful for persuasion, although they do not really demonstrate anything. If we have enthymemes, we - must use examples in corroboration of them (see 21.3 - note). For if they stand first, they resemble induction, and + must use examples in corroboration of them (see 21.3 + note). For if they stand first, they resemble induction, and induction is not suitable to rhetorical speeches except in very few cases; if they stand last they resemble evidence, and a witness is in every case likely to induce belief. Wherefore also it is necessary to quote a number of examples if @@ -4193,16 +4193,16 @@ makes an enthymeme; for instance, for, not to speak of the charge of idleness brought against - them,“The idle - habits which they contract” - (Cope). they earn jealous hostility from + them,“The idle + habits which they contract” + (Cope). they earn jealous hostility from the citizens. Another example: There is no man who is happy in everything;Euripides, Stheneboea - (frag. 661, T.G.F.). + (frag. 661, T.G.F.). or, @@ -4218,9 +4218,9 @@ Now, if a maxim is what we have stated, it follows that maxims are of four kinds; for they are either accompanied by an epilogue or not.Maxims with an epilogue are - (1) imperfect enthymemes, or (2) + (1) imperfect enthymemes, or (2) enthymematic in character, but not in form; those without an epilogue are - (1) such as are well known, or (2) such + (1) such as are well known, or (2) such as are clear as soon as they are uttered. Now all those that state anything that is contrary to the general opinion or is a matter of dispute, need demonstrative @@ -4252,11 +4252,11 @@ esteemed. Such are those maxims in which the reason of what is said is apparent: for instance, - Being a mortal, do not nourish immortal wrath;Author unknown (T.G.F. p. - 854). + Being a mortal, do not nourish immortal wrath;Author unknown (T.G.F. p. + 854). to say that one should not always nourish immortal wrath is a maxim, - but the addition “being a mortal” states the reason. It is + but the addition “being a mortal” states the reason. It is the same with A mortal should have mortal, not immortal thoughts.According to Bentley, from @@ -4268,8 +4268,8 @@ them in each case. For in the case of matters of dispute or what is contrary to the general opinion, the epilogue is necessary; but either the epilogue may be put first and the conclusion used as a maxim, as, for example, if one were to - say, “As for me, since one ought neither to be the object of jealousy - nor to be idle, I say that children ought not to be educated”; or put + say, “As for me, since one ought neither to be the object of jealousy + nor to be idle, I say that children ought not to be educated”; or put the maxim first and append the epilogue. In all cases where the statements made, although not paradoxical, are obscure, the reason should be added as concisely as possible. In such cases Laconic apophthegms @@ -4307,31 +4307,31 @@

Further, some proverbs are also maxims; for - example,“An Attic - neighbor.”Cf. Thuc. 1.70, where the Corinthians complain of the + example,“An Attic + neighbor.”Cf. Thuc. 1.70, where the Corinthians complain of the lack of energy shown by the Spartans, as compared with their own restless and troublesome neighbors, the Athenians. Maxims should also be used even when contrary - to the most popular sayings, such as “Know thyself” and - “Nothing in excess,” either when one's character is thereby + to the most popular sayings, such as “Know thyself” and + “Nothing in excess,” either when one's character is thereby likely to appear better, or if they are expressed in the language of passion. It - would be an instance of the latter if a man in a rage were to say, “It + would be an instance of the latter if a man in a rage were to say, “It is not true that a man should know himself; at any rate, such a man as this, if - he had known himself, would never have claimed the chief command.” And + he had known himself, would never have claimed the chief command.” And one's character would appear better, if one were to say that it is not right, as men say, to love as if one were bound to hate, but rather to hate as if one were bound to love. The moral purpose also should be made clear by the language, or else one should add the reason; for example, - either by saying “that it is right to love, not as men say, but as if + either by saying “that it is right to love, not as men say, but as if one were going to love for ever, for the other kind of love would imply - treachery”; or thus, “The maxim does not please me, for the + treachery”; or thus, “The maxim does not please me, for the true friend should love as if he were going to love for ever. Nor do I approve - the maxim ‘Nothing in excess,’ for one cannot hate the - wicked too much.”

+ the maxim ‘Nothing in excess,’ for one cannot hate the + wicked too much.”

Further, maxims are of great assistance to - speakers, first, because of the vulgarity“Want of cultivation and intelligence” - (Cope). “Amour-propre” - (St. Hilaire). of the hearers, who are pleased if + speakers, first, because of the vulgarity“Want of cultivation and intelligence” + (Cope). “Amour-propre” + (St. Hilaire). of the hearers, who are pleased if an orator, speaking generally, hits upon the opinions which they specially hold.In reference to their own particular case. What I mean will be clear from the following, and also how one @@ -4358,14 +4358,14 @@ drawn from too far backThe conclusion must not be reached by means of a long series of arguments, as it were strung together in a chain: cp. 1.2.12, where the hearers are spoken of as unable - to take in at a glance a long series of arguments or “to follow a - long chain of reasoning” ( ou)de\ - logi/zesqai po/rrwqen). nor should it include + to take in at a glance a long series of arguments or “to follow a + long chain of reasoning” ( ou)de\ + logi/zesqai po/rrwqen). nor should it include all the steps of the argument. In the first case its length causes obscurity, in the second, it is simply a waste of words, because it states much that is obvious. It is this that makes the ignorant more persuasive than the educated in - the presence of crowds; as the poets say, “the ignorant are more - skilled at speaking before a mob.”Eur. Hipp. 989. For the educated + the presence of crowds; as the poets say, “the ignorant are more + skilled at speaking before a mob.”Eur. Hipp. 989. For the educated use commonplaces and generalities, whereas the ignorant speak of what they know and of what more nearly concerns the audience. Wherefore one must not argue from all possible opinions, but only from such as are definite and admitted, for @@ -4403,14 +4403,14 @@ or not, we must consider the question in the light of what is inherent in justice or the good.

Therefore, since it is evident that all men - follow this procedure in demonstration, whether they reason strictly or loosely—since + follow this procedure in demonstration, whether they reason strictly or loosely—since they do not derive their arguments from all things indiscriminately, but from what is inherent in each particular subject, and reason makes it clear that it - is impossible to prove anything in any other wayOr, “by means of the speech it is - impossible to prove anything otherwise” - (Cope).—it is evidently necessary, as has - been stated in the Topics,Aristot. Top. 1.14. prw=ton: i.e. “the speaker's chief care - should be . . .” to have first on each subject a selection + is impossible to prove anything in any other wayOr, “by means of the speech it is + impossible to prove anything otherwise” + (Cope).—it is evidently necessary, as has + been stated in the Topics,Aristot. Top. 1.14. prw=ton: i.e. “the speaker's chief care + should be . . .” to have first on each subject a selection of premises about probabilities and what is most suitable. As for those to be used in sudden emergencies, the same method of inquiry must be adopted; we must look, not at what is indefinite but at what is inherent in the subject treated of in the speech, marking off as @@ -4430,8 +4430,8 @@ such things.

One method of selection then, and this the first, is the topical.Let us now speak of the elements - of enthymemes (by element and topic of enthymeme I mean the same - thing). But let us first make some necessary remarks. There are two kinds of enthymemes, the one + of enthymemes (by element and topic of enthymeme I mean the same + thing). But let us first make some necessary remarks. There are two kinds of enthymemes, the one demonstrative, which proves that a thing is or is not, and the other refutative, the two differing like refutation and syllogism in Dialectic. The demonstrative enthymeme draws conclusions from admitted premises, the refutative draws conclusions disputed by the @@ -4446,9 +4446,9 @@ of good or bad, fair or foul, just or unjust, characters, emotions, and habits. Let us now endeavor to find topics about enthymemes in general in another way, noting in passingOr, - “noting in addition” (Victorius); or, - “pointing out, side by side” - (Jebb). those which are refutative and those which are + “noting in addition” (Victorius); or, + “pointing out, side by side” + (Jebb). those which are refutative and those which are demonstrative, and those of apparent enthymemes, which are not really enthymemes, since they are not syllogisms. After this has been made clear, we will settle the question of solutions and objections, and whence they must be @@ -4458,7 +4458,7 @@ consider whether one opposite is predicable of the other, as a means of destroying an argument, if it is not, as a means of constructing one, if it is;Assuming that self-control is good, - then if the opposite of good (that is, bad) can be + then if the opposite of good (that is, bad) can be predicated of lack of self-control, this proves the truth of the first proposition; otherwise, it may be refuted. for instance, self-control is good, for lack of self-control is harmful; or as in the @@ -4477,8 +4477,8 @@ If men are in the habit of gaining credit for false statements, you must also admit the contrary, that men often disbelieve what is true.Euripides, - Thyestes (Frag. 396, - T.G.F.). + Thyestes (Frag. 396, + T.G.F.).

@@ -4491,8 +4491,8 @@ For if to have done rightly or justly may be predicated of one, then to have suffered similarly may be predicated of the other; there is the same relation between having ordered and having carried out, as Diomedon the tax-gatherer said - about the taxes, “If selling is not disgraceful for you, neither is - buying disgraceful for us.”The + about the taxes, “If selling is not disgraceful for you, neither is + buying disgraceful for us.”The argument is that if there was no disgrace in selling the right of farming the taxes, there could be none in purchasing this right. And if rightly or justly can be predicated of the sufferer, it can equally be @@ -4502,18 +4502,18 @@ must consider separately whether the sufferer deserves to suffer, and whether he who inflicts suffering is the right person to do so, and then make use of the argument either way; for sometimes there is a difference in such a case, and nothing prevents - [its being argued], as in the Alcmaeon of + [its being argued], as in the Alcmaeon of TheodectesPupil of Plato and Isocrates, great friend of Aristotle, the author of fifty tragedies and also of an - “Art” of Rhetoric. Alcmaeon murdered his mother + “Art” of Rhetoric. Alcmaeon murdered his mother Eriphyle. Alphesiboea, his wife, says to him, Was not your mother hated? To this he replied, Yes, but there is a distinction; they said she deserved to die, but not at my hands.: And did no one of mortals loathe thy mother? - Alcmaeon replied: “We must make a division before we examine - the matter.” And when Alphesiboea asked “How?”, he +
Alcmaeon replied: “We must make a division before we examine + the matter.” And when Alphesiboea asked “How?”, he rejoined, Their decision was that she should die, but that it was not for me to @@ -4540,11 +4540,11 @@ this argument has an explanatory addition to this effect, inserting after u(pa/rxei the words tou\s ga\r pate/ras h(=tton tu/ptousin h)\ tou\s plhsi/on. In a similar passage in Aristot. Top. 2.10 - ei)ko/s (or dokou=n) is inserted after ma=llon and h(=tton. Welldon + ei)ko/s (or dokou=n) is inserted after ma=llon and h(=tton. Welldon suggests that here also the reading should be to\ h(=tton ei)ko/s and to\ ma=llon - ei)ko/s (Grote, Aristotle, p. - 294). Either of these arguments may be used, according as it + ei)ko/s (Grote, Aristotle, p. + 294). Either of these arguments may be used, according as it is necessary to prove either that a predicate is affirmable or that it is not. Further, ifthere is no question of greater or less; whence it was said, @@ -4553,7 +4553,7 @@ Oeneus then equally to be pitied for having lost an illustrious offspring?From the Meleager of Antiphon - (T.G.F. p. 885). + (T.G.F. p. 885). Other instances are: if Theseus did no wrong,In carrying off Helen. neither did Alexander Paris; if the @@ -4561,40 +4561,40 @@ wrong in slaying Patroclus, neither did Alexander in slaying Achilles; if no other professional men are contemptible, then neither are philosophers; if generals are not despised because they are frequently defeated,The Paris ms. has qanatou=ntai, - “are put to death.” neither are the sophists; or, + “are put to death.” neither are the sophists; or, if it behoves a private citizen to take care of your reputation, it is your duty to take care of that of Greece.

Another topic is derived from the consideration - of time. Thus Iphicrates, in his speech against Harmodius, says: “If, + of time. Thus Iphicrates, in his speech against Harmodius, says: “If, before accomplishing anything, I had demanded the statue from you in the event of my success, you would have granted it; will you then refuse it, now that I have succeeded? Do not therefore make a promise when you expect something, and - break it when you have received it.”Fragment of a speech of Lysias. It was proposed to put up a statue to the + break it when you have received it.”Fragment of a speech of Lysias. It was proposed to put up a statue to the famous Athenian general Iphicrates in honor of his defeat of the Spartans - (393 B.C.). This was later + (393 B.C.). This was later opposed by Harmodius, probably a descendant of the tyrannicide. The speech, which is considered spurious, was called h( peri\ th=s ei)ko/nos. Again, to persuade the Thebans to allow Philip to pass through their territory into Attica, they were - told that “if he had made this request before helping them against the + told that “if he had made this request before helping them against the Phocians, they would have promised; it would be absurd, therefore, if they refused to let him through now, because he had thrown away his opportunity and - had trusted them.”

+ had trusted them.”

Another topic consists in turning upon the opponent what has been said against ourselves; and this is an excellent - method.Or, “the ways of doing - this are various” (Jebb). For instance, + method.Or, “the ways of doing + this are various” (Jebb). For instance, in the TeucerThe illustration is lost or perhaps purposely omitted as well known. The Teucer was a tragedy of Sophocles. . . . and Iphicrates employed it against Aristophon, when he asked him whether he would have betrayed the fleet for a bribe; when Aristophon said no, - “Then,” retorted Iphicrates, “if you, Aristophon, - would not have betrayed it, would I, Iphicrates, have done so?” But + “Then,” retorted Iphicrates, “if you, Aristophon, + would not have betrayed it, would I, Iphicrates, have done so?” But the opponent must be a man who seems the more likely to have committed a crime; otherwise, it would appear ridiculous, if anyone were to make use of such an argument in reference to such an opponent, for instance, as AristidesIt would be absurd to use such an argument - against the accusation of a “just man” like Aristides, + against the accusation of a “just man” like Aristides, and to pretend that he is more likely to have committed the crime. It must only be used when the opponent's character is suspect, and lends itself to such a retort.; it should only be used to discredit the accuser. For @@ -4605,8 +4605,8 @@

Another topic is derived from definition. For instance, that the daimonionThe reference is obviously to Socrates, who claimed that a - daimonion (a certain divine principle that acted as - his internal monitor) checked his action in many cases. When + daimonion (a certain divine principle that acted as + his internal monitor) checked his action in many cases. When accused of not believing in the gods, he was able to prove, by his definition of the daimonion, that he was no atheist. Similarly, Iphicrates, by his definition of gennai=os @@ -4621,27 +4621,27 @@ thinks that gods exist. When Iphicrates desired to prove that the best man is the noblest, he declared that there was nothing noble attaching to Harmodius and Aristogiton, before they did somethingnoble; and, - “I myself am more akin to them than you; at any rate, my deeds are - more akin to theirs than yours.” And as it is said in the + “I myself am more akin to them than you; at any rate, my deeds are + more akin to theirs than yours.” And as it is said in the AlexanderOf Polycrates. that it would be generally admitted that men of disorderly passions are not satisfied with the enjoyment of one woman's person alone. Also, the reason why Socrates refused to visit Archelaus, declaring that it was disgraceful not to be in a - position to return a favor as well as an injury.“Just as it is to requite them with evil” - (Jebb). In all these cases, it is by definition and + position to return a favor as well as an injury.“Just as it is to requite them with evil” + (Jebb). In all these cases, it is by definition and the knowledge of what the thing is in itself that conclusions are drawn upon the subject in question.

Another topic is derived from the different significations of a word, as explained in the Topics, where the - correct use of these terms has been discussed.Supplying [lele/ktai] peri\ tou= - o)rqw=s [xrh=sqai au)toi=s]. Others render - “in reference to the use of the word o)rqw=s” (but o)rqw=s does not occur in the passage in Aristot. Top. 1.15). A suggested + correct use of these terms has been discussed.Supplying [lele/ktai] peri\ tou= + o)rqw=s [xrh=sqai au)toi=s]. Others render + “in reference to the use of the word o)rqw=s” (but o)rqw=s does not occur in the passage in Aristot. Top. 1.15). A suggested reading is peri\ tou/tou o)rqw=s ei)/rhtai.

Another, from division. For example, - “There are always three motives for wrongdoing; two are excluded from + “There are always three motives for wrongdoing; two are excluded from consideration as impossible; as for the third, not even the accusers assert - it.”

+ it.”

Another, from induction. For instance, from the case of the woman of Peparethus, it is argued that in matters of parentage women always discern the truth; similarly, at Athens, when Mantias @@ -4650,20 +4650,20 @@ acknowledge the latter as his sons, until the mother declared they were. and again, at Thebes, when Ismenias and Stilbon were disputing about a child, DodonisThe name of the mother; or simply, - “the woman of Dodona,” like “the woman of - Peparethus.” declared that Ismenias was its father, + “the woman of Dodona,” like “the woman of + Peparethus.” declared that Ismenias was its father, Thettaliscus being accordingly recognized as the son of Ismenias. There is - another instance in the “law” of Theodectes: “If + another instance in the “law” of Theodectes: “If we do not entrust our own horses to those who have neglected the horses of others, or our ships to those who have upset the ships of others; then, if this is so in all cases, we must not entrust our own safety to those who have failed - to preserve the safety of others.” Similarly, in order to prove that - men of talent are everywhere honored, Alcidamas said: “The Parians + to preserve the safety of others.” Similarly, in order to prove that + men of talent are everywhere honored, Alcidamas said: “The Parians honored Archilochus, in spite of his evil-speaking; the Chians Homer, although he had rendered no public services;Others - read poli/thn, “although he was - not their fellow-citizen” (but Chios was one of the claimants to his - birthplace). the Mytilenaeans Sappho, although she was a + read poli/thn, “although he was + not their fellow-citizen” (but Chios was one of the claimants to his + birthplace). the Mytilenaeans Sappho, although she was a woman; the Lacedaemonians, by no means a people fond of learning, elected Chilon one of their senators; the Italiotes honored Pythagoras, and the Lampsacenes buried Anaxagoras, although he was a foreigner, and still hold him in honor. . @@ -4672,8 +4672,8 @@ philosophers. The Athenians were happy as long as they lived under the laws of Solon, and the Lacedaemonians under those of Lycurgus; and at Thebes, as soon as those who had - the conduct of affairs became philosophers,Epaminondas and Pelopidas. One would rather expect, “as soon as - philosophers had the conduct of affairs.”the city flourished.”

+ the conduct of affairs became philosophers,Epaminondas and Pelopidas. One would rather expect, “as soon as + philosophers had the conduct of affairs.”the city flourished.”

Another topic is that from a previous judgement in regard to the same or a similar or contrary matter, if possible when the judgement was unanimous or the same at all times; if not, when it was at least @@ -4683,29 +4683,29 @@ of those whose judgement it is unseemly to contradict, for instance, the gods, a father, or instructors; as AutoclesAthenian ambassador to Sparta - (371 B.C.), whose aggressive + (371 B.C.), whose aggressive policy he attacked. His argument is that, if the Eumenides could agree without any loss of dignity to stand their trial before the Areopagus, as described in Aeschylus, surely Mixidemides could do the same. Nothing is known of Mixidemides, but it is clear that he refused to submit his case to it, when charged with some offense. said in his attack on - Mixidemides, “If the awful goddesses were content to stand their trial - before the Areopagus, should not Mixidemides?” Or Sappho, - “Death is an evil; the gods have so decided, for otherwise they would - die.” Or as Aristippus, when in his opinion Plato had expressed - himself too presumptuously, said, “Our friend at any rate never spoke - like that,” referring to Socrates. Hegesippus,The story is told of Agesipolis (which others read - here) in Xen. Hell. 4.7.2. The + Mixidemides, “If the awful goddesses were content to stand their trial + before the Areopagus, should not Mixidemides?” Or Sappho, + “Death is an evil; the gods have so decided, for otherwise they would + die.” Or as Aristippus, when in his opinion Plato had expressed + himself too presumptuously, said, “Our friend at any rate never spoke + like that,” referring to Socrates. Hegesippus,The story is told of Agesipolis (which others read + here) in Xen. Hell. 4.7.2. The Argives, when a Lacedaemonian army threatened to invade their territory, were in the habit of alleging that it was festival time, when there should be a holy truce. This obviously left the door open to fraud, so Agesipolis - (one of the Spartan kings) consulted the oracle of Zeus at + (one of the Spartan kings) consulted the oracle of Zeus at Olympia to ask whether he was to respect such a truce. The reply of the oracle was that he might decline a truce fraudulently demanded. To confirm this, Agesipolis put the - same question to Apollo: “Is your opinion as to the truce the same - as that of your father (Zeus)?” - “Certainly,” answered Apollo. Agesipolis thereupon + same question to Apollo: “Is your opinion as to the truce the same + as that of your father (Zeus)?” + “Certainly,” answered Apollo. Agesipolis thereupon invaded Argos. The point is that really Apollo had little choice, since it would have been disgraceful for the son to contradict the father. after having first consulted the @@ -4715,9 +4715,9 @@ woman, wrote Isocrates, because Theseus so judged; the same applies to Alexander Paris, whom the goddesses chose before others. Evagoras was virtuous, as Isocrates says, for at - any rate Conon.After his defeat at Aegospotami (405 - B.C.) the Athenian general Conon, fearing for his life, took refuge with Evagoras, king of - Cyprus—a proof, according to Aristotle, of the goodness of the + any rate Conon.After his defeat at Aegospotami (405 + B.C.) the Athenian general Conon, fearing for his life, took refuge with Evagoras, king of + Cyprus—a proof, according to Aristotle, of the goodness of the latter. in his misfortune, passing over everyone else, sought his assistance.

Another topic is that from enumerating the @@ -4726,19 +4726,19 @@ affirmed of any subject, then one or other of the species, which make up the genus, must also be predicable of it. If the proposition to be maintained is, the soul is moved, it is necessary to examine whether any of the - different kinds of motion (increase, decrease, decay, change of - place, generation, alteration) can be predicated of the soul. If + different kinds of motion (increase, decrease, decay, change of + place, generation, alteration) can be predicated of the soul. If not, the generic predicate is not applicable, and the proposition is refuted. There is an instance of this in the Socrates - of Theodectes: “What holy place has he profaned? Which of the gods - recognized by the city has he neglected to honor?”

+ of Theodectes: “What holy place has he profaned? Which of the gods + recognized by the city has he neglected to honor?”

Again, since in most human affairs the same thing is accompanied by some bad or good result, another topic consists in employing the consequence to exhort or dissuade, accuse or defend, praise or blame. For instance, education is attended by the evil of being envied, and by the good of being wise; therefore we should not be educated, for we should avoid being envied; nay rather, we should be educated, for we should be - wise. This topic is identical with the “Art” of Callippus, + wise. This topic is identical with the “Art” of Callippus, when you have also included the topic of the possible and the others which have been mentioned.

Another topic may be employed when it is @@ -4746,12 +4746,12 @@ opposites, and one has to employ the method previously stated in the case of both. But there is this difference, that in the former case things of any kind whatever are opposed, in the latter opposites. For instance, a priestess refused - to allow her son to speak in public; “For if,” said she, - “you say what is just, men will hate you; if you say what is unjust, - the gods will.” On the other hand, “you should + to allow her son to speak in public; “For if,” said she, + “you say what is just, men will hate you; if you say what is unjust, + the gods will.” On the other hand, “you should speak in public; for if you say what is just, the gods will love you, if you say - what is unjust, men will.” This is the same as the proverb, - “To buy the swamp with the salt”The bad with the good. The exact meaning of blai/swsis has not been satisfactorily explained. + what is unjust, men will.” This is the same as the proverb, + “To buy the swamp with the salt”The bad with the good. The exact meaning of blai/swsis has not been satisfactorily explained. In the definition given of the retortion of a dilemma, the two opposite things would be speaking truth or untruth; the two opposite consequences, pleasing men and pleasing God.; and retorting a dilemma on its @@ -4764,53 +4764,53 @@ statements.e.g. a man may say that an honorable death should be preferred to a pleasant life, and honest poverty to ill-acquired wealth, whereas really he - wishes the opposite. “If then his words are in + wishes the opposite. “If then his words are in accordance with his real wishes, he must be confronted with his public statements; if they are in accordance with the latter, he must be confronted with his secret wishes. In either case he must fall into paradox, and - contradict either his publicly expressed or secret opinions.” - (Aristot. Sophist. - Elenchi 2.12, Poste's translation). This topic is + contradict either his publicly expressed or secret opinions.” + (Aristot. Sophist. + Elenchi 2.12, Poste's translation). This topic is the most weighty of those that deal with paradox.

Another topic is derived from analogy in things. For instance, Iphicrates, when they tried to force his son to perform public services because he was tall, although under the legal age, said: - “If you consider tall boys men, you must vote that short men are - boys.” Similarly, - Theodectes in his “law,”This “law” (already mentioned in - 23.11) is said to have been an oration on the legal position of - mercenaries. says: “Since you bestow the rights of + “If you consider tall boys men, you must vote that short men are + boys.” Similarly, + Theodectes in his “law,”This “law” (already mentioned in + 23.11) is said to have been an oration on the legal position of + mercenaries. says: “Since you bestow the rights of citizenship upon mercenaries such as Strabax and Charidemus on account of their merits, will you not banish those of them who have wrought such irreparable - misfortunes?”

+ misfortunes?”

Another topic consists in concluding the identity of antecedents from the identity of results.Cause and effect. Thus Xenophanes said: - “There is as much impiety in asserting that the gods are born as in + “There is as much impiety in asserting that the gods are born as in saying that they die; for either way the result is that at some time or other - they did not exist.” And, generally speaking, one may always regard as - identical the results produced by one or other of any two things: “You + they did not exist.” And, generally speaking, one may always regard as + identical the results produced by one or other of any two things: “You are about to decide, not about Isocrates alone, but about education generally, - whether it is right to study philosophy.”Isoc. 15.173. And, - “to give earth and water is slavery,” and “to be + whether it is right to study philosophy.”Isoc. 15.173. And, + “to give earth and water is slavery,” and “to be included in the common peaceThe peace - concluded between the Greeks (although the Lacedaemonians held - aloof) and Alexander the Great after the death of Philip of - Macedon (336 B.C.). implies obeying - orders.” Of two alternatives, you should take that which is useful.

+ concluded between the Greeks (although the Lacedaemonians held + aloof) and Alexander the Great after the death of Philip of + Macedon (336 B.C.). implies obeying + orders.” Of two alternatives, you should take that which is useful.

Another topic is derived from the fact that the same men do not always choose the same thing before and after, but the contrary. - The following enthymeme is an example: “If, when in exile, we fought - to return to our country [it would be monstrous] if, now that - we have returned, we were to return to exile to avoid fighting”!Lys. 34.11. + The following enthymeme is an example: “If, when in exile, we fought + to return to our country [it would be monstrous] if, now that + we have returned, we were to return to exile to avoid fighting”!Lys. 34.11. This amounts to saying that at one time they preferred to hold their ground at the price of fighting; at another, not to fight at the price of not remaining.i.e., after their return, they preferred to leave the city rather than fight. This is Cope's explanation, but the meaning of the clause o(te\ me\n . . . h(|rou=nto is then somewhat obscure. A more suitable - interpretation would be: “At one time they preferred to return + interpretation would be: “At one time they preferred to return from exile at the price of fighting; at another, not to fight at the price - of being exiled a second time (St. Hilaire),” + of being exiled a second time (St. Hilaire),” but one does not see how this can be got out of the Greek.

Another topic consists in maintaining that the @@ -4829,7 +4829,7 @@ Not in order to slay the monster, but that they may be witnesses to Greece of the valor of Meleager.Frag. 2 - (T.G.F. p. 792). + (T.G.F. p. 792). And the following remark from the Ajax of Theodectes, that Diomedes chose Odysseus before all others,Hom. Il. 10.218; cp. @@ -4844,7 +4844,7 @@ these grounds we exhort, and dissuade from their contraries. It is on the same grounds that we accuse and defend; for what dissuades serves for defence,By pointing out what is likely to deter a man from committing a crime, and vice versa. what persuades, for accusation. - This topic comprises the whole “Art” of Pamphilus and + This topic comprises the whole “Art” of Pamphilus and Callippus.

Another topic is derived from things which are thought to happen but are incredible, because it would never have been thought @@ -4857,24 +4857,24 @@ unless it was true. Thus, AndroclesAthenian demagogue and opponent of Alcibiades, for whose banishment he was chiefly responsible. When the Four Hundred were set up, he was put to death. Pitthus was an Athenian deme or parish. of Pitthus, speaking against - the law, being shouted at when he said “the laws need a law to correct - them,” went on, “and fishes need salt, although it is + the law, being shouted at when he said “the laws need a law to correct + them,” went on, “and fishes need salt, although it is neither probable nor credible that they should, being brought up in brine; similarly, pressed olives need oil, although it is incredible that what produces - oil should itself need oil.”

+ oil should itself need oil.”

Another topic, appropriate to refutation, consists in examining contradictories, whether in dates, actions, or words, - first, separately in the case of the adversary, for instance, “he says - that he loves you, and yet he conspired with the Thirty;” next, - separately in your own case, “he says that I am litigious, but he + first, separately in the case of the adversary, for instance, “he says + that he loves you, and yet he conspired with the Thirty;” next, + separately in your own case, “he says that I am litigious, but he cannotprove that I have ever brought an action - against anyone”; lastly, separately in the case of your adversary and - yourself together: “he has never yet lent anything, but I have - ransomed many of you.”

+ against anyone”; lastly, separately in the case of your adversary and + yourself together: “he has never yet lent anything, but I have + ransomed many of you.”

Another topic, when men or things have been attacked by slander, in reality or in appearance,Understanding diabeblh=sqai. - Others read mh\ (for h)\) dokou=si, “when there seems no reason to suspect - them.” consists in stating the reason for the false + Others read mh\ (for h)\) dokou=si, “when there seems no reason to suspect + them.” consists in stating the reason for the false opinion; for there must be a reason for the supposition of guilt. For example, a woman embraced her son in a manner that suggested she had illicit relations with him, but when the reason was explained, the slander was quashed. Again, in the @@ -4914,58 +4914,58 @@

Another topic consists in making use of errors committed, for purposes of accusation or defence. For instance, in the Medea of Carcinus,Tragic - poet, contemporary of Aristophanes (T.G.F. p. - 798). some accuse Medea of having killed her - children,—at any rate, they had disappeared; for she had made the + poet, contemporary of Aristophanes (T.G.F. p. + 798). some accuse Medea of having killed her + children,—at any rate, they had disappeared; for she had made the mistake of sending them out of the way. Medea herself pleads that she would have slain, not her children, but her husband Jason; for it would have been a mistake on her part not to have done this, if she had done the other. This topic and kind of enthymeme is the subject of the whole of the first - “Art” of Theodorus.An + “Art” of Theodorus.An early edition, afterwards enlarged. It must have contained something more - than the topic of “errors” to be of any use.

+ than the topic of “errors” to be of any use.

Another topic is derived from the meaning of a name. For instance, Sophocles says, Certainly thou art iron, like thy name.Sophocles, Tyro, Frag. 597 - (T.G.F.). The reference is - to Sidero ( si/dhros, - iron), the cruel stepmother of Tyro. + (T.G.F.). The reference is + to Sidero ( si/dhros, + iron), the cruel stepmother of Tyro. This topic is also commonly employed in praising the gods.Conon used to - call Thrasybulus “the man bold in counsel,” and Herodicus - said of Thrasymachus, “Thou art ever bold in fight,” and of - Polus, “Thou art ever Polus (colt) by name and colt - by nature,”Thompson's rendering (Introd. to - his edition of Plato's Gorgias p. 5). - “Colt” refers to Polus's skittishness and frisking from + call Thrasybulus “the man bold in counsel,” and Herodicus + said of Thrasymachus, “Thou art ever bold in fight,” and of + Polus, “Thou art ever Polus (colt) by name and colt + by nature,”Thompson's rendering (Introd. to + his edition of Plato's Gorgias p. 5). + “Colt” refers to Polus's skittishness and frisking from one subject to another. and of Draco the legislator that his laws were not those of a man, but of a dragon, so severe were they. Hecuba in EuripidesEur. Tro. 990. speaks thus of Aphro-dite: And rightly does the name of the goddess begin like the word - aphro-syne (folly); + aphro-syne (folly); and ChaeremonFrag. 4 - (T.G.F.). The name Pentheus is from + (T.G.F.). The name Pentheus is from pe/nqos - (sorrow). of Pentheus, + (sorrow). of Pentheus, Pentheus named after his unhappy future.

Enthymemes that serve to refute are more popular than those that serve to demonstrate, because the former is a conclusion - of opposites“Admitting the apparent + of opposites“Admitting the apparent correctness of the opposing argument, we may prove the contradictory of its conclusion by an unassailable argument of our own, which is then called an - elenchus” (Thomson, Laws of Thought, section - 127). in a small compass, and things in juxtaposition are always + elenchus” (Thomson, Laws of Thought, section + 127). in a small compass, and things in juxtaposition are always clearer to the audience. But of all syllogisms, whether refutative or demonstrative, those are specially applauded, the result of which the hearers foresee as soon as they are begun, and not because they are superficial - (for as they listen they congratulate themselves on anticipating the - conclusion); and also those which the hearers are only so little behind + (for as they listen they congratulate themselves on anticipating the + conclusion); and also those which the hearers are only so little behind that they understand what they mean as soon as they are delivered.

But as it is possible that some syllogisms may be real, and others not real but only @@ -4974,27 +4974,27 @@

Now, of the topics of apparent enthymemes one is that of diction, which is of two kinds. The first, as in Dialectic, consists in ending with a conclusion syllogistically expressed, although there has been no - syllogistic process, “therefore it is neither this nor - that,” “so it must be this or that”; and similarly + syllogistic process, “therefore it is neither this nor + that,” “so it must be this or that”; and similarly in rhetorical arguments a concise and antithetical statement is supposed to be an enthymeme; for such a style appears to contain a real enthymeme. This fallacy appears to be the result of the form of expression. For the purpose of using the diction to create an impression of syllogistic reasoning it is useful to state - the heads of several syllogisms: “He saved some, avenged others, and - freed the Greeks”;Isoc. 9.65-69. for each of these + the heads of several syllogisms: “He saved some, avenged others, and + freed the Greeks”;Isoc. 9.65-69. for each of these propositions has been proved by others, but their union appears to furnish a fresh conclusion.

The second kind of fallacy of diction is homonymy.Or equivocation, in which a single term has a double meaning. For instance, if one were to say that the mouse is an important animal, since from it is derived the most honored of all religious festivals, - namely, the mysteriesDeriving musth/ria ( mu/ein, to close the lips) from mu=s (mouse).; or if, in praising - the dog, one were to include the dog in heaven (Sirius), or + namely, the mysteriesDeriving musth/ria ( mu/ein, to close the lips) from mu=s (mouse).; or if, in praising + the dog, one were to include the dog in heaven (Sirius), or Pan, because Pindar said,A fragment from the - Parthenia (songs sung by maidens to the - accompaniment of the flute). Pan is called “the dog of - Cybele,” the great nature-goddess of the Greeks, as being always + Parthenia (songs sung by maidens to the + accompaniment of the flute). Pan is called “the dog of + Cybele,” the great nature-goddess of the Greeks, as being always in attendance on her, being himself a nature-god. The fact that Pindar calls - Pan “dog” is taken as a glorification of that animal. + Pan “dog” is taken as a glorification of that animal. O blessed one, whom the Olympians call dog of the Great Mother, @@ -5004,14 +5004,14 @@ or were to say that the dog is an honorable animal, since to be without a dog is most dishonorable. And to say that Hermes is the most sociable of the gods, because he alone is called common;koino\s *e(rmh=s is an - expression meaning “halves!” When anyone had a stroke of + expression meaning “halves!” When anyone had a stroke of luck, such as finding a purse full of money in the street, anyone with him expected to go halves. Hermes was the god of luck, and such a find was called e(rmai=on. koinwniko/s is taken to - mean (1) liberal to others, or (2) + mean (1) liberal to others, or (2) sociable. and that words are most excellent, since good men are - considered worthy, not of riches but of consideration; for lo/gou a)/cios has a double meaning.lo/gos: (1) - speech; (2) account, esteem.

+ considered worthy, not of riches but of consideration; for lo/gou a)/cios has a double meaning.lo/gos: (1) + speech; (2) account, esteem.

Another fallacy consists in combining what is divided or dividing what is combined. For since a thing which is not the same as another often appears to be the same, one may adopt the more convenient @@ -5019,16 +5019,16 @@ man knows that there is a trireme in the Piraeus, because he knows the existence of two things, the Piraeus and the trireme;Very obscure and no explanation is satisfactory. The parallel passage in Aristot. Sophist. Elenchi 20.6 - is: “Do you being in Sicily now know that there are triremes in the Piraeus?” The ambiguity lies - in the position of “now,” whether it is to be taken with - “in Sicily” or - with “in the Piraeus.” At the moment when a man is in Sicily he cannot know that there are at + is: “Do you being in Sicily now know that there are triremes in the Piraeus?” The ambiguity lies + in the position of “now,” whether it is to be taken with + “in Sicily” or + with “in the Piraeus.” At the moment when a man is in Sicily he cannot know that there are at this time triremes in the Piraeus; but being in Sicily he can certainly know of the ships in the Piraeus, which should be there, but are now in Sicily - (Kirchmann). St. Hilaire suggests that the two clauses + (Kirchmann). St. Hilaire suggests that the two clauses are: Do you now, being in Sicily, see the triremes which are in the Piraeus? and, Did you when in Sicily, see the triremes which are now in the Piraeus? The fallacy consists in the - two facts (being in the Piraeus and the existence of triremes in Sicily), true separately, being + two facts (being in the Piraeus and the existence of triremes in Sicily), true separately, being untrue combined. or that, when one knows the letters, one also knows the word made of them, for word and letters are the same thing. Further, since twice so much is unwholesome, one may argue that neither is the original amount @@ -5041,8 +5041,8 @@ having put down thirty tyrannies. for here he combines them; or the example of the fallacy of division in the Orestes of Theodectes:Frag. 5 - (T.G.F.). “It is just - that a woman who has killed her husband” should be put to death, and + (T.G.F.). “It is just + that a woman who has killed her husband” should be put to death, and that the son should avenge the father; and this in fact is what has been done. But if they are combined, perhaps the act ceases to be just. The same might also be classed as an example of the fallacy of omission; for the name of the one who should put @@ -5065,7 +5065,7 @@ gnawing the bowstrings.Hdt. 2.141. The story was that, when Sennacherib invaded Egypt, a host of field-mice devoured all the quivers, bowstrings and leather shield-holders of the - Assyrians. Apollo was called Smintheus ( smi/nqos, mouse) and was represented on coins with a + Assyrians. Apollo was called Smintheus ( smi/nqos, mouse) and was represented on coins with a mouse in his hand, either as the mouse-slayer and protector of crops, or because the animal was sacred to him. The story, alluded to elsewhere, was of Greek, not of Egyptian origin. Similar panegyrics on ridiculous things or @@ -5075,7 +5075,7 @@ Achilles was angry with the Achaeans at Tenedos; whereas he was really angry because he had been treated with disrespect, but this was an accident due to his not having been invited.Sophocles, The Gathering - of the Greeks (T.G.F. p. 161), + of the Greeks (T.G.F. p. 161), a satyric drama. His not being invited was a mere accident of the disrespect.

@@ -5103,8 +5103,8 @@ by the war.

Another fallacy is the omission of when and how. For instance, Alexander Paris had a right to carry off Helen, for the choice of a - husband had been given her by her father. But (this was a - fallacy), for it was not, as might be thought, for all time, but only + husband had been given her by her father. But (this was a + fallacy), for it was not, as might be thought, for all time, but only for the first time; for the father's authority only lasts till then. Or, if one should say that it is wanton outrage to beat a free man; for this is not always the case, but only when the assailant gives the first blow.

@@ -5113,8 +5113,8 @@ and then not absolutely, but only in a particular case. For instance, in Dialectic, it is argued that that which is not is, for that which is not is that which is notThe - first “is” means “has a real, absolute - existence”; the second “is” merely expresses + first “is” means “has a real, absolute + existence”; the second “is” merely expresses the identity of the terms of the proposition, and is particular; but the sophistical reasoner takes it in the same sense as the first. The same applies to the argument about the unknown.; also, that the unknown @@ -5132,7 +5132,7 @@ sophistical disputations, the argument becomes fallacious when the circumstances, reference, and manner are not added, so here it will become so owing to the probability being not probable absolutely but only in particular - cases. The “Art” of Corax + cases. The “Art” of Corax is composed of this topic. For if a man is not likely to be guilty of what he is accused of, for instance if, being weak, he is accused of assault and battery, his defence will be that the crime is not probable; but if he is likely to be @@ -5141,14 +5141,14 @@ appear so. It is the same in all other cases; for a man must either be likely to have committed a crime or not. Here, both the alternatives appear equally probable, but the one is really so, the other not probable absolutely, but only - in the conditions mentioned. And this is what “making the worse appear - the better argument” means. Wherefore men were justly disgusted with + in the conditions mentioned. And this is what “making the worse appear + the better argument” means. Wherefore men were justly disgusted with the promise of ProtagorasThis utterance of Protagoras gave particular offense as apparently implying that the weaker cause was really identical with the worse, so that to support it was to support injustice. But, considering the high moral character ascribed to Protagoras, it seems more probable to take the formula as a statement of the - aim of all ancient orators—how to overcome stronger arguments by + aim of all ancient orators—how to overcome stronger arguments by arguments weaker in themselves.; for it is a lie, not a real but an apparent probability, not found in any art except Rhetoric and Sophistic. So much for real or apparent enthymemes.

@@ -5170,11 +5170,11 @@ unless some forms of love had been bad. An objection from what is contrary is brought if, for instance, the enthymeme is that the good man does good to all his friends; it may be objected: But the bad - man does not do harm [to all his friends].The contrary of “good men do good to all their - friends” is “bad men do harm to all their - friends,” but this is not always true. Jebb gives the objection - as: “No, the bad man does not do evil to all his - enemies.” + man does not do harm [to all his friends].The contrary of “good men do good to all their + friends” is “bad men do harm to all their + friends,” but this is not always true. Jebb gives the objection + as: “No, the bad man does not do evil to all his + enemies.” An objection from what is similar is brought, if the enthymeme is that those who have been injured always hate, by arguing that those who have been benefited do not always love. The fourth kind of objection is derived from the former decisions of @@ -5183,7 +5183,7 @@ objected that Pittacus then is unworthy of commendation, otherwise he would not have laid down severer punishment for a man who commits an offence when drunk.

Now the material of enthymemes is derived from - four sources—probabilities, examples, necessary signs, and signs. + four sources—probabilities, examples, necessary signs, and signs. Conclusions are drawn from probabilities, when based upon things which most commonly occur or seem to occur; from examples, when they are the result of induction from one or more similar cases, and when one assumes the general and @@ -5201,10 +5201,10 @@ latter always bases his proof upon probabilities, and it is not the same thing to show that an argument is not probable as to show that it is not necessary, and that which is only true for the most part is always liable to objection - (otherwise it would not be probable, but constant and - necessary),—then the judge thinks, if the refutation is made + (otherwise it would not be probable, but constant and + necessary),—then the judge thinks, if the refutation is made in this manner,That is, if the argument is - shown to be not “necessary.” either that the + shown to be not “necessary.” either that the argument is not probable, or that it is not for him to decide,The important point in the conclusion drawn is that the judge thinks it is not his business to decide, because the argument is not necessary, whereas his duty is to decide, not about things that are @@ -5220,15 +5220,15 @@ taken to mean the date, there are the following alternatives. The date may be questioned, the facts admitted; both date and facts may be questioned; both date and facts may be admitted, but circumstances may have altered - (a pound was worth twenty shillings in 1914, not in 1924). Others take + (a pound was worth twenty shillings in 1914, not in 1924). Others take xro/nw| to mean the greater number of times the same fact has occurred, pra/gmasi - the more numerous facts that increase probability. But xro/nw| can hardly bear this meaning (see Jebb's - note). The strongest objections are those in which both are + the more numerous facts that increase probability. But xro/nw| can hardly bear this meaning (see Jebb's + note). The strongest objections are those in which both are combined; for a thing is more probable, the greater the number of similar cases.

Signs and enthymemes based upon signs, even if - true, may be refuted in the manner previously stated1.2.18; or, “at the beginning,” i.e., of + true, may be refuted in the manner previously stated1.2.18; or, “at the beginning,” i.e., of this book.; for it is clear from the AnalyticsAristot. Pr. Anal. 2.27. that no sign can furnish a logical conclusion. As for enthymemes derived from examples, @@ -5245,12 +5245,12 @@ 2.27.; the only thing that remains is to prove that the thing alleged is non-existent. But if it is evident that it is true and that it is a necessary sign, the argument at once becomes irrefutable; for, by means of - demonstration, everything at once becomes clear.That is, “when the tekmērion - is converted into a syllogism.” For - tekmērion see 1.2.16.

+ demonstration, everything at once becomes clear.That is, “when the tekmērion + is converted into a syllogism.” For + tekmērion see 1.2.16.

Amplification - and depreciation are not elements of enthymeme (for I regard element - and topic as identical), since element (or topic) is + and depreciation are not elements of enthymeme (for I regard element + and topic as identical), since element (or topic) is a head under which several enthymemes are included, but they are enthymemes which serve to show that a thing is great or small,just as others serve to show that it is good or bad, just or unjust, or anything @@ -5270,13 +5270,13 @@ some false premise. Now, since there are three things in regard to speech, to which special attention should be devoted, let what has been said suffice for examples, maxims, enthymemes, and what concerns - the intelligence“Intellectual - capacity, as evinced in language (or actions), and seen + the intelligence“Intellectual + capacity, as evinced in language (or actions), and seen when the actors argue or make an appeal to the feelings of others, in other words, when they reason or plead with one of the other dramatis - personae in the same sort of way as a rhetor might do” - (Bywater on Aristot. Poet. 1450a - 6, where the text is speaking of the dia/noia of the actors in a play). generally; for the sources of a supply of + personae in the same sort of way as a rhetor might do” + (Bywater on Aristot. Poet. 1450a + 6, where the text is speaking of the dia/noia of the actors in a play). generally; for the sources of a supply of arguments and the means of refuting them. It only remains to speak of style and arrangement.

@@ -5290,13 +5290,13 @@ persuasion is the result either of the judges themselves being affected in a certain manner, or because they consider the speakers to be of a certain character, or because something has been demonstrated. We have also stated the - sources from which enthymemes should be derived—some of them being + sources from which enthymemes should be derived—some of them being special, the others general commonplaces.

We have therefore next to speak of style; for it is not sufficient to know what one ought to say, but one must also know how to say it, and this largely contributes to making the speech appear of a certain character. In the first place, following the - natural order, we investigated that which first presented itself—what + natural order, we investigated that which first presented itself—what gives things themselves their persuasiveness;in the second place, their arrangement by style; and in the third place, delivery, which is of the greatest importance but has not yet been treated of by anyone. @@ -5304,7 +5304,7 @@ the poets themselves acted their tragedies.Since the authors of tragedies acted their own plays, there was no need for professional actors, nor for instruction in the art of delivery or acting. This explains why no attempt had been made to deal with the question. - Similarly, the rhapsodists (reciters of epic poems) were + Similarly, the rhapsodists (reciters of epic poems) were at first as a rule the composers of the poems themselves. It is clear, therefore, that there is something of the sort in rhetoric as well as in poetry, and it has been dealt with by Glaucon of Teos among others. Now @@ -5312,7 +5312,7 @@ each particular emotion; when it should be loud, when low, when intermediate; and how the tones, that is, shrill, deep, and intermediate, should be used; and what rhythms are adapted to each subject. For there are three qualities that are - considered,—volume, harmony, rhythm. Those who use these properly + considered,—volume, harmony, rhythm. Those who use these properly nearly always carry off the prizes in dramatic contests, and as at the present day actors have greater influence on the stage than the poets, it is the same In politicalIn the law courts and public @@ -5321,9 +5321,9 @@ composed on delivery, since the matter of style itself only lately came into notice; and rightly considered it is thought vulgar.Cope prefers: - “is thought vulgar, and rightly so considered.” - But since the whole business of Rhetoric is to influence opinion,Or, “is concerned with - appearance.” we must pay attention to it, not as being + “is thought vulgar, and rightly so considered.” + But since the whole business of Rhetoric is to influence opinion,Or, “is concerned with + appearance.” we must pay attention to it, not as being right, but necessary; for, as a matter of right, one should aim at nothing more in a speech than how to avoid exciting pain or pleasure. For justice should consist in fighting the case with the facts alone, so that everything else that @@ -5346,8 +5346,8 @@ all our parts is best adapted for imitation, was ready to hand; thus the arts of the rhapsodists, actors, and others, were fashioned. And as the poets, although their utterances were devoid of sense, appeared to have gained their reputation through their style, it was a poetical - style that first came into being, as that of Gorgias.Of Leontini in Sicily, Greek sophist and rhetorician (see - Introduction). Even now the majority of the uneducated think + style that first came into being, as that of Gorgias.Of Leontini in Sicily, Greek sophist and rhetorician (see + Introduction). Even now the majority of the uneducated think that such persons express themselves most beautifully, whereas this is not the case, for the style of prose is not the same as that of poetry. And the result proves it; for even the writers of tragedies do not employ it in the same @@ -5369,22 +5369,22 @@ function; neither must it be mean, nor above the dignity of the subject, but appropriate to it; for the poetic style may be is not mean, but it is not appropriate to prose. Of nouns and verbs it is - the proper ones that make style perspicuous“Nouns and verbs” is a conventional expression for all + the proper ones that make style perspicuous“Nouns and verbs” is a conventional expression for all the parts of speech. Cp. Hor. AP 240 - “non ego inornata et dominantia nomina solum verbaque,” + “non ego inornata et dominantia nomina solum verbaque,” where dominantia is a literal adaptation of ku/ria, the usual Latin equivalent for which is propria.; all the others which have been spoken of in the PoeticsAristot. Poet. 21. elevate and make it ornate; for departure from the ordinary makes it appear more dignified. In this respect men feel the same in regard to style as in regard to foreigners and fellow-citizens. Wherefore we should give our - language a “foreignIt is impossible + language a “foreignIt is impossible to find a satisfactory English equivalent for the terms ce/nos, ceniko/s, to\ ceni/zon, as applied to - style. “Foreign” does not really convey the idea, which + style. “Foreign” does not really convey the idea, which is rather that of something opposed to - “home-like,”—out-of-the-way, as if from - “abroad.” Jebb suggests - “distinctive.” air”; for men admire + “home-like,”—out-of-the-way, as if from + “abroad.” Jebb suggests + “distinctive.” air”; for men admire what is remote, and that which excites admiration is pleasant. In poetry many things conduce to this and there it is appropriate; for the subjects and persons spoken of are more out of the common. But in prose such methods are appropriate @@ -5401,8 +5401,8 @@ else. Art is cleverly concealed when the speaker chooses his words from ordinary languageCp. Hor. AP. 46, where it is said that the choice and use of words requires subtlety and care, skill in - making an old word new by clever combination (callida - iunctura) being especially praised. and puts them + making an old word new by clever combination (callida + iunctura) being especially praised. and puts them together like Euripides, who was the first to show the way.

Nouns and verbs being the components of speech, and nouns being of the different kinds which have been considered in the Poetics, of these we @@ -5414,21 +5414,21 @@ be employed in the style of prose; this is shown by the fact that no one employs anything but these. For all use metaphors in conversation, as well as proper and appropriate words; wherefore it is clear that, if a speaker manages well, there - will be some thing “foreign” about his speech, while + will be some thing “foreign” about his speech, while possibly the art may not be detected, and his meaning will be clear. And this, - as we have said, is the chief merit of rhetorical language. (In regard to nouns, homonyms are most useful + as we have said, is the chief merit of rhetorical language. (In regard to nouns, homonyms are most useful to the sophist, for it is by their aid that he employs captious arguments, and synonyms to the poet. Instances of words that are both proper and synonymous are - “going” and “walking”: for these two - words are proper and have the same meaning.)This is a parenthetical note.

+ “going” and “walking”: for these two + words are proper and have the same meaning.)This is a parenthetical note.

It has already been stated, as we have said, in the Poetics,Aristot. Poet. 21, 22. what each of these thingsThe different kinds of words. is, how many kinds of metaphor there are, and that it is most important both in poetry and in prose. But the orator must devote the greater attention to them in prose, since the latter has fewer resources than verse. It is metaphor above all that gives perspicuity, pleasure, and a foreign air, and - it cannot be learnt from anyone else;Aristot. Poet. 22.9: “for this - alone cannot be borrowed from another.” + it cannot be learnt from anyone else;Aristot. Poet. 22.9: “for this + alone cannot be borrowed from another.” but we must make use of metaphors and epithets that are appropriate. This will be secured by observing due proportion; otherwise there will be a lack of propriety, because it is when placed in @@ -5436,11 +5436,11 @@ suits a young man, what suits an old one; for the same garment is not suitable for both. And if we wish to ornament our subject, we must derive our metaphor from the better species under the same - genus; if to depreciate it, from the worse. Thus, to say (for you have - two opposites belonging to the same genus) that the man who begs prays, - or that the man who prays begs (for both are forms of - asking)Begging (as a - beggar does) and praying (as a priest might) are + genus; if to depreciate it, from the worse. Thus, to say (for you have + two opposites belonging to the same genus) that the man who begs prays, + or that the man who prays begs (for both are forms of + asking)Begging (as a + beggar does) and praying (as a priest might) are both forms of asking, and by substituting one for the other, you can amplify or depreciate. is an instance of doing this; as, when IphicratesSee 1.7.32. called CalliasHead of a distinguished Athenian family which held the office of torch-bearer at the Eleusinian mysteries. A man of @@ -5450,22 +5450,22 @@ torch-bearer ranked next to the hierophant or chief priest. In addition to holding the torch during the sacrifices, he took part in the recitation of the ritual and certain purificatory ceremonies. The mhtragu/rtai or mendicant priests collected alms on behalf of - various deities, especially the great Mother Cybele (whence their - name). They included both men and women of profligate character, + various deities, especially the great Mother Cybele (whence their + name). They included both men and women of profligate character, addicted to every kind of lewdness.; both titles indeed have to do with a divinity, but the one is honorable, the other dishonorable. And some call actors flatterers of Dionysus, whereas they call themselves - “artists.” Both these names are metaphors, but the one is a + “artists.” Both these names are metaphors, but the one is a term of abuse, the other the contrary. Similarly, pirates now call themselves purveyorsCf. - “‘convey’ the wise it call” - (Merry Wives, I. iii.). Either the + “‘convey’ the wise it call” + (Merry Wives, I. iii.). Either the euphemistic or unfavorable application of the term may be adopted.; and so it is allowable to say that the man who has committed a crime has - “made a mistake,” that the man who has “made a - mistake” is “guilty of crime”, and that one who - has committed a theft has either “taken” or - “ravaged.” The saying in the Telephus of + “made a mistake,” that the man who has “made a + mistake” is “guilty of crime”, and that one who + has committed a theft has either “taken” or + “ravaged.” The saying in the Telephus of Euripides, Ruling over the oar and having landed in Mysia, @@ -5510,94 +5510,94 @@ do, it is in a greater or less degree. Metaphors therefore should be derived from what is beautiful either in sound, or in signification, or to sight, or to some other sense. For it does make a difference, for instance, whether one says - “rosy-fingered morn,” rather than - “purple-fingered,”or, what is - still worse, “red-fingered.”

+ “rosy-fingered morn,” rather than + “purple-fingered,”or, what is + still worse, “red-fingered.”

As for epithets, they may be applied from what - is vile or disgraceful, for instance, “the matricide,” or - from what is more honorable, for instance, “the avenger of his - father.”Eur. Orest. 1588. In the preceding line + is vile or disgraceful, for instance, “the matricide,” or + from what is more honorable, for instance, “the avenger of his + father.”Eur. Orest. 1588. In the preceding line Menelaus accuses Orestes as a matricide and ready to heap murder on murder, to which Orestes replies, you should rather call me the avenger of my father Agamemnon, who had been murdered by his wife Clytaemnestra, the mother of - Orestes. “Matricide” and “avenger of his - father” show the good and bad sides of the deed of Orestes. + Orestes. “Matricide” and “avenger of his + father” show the good and bad sides of the deed of Orestes. When the winner in a mule-race offered Simonides a small sum, he refused to write an ode, as if he thought it beneath him to write on half-asses; but when he gave him a sufficient amount, he wrote, - Hail, daughters of storm-footed steeds!Frag. 7 (P.L.G. 3, p. - 39O). The winner of the mule race was Anaxilaus of + Hail, daughters of storm-footed steeds!Frag. 7 (P.L.G. 3, p. + 39O). The winner of the mule race was Anaxilaus of Rhegium. and yet they were also the daughters of asses. Further, the use of diminutives amounts to the same. It is the diminutive which makes the good and the bad appear less, as Aristophanes in the - Babylonians jestingly uses “goldlet, cloaklet, - affrontlet, diseaselet” instead of “gold, cloak, affront, - disease.” But one must be careful to observe the due mean in their use + Babylonians jestingly uses “goldlet, cloaklet, + affrontlet, diseaselet” instead of “gold, cloak, affront, + disease.” But one must be careful to observe the due mean in their use as well as in that of epithets.

Frigidity of style arises from four causes: first, the use of compound words, as when LycophronA sophist, not the poet - (author of the obscure Alexander or - Cassandra), who was later than Aristotle. - speaks of the “many-faced sky of the mighty-topped earth,” - “narrow-passaged shore”; and Gorgias of “a - begging-poet flatterer,” “those who commit perjury and those who swear right - solemnly.Lobeck conjectured katepiorkh/santas, “who commit - out-and-out perjury.”” And as Alcidamas says, - “the soul full of anger and the face fire-colored,” - “he thought that their zeal would be end-accomplishing,” - “he made persuasive words end-accomplishing,” and - “the azure-colored floor of the sea,” for all these appear + (author of the obscure Alexander or + Cassandra), who was later than Aristotle. + speaks of the “many-faced sky of the mighty-topped earth,” + “narrow-passaged shore”; and Gorgias of “a + begging-poet flatterer,” “those who commit perjury and those who swear right + solemnly.Lobeck conjectured katepiorkh/santas, “who commit + out-and-out perjury.”” And as Alcidamas says, + “the soul full of anger and the face fire-colored,” + “he thought that their zeal would be end-accomplishing,” + “he made persuasive words end-accomplishing,” and + “the azure-colored floor of the sea,” for all these appear poetical because they are compound.

This is one cause of frigidity; another is the - use of strange words; as Lycophron calls Xerxes “a monster of a - man,” Sciron “a human scourgeSciron and Sinnis were both robbers slain by Theseus, by + use of strange words; as Lycophron calls Xerxes “a monster of a + man,” Sciron “a human scourgeSciron and Sinnis were both robbers slain by Theseus, by Lycophron turns Sinnis into a glw=tta, using - it adjectivally = “destructive”; cf. si=nos, “harm”; si/nths = si/nnis.”; and Alcidamas says - “plaything in poetry,” “the audaciousness of - nature,” “whetted with unmitigated wrath of - thought.”

+ it adjectivally = “destructive”; cf. si=nos, “harm”; si/nths = si/nnis.”; and Alcidamas says + “plaything in poetry,” “the audaciousness of + nature,” “whetted with unmitigated wrath of + thought.”

A third cause is the use of epithets that are either long or unseasonable or too crowded; thus, in poetry it is appropriate to speak of white milk, but in prose it is less so; and if epithets are employed to excess, they reveal the art and make it evident that it is poetry. And yet such may be used to a certain extent, since it removes the style from the ordinary - and gives a “foreign” air. But one must aim at the mean, for + and gives a “foreign” air. But one must aim at the mean, for neglect to do so does more harm than speaking at random; for a random style lacks merit, but excess is vicious. That is why the style of Alcidamas appears frigid; for he uses epithets not as a seasoning but as a regular dish, so crowded,so long, and so glaring are they. For - instance, he does not say “sweat” but “damp - sweat”; not “to the Isthmian games” but - “to the solemn assembly of the Isthmian games”; not - “laws”, but “the laws, the rulers of - states”; not “running”, but “with a - race-like impulse of the soul”; not “museum”, but - “having taken up the museum of nature”The meaning of paralabw/n is - quite obscure: various renderings are “having taken to - himself,” “received,” - “grasped,” “inherited.” The word + instance, he does not say “sweat” but “damp + sweat”; not “to the Isthmian games” but + “to the solemn assembly of the Isthmian games”; not + “laws”, but “the laws, the rulers of + states”; not “running”, but “with a + race-like impulse of the soul”; not “museum”, but + “having taken up the museum of nature”The meaning of paralabw/n is + quite obscure: various renderings are “having taken to + himself,” “received,” + “grasped,” “inherited.” The word mousei=on, originally a haunt of the Muses, came to mean a school of art or literature. The fault appears to consist in the addition of th=s fu/sews, but it is difficult to see why. Cope confesses his inability to understand the - passage. Jebb translates: “he does not say, ‘having - taken to himself a school of the Muses,’ but ‘to - Nature's school of the Muses.’”; - and “the scowling anxiety of the soul”; - “creator”, not “of favor”, but - “all-popular favor”; and “dispenser of the - pleasure of the hearers”; “he hid,” not - “with branches,” but “with the branches of the - forest”; “he covered,” not “his - body,” but “the nakedness of his body.” He also - calls desire “counter-initiative of the soul”—an + passage. Jebb translates: “he does not say, ‘having + taken to himself a school of the Muses,’ but ‘to + Nature's school of the Muses.’”; + and “the scowling anxiety of the soul”; + “creator”, not “of favor”, but + “all-popular favor”; and “dispenser of the + pleasure of the hearers”; “he hid,” not + “with branches,” but “with the branches of the + forest”; “he covered,” not “his + body,” but “the nakedness of his body.” He also + calls desire “counter-initiative of the soul”—an expression which is at once compound and an epithet, so that it becomes - poetry—and “the excess of his depravity so beyond all - bounds.” Hence those who employ poetic language by their lack of taste + poetry—and “the excess of his depravity so beyond all + bounds.” Hence those who employ poetic language by their lack of taste make the style ridiculous and frigid, and such idle chatter produces obscurity; for when words are piled upon one who already knows, it destroys perspicuity by a cloud of verbiage. People use compound words, when a thing has no name and the @@ -5609,33 +5609,33 @@ writers of iambics, who now employ them, as we have stated.

The fourth cause of frigidity of style is to be found in metaphors; for metaphors also are inappropriate, some because they are - ridiculous—for the comic poets also employ them—others + ridiculous—for the comic poets also employ them—others because they are too dignified and somewhat tragic; and if they are farfetched, - they are obscure, as when Gorgias says: “Affairs pale and - bloodless”On this passage + they are obscure, as when Gorgias says: “Affairs pale and + bloodless”On this passage Thompson - (Gorgias, p. 179) says: “The + (Gorgias, p. 179) says: “The metaphor of reaping and sowing is a mere commonplace . . . but - ‘pallid and bloodless affairs’ is a phrase which would - need apology even from a modern.” On the other hand, it is + ‘pallid and bloodless affairs’ is a phrase which would + need apology even from a modern.” On the other hand, it is difficult to see what objection there is to calling the - Odyssey “a beautiful mirror of human - life.” Another reading is e)/naima, which Cope translates “events fresh with the - blood in them.” If the two extracts are taken together, it is - suggested (apparently by the editor of Cope's notes) that - the sense may be: “things green and unripe (flushed with - sap), and this was the crop which you . . .,” the + Odyssey “a beautiful mirror of human + life.” Another reading is e)/naima, which Cope translates “events fresh with the + blood in them.” If the two extracts are taken together, it is + suggested (apparently by the editor of Cope's notes) that + the sense may be: “things green and unripe (flushed with + sap), and this was the crop which you . . .,” the adjectives referring to green and unripe stalks of corn.; - “you have sown shame and reaped misfortune”; for this is too - much like poetry. And as Alcidamas calls philosophy “a bulwark of the - laws,”Or, “a barrier - against the laws.” This is the general meaning of e)pitei/xisma, a border fortress commanding an - enemy's country. and the Odyssey “a - beautiful mirror of human life,” and “introducing no such - plaything in poetry.” All these expressions fail to produce + “you have sown shame and reaped misfortune”; for this is too + much like poetry. And as Alcidamas calls philosophy “a bulwark of the + laws,”Or, “a barrier + against the laws.” This is the general meaning of e)pitei/xisma, a border fortress commanding an + enemy's country. and the Odyssey “a + beautiful mirror of human life,” and “introducing no such + plaything in poetry.” All these expressions fail to produce persuasion, for the reasons stated. As for what Gorgias said to the swallow which, flying over his head, let fall her droppings upon him, it was in the best - tragic style. He exclaimed, “Fie, for shame, Philomela!”; + tragic style. He exclaimed, “Fie, for shame, Philomela!”; for there would have been nothing in this act disgraceful for a bird, whereas it would have been for a young lady. The reproach therefore was appropriate, addressing her as she was, not as she is.

@@ -5647,7 +5647,7 @@ he rushed on like a lion, - it is a simile; if he says, “a lion, he rushed on,” + it is a simile; if he says, “a lion, he rushed on,” it is a metaphor; for because both are courageous, he transfers the sense and calls Achilles a lion. The simile is also useful in prose, but should be less frequently used, for there is something @@ -5662,9 +5662,9 @@ difference between Euxenus without a knowledge of geometry and Archidamus with a knowledge of geometry. The proportion of geometrical knowledge will remain the same, so that Archidamus can be called an ungeometrical Euxenus, - and Euxenus a geometrical Archidamus (see 4.4, note for - “by proportion”). for Euxenus - “will be Archidamus acquainted with geometry.” Again, Plato + and Euxenus a geometrical Archidamus (see 4.4, note for + “by proportion”). for Euxenus + “will be Archidamus acquainted with geometry.” Again, Plato in the RepublicPlat. Rep. 469d. compares those who strip the dead to curs, which bite stones, but do not touch those who throw them; he also says that the people is like a ship's captain who is vigorous, but @@ -5678,11 +5678,11 @@ Pericles said that the Samians were like children who cry while they accept the scraps.Meaning that they did not appreciate the benefits received from the Athenians, who conquered the - islands (440 B.C.). He + islands (440 B.C.). He also compared the Boeotians to holm-oaks; for just as these are beaten down by knocking against each other,Or, - “are cut down by axes, the handles of which are made of their own - wood.” so are the Boeotians by their civil strife. + “are cut down by axes, the handles of which are made of their own + wood.” so are the Boeotians by their civil strife. Demosthenes compared the people to passengers who are seasick.It is disputed whether Demosthenes is the orator or the Athenian general in the Peloponnesian War. The point of the comparison is that in a democracy the general instability of political @@ -5696,9 +5696,9 @@ be reciprocal and applicable to either of the two things of the same genus; for instance, if the goblet is the shield of Dionysus, then the shield may properly be called the goblet of Ares.As the shield is - to Ares, so is the goblet to Dionysus. Proportion is defined (Aristot. Nic. Eth. 5.3.8) - as “an equality of ratios, implying four terms at the - least,” and the proportional metaphor is one in which the second + to Ares, so is the goblet to Dionysus. Proportion is defined (Aristot. Nic. Eth. 5.3.8) + as “an equality of ratios, implying four terms at the + least,” and the proportional metaphor is one in which the second term is to the first as the fourth is to the third; for then one can by metaphor substitute the fourth for the second, or the second for the fourth. Let A be Dionysus, B a goblet, C Ares, D a shield. Then by the definition, @@ -5708,8 +5708,8 @@ sense, and the goblet may be described as the shield of Dionysus and the shield as the goblet of Ares. The shield and the goblet both come under the same genus, being characteristics of a deity, and can therefore be - reciprocally transferred (Aristot. - Poet. 21.4).

+ reciprocally transferred (Aristot. + Poet. 21.4).

Such then are the elements of speech. But purity,which is the foundation of style, depends upon five rules. First, connecting particles should be introduced in their natural order, @@ -5722,17 +5722,17 @@ apodosis. a)podido/nai is used in the sense of introducing a clause answering to the pro/tasis, and a)po/dosis for this answering clause.; for this is rarely appropriate. For instance, - “As for me, I, after he had told me—for Cleon came begging - and praying—set out, taking them with me.” For in this + “As for me, I, after he had told me—for Cleon came begging + and praying—set out, taking them with me.” For in this phrase several connecting words have been foisted in before the one which is to - furnish the apodosis; and if the interval between “I” and - “set out” is too great, the result is obscurity. The first rule therefore is to make a proper use of + furnish the apodosis; and if the interval between “I” and + “set out” is too great, the result is obscurity. The first rule therefore is to make a proper use of connecting particles; the second, to employ special, not generic terms. The third consists in avoiding ambiguous terms, unless you deliberately intend the opposite, like those who, having nothing to say, yet pretend to say something; such people accomplish this by the - use of verse, after the manner of Empedocles.Of Agrigentum (c. - 490-430), poet, philosopher, and physician. Among other legends + use of verse, after the manner of Empedocles.Of Agrigentum (c. + 490-430), poet, philosopher, and physician. Among other legends connected with him, he is said to have thrown himself into the crater of Etna, so that by suddenly disappearing he might be thought to be a god. His chief work was a poem @@ -5755,56 +5755,56 @@ And as there is less chance of making a mistake when speaking generally, diviners express themselves in general terms on the question of fact; for, in playing odd or even, one is more likely - to be right if he says “even” or “odd” - than if he gives a definite number, and similarly one who says “it - will be” than if he states “when.” This is why + to be right if he says “even” or “odd” + than if he gives a definite number, and similarly one who says “it + will be” than if he states “when.” This is why soothsayers do not further define the exact time. All such ambiguities are alike, wherefore they should be avoided, except for some such reason.The deliberate intention to mislead. The fourth rule consists in keeping the genders - distinct—masculine, feminine, and neuter,skeu/h, “inanimate - things,” the classification probably being male, female, and + distinct—masculine, feminine, and neuter,skeu/h, “inanimate + things,” the classification probably being male, female, and inanimate, not the grammatical one of masculine, feminine, and neuter. as laid down by Protagoras; these also must be properly - introduced: “She, having come - (fem.) and having conversed - (fem.) with me, went away.” The + introduced: “She, having come + (fem.) and having conversed + (fem.) with me, went away.” The fifth rule consists in observing number, according as many, few, or one are - referred to: “They, having come (pl.), - began to beat (pl.) me.”

+ referred to: “They, having come (pl.), + began to beat (pl.) me.”

Generally speaking, that which is written should be easy to read or easy to utter, which is the same thing. Now, this is not the case when there is a number of connecting particles, or when the punctuation is hard, as in the writings of - Heraclitus.Heraclitus of Ephesus (c. 535-475). + Heraclitus.Heraclitus of Ephesus (c. 535-475). His chief work was on Nature. From the harshness of his language and the carelessness of his style he was called o( - skoteino/s (the obscure). According to him, fire + skoteino/s (the obscure). According to him, fire was the origin of all things; all things become fire, and then fire becomes all other things. All things are in a constant state of flux; all is the same and yet not the same. Knowledge is founded upon sensual perception, but only the gods possess knowledge in perfection. For it is hard, since it is uncertain to which word another belongs, whether to that which follows or that which precedes; for instance, at the beginning of his composition he says: - “Of this reason which existsOr, - “although this reason exists for ever men are born . . . without - understanding” (Welldon). always men are - ignorant,” where it is uncertain whether “always” - should go with “which exists” or with “are - ignorant.” Further, a solecism + “Of this reason which existsOr, + “although this reason exists for ever men are born . . . without + understanding” (Welldon). always men are + ignorant,” where it is uncertain whether “always” + should go with “which exists” or with “are + ignorant.” Further, a solecism results from not appropriately connecting or joining two words with a word which is equally suitable to both.For instance, in speaking of - “sound” and “color”, the word - “seeing” should not be used, for it is not suitable to both, - whereas “perceiving” is. It also causes obscurity, if you do + “sound” and “color”, the word + “seeing” should not be used, for it is not suitable to both, + whereas “perceiving” is. It also causes obscurity, if you do not say at the outset what you mean, when you intend to insert a number of - details in the middle; for instance, if you say: “I intended after - having spoken to him thus and thus and in this way to set out” instead - of “I intended to set out after having spoken to him,” and + details in the middle; for instance, if you say: “I intended after + having spoken to him thus and thus and in this way to set out” instead + of “I intended to set out after having spoken to him,” and then this or that happened, in this or that manner.

The following rules contribute to loftiness of style. Use of the description instead of the - name of a thing; for instance, do not say “circle,” but - “a plane figure, all the points of which are equidistant from the - center.” But for the purpose of conciseness the reverse—use + name of a thing; for instance, do not say “circle,” but + “a plane figure, all the points of which are equidistant from the + center.” But for the purpose of conciseness the reverse—use the name instead of the description. You should do the same to express anything foul or indecent; if the foulness is in the description, use the name; if in the name, the description. Use metaphors and epithets by way of illustration, @@ -5823,13 +5823,13 @@ should have its own article: th=s gunaiko\s th=s h(mete/ras. But for conciseness, the reverse: th=s h(mete/ras gunaiko/s. Employ a connecting particle or for conciseness omit it, but avoid destroying the connection; for - instance “having gone and having conversed with him,” or, - “having gone, I conversed with him.”Also the practice of Antimachus is useful, that of + instance “having gone and having conversed with him,” or, + “having gone, I conversed with him.”Also the practice of Antimachus is useful, that of describing a thing by the qualities it does not possess; thus, in speaking of the hill Teumessus,In Boeotia. The quotation is from the <placeName key="tgn,4011135">Thebaid</placeName> - of Antimachus of Claros (c. 450 - B.C.). The Alexandrians placed him next to Homer among the epic + of Antimachus of Claros (c. 450 + B.C.). The Alexandrians placed him next to Homer among the epic poets. In his eulogy of the little hill, he went on to attribute to it all the good qualities it did not possess, a process which could obviously be carried on ad infinitum. he says, @@ -5839,8 +5839,8 @@ for in this way amplification may be carried on ad infinitum. This method may be applied to things good and bad, in whichever way it may be useful. Poets also make use of this in inventing words, - as a melody “without strings” or “without the - lyre”; for they employ epithets from negations, a course which is + as a melody “without strings” or “without the + lyre”; for they employ epithets from negations, a course which is approved in proportional metaphors, as for instance, to say that the sound of the trumpet is a melody without the lyre.

Propriety of @@ -5855,40 +5855,40 @@ ridiculous owing to its being out of harmony with the subject. Others consider that he was not a poet at all but an orator. po/tnia was a title of respect, applied to females, whether they were goddesses or ordinary women. who used certain expressions - that reminded one of saying “madam fig.” Style expresses emotion, when a man speaks with anger + that reminded one of saying “madam fig.” Style expresses emotion, when a man speaks with anger of wanton outrage; with indignation and reserve, even in mentioning them, of things foul or impious; with admiration of things praiseworthy; with lowliness of things pitiable; and so in all other cases. Appropriate stylealso makes the fact appear credible; for the mind of the hearer is imposed uponOr, - “draws a wrong conclusion.” under the impression + “draws a wrong conclusion.” under the impression that the speaker is speaking the truth, because, in such circumstances, his - feelings are the same, so that he thinks (even if it is not the case as - the speaker puts it) that things are as he represents them; and the + feelings are the same, so that he thinks (even if it is not the case as + the speaker puts it) that things are as he represents them; and the hearer always sympathizes with one who speaks emotionally, even though he really says nothing. This is why speakers often confound their hearers by mere noise.

Character also may be expressed by the proof from signs, because to each class and habit there is an appropriate style. I - mean class in reference to age—child, man, or old man; to - sex—man or woman; to country—Lacedaemonian or Thessalian. I + mean class in reference to age—child, man, or old man; to + sex—man or woman; to country—Lacedaemonian or Thessalian. I call habits those moral states which form a man's character in life; for not all habits do this. If then anyone uses the language appropriate to each habit, he will represent the character; for the uneducated man will not say the same things in the same way as the educated. But the hearers also are impressed in a certain way by a device employed ad - nauseam by writers of speeches:Alluding to Isocrates. “Who does not know?” - “Everybody knows”; for the hearer agrees, because he is + nauseam by writers of speeches:Alluding to Isocrates. “Who does not know?” + “Everybody knows”; for the hearer agrees, because he is ashamed to appear not to share what is a matter of common knowledge.

The opportune or inopportune use of these devices applies to all kinds - of Rhetoric.Or, “to all the special - rules given above.” + of Rhetoric.Or, “to all the special + rules given above.” But whenever one has gone too far, the remedy - may be found in the common piece of advice—that he should rebuke + may be found in the common piece of advice—that he should rebuke himself in advance;The exaggeration should be brought forward first, by way of forestalling the objection, and accompanied - by some limiting phrase. Quintilian (Quint. Inst. Orat. 8.3.37) - gives as examples: “so to say,” “if I may be - allowed to say so.” then the excess seems true, since the + by some limiting phrase. Quintilian (Quint. Inst. Orat. 8.3.37) + gives as examples: “so to say,” “if I may be + allowed to say so.” then the excess seems true, since the orator is obviously aware of what he is doing. Further, one ought not to make use of all kinds of correspondenceAdaptation of voice, features, etc., to the subject. together; for in this manner the hearer is deceived. I mean, for instance, if the language is harsh, the voice, features, and all things @@ -5897,16 +5897,16 @@ notice, although the result is the same. If mild sentiments are harshly expressed or harsh sentiments mildly, the speech lacks persuasiveness.

Compound words, a number of epithets, and - “foreign” words especially, are appropriate to an emotional + “foreign” words especially, are appropriate to an emotional speaker; for when a man is enraged it is excusable for him to call an evil - “high-as-heaven” or “stupendous.” He may + “high-as-heaven” or “stupendous.” He may do the same when he has gripped his audience and filled it with enthusiasm, either by praise, blame, anger, or friendliness, as Isocrates does at the end of - his PanegyricusIsoc. 4.186, where mnh/mh is the reading, translated “name” - above (lit. memory) for the sake of the jingle, which also + his PanegyricusIsoc. 4.186, where mnh/mh is the reading, translated “name” + above (lit. memory) for the sake of the jingle, which also appears in the Greek of Isocrates. All the Mss. of Aristotle give gnw/mhn here, which shows that it is a - misquotation.: “Oh, the fame and the name!” and - “In that they endured.” For such is the language of + misquotation.: “Oh, the fame and the name!” and + “In that they endured.” For such is the language of enthusiastic orators, and it is clear that the hearers accept what they say in a sympathetic spirit. Wherefore this style is appropriate to poetry; for there is something inspired in poetry. It should therefore be used either in this way @@ -5916,38 +5916,38 @@ of these passages Socrates attributes his unusual flow of words to the inspiration of the nymphs, and tells Phaedrus not to wonder if he seems to be in a divine fury, for he is not far from breaking out into dithyrambs. An - example of the irony (a term implying a certain amount of contempt - (2.2.25)) of Gorgias is given in Aristot. Pol. 3.1. When asked how a person - comes to be a citizen, he answers: “as those are mortars which + example of the irony (a term implying a certain amount of contempt + (2.2.25)) of Gorgias is given in Aristot. Pol. 3.1. When asked how a person + comes to be a citizen, he answers: “as those are mortars which have been made by mortar-makers, so those are Larissaeans who have been made - by artisans ( dhmiourgou/s); for some of these were Larissa-makers ( larisopoiou/s).” There is a + by artisans ( dhmiourgou/s); for some of these were Larissa-makers ( larisopoiou/s).” There is a play on the double meaning of dhmiourgo/s, - (1) artisan, (2) magistrate, + (1) artisan, (2) magistrate, lit. people-maker. Larissa-makers means makers of Larissaeans in such numbers that they might be regarded as makers of Larissa itself. It has also been suggested that larisopoiou/s - may mean “kettle-makers,” from la/risa “a kettle,” so called from having + may mean “kettle-makers,” from la/risa “a kettle,” so called from having been first made at Larissa, but this seems unnecessary. The point is that Gorgias maintained that all were citizens who were made so by the - magistrates, that citizenship was a manufactured article (see W. L. + magistrates, that citizenship was a manufactured article (see W. L. Newman's note on the passage, and W. H. Thompson's Appendix to his edition - of Plato's Gorgias).

+ of Plato's Gorgias).

The form of diction should be neither metrical nor without rhythm. If it is metrical, it lacks persuasiveness, for it appears artificial, and at the same time it distracts the hearer's attention, since it sets him on the watch for the recurrence of such and such a cadence; just as, when the public criers ask, - “Whom does the emancipatedHe did + “Whom does the emancipatedHe did not generally possess full rights of citizenship. The point of the illustration is that the hearer looks for the cadence just as confidently as, when a freedman is asked what patron he selects, every one expects him - to say “Cleon.” choose for his patron?” - the children shout “Cleon.” If it is without rhythm, it is unlimited, whereas it ought to be limited - (but not by meter); for that which is unlimited is unpleasant + to say “Cleon.” choose for his patron?” + the children shout “Cleon.” If it is without rhythm, it is unlimited, whereas it ought to be limited + (but not by meter); for that which is unlimited is unpleasant and unknowable. Now all things are limited by number, and the number belonging to the form of diction is rhythm, of which the meters are divisions.Bywater's emendation for tmhta/ of the Mss. Aristotle seems to be referring to the - Pythagorean theory that “number” is the regulating force - in all things, and in giving shape to language “number” + Pythagorean theory that “number” is the regulating force + in all things, and in giving shape to language “number” is rhythm, which reduces a formless mass of words to order. Wherefore prose must be rhythmical, but not metrical, otherwise it will be a poem. Nor must this rhythm be rigorously @@ -5961,10 +5961,10 @@ they could not define it.

The paean is a third kind of rhythm closely related to those already mentioned; for its proportion is 3 to 2, that of the others 1 to 1 and 2 to 1, with both of - which the paean, whose proportion is 1 1/2 to 1, is connected.The heroic rhythm (dactyls, spondees, - and anapests) is as 1 to 1, two short syllables being equal to one + which the paean, whose proportion is 1 1/2 to 1, is connected.The heroic rhythm (dactyls, spondees, + and anapests) is as 1 to 1, two short syllables being equal to one long; trochaic and iambic 2 to 1 on the same principle; paean, 3 to 2 - (three shorts and one long), being the mean between the + (three shorts and one long), being the mean between the other two. All the other meters then are to be disregarded for the reasons stated, and also because they are metrical; but the paean should @@ -5977,27 +5977,27 @@ appropriate at the beginning, where in fact it is used. It begins with a long syllable and ends with three short: - *da¯lo˘ge˘ne˘s ei)/te - *lu˘ki˘an, (“O - Delos-born, or it may be Lycia”), + *da¯lo˘ge˘ne˘s ei)/te + *lu˘ki˘an, (“O + Delos-born, or it may be Lycia”), and - *xru¯se˘o˘ko/˘ma¯ - *(/e˘ka˘te˘ pai= - *dio/˘s (“Golden-haired - far-darter, son of Zeus”). + *xru¯se˘o˘ko/˘ma¯ + *(/e˘ka˘te˘ pai= + *dio/˘s (“Golden-haired + far-darter, son of Zeus”). The other on the contrary begins with three short syllables and ends with one long one: - me˘ta\˘ de˘ ga=n - u(/˘da˘ta/˘ t' - w)ke˘a˘no\n - h)fa/˘ni˘se˘nu/cAll three attributed to Simonides - (Frag. 26 B: P.L.G.). - (“after earth and waters, night obscured - ocean”). + me˘ta\˘ de˘ ga=n + u(/˘da˘ta/˘ t' + w)ke˘a˘no\n + h)fa/˘ni˘se˘nu/cAll three attributed to Simonides + (Frag. 26 B: P.L.G.). + (“after earth and waters, night obscured + ocean”). This is a suitable ending, for the short syllable, being incomplete, mutilates the cadence. But the period should be broken off by a long syllable @@ -6010,8 +6010,8 @@

The style must be either continuous and united by connecting particles, like the dithyrambic preludes, or periodic, like the antistrophes of the ancient poets. The - continuous style is the ancient one; for example, “This is the exposition of the investigation of Herodotus - of Thurii.” It was + continuous style is the ancient one; for example, “This is the exposition of the investigation of Herodotus + of Thurii.” It was formerly used by all, but now is used only by a few. By a continuous style I mean that which has no end in itself and only stops when the sense is complete. It is unpleasant, because it is endless, for all wish to have the end in sight. @@ -6030,17 +6030,17 @@ style has number, which of all things is the easiest to remember; that explains why all learn verse with greater facility than prose,tw=n xu/dhn: lit. what is poured fourth promiscuously: in flowing, unfettered language - (Liddell and Scott). for it has number by which it can be + (Liddell and Scott). for it has number by which it can be measured. But the period must be completed with the sense and not stop short, as in the iambics of Sophocles,Really from the Meleager of Euripides, Frag. - 515 (T.G.F.). The break in the sense comes + 515 (T.G.F.). The break in the sense comes after gai=a, *pelopi/as xqono/s really belonging to the next line: e)n a)ntipo/rqmois pe/di' e)/xous' eu)dai/mona. As it stands in the text, the line implies that Calydon was in Peloponnesus, which of course it was not. The meaning then is: - “This is the land of Calydon, with its fertile plains in the - country over against Peloponnesus” (on the opposite side of the - strait, near the mouth of the Corinthian gulf). + “This is the land of Calydon, with its fertile plains in the + country over against Peloponnesus” (on the opposite side of the + strait, near the mouth of the Corinthian gulf). This is Calydon, territory of the land of Pelops; @@ -6080,52 +6080,52 @@ Again, if the clauses are too short, they do not make a period, so that the hearer himself is carried away headlong.

The clauses of the periodic style are divided or - opposed; divided, as in the following sentence: “I have often wondered + opposed; divided, as in the following sentence: “I have often wondered at those who gathered together the general assemblies and instituted the - gymnastic contests”;The beginning + gymnastic contests”;The beginning of Isoc. 4. opposed, in which, in each of the two clauses, one contrary is brought close to another, or the same word is - coupled with both contraries; for instance, “They were useful to both, both those who stayed and + coupled with both contraries; for instance, “They were useful to both, both those who stayed and those who followed; for the latter they gained in addition greater possessions than they had at home, for the former they left what was sufficient in their own - country.” Here “staying behind,” - “following,” “sufficient,” - “more” are contraries. Again: “to those who need - money and those who wish to enjoy it”; where - “enjoying” is contrary to “acquiring.” - Again: “It often happens in these vicissitudes that the wise are - unsuccessful, while fools succeed”: “At once they were + country.” Here “staying behind,” + “following,” “sufficient,” + “more” are contraries. Again: “to those who need + money and those who wish to enjoy it”; where + “enjoying” is contrary to “acquiring.” + Again: “It often happens in these vicissitudes that the wise are + unsuccessful, while fools succeed”: “At once they were deemed worthy of the prize of valor and not long after won the command of the - sea”: “To sail over the mainland, to go by land over the + sea”: “To sail over the mainland, to go by land over the sea, bridging over the Hellespont and - digging through Athos”: - “And that, though citizens by nature, they were deprived of the rights - of citizenship by law”: “For some of them perished - miserably, others saved themselves disgracefully”: - “Privately to employ barbarians as servants,“To dwell with us” - (Jebb). The point seems to be that the barbarian domestics + digging through Athos”: + “And that, though citizens by nature, they were deprived of the rights + of citizenship by law”: “For some of them perished + miserably, others saved themselves disgracefully”: + “Privately to employ barbarians as servants,“To dwell with us” + (Jebb). The point seems to be that the barbarian domestics were in a comfortable position as compared with those of the allies who were reduced to slavery; and there is a contrast between the desire of getting servants for private convenience, while in a matter affecting public life indifference was shown. but publicly to view with indifference many - of the allies reduced to slavery”: “Either to possess it - while living or to leave it behind when dead.”All the above quotations are from Isoc. 4.1, 35, 41, + of the allies reduced to slavery”: “Either to possess it + while living or to leave it behind when dead.”All the above quotations are from Isoc. 4.1, 35, 41, 48, 72, 89, 105, 149, 181, 186, with slight variations. The last quotation is part of the sentence of which the beginning appears in 7.11 - above. The whole runs: “And how great must we consider the fame + above. The whole runs: “And how great must we consider the fame and the name and the glory which those who have highly distinguished themselves in such deeds of valor will either have when living or will leave - behind after their death.” And what some one said against + behind after their death.” And what some one said against Pitholaus and LycophronThey murdered Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, being instigated by their sister, his wife. Nothing is known of the case referred to. According to Cope, the meaning is: - “When they were at Pherae, they used to sell you as slaves, but - now they have come to buy you” (referring to bribery in - court). Others take w)nei=sqai in a - passive sense: “they have been bought,” i.e. have had to - sell themselves to you. in the lawcourt: “These men, who + “When they were at Pherae, they used to sell you as slaves, but + now they have come to buy you” (referring to bribery in + court). Others take w)nei=sqai in a + passive sense: “they have been bought,” i.e. have had to + sell themselves to you. in the lawcourt: “These men, who used to sell you when they were at home, having come to you have bought - you.”All these passages are examples of + you.”All these passages are examples of antithesis. This kind of style is pleasing, because contraries are easily understood and even more so when placed side by side, and also because antithesis resembles a syllogism; for refutation is a @@ -6137,37 +6137,37 @@ last syllables, or the inflections of one and the same word, or the repetition of the same word. For instance, at the beginning: *)agro\n ga\r e)/laben a)rgo\n par' au)tou=,Aristoph. frag. 649 - (Kock, Com. - Att. Frag. 1.1880). - “for he received from him land untilled”; + (Kock, Com. + Att. Frag. 1.1880). + “for he received from him land untilled”; dwrhtoi/ t' e)pe/lonto para/rrhtoi/ t' e)pe/essin,Hom. Il. 9.526. - “they were ready to accept gifts and to be persuaded by - words;” + “they were ready to accept gifts and to be persuaded by + words;” at the end: w)|h/qhsan au)to\n paidi/on - tetoke/nai, a)ll' au)tou= ai)/tion gegone/nai,The text is obviously corrupt. “they thought - that he was the father of a child, but that he was the cause of it”; + tetoke/nai, a)ll' au)tou= ai)/tion gegone/nai,The text is obviously corrupt. “they thought + that he was the father of a child, but that he was the cause of it”; e)n plei/stais de\ fronti/si kai\ e)n e)laxi/stais - e)lpi/sin, “in the greatest anxiety and the smallest - hopes.” Inflections of the same word: a)/cios + e)lpi/sin, “in the greatest anxiety and the smallest + hopes.” Inflections of the same word: a)/cios de\ staqh=nai xalkou=s, ou)k a)/cios w)\n xalkou=, - “worthy of a bronze statue, not being worth a brass - farthing.” Repetition of a word: su\ d' au)to\n + “worthy of a bronze statue, not being worth a brass + farthing.” Repetition of a word: su\ d' au)to\n kai\ zw=nta e)/leges kakw=s kai\ nu=n gra/feis kakw=s, - “while he lived you spoke ill of him, now he is dead you write ill of - him.” Resemblance of one syllable: ti/ a)\n - e)/paqes deino/n, ei) a)/ndr' ei)=des a)rgo/n, “what ill - would you have suffered, if you had seen an idle man?” All these - figures may be found in the same sentence at once— antithesis, equality of clauses, and - similarity of endings. In the TheodecteaSee Introduction. nearly all the beginningsRoemer's text has a)retai/ (excellences). of periods + “while he lived you spoke ill of him, now he is dead you write ill of + him.” Resemblance of one syllable: ti/ a)\n + e)/paqes deino/n, ei) a)/ndr' ei)=des a)rgo/n, “what ill + would you have suffered, if you had seen an idle man?” All these + figures may be found in the same sentence at once— antithesis, equality of clauses, and + similarity of endings. In the TheodecteaSee Introduction. nearly all the beginningsRoemer's text has a)retai/ (excellences). of periods have been enumerated. There are also false antitheses, as in the verse of Epicharmus: to/ka me\n e)n th/nwn e)gw\n h)=n, to/ka de\ - para\ th/nois e)gw/n, “at one time I was in - their house, at another I was with them.”There is no real antithesis, the + para\ th/nois e)gw/n, “at one time I was in + their house, at another I was with them.”There is no real antithesis, the sense of both clauses being the same.

@@ -6187,12 +6187,12 @@ and informs us through the genus; for both have lost their bloom. The similes of the poets also have the same effect; wherefore, if they are well constructed, an impression of smartness is produced. For the simile, as we have said, is a metaphor differing only by the addition of - a word,prosqe/sei: the addition of the particle of comparison w(s. proqe/sei (the reading of the - Paris ms.) would mean, - (1) “manner of setting forth” - (Cope), or (2) “a metaphor, - with a preface” (Jebb) (but the meaning - of this is not clear). The simile only says that one thing + a word,prosqe/sei: the addition of the particle of comparison w(s. proqe/sei (the reading of the + Paris ms.) would mean, + (1) “manner of setting forth” + (Cope), or (2) “a metaphor, + with a preface” (Jebb) (but the meaning + of this is not clear). The simile only says that one thing resembles another, not, like the metaphor, that it is another; since the speaker does not say this, the result is that the mind of the hearer does not go into the matter, and so the chance @@ -6212,32 +6212,32 @@ when reflection has made the meaning clear.

In regard to the meaning of what is said, then, such enthymemes are popular. As to style, popularity of form is due to - antithetical statement; for instance, “accounting the peace that all - shared to be a war against their private interests,”Isoc. 5.73. - where “war” is opposed to “peace”; + antithetical statement; for instance, “accounting the peace that all + shared to be a war against their private interests,”Isoc. 5.73. + where “war” is opposed to “peace”; as to words, they are popular if they contain metaphor, provided it be neither strange, for then it is difficult to take in at a glance, nor superficial, for then it does not impress the hearer; - further, if they set things “before the eyes”; for we ought + further, if they set things “before the eyes”; for we ought to see what is being done rather than what is going to be done. We ought - therefore to aim at three things—metaphor, antithesis, actuality.

+ therefore to aim at three things—metaphor, antithesis, actuality.

Of the four kinds of metaphorIn Aristot. Poet. 21 - metaphor and its four classes are defined: “Metaphor consists in + metaphor and its four classes are defined: “Metaphor consists in assigning to a thing the name of something else; and this may take place either from genus to species, or from species to genus, or from species to species, or proportionally. An instance of a metaphor from genus to species - is ‘here stands my ship,’ for - ‘standing’ is a genus, ‘being - moored’ a species; from species to genus: ‘Odysseus - truly has wrought a myriad good deeds,’ for - ‘myriad’ is a specific large number, used for the - generic ‘multitude’; from species to species: - ‘having drawn off the life with the bronze’ and - ‘having cut it with the unyielding bronze,’ where - ‘drawn off’ is used in the sense of - ‘cut,’ and ‘cut’ in the sense of - ‘drawn off,’ both being species of ‘taking - away.’” For the proportional metaphor see note on 4.4 + is ‘here stands my ship,’ for + ‘standing’ is a genus, ‘being + moored’ a species; from species to genus: ‘Odysseus + truly has wrought a myriad good deeds,’ for + ‘myriad’ is a specific large number, used for the + generic ‘multitude’; from species to species: + ‘having drawn off the life with the bronze’ and + ‘having cut it with the unyielding bronze,’ where + ‘drawn off’ is used in the sense of + ‘cut,’ and ‘cut’ in the sense of + ‘drawn off,’ both being species of ‘taking + away.’” For the proportional metaphor see note on 4.4 above. the most popular are those based on proportion. Thus, Pericles said that the youth that had perished during @@ -6250,80 +6250,80 @@ throat, he was trying to get his accounts examinedeu)/quna was the technical term for the examination of accounts to which all public officers had to submit when their term of office expired. Cephisodotus and Chares were both - Athenian generals. “Having the people by the throat” may + Athenian generals. “Having the people by the throat” may refer to the condition of Athens financially and his unsatisfactory conduct of the war. But the phrase ei)s pni=gma to\n dh=mon e)/xonta is objected to by Cope, who reads a)gago/nta - and translates: “that he drove the people into a fit of choking by - his attempts to offer his accounts for scrutiny in this way,” i.e. + and translates: “that he drove the people into a fit of choking by + his attempts to offer his accounts for scrutiny in this way,” i.e. he tried to force his accounts down their throats, and nearly choked them. Another reading suggested is a)/gxonta - (throttling so as to choke).; on another occasion - also he exhorted the Athenians to set out for Euboea without delay “and provision themselves there, + (throttling so as to choke).; on another occasion + also he exhorted the Athenians to set out for Euboea without delay “and provision themselves there, like the decree of Miltiades.This may refer to a decree of Miltiades which was so speedily carried out that it became - proverbial. The expedition was undertaken to assist Euboea against Thebes.” After the + proverbial. The expedition was undertaken to assist Euboea against Thebes.” After the Athenians had made peace with Epidaurus - and the maritime cities, Iphicrates indignantly declared “that they - had deprived themselves of provisions for the war.”By making peace, Iphicrates said that the Athenians had + and the maritime cities, Iphicrates indignantly declared “that they + had deprived themselves of provisions for the war.”By making peace, Iphicrates said that the Athenians had deprived themselves of the opportunity of attacking and plundering a weak maritime city, and so securing provisions for the war. The word e)fo/dia properly means provisions for a journey and travelling expenses. Pitholaus called the ParalusThe Paralus and Salaminia were the two sacred - galleys which conveyed state prisoners. “the bludgeon of - the people,” and Sestos - “the corn-chestIt commanded the - trade of the Euxine. of the Piraeus.” Pericles recommended that Aegina, “the eyesore of the - Piraeus,” should be - removed. Moerocles, mentioning a very “respectable” person + galleys which conveyed state prisoners. “the bludgeon of + the people,” and Sestos + “the corn-chestIt commanded the + trade of the Euxine. of the Piraeus.” Pericles recommended that Aegina, “the eyesore of the + Piraeus,” should be + removed. Moerocles, mentioning a very “respectable” person by name, declared that he was as much a scoundrel as himself; for whereas that honest man played the scoundrel at 33 per cent. he himself was satisfied with 10 per cent.Moerocles was a contemporary of Demosthenes, and an anti-Macedonian in politics. He seems to have been a money-grubber and was once prosecuted for extortion. The degree of the - respectability (or rather, the swindling practices) of + respectability (or rather, the swindling practices) of each is calculated by their respective profits. And the iambic of Anaxandrides,Poet of the Middle Comedy: - Frag. 68 (Kock, - Com. Att. Frag. 2.). The metaphor in u(perh/menoi is from those who failed to keep the - term of payment of a fine or debt. Cope translates: “I find - ( moi) the young ladies - are . . .” on girls who wereslow to + Frag. 68 (Kock, + Com. Att. Frag. 2.). The metaphor in u(perh/menoi is from those who failed to keep the + term of payment of a fine or debt. Cope translates: “I find + ( moi) the young ladies + are . . .” on girls who wereslow to marry, - My daughters are “past the time” of marriage. + My daughters are “past the time” of marriage. And the saying of PolyeuctusAthenian orator, contemporary of Demosthenes upon a certain paralytic named - Speusippus, “that he could not keep quiet, although Fortune had bound - him in a five-holed pillory of disease.” Cephisodotus called the - triremes “parti-colored mills,”As grinding down the tributary states. They differed from + Speusippus, “that he could not keep quiet, although Fortune had bound + him in a five-holed pillory of disease.” Cephisodotus called the + triremes “parti-colored mills,”As grinding down the tributary states. They differed from ordinary mills in being gaily painted. and - [Diogenes] the Cynic used to say that the tavernsContrasted with the Spartan - “messes,” which were of a plain and simple character, at + [Diogenes] the Cynic used to say that the tavernsContrasted with the Spartan + “messes,” which were of a plain and simple character, at which all the citizens dined together. The tavern orgies, according to - Diogenes, represented these at Athens. were “the messes” of + Diogenes, represented these at Athens. were “the messes” of Attica. AesionAthenian orator, opponent of Demosthenes. used to say - that they had “drained” the State into Sicily,Referring to the disastrous Sicilian expedition. which is a metaphor - and sets the thing before the eyes. His words “so that Greece uttered a cry” are also in a + that they had “drained” the State into Sicily,Referring to the disastrous Sicilian expedition. which is a metaphor + and sets the thing before the eyes. His words “so that Greece uttered a cry” are also in a manner a metaphor and a vivid one. And again, as Cephisodotus bade the Athenians - take care not to hold their “concourses” too often; and in - the same way Isocrates, who spoke of those “who rush - together” in the assemblies.Isoc. 5.12. Both sundroma/s and suntre/xontas + take care not to hold their “concourses” too often; and in + the same way Isocrates, who spoke of those “who rush + together” in the assemblies.Isoc. 5.12. Both sundroma/s and suntre/xontas refer to the collecting of a mob in a state of excitement. And as Lysias says in his Funeral Oration, that it was right that Greece should cut her hair at the tomb of those who fell at Salamis, since her freedom was buried along with their valor. If the speaker had said that it was fitting that Greece should weep, her valor being buried with them, it would have been a metaphor and a vivid one, whereas - “freedom” by the side of “valor” - produces a kind of antithesis. And as Iphicrates said, “The path of my - words leads through the center of the deeds of Chares”; here the - metaphor is proportional and the words “through the center” - create vividness. Also, to say that one “calls upon dangers to help - against dangers” is a vivid metaphor. And Lycoleon on behalf of - Chabrias said, “not even reverencing the suppliant attitude of his - statue of bronze,”The statue of + “freedom” by the side of “valor” + produces a kind of antithesis. And as Iphicrates said, “The path of my + words leads through the center of the deeds of Chares”; here the + metaphor is proportional and the words “through the center” + create vividness. Also, to say that one “calls upon dangers to help + against dangers” is a vivid metaphor. And Lycoleon on behalf of + Chabrias said, “not even reverencing the suppliant attitude of his + statue of bronze,”The statue of Chabrias, erected after one of his victories, represented him as kneeling on the ground, the position which he had ordered his soldiers to take up when awaiting the enemy. The statue was in the agora and could be seen from the @@ -6331,41 +6331,41 @@ attitude. a metaphor for the moment, not for all time, but still vivid; for when Chabrias is in danger, the statue intercedes for him, the inanimate becomes animate, the memorial of what he has done for the State. And - “in every way studying poorness of spirit,”Isoc. - 4.151. for “studying” a thing implies to + “in every way studying poorness of spirit,”Isoc. + 4.151. for “studying” a thing implies to increase it.Metaphor from species to genus - (10.7, first note.), “studying” being - a species of “increasing.” As a rule one studies to - increase some good quality, not a bad one. And that “reason - is a light that God has kindled in the soul,” for both the words - reason and light make something clear. “For we do not put an end to - wars, but put them off,”Isoc. 4.172. for both ideas refer to the - future—putting off and a peace of such a kind. And again, it is a - metaphor to say that such a treaty is “a trophy far more splendid than + (10.7, first note.), “studying” being + a species of “increasing.” As a rule one studies to + increase some good quality, not a bad one. And that “reason + is a light that God has kindled in the soul,” for both the words + reason and light make something clear. “For we do not put an end to + wars, but put them off,”Isoc. 4.172. for both ideas refer to the + future—putting off and a peace of such a kind. And again, it is a + metaphor to say that such a treaty is “a trophy far more splendid than those gained in war; for the latter are raised in memory of trifling advantages and a single favor of fortune, but the former commemorates the end of the whole - war”;Isoc. 4.180 (apparently from memory). + war”;Isoc. 4.180 (apparently from memory). for both treaty and trophy are signs of victory. Again, that cities also rendera heavy account to the censure of men; for - rendering an accounteu)/quna (see 10.7, third note) further + rendering an accounteu)/quna (see 10.7, third note) further implies the punishment for an unsatisfactory statement of accounts. is a sort of just punishment.

We have said that smart sayings are derived from proportional metaphor and expressions which - set things before the eyes. We must now explain the meaning of “before - the eyes,” and what must be done to produce this. I mean that things are set before the eyes by words + set things before the eyes. We must now explain the meaning of “before + the eyes,” and what must be done to produce this. I mean that things are set before the eyes by words that signify actuality. For instance, to say that a good man is - “four-square”Simonides, frag. 5 (P.L.G. 2.). Both a + “four-square”Simonides, frag. 5 (P.L.G. 2.). Both a good man and a square are complete as far as they go, but they do not express actuality. is a metaphor, for both these are complete, but - the phrase does not express actuality, whereas “of one having the - prime of his life in full bloom”Isoc. 5.10. does; similarly, - “thee, like a sacred animal ranging at will”Isoc. 5.127. This + the phrase does not express actuality, whereas “of one having the + prime of his life in full bloom”Isoc. 5.10. does; similarly, + “thee, like a sacred animal ranging at will”Isoc. 5.127. This speech is an appeal to Philip to lead the Greeks against Persia. As a sacred animal could roam where it pleased within the precincts of its temple, so Philip could claim the whole of Greece as his - fatherland, while other descendants of Heracles (whom Isocrates - calls the author of Philip's line) were tied down and their outlook + fatherland, while other descendants of Heracles (whom Isocrates + calls the author of Philip's line) were tied down and their outlook narrowed by the laws and constitution of the city in which they dwelt. expresses actuality, and in @@ -6373,7 +6373,7 @@ 80, with dori/ for posi/n. - the word “shooting” contains both actuality and + the word “shooting” contains both actuality and metaphor. And as Homer often, by making use of metaphor, speaks of inanimate things as if they were animate; and it is to creating actuality in all such cases that his popularity is due, as in the @@ -6392,13 +6392,13 @@ - [The arrow] eager to fly [towards the - crowd].Hom. Il. 4.126. + [The arrow] eager to fly [towards the + crowd].Hom. Il. 4.126. - [The spears] were buried in the ground, longing to + [The spears] were buried in the ground, longing to take their fill of flesh.Hom. Il. 11.574. @@ -6408,16 +6408,16 @@ 15.541. . For in all these examples there is appearance of actuality, since the - objects are represented as animate: “the shameless stone,” - “the eager spear-point,” and the rest express actuality. + objects are represented as animate: “the shameless stone,” + “the eager spear-point,” and the rest express actuality. Homer has attached these attributes by the employment of the proportional metaphor; for as the stone is to Sisyphus, so is the shameless one to the one who is shamelessly treated. In his popular similes also he proceeds in the same manner with inanimate things: Arched, foam-crested, some in front, others behind;Hom. Il. - 13.799. The reference is to the “boiling - waves of the loud-roaring sea.” + 13.799. The reference is to the “boiling + waves of the loud-roaring sea.” for he gives movement and life to all, and actuality is movement.

As we have said before, metaphors should be @@ -6427,134 +6427,134 @@ arbitrator and an altar, for the wronged betakes itself to one or the other. Similarly, if one were to say that an anchor and a pot-hook hung up were identical; for both are the same sort of thing, but they differ in - this—that one is hung up above and the other below.The anchor keeps a ship steady below, the pot + this—that one is hung up above and the other below.The anchor keeps a ship steady below, the pot hook is above, and the pot hangs down from it. And if - one were to say “the cities have been reduced to the same - level,” this amounts to the same in the case of things far - apart—the equality of “levelling” in regard to + one were to say “the cities have been reduced to the same + level,” this amounts to the same in the case of things far + apart—the equality of “levelling” in regard to superficies and resources.Cope, retaining - a)nwmali/sqai (as if from + a)nwmali/sqai (as if from a)nomali/zein, aequalitatem - restituere Bonitz, cf. a)noma/lwsis) says: “the widely dissimilar + restituere Bonitz, cf. a)noma/lwsis) says: “the widely dissimilar things here compared are the areas of properties and the state offices and - privileges, which are to be alike equalized,” translating: - “And the re-equalization of cities, when the same principle is + privileges, which are to be alike equalized,” translating: + “And the re-equalization of cities, when the same principle is applied to things standing wide apart, viz. to surface - (area) and powers (functions, - offices).” ( a)n- is not negative, but = re.) But the passage quoted - by Victorius from Isoc. 5.40: “for I + (area) and powers (functions, + offices).” ( a)n- is not negative, but = re.) But the passage quoted + by Victorius from Isoc. 5.40: “for I know that all the cities of Greece - have been placed on the same level ( w(mali/sqai) by misfortunes” suggests this + have been placed on the same level ( w(mali/sqai) by misfortunes” suggests this as a preferable reading here, w(mali/sqai - meaning (1) have been levelled to the ground - (although the Lexica give no instance of this use), - (2) reduced to the same level of weakness.

+ meaning (1) have been levelled to the ground + (although the Lexica give no instance of this use), + (2) reduced to the same level of weakness.

Most smart sayings are derived from metaphor,and also from misleading the hearer beforehand.proecapata=n. - Or, reading prosecapata=n, “by - adding deception.” For it becomes more evident to him that + Or, reading prosecapata=n, “by + adding deception.” For it becomes more evident to him that he has learnt something, when the conclusion turns out contrary to his - expectation, and the mind seems to say, “How true it is! but I missed - it.” And smart apophthegms arise from not meaning what one says, as in - the apophthegm of Stesichorus, that “the grasshoppers will sing to - themselves from the ground.”See + expectation, and the mind seems to say, “How true it is! but I missed + it.” And smart apophthegms arise from not meaning what one says, as in + the apophthegm of Stesichorus, that “the grasshoppers will sing to + themselves from the ground.”See 2.21.8. And clever riddles are agreeable for the same reason; for something is learnt, and the expression is also metaphorical. And what Theodorus - calls “novel expressions” arise when what follows is + calls “novel expressions” arise when what follows is paradoxical, and, as he puts it, not in accordance with our previous expectation; just as humorists make use of slight changes in words. The same effect is produced by jokes that turn on a change of letter; for they are deceptive. These novelties occur in poetry as well as in prose; for instance, the following verse does not finish as the hearer expected: - And he strode on, under his feet—chilblains, + And he strode on, under his feet—chilblains, whereas the hearer thought he was going to say - “sandals.” This kind of joke must be clear from the moment + “sandals.” This kind of joke must be clear from the moment of utterance. Jokes that turn on the word are produced, not by giving it the proper meaning, but by perverting it; for instance, when Theodorus said to - Nicon, the player on the cithara, “you are troubled” - ( qra/ttei); for while - pretending to say “something troubles you,” he deceives us; + Nicon, the player on the cithara, “you are troubled” + ( qra/ttei); for while + pretending to say “something troubles you,” he deceives us; for he means something else.According to - Cope, *qra=|tt' ei)=, “you are no - better than a Thracian slave-girl.” + Cope, *qra=|tt' ei)=, “you are no + better than a Thracian slave-girl.” Therefore the joke is only agreeable to one who understands the point; for if one does not know that Nicon - is a Thracian, he will not see any joke in it. Similarly, “you wish to destroy him ( pe/rsai).”There is obviously a play on pe/rsai - (aor. 1 infin. of pe/rqw) - and *pe/rsai (Persians), + is a Thracian, he will not see any joke in it. Similarly, “you wish to destroy him ( pe/rsai).”There is obviously a play on pe/rsai + (aor. 1 infin. of pe/rqw) + and *pe/rsai (Persians), but no satisfactory interpretation of the joke has been suggested. Jokes of both these kindsThe paradoxical and - verbal. “Suitably” may refer to the manner of delivery; + verbal. “Suitably” may refer to the manner of delivery; to being used at the proper time; or to taking care that the word is one that may be used in the two senses. must be suitably expressed. - Similar instances are such witticisms as saying that “the empire of - the sea” was not “the beginning of misfortunes” + Similar instances are such witticisms as saying that “the empire of + the sea” was not “the beginning of misfortunes” for the Athenians, for they benefited by it; or, with Isocrates,Isoc. 5.61; Isoc. 8.101. The point in the illustrations lies in the use of a)rxh/, first in the sense of - “empire,” then in that of - “beginning.” It could be said that the - “empire” of the sea was or was not “the - beginning of misfortunes” for Athens; for at first it was highly beneficial to them, but + “empire,” then in that of + “beginning.” It could be said that the + “empire” of the sea was or was not “the + beginning of misfortunes” for Athens; for at first it was highly beneficial to them, but in the end brought disaster, and thus was the - “beginning” of evil. that - “empire” was “the beginning of misfortunes for the - city”; in both cases that which one would not have expected to be said + “beginning” of evil. that + “empire” was “the beginning of misfortunes for the + city”; in both cases that which one would not have expected to be said is said, and recognized as true. For, in the second example, to say that - “empire is empire” shows no cleverness, but this is not what + “empire is empire” shows no cleverness, but this is not what he means, but something else; in the first, the a)rxh/ which is negatived is used in a different sense. In all these cases, success is attained when a word is appropriately applied, either by homonym or by metaphor. For example, in the - phrase Anaschetos (Bearable) is Unbearable,Usually translated, “There is no bearing - Baring.” there is a contradiction of the homonym, which is - only appropriate, if Anaschetus is an unbearable person. And, “Thou - shalt not be more of a stranger than a stranger,” or “not - more than you should be,” which is the same thing. And again, + phrase Anaschetos (Bearable) is Unbearable,Usually translated, “There is no bearing + Baring.” there is a contradiction of the homonym, which is + only appropriate, if Anaschetus is an unbearable person. And, “Thou + shalt not be more of a stranger than a stranger,” or “not + more than you should be,” which is the same thing. And again, The stranger must not always be a stranger, for here too the word repeated is taken in a different sense.Kock, C.A.F. 3.209, p. 448. In the two first examples - “stranger” refers to a distant and reserved manner, as - we say “don't make yourself a stranger”; in the third + “stranger” refers to a distant and reserved manner, as + we say “don't make yourself a stranger”; in the third ce/nos is apparently to be taken in the - sense of “alien.” Cope translates: “for that - too is of a different kind” (foreign, alien to the two + sense of “alien.” Cope translates: “for that + too is of a different kind” (foreign, alien to the two others; a)llo/trion, belonging to something - or somebody else, opposed to oi)kei=on). But the whole passage is obscure. It + or somebody else, opposed to oi)kei=on). But the whole passage is obscure. It is the same with the celebrated verse of Anaxandrides, It is noble to die before doing anything that deserves death;Kock, C.A.F. 2. Frag. 64, p. 163. - for this is the same as saying that “it is worthy to die when - one does notdeserve to die,” or, that - “it is worthy to die when one is not worthy of death,” or, - “when one does nothing that is worthy of death.” Now the form of expression of these sayings is the + for this is the same as saying that “it is worthy to die when + one does notdeserve to die,” or, that + “it is worthy to die when one is not worthy of death,” or, + “when one does nothing that is worthy of death.” Now the form of expression of these sayings is the same; but the more concisely and antithetically they are expressed, the greater is their popularity. The reason is that antithesis is more instructive and conciseness gives knowledge more rapidly. Further, in order that what is said may be true and not superficial, it must always either apply to a particular person or be suitably expressed; for it is possible for it to have one quality and not the other. For instance, - “One ought to die guiltless of any offence,” “The - worthy man should take a worthy woman to wife.” There is no smartness + “One ought to die guiltless of any offence,” “The + worthy man should take a worthy woman to wife.” There is no smartness in either of these expressions, but there will be if both conditions are - fulfilled: “It is worthy for a man to die, when he is not worthy of - death.” The more special qualities the expression possesses, the + fulfilled: “It is worthy for a man to die, when he is not worthy of + death.” The more special qualities the expression possesses, the smarter it appears; for instance, if the words contain a metaphor, and a metaphor of a special kind, antithesis, and equality of clauses, and actuality.

Similes also, as said above, are always in a manner approved metaphors;Or, reading - ai( for a)ei\, “approved similes are . . .” + ai( for a)ei\, “approved similes are . . .” since they always consist of two terms, like the proportional metaphor, as when we say, for instance, that the shield is the goblet of Ares, and the bow a lyre without strings. But such an expression is not simple, but when we call the bow a lyre, or the shield a goblet, it is.In the simple metaphor - “goblet” is substituted for - “shield,” but sometimes additions are made to the word - as differently applied, such as “of Ares” and - “without strings.” These additions, besides involving - greater detail (a characteristic of the simile), + “goblet” is substituted for + “shield,” but sometimes additions are made to the word + as differently applied, such as “of Ares” and + “without strings.” These additions, besides involving + greater detail (a characteristic of the simile), distinctly bring out the contrast of the two terms and make a simile, whereas the metaphor simply transfers the meaning. And similes may be formed as follows: a @@ -6571,8 +6571,8 @@ snake. It is herein that poets are especially condemned if they fail, but applauded if they succeed. I mean, for instance, when they introduce an answering clause:When the concluding - corresponds with the introductory expression. This “answering - clause” is called apodosis (5.2), not + corresponds with the introductory expression. This “answering + clause” is called apodosis (5.2), not restricted, as in modern usage, to the conclusion of a conditional sentence. @@ -6587,29 +6587,29 @@

Proverbs also are metaphors from species to species. If a man, for instance, introduces into his house something from which he expects to benefit, but afterwards finds himself injured instead, it is as - the CarpathianOr, “he says it is a - case of the Carpathian and the hare.” An inhabitant of the island + the CarpathianOr, “he says it is a + case of the Carpathian and the hare.” An inhabitant of the island of Carpathus introduced a brace of hares, which so multiplied that they devoured all the crops and ruined the - farmers (like the rabbits in Australia). says of the hare; for both haveexperienced the same misfortunes. This is nearly all + farmers (like the rabbits in Australia). says of the hare; for both haveexperienced the same misfortunes. This is nearly all that can be said of the sources of smart sayings and the reasons which make them so.

Approved hyperboles are also metaphors. For - instance, one may say of a man whose eye is all black and blue, “you - would have thought he was a basket of mulberries,” because the black + instance, one may say of a man whose eye is all black and blue, “you + would have thought he was a basket of mulberries,” because the black eye is something purple, but the great quantity constitutes the hyperbole. - Again, when one says “like this or that” there is a + Again, when one says “like this or that” there is a hyperbole differing only in the wording: Like Philammon punching the leather sack, - or, “you would have thought that he was Philammon fighting - the sack”; + or, “you would have thought that he was Philammon fighting + the sack”; Carrying his legs twisted like parsley, - or, “you would have thought that he had no legs, but parsley, - they being so twisted.” There is something youthful about hyperboles; + or, “you would have thought that he had no legs, but parsley, + they being so twisted.” There is something youthful about hyperboles; for they show vehemence. Wherefore those who are in a passion most frequently make use of them: @@ -6619,10 +6619,10 @@ in accomplishments.Hom. Il. 9.385. - (Attic orators are + (Attic orators are especially fond of hyperbole.This must be taken as a parenthetical remark, if it is Aristotle's at - all.) WhereforeBecause they + all.) WhereforeBecause they are boyish. it is unbecoming for elderly people to make use of them.

But we must not lose sight of the fact that a different style is suitable to each kind of @@ -6646,40 +6646,40 @@ acting.What follows, to the end of sect. 3, is of the nature of a parenthesis, not immediately connected with the subject of the chapter. - (But one must vary the expression + (But one must vary the expression when one repeats the same thing, for this as it were paves the way for declamation:The variation in the form of the expression suggests a similar variation in the form of the delivery or - declamation. as, “This is he who robbed you, this is he who - deceived you, this is he who at last attempted to betray you.” This is + declamation. as, “This is he who robbed you, this is he who + deceived you, this is he who at last attempted to betray you.” This is what Philemon the actor did in The Old Man's Folly of - Anaxandrides, when he says “Rhadamanthus and Palamedes,” and - when he repeats the word “I” in the prologue to The + Anaxandrides, when he says “Rhadamanthus and Palamedes,” and + when he repeats the word “I” in the prologue to <title>The Pious.The meaning of this has not been satisfactorily explained. On the face of it, it seems to mean that the excellence of Philemon's delivery consisted in his way of declaiming passages in which the same words were repeated. Philemon is not to be confused with the writer of the New Comedy, the rival and contemporary of Menander. For unless such expressions are varied by action, it is a - case of “the man who carries the beam”Used of a stiff, ungraceful speaker. in the - proverb.)

-

It is the same with asyndeta: “I came, - I met, I entreated.” For here delivery is needed, and the words should + case of “the man who carries the beam”Used of a stiff, ungraceful speaker. in the + proverb.)

+

It is the same with asyndeta: “I came, + I met, I entreated.” For here delivery is needed, and the words should not be pronounced with the same tone and character, as if there was only one clause. Further, asyndeta have a special characteristic; for in an equal space of time many things appear to be said, because the connecting particle makes many things one, so that, if it be removed, it is clear that the contrary will be the case, and that the one will become many. Therefore an asyndeton produces - amplification: thus, in “I came, I conversed, I besought,” + amplification: thus, in “I came, I conversed, I besought,” the hearer seems to be surveying many things, all that the speaker said.Spengel's reading here is: polla\ - dokei=: “u(perei=den o(/sa ei)=pon,” polla\ + dokei=: “u(perei=den o(/sa ei)=pon,” polla\ dokei= being parenthetical, and u(perei=don o(/sa ei)=pon part of the quotation. Jebb translates: - “I came, I spoke to him, I besought” (these - seem many things); “he disregarded all I - said” (which certainly gives a more natural sense to - u(perei=don). This also + “I came, I spoke to him, I besought” (these + seem many things); “he disregarded all I + said” (which certainly gives a more natural sense to + u(perei=don). This also is Homer's intention in the passage Nireus, again, from Syme . . @@ -6691,10 +6691,10 @@ for it is necessary that one of whom much has been said should be often mentioned; if then the name is often mentioned, it seems as if much has been - saidCope translates: “they + saidCope translates: “they think that, if the name is often repeated, there must be a great deal - to say about its owner”; but can this be got out of the - Greek ( ei)rh=sqai)?; so that, by means of this fallacy, + to say about its owner”; but can this be got out of the + Greek ( ei)rh=sqai)?; so that, by means of this fallacy, Homer has increased the reputation of Nireus, though he only mentions him in one passage; he has perpetuated his memory, though he never speaks of him again.

The deliberative style is exactly like a rough @@ -6708,14 +6708,14 @@ there is no discussion,The meaning apparently is that there is no discussion, as might be the case when there were several judges, so that the decision is clear and unbiased. a)gw/n and a)gwnistikh\ - le/cis are terms used for debate (e.g. in the law - courts) and the style suited to it (cf sect. 1). + le/cis are terms used for debate (e.g. in the law + courts) and the style suited to it (cf sect. 1). Cope's editor refers to Cic. Ad Att. - 1.16.8 “remoto illo studio contentionis, quem vos - [you Athenians] a)gw=na - appellatis.” Jebb translates: “the turmoil is absent, so - that the judgement is serene” (in a note, - “unclouded”). so the judgement is clear. + 1.16.8 “remoto illo studio contentionis, quem vos + [you Athenians] a)gw=na + appellatis.” Jebb translates: “the turmoil is absent, so + that the judgement is serene” (in a note, + “unclouded”). so the judgement is clear. This is why the same orators do not excel in all these styles; where action is most effective, there the style is least finished, and this is a case in which voice, especially a loud one, is needed.

@@ -6733,7 +6733,7 @@ appropriate? If it be too diffuse, or too concise, it will not be clear; but it is plain that the mean is most suitable. What we have said will make the style pleasant, if it contains a happy mixture of proper and - “foreign” words, of rhythm, and of persuasiveness resulting + “foreign” words, of rhythm, and of persuasiveness resulting from propriety. This finishes what we had to say about style; of all the three kinds of Rhetoric in general, and of each of them in particular. It only remains to speak of arrangement.

@@ -6748,14 +6748,14 @@ defined, or a refutation; or an epilogue in demonstrative speeches?The generally accepted divisions are: prooi/mion - (exordium), dih/ghsis - (narrative), pi/stis - (proof), e)pi/logos - (peroration). ( dih/ghsis is a species of pro/qesis, which is used instead of it just before.) - Aristotle objects that it is (as a rule) only the forensic + (exordium), dih/ghsis + (narrative), pi/stis + (proof), e)pi/logos + (peroration). ( dih/ghsis is a species of pro/qesis, which is used instead of it just before.) + Aristotle objects that it is (as a rule) only the forensic speech which requires a regular dih/ghsis, a full and detailed statement of what has happened before. In epideictic and - demonstrative (deliberative) speeches, the object of which + demonstrative (deliberative) speeches, the object of which is to prove something, there is no need of another existing division called the refutation of the adversary, and in the demonstrative there can be no room for an epilogue, which is not a summary of proofs and @@ -6767,27 +6767,27 @@ epilogue does not even belong to every forensic speech, for instance, when it is short, or the matter is easy to recollect; for in the epilogue what happens is that there is a reduction of length.i.e. its - use is to recall the main facts briefly (sect. 4 end), + use is to recall the main facts briefly (sect. 4 end), which in a short speech is needless.

So then the necessary parts of a speech are the statement of the case and proof. These divisions are appropriate to every - speech, and at the most the parts are four in number—exordium, + speech, and at the most the parts are four in number—exordium, statement, proof, epilogue; for refutation of an opponent is part of the proofs, and comparison is an amplification of one's own case, and therefore also part of the proofs; for he who does this proves something, whereas the exordium and the epilogue are merely aids to memory. Therefore, if we adopt all such divisions we shall be following TheodorusPlat. Phaedrus 266d, where the additional kinds of narrative are omitted, and - their place taken by pi/stwsis and e)pipi/stwsis (confirmation of the - proof). and his school, who distinguished narrative, + their place taken by pi/stwsis and e)pipi/stwsis (confirmation of the + proof). and his school, who distinguished narrative, additional narrative, and preliminary narrative, refutation and additional refutation. But one must only adopt a name to express a distinct species or a real difference; otherwise, it becomes empty and silly, like the terms - introduced by Licymnius in his “Art,” where he speaks of - “being wafted along,” “wandering from the - subject,”Or, - “diverting the judge's attention.” and - “ramifications.”

+ introduced by Licymnius in his “Art,” where he speaks of + “being wafted along,” “wandering from the + subject,”Or, + “diverting the judge's attention.” and + “ramifications.”

The exordium is the beginning of a speech, asthe prologue in poetry and the prelude in flute-playing; for all these are beginnings, and as it were a @@ -6806,8 +6806,8 @@ appropriate than that the speech should be monotonous.

In epideictic speeches, the sources of the exordia are praise and blame, as Gorgias, in the Olympiacus, - says, “Men of Greece, you are - worthy to be admired by many,” where he is praising those who + says, “Men of Greece, you are + worthy to be admired by many,” where he is praising those who instituted the solemn assemblies. Isocrates on the other hand blames them because they rewarded bodily excellences, but instituted no prize for men of wisdom. Exordia may also be derived from @@ -6820,19 +6820,19 @@ He complains that whereas the poets of olden times had plenty to write about, the field of poetry being as yet untilled, it was now all apportioned, and he, the last of the poets, was left behind, unable to find - “a new chariot for the race-course of his song. - ”: + “a new chariot for the race-course of his song. + ”: But now when all has been allotted. - These then are the sources of epideictic exordia—praise, + These then are the sources of epideictic exordia—praise, blame, exhortation, dissuasion, appeals to the hearer. And these exordiae)ndo/sima = prooi/mia. may be either foreign or intimately connected with the speech.

As for the exordia of the forensic speech, it must be noted that they produce the same effect as dramatic prologues and epic - exordia (for those of dithyrambs resemble epideictic exordia: - For thee and thy presents or spoils).A parenthetical remark to the effect that epideictic + exordia (for those of dithyrambs resemble epideictic exordia: + For thee and thy presents or spoils).A parenthetical remark to the effect that epideictic exordia are different. Those of a forensic speech are like prologues and epic exordia, but it is different with epideictic, which may be wild, high-flown, as in the example given from an unknown author. @@ -6854,8 +6854,8 @@ Inspire me with another theme, how from the land of Asia a great war crossed into - Europe.From Choerilus (sect. - 4). + Europe.From Choerilus (sect. + 4). Similarly, tragic poets make clear the subject of their drama, if not at the outset,like Euripides, at least somewhere in the @@ -6869,9 +6869,9 @@ speech; wherefore it should not be employed, if the subject is quite clear or unimportant. All the other forms of exordia in use are only remedies,That is, special - remedies in the case of the hearers suffering from “inattention, - unfavorable disposition, and the like” - (Cope). and are common to all three branches of + remedies in the case of the hearers suffering from “inattention, + unfavorable disposition, and the like” + (Cope). and are common to all three branches of Rhetoric. These are derived from the speaker, the hearer, the subject, and the opponent. From the speaker and the opponent, all that helps to destroy or create prejudice. But this must not be done in the same way; for the defendant must @@ -6903,9 +6903,9 @@ hearer's attention at the beginning, for every one is keen to listen then, but later on attention slackens. at the beginning, at a time when all listen with the greatest attention. Wherefore, when the right moment comes, one - must say, “And give me your attention, for it concerns you as much as - myself”; and, “I will tell you such a thing as you have - never yet” heard of, so strange and wonderful. This is what Prodicus + must say, “And give me your attention, for it concerns you as much as + myself”; and, “I will tell you such a thing as you have + never yet” heard of, so strange and wonderful. This is what Prodicus used to do; whenever his hearers began to nod, he would throw in a dash of his fifty-drachma lecture. But it is clear that one does not speak thus to the hearer qua hearer;The hearer qua hearer should be @@ -6914,8 +6914,8 @@ their exordia endeavor either to arouse prejudice or to remove their own apprehensions: - O prince, I will not say that with haste [I have come - breathless].Soph. Ant. 223. + O prince, I will not say that with haste [I have come + breathless].Soph. Ant. 223. @@ -6934,9 +6934,9 @@ the orator should aim at exciting these two feelings.

In epideictic exordia, one must make the hearer believe that he shares the praise, either himself, or his family, or his pursuits, or at any rate in some - way or other. For Socrates says truly in his Funeral Oration that “it + way or other. For Socrates says truly in his Funeral Oration that “it is easy to praise Athenians in the presence of Athenians, but not in the - presence of Lacedaemonians.”See + presence of Lacedaemonians.”See 1.9.30.

Deliberative oratory borrows its exordia from forensic, but naturally they are very uncommon in it. For in fact the hearers @@ -6947,14 +6947,14 @@ importance of the subject. Such are the reasons for exordia; or else they merely serve the purpose of ornament, since their absence makes the speech appear offhand. For such is the encomium on the Eleans, in which Gorgias, without any preliminary sparring or movements, - starts off at once, “Elis, - happy city.”

+ starts off at once, “Elis, + happy city.”

One way of removing prejudice is to make use of the arguments by which one may clear oneself from disagreeable suspicion; for it makes no difference whether this suspicion has been openly expressed or not; and so this may be taken as a general rule. Another wayAnother reading is to/pos - (topic) and so throughout. consists in contesting + (topic) and so throughout. consists in contesting the disputed points, either by denying the fact or its harmfulness, at least to the plaintiff; or by asserting that its importance is exaggerated; or that it is not unjust at all, or only slightly so; or neither disgraceful nor important. @@ -6970,18 +6970,18 @@ for it was against his wish that he was eighty years of age.Sophocles had two sons, Iophon and Ariston, by different wives; the latter had a son named Sophocles. Iophon, jealous of the affection shown by Sophocles to this grandson, summoned him before the - phratores (a body which had some jurisdiction in - family affairs) on the ground that his age rendered him incapable + phratores (a body which had some jurisdiction in + family affairs) on the ground that his age rendered him incapable of managing his affairs. In reply to the charge, Sophocles read the famous choric ode on Attica from the - Oedipus Coloneus, beginning *eu)i/ppou, ce/ne, ta=sde xw/ras (Soph. OC 668 ff.), and was + Oedipus Coloneus, beginning *eu)i/ppou, ce/ne, ta=sde xw/ras (Soph. OC 668 ff.), and was acquitted. The story in this form is probably derived from some comedy, - which introduced the case on the stage (see Jebb's Introd. to the - tragedy). One may also substitute one motive for another, + which introduced the case on the stage (see Jebb's Introd. to the + tragedy). One may also substitute one motive for another, and say that one did not mean to injure but to do something else, not that of - which one was accused, and that the wrongdoing was accidental: “I + which one was accused, and that the wrongdoing was accidental: “I should deserveyour hatred, had I acted so as to bring - this about.”

+ this about.”

Another method may be employed if the accuser, either himself or one closely related to him, has been involved in a similar charge, either now or formerly; or, if others @@ -6991,8 +6991,8 @@

Again, if the accuser has already similarly accused others, or himself been accused by others;In the reading in the text, au)tou/s must apparently refer to the defendant, and one would rather expect au)to/n. Spengel suggested - h)\ a)/llos h)\ au)to/s for h)\ a)/llos au)tou/s: if he (i.e. the - adversary) or another has similarly accused others. or if + h)\ a)/llos h)\ au)to/s for h)\ a)/llos au)tou/s: if he (i.e. the + adversary) or another has similarly accused others. or if others, without being formally accused, have been suspected as you are now, and their innocence has been proved.

Another method consists in counter-attacking the @@ -7000,25 +7000,25 @@ unworthy of belief.

Another method is to appeal to a verdict already given, as Euripides did in the case about the exchange of property;When a citizen was called upon to perform a - “liturgy” or public service (e.g. the equipment - of a chorus), if he thought that one richer than himself had been + “liturgy” or public service (e.g. the equipment + of a chorus), if he thought that one richer than himself had been passed over he could summon him and compel him to exchange properties. when Hygiaenon accused him of impiety as having advised perjury in the verse, My tongue hath sworn, but my mind is unsworn,Eur. Hipp. 612. This well-known verse is three times parodied in Aristophanes - (Aristoph. Thes. + (Aristoph. Thes. 275; Aristoph. Frogs 101, Aristoph. - Frogs1471). In the first passage, the sense is + Frogs1471). In the first passage, the sense is reversed: Euripides has dressed up a certain Mnesilochus as a woman in order that he may attend the Thesmophorian assembly. Mnesilochus first requires Euripides to take an oath that he will help him out of any trouble that may arise. Euripides takes an oath by all the gods, whereupon Mnesilochus says to - Euripides: “Remember that it was your mind that swore, - but not your tongue.” When Euripides was engaged in a + Euripides: “Remember that it was your mind that swore, + but not your tongue.” When Euripides was engaged in a lawsuit, his adversary quoted the line, implying that even on oath Euripides could not be believed; Euripides replied that his adversary had no right to bring before the law courts a matter @@ -7031,10 +7031,10 @@ adversary desired to accuse him.

Another method consists in attacking slander, showing how great an evil it is, and this because it alters the nature of - judgements,Or, “makes - extraneous points the subject of decision” - (Cope), “raises false issues” - (Jebb). and that it does not rely on the real facts + judgements,Or, “makes + extraneous points the subject of decision” + (Cope), “raises false issues” + (Jebb). and that it does not rely on the real facts of the case.

Common to both parties is the topic of tokens, as in the Teucer,Of Sophocles. Odysseus reproaches Teucer with being a relative of Priam, whose sister his mother Hesione was; to which Teucer replied @@ -7049,7 +7049,7 @@ praise something unimportant at great length, and to condemn something important concisely; or, putting forward several things that are praiseworthy in the opponent, to condemn the one thing that has an important bearing upon the case. - Such methodsJebb refers toiou=toi to the accusers, translating texnikoi/ “artistic,” certainly the + Such methodsJebb refers toiou=toi to the accusers, translating texnikoi/ “artistic,” certainly the commoner meaning. are most artful and unfair; for by their use men endeavor to make what is good in a man injurious to him, by mixing it up with what is bad.

@@ -7064,9 +7064,9 @@

In the epideictic style the narrative should not be consecutive, but disjointed; for it is necessary to go through the actions which form the subject of the speech. For - a speech is made up of one part that is inartificial (the speaker being + a speech is made up of one part that is inartificial (the speaker being in no way the authorof the actions which he - relates), and of another that does depend upon art. The latter consists + relates), and of another that does depend upon art. The latter consists in showing that the action did take place, if it be incredible, or that it is of a certain kind, or of a certain importance, or all three together. This is why it is sometimes right not to narrate all the facts consecutively, because a demonstration of this kindInvolving a continuous succession of proofs. is @@ -7074,34 +7074,34 @@ others wise or just. Besides, a speech of this kind is simpler, whereas the other is intricate and not plain. It is only necessary to recall famous actions; wherefore most people have no need of - narrative—for instance, if you wish to praise Achilles; for everybody + narrative—for instance, if you wish to praise Achilles; for everybody knows what he did, and it is only necessary to make use of it. But if you wish to praise Critias, narrative is necessary, for not many people know what he did . . .Something has been lost here, as is shown by the transition from epideictic to forensic Rhetoric. All the mss. have a gap, which in several of them is filled by introducing the passage e)/sti d' e)/painos . . . metateqh|= - (1.9.33-37).

+ (1.9.33-37).

But at the present day it is absurdly laid down that the narrative should be rapid. And yet, as the man said to the baker when - he asked whether he was to knead bread hard or soft, “What! is it - impossible to knead it well?” so it is in this case; for the narrative + he asked whether he was to knead bread hard or soft, “What! is it + impossible to knead it well?” so it is in this case; for the narrative must not be long, nor the exordium, nor the proofs either. For in this case also propriety does not consist either in rapidity or conciseness, but in a due mean; that is, one must say all that will make the facts clear, or create the belief that they have happened or have done injury or wrong, or that they are as important as you wish to make them. The opposite party must do the opposite. And you should incidentally narrate anything that tends to show your - own virtue, for instance, “I always recommended him to act rightly, - not to forsake his children”; or the wickedness of your opponent, for - instance, “but he answered that, wherever he might be, he would always - find other children,” an answer attributed by HerodotusHdt. 2.30. The story + own virtue, for instance, “I always recommended him to act rightly, + not to forsake his children”; or the wickedness of your opponent, for + instance, “but he answered that, wherever he might be, he would always + find other children,” an answer attributed by HerodotusHdt. 2.30. The story was that a number of Egyptian soldiers had revolted and left in a body for Ethiopia. Their king Psammetichus begged them not to desert their wives and children, to which - one of them made answer ( tw=n de/ tina + one of them made answer ( tw=n de/ tina le/getai de/canta to\ ai)doi=on ei)pei=n, e)/nqa a)\n tou=to h)=|, e)/sesqai au)toi=si e)nqau=ta kai\ te/kna kai\ - gunai=kas). to the Egyptian rebels; or anything + gunai=kas). to the Egyptian rebels; or anything which is likely to please the dicasts.

In defence, the narrative need not be so long; for the points at issue are either that the fact has not happened or that it was @@ -7123,11 +7123,11 @@ mathematical treatises have nomoral character, because neither have they moral purpose; for they have no moral end. But the Socratic dialogues have; for they discuss such questions. Other ethical indications are the accompanying peculiarities of each - individual character; for instance, “He was talking and walking on at - the same time,” which indicates effrontery and boorishness. Nor should + individual character; for instance, “He was talking and walking on at + the same time,” which indicates effrontery and boorishness. Nor should we speak as if from the intellect, after the manner of present-day orators; but - from moral purpose: “But I wished it, and I preferred it; and even if - I profited nothing, it is better.” The first statement indicates + from moral purpose: “But I wished it, and I preferred it; and even if + I profited nothing, it is better.” The first statement indicates prudence, the second virtue; for prudence consists in the pursuit of what is useful, virtue in that of what is honorable. If anything of the kind seems incredible, then the reason must be added; of this Sophocles gives an example, @@ -7148,7 +7148,7 @@

Further, the narrative should draw upon what is emotional by the introduction of such of its accompaniments as are well known, and of what is specially characteristic of either yourself or of the adversary: - “And he went off looking grimly at me”; and as AeschinesSupposed to be Aeschines called Socraticus from his intimate + “And he went off looking grimly at me”; and as AeschinesSupposed to be Aeschines called Socraticus from his intimate friendship with Socrates. A philosopher and writer of speeches for the law courts, he had a great reputation as an orator. says of Cratylus, that he hissed violently and violently shook his fists. Such details produce @@ -7161,8 +7161,8 @@ for those who are beginning to weep lay hold on their eyes. And you should at once introduce yourself and your adversary as being of a certain character, that the hearers may regard you or him as such; but do not let it be - seen. That this is easy is perfectly cleardei= (omitted by - others) = “one cannot help seeing.” from + seen. That this is easy is perfectly cleardei= (omitted by + others) = “one cannot help seeing.” from the example of messengers; we do not yet know what they are going to say, but nevertheless we have an inkling of it.

Again, the narrative should be introduced in @@ -7175,20 +7175,20 @@ incredible, you should immediately promise both to give a reason for it at once and to submit it to the judgement of any whom the hearers approve;Omitting te. The difficulty is diata/ttein, which can - apparently only mean “arrange.” Jebb retains te, and reads w(s - for oi(=s: “the speaker must make + apparently only mean “arrange.” Jebb retains te, and reads w(s + for oi(=s: “the speaker must make himself responsible for the fact . . . and marshal his reasons in a way - acceptable to the hearers.” The old Latin translation vadiare quibus volunt suggested to Roemer diaithtai=s, “to the arbitrators they - approve.” as, for instance, Jocasta in the + acceptable to the hearers.” The old Latin translation vadiare quibus volunt suggested to Roemer diaithtai=s, “to the arbitrators they + approve.” as, for instance, Jocasta in the Oedipus of CarcinusAccording to Jebb, Jocasta tells the inquirer incredible things about her son, and - pledges her word for the facts. Cope says: “promises (to - do something or other to satisfy him).” is always + pledges her word for the facts. Cope says: “promises (to + do something or other to satisfy him).” is always promising, when the man who is looking for her son makes inquiriesof her; and similarly Haemon in Sophocles.Soph. Ant. - 683-723. On this Cope remarks: “This last example must be + 683-723. On this Cope remarks: “This last example must be given up as hopeless; there is nothing in the extant play which could be - interpreted as required here.” According to Jebb, the - “incredibility” consists in the fact that Haemon, + interpreted as required here.” According to Jebb, the + “incredibility” consists in the fact that Haemon, although in love with Antigone, and strongly opposed to the sentence pronounced upon her by his father Creon, still remains loyal to the latter. Haemon explains the reason in lines 701-3, where he says that he prizes his @@ -7205,16 +7205,16 @@ of fact that one of the two parties must necessarilyAristotle's argument is as follows. But it must not be forgotten that it is only in a dispute as to this question of fact that one of the two parties must necessarily be a rogue. For ignorance is not the - cause (of there being a dispute about the fact, e.g. “you - hit me,” “no, I didn't,” where both know the - truth), as it might be in a dispute on what was right or wrong, so - that this is the topic on which you should spend some time (i.e. - because here you can prove or disprove that A is ponhro/s). The passage is generally taken to mean + cause (of there being a dispute about the fact, e.g. “you + hit me,” “no, I didn't,” where both know the + truth), as it might be in a dispute on what was right or wrong, so + that this is the topic on which you should spend some time (i.e. + because here you can prove or disprove that A is ponhro/s). The passage is generally taken to mean that when it is a question of fact it is universally true that one of the disputants must be a rogue. Cope alone among editors makes any comment. In - his note he says: “all that is meant is that there is a certain + his note he says: “all that is meant is that there is a certain class of cases which fall under this issue, in which this topic may be - safely used.” For instance, A may on justifiable grounds charge B + safely used.” For instance, A may on justifiable grounds charge B with theft; B denies it, and he may be innocent, although the evidence is strongly against him. In such a case, neither of the parties is necessarily ponhro/s. be a rogue; for @@ -7224,8 +7224,8 @@

In epideictic speeches, amplification is employed, as a rule, to prove that things are honorable or useful; for the facts must be taken on trust, since proofs of these are rarely given, and only if they - are incredible or the responsibility is attributed to another.Or, reading a)/llws, “if there is some other - reason.”

+ are incredible or the responsibility is attributed to another.Or, reading a)/llws, “if there is some other + reason.”

In deliberative oratory, it may be maintained either that certain consequences will not happen, or that what the adversary recommends will happen, but that it will be unjust, inexpedient, or not so @@ -7247,7 +7247,7 @@ 4.204. - where Homer does not say toiau=ta (such things as), but to/sa (as many things as). Nor + where Homer does not say toiau=ta (such things as), but to/sa (as many things as). Nor should you try to find enthymemes about everything; otherwise you will be imitating certain philosophers, who draw conclusions that are better known and more plausible than the premises from which they are drawn.For this passage see 1.2.12-13. The meaning is that it is @@ -7260,10 +7260,10 @@ involves neither moral character nor moral purpose.

Moral maxims, on the other hand, should be used in both narrative and proof; for they express moral character; for instance, - “I gave him the money and that although I knew that one ought not to - trust.” Or, to arouse emotion: “I do + “I gave him the money and that although I knew that one ought not to + trust.” Or, to arouse emotion: “I do not regret it, although I have been wronged; his is the profit, mine the - right.”

+ right.”

Deliberative speaking is more difficult than forensic, and naturally so, because it has to do with the future; whereas forensic speaking has to do with the past, which is already known, even by @@ -7271,11 +7271,11 @@ but only things that were past but obscure.The remark of Epimenides is by many editors interpreted as a sarcasm upon the fraternity of soothsayers, who pretended to be able to foretell the future. But how is this to be got out of the Greek? The point - is perhaps something like: “it is easy enough to talk about the - past, for even soothsayers know it.” What Aristotle says here is + is perhaps something like: “it is easy enough to talk about the + past, for even soothsayers know it.” What Aristotle says here is that Epimenides practised a different kind of divination, relating to the obscure phenomena of the past. The following is an instance. After the - followers of Cylon, who tried to make himself tyrant of Athens (c. 632) had + followers of Cylon, who tried to make himself tyrant of Athens (c. 632) had been put to death by the Alcmaeonid archon Megacles, in violation of the terms of surrender, a curse rested upon the city and it was devastated by a pestilence. On the advice of the oracle, Epimenides was summoned from @@ -7283,14 +7283,14 @@ sacrifices purified the city and put a stop to the pestilence. Further, the law is the subject in forensic speaking; and when one has a starting-point, it is easier to find a demonstrative proof. Deliberative - speaking does not allow many opportunities for lingering—for instance, + speaking does not allow many opportunities for lingering—for instance, attacks on the adversary, remarks about oneself, or attempts to arouse emotion. In this branch of Rhetoric there is less room for these than in any other, unless the speaker wanders from the subject. Therefore, when at a loss for topics, one must do as the orators at Athens, amongst them Isocrates, for even when deliberating, he brings accusations against the Lacedaemonians, for instance, in the Panegyricus,Isoc. 4.110-114. and against Chares in - the Symmachikos (On the Peace).Isoc. 8.27.

+ the Symmachikos (On the Peace).Isoc. 8.27.

Epideictic speeches should be varied with laudatory episodes, after the manner of Isocrates, who is always bringing somebody in. This is what Gorgias meant when he said that he was never at a loss @@ -7310,19 +7310,19 @@ form between the demonstrative and refutative enthymeme, but the latter draws opposite conclusions; and opposites are always more striking when they are brought together, and a parallel drawn between them. It is then easy to - see where the fallacy lies. Cf. 2.23.30: “Refutative enthymemes - are more effective (popular) than demonstrative, because + see where the fallacy lies. Cf. 2.23.30: “Refutative enthymemes + are more effective (popular) than demonstrative, because they bring opposites together in a small compass, which are more striking - (clearer) to the hearer from being put side by - side.” + (clearer) to the hearer from being put side by + side.” The refutation of the opponent is not a particular kind of proof; his arguments should be refuted partly by objection, partly by counter-syllogism.In the translation tw=n pi/stewn is taken with e)/sti: it is the business of, the proper function of, proofs. Others take it with ta\ - me\n . . . ta\ de/: some . . . other (of the - opponent's arguments). In both deliberative and forensic + me\n . . . ta\ de/: some . . . other (of the + opponent's arguments). In both deliberative and forensic rhetoric he who speaks first should state his own proofs and afterwards meet the arguments of the opponent, refuting or pulling them to pieces beforehand. But if the opposition is varied,If the opponent's @@ -7341,8 +7341,8 @@ the most important, or those which are plausible, or most easy to refute, that you should substantiate your own case: - I will first defend the goddesses, for I [do not - think] that Hera . . .Eur. Tro. 969-971. + I will first defend the goddesses, for I [do not + think] that Hera . . .Eur. Tro. 969-971. Hecuba had advised Menelaus to put Helen to death; she defends herself at length, and is answered by Hecuba in a reply of which these words form part. Her argument is that none of the three @@ -7365,7 +7365,7 @@ There is nothing beyond expectation, nothing that can be sworn impossible,Archilochus - (c. 650) of Paros was engaged to Neobule, the daughter of + (c. 650) of Paros was engaged to Neobule, the daughter of Lycambes. Her father broke off the engagement, whereupon Archilochus pursued father and daughter with furious and scurrilous abuse. It is here said that, instead of attacking the @@ -7373,14 +7373,14 @@ father. The meaning of a)/elpton is not clear. It may be a general statement: the unexpected often happens; or, there is nothing so bad that you may not - expect it. B. St. Hilaire translates: “There is - nothing that money cannot procure,” meaning that the - father was prepared to sell his daughter (Frag. - 74). + expect it. B. St. Hilaire translates: “There is + nothing that money cannot procure,” meaning that the + father was prepared to sell his daughter (Frag. + 74). and the carpenter Charon in the iambic verse beginning - I [care not for the wealth] of Gyges;The line ends: tou= poluxru/sou me/lei. Archilochus + I [care not for the wealth] of Gyges;The line ends: tou= poluxru/sou me/lei. Archilochus represents Charon the carpenter as expressing his own disapproval of the desire for wealth and of the envy caused by others possessing it. @@ -7391,25 +7391,25 @@ rumor. introduces Haemon, when defending Antigone against his father, as if quoting the opinion of others. One should also sometimes change enthymemes into moral maxims; for instance, - “Sensible men should become reconciled when they are prosperous; for - in this manner they will obtain the greatest advantages,” which is - equivalent to the enthymeme “If men should become reconciled whenever + “Sensible men should become reconciled when they are prosperous; for + in this manner they will obtain the greatest advantages,” which is + equivalent to the enthymeme “If men should become reconciled whenever it is most useful and advantageous, they should be reconciled in a time of - prosperity.”

+ prosperity.”

In regard to interrogation, its employment is especially opportune, when the opponent has already stated the opposite, so that the addition of a question makes the result an absurdityThe words o(/tan . . . - h)=| have been variously translated: (1) + h)=| have been variously translated: (1) when one of the two alternatives has already been stated; - (2) when the opponent has stated what is different from - the fact; (3) when the opponent has already conceded so - much, “made one admission” - (Jebb).; as, for instance, when Pericles interrogated + (2) when the opponent has stated what is different from + the fact; (3) when the opponent has already conceded so + much, “made one admission” + (Jebb).; as, for instance, when Pericles interrogated Lampon about initiation into the sacred rites of the savior goddess. On Lampon replying that it was not possible for one who was not initiated to be told about them, Pericles asked him if he himself was acquainted with the rites, and when - he said yes, Pericles further asked, “How can that be, seeing that you - are uninitiated?” Again, + he said yes, Pericles further asked, “How can that be, seeing that you + are uninitiated?” Again, interrogation should be employed when one of the two propositions is evident, and it is obvious that the opponent will admit the other if you ask him. But the interrogator, having obtained the second premise by putting a question, should @@ -7418,33 +7418,33 @@ the gods, askedReading h)/reto. whether he did not say that there was a divine something; and when Meletus said yes, Socrates went on to ask if divine beings were not either children of the gods or something godlike. When Meletus - again said yes, Socrates rejoined, “Is there a man, then, who can admit that the children of the gods - exist without at the same time admitting that the gods exist?” + again said yes, Socrates rejoined, “Is there a man, then, who can admit that the children of the gods + exist without at the same time admitting that the gods exist?” Thirdly, when it is intended to show that the opponent either contradicts himself or puts forward a paradox. Further, when the opponent can do nothing else but answer the question by a sophistical - solution; for if he answers, “Partly yes, and partly no,” - “Some are, but some are not,” “In one sense it is - so, in another not,” the hearers cry out against him as being in a + solution; for if he answers, “Partly yes, and partly no,” + “Some are, but some are not,” “In one sense it is + so, in another not,” the hearers cry out against him as being in a difficulty.For the first of the quibbles Sandys refers to Aristoph. Ach. 396, where Cephisophon, being asked if Euripides was indoors, replies, - “Yes and no, if you understand me”; and he gives the + “Yes and no, if you understand me”; and he gives the explanation, his mind is outside, collecting scraps of poetry, while he - himself is upstairs ( a)naba/dhn, - unless it means “with his legs up”) composing a + himself is upstairs ( a)naba/dhn, + unless it means “with his legs up”) composing a tragedy. The reference in the second instance is to the adversary being reduced to such a position that he cannot answer without having recourse to sophistical divisions and distinctions, which seem to imply uncertainty. - Aristotle himself is fond of such “cautiously limited - judgements” (Gomperz). The translation is that + Aristotle himself is fond of such “cautiously limited + judgements” (Gomperz). The translation is that of the reading a)porou=ntos, a conjecture of Spengel's. The audience will be ready to express its disapproval of his shuffling answers, which are evidence of his perplexity. The ordinary reading a)porou=ntes attributes the - “perplexity” to the hearers. Or, “the hearers, - thinking he is puzzled, applaud us [the - interrogator]” (Jebb). In other + “perplexity” to the hearers. Or, “the hearers, + thinking he is puzzled, applaud us [the + interrogator]” (Jebb). In other cases interrogation should not be attempted; for if the adversary raises an objection, the interrogator seems to be defeated; for it is impossible to ask a number of questions, owing to the hearer's weakness. Wherefore also we should @@ -7460,25 +7460,25 @@ question, we should state the reason for our answer. For instance, SophoclesCp. 1.14.3. being asked by Pisander whether he, like the rest of the Committee of Ten, had approved the - setting up of the Four Hundred, he admitted it. “What then?” - asked Pisander, “did not this appear to you to be a wicked - thing?” Sophocles admitted it. “So then you did what was - wicked?” “Yes, for there was nothing better to be - done.” The Lacedaemonian, who was called to account for his ephoralty, + setting up of the Four Hundred, he admitted it. “What then?” + asked Pisander, “did not this appear to you to be a wicked + thing?” Sophocles admitted it. “So then you did what was + wicked?” “Yes, for there was nothing better to be + done.” The Lacedaemonian, who was called to account for his ephoralty, being asked if he did not think that the rest of his colleagues had been justly - put to death, answered yes. “But did not you pass the same measures as - they did?” “Yes.” “Would not you, then, - also be justly put to death?” “No; for my colleagues did - this for money; I did not, but acted according to my conscience.” For + put to death, answered yes. “But did not you pass the same measures as + they did?” “Yes.” “Would not you, then, + also be justly put to death?” “No; for my colleagues did + this for money; I did not, but acted according to my conscience.” For this reason we should not ask any further questions after drawing the conclusion, nor put the conclusion itself as a question, unless the balance of truth is unmistakably in our favor.

As for jests, since they may sometimes be useful - in debates, the advice of Gorgias was good—to confound the opponents' + in debates, the advice of Gorgias was good—to confound the opponents' earnest with jest and their jest with earnest. We have stated in the PoeticsThe chapters are - lost (cp. 1.11.29). how many kinds of jests there + lost (cp. 1.11.29). how many kinds of jests there are, some of them becoming a gentleman, others not. You should therefore choose the kind that suits you. Irony is more gentlemanly than buffoonery; for the first is employed on one's own account, the second on that of another.

@@ -7487,8 +7487,8 @@ unfavorably towards the adversary; to amplify and depreciate; to excite the emotions of the hearer; to recapitulate. For after you have proved that you are truthful and that the adversary is false, the natural order of things is to - praise ourselves, blame him, and put the finishing touches.Or, “mould the hearers to one's will” - (L. and S.). One of two things should be aimed at, + praise ourselves, blame him, and put the finishing touches.Or, “mould the hearers to one's will” + (L. and S.). One of two things should be aimed at, to show that you are either relatively or absolutely good and the adversary either relatively or absolutely bad. The topics which serve to represent men as good or bad have already been stated.Book @@ -7500,7 +7500,7 @@ previously existing. The topics of amplification and depreciation have been previously set forth.Book 2.19. Next, when the nature and importance of the - facts are clear, one should rouse the hearer to certain emotions—pity, + facts are clear, one should rouse the hearer to certain emotions—pity, indignation, anger, hate, jealousy, emulation, and quarrelsomeness. The topics of these also have been previously stated,Book 2.1-11. so that all that remains is to recapitulate @@ -7513,20 +7513,20 @@

We should begin by saying that we have kept our promise, and then state what we have said and why. Our case may also be closely compared with our opponent's; and we may either compare what both of us have - said on the same point, or without direct comparison: “My opponent - said so-and-so, and I said so-and-so on this point and for these reasons.” Or ironically, as - for instance, “He said this and I answered that; what would he have - done, if he had proved this, and not simply that?” Or by - interrogation: “What is there that has not been proved?” or, - “What has my opponent proved?” We may, therefore, either sum + said on the same point, or without direct comparison: “My opponent + said so-and-so, and I said so-and-so on this point and for these reasons.” Or ironically, as + for instance, “He said this and I answered that; what would he have + done, if he had proved this, and not simply that?” Or by + interrogation: “What is there that has not been proved?” or, + “What has my opponent proved?” We may, therefore, either sum up by comparison, or in the natural order of the statements, just as they were made, our own first, and then again, separately, if we so desire, what has been said by our opponent. To the conclusion of the - speechReading teleuth=|, a conjecture of Victorius. With teleuth/, the sense will be: “as a - conclusion, the asyndectic style is appropriate.” the most + speechReading teleuth=|, a conjecture of Victorius. With teleuth/, the sense will be: “as a + conclusion, the asyndectic style is appropriate.” the most appropriate style is that which has no connecting particles, in order that it - may be a peroration, but not an oration: “I have spoken; you have - heard; you know the facts; now give your decision.”It is generally supposed that this example of a suitable + may be a peroration, but not an oration: “I have spoken; you have + heard; you know the facts; now give your decision.”It is generally supposed that this example of a suitable peroration is an echo of the conclusion of the speech of Lysias Against Eratosthenes.

diff --git a/data/tlg0094/tlg001/tlg0094.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0094/tlg001/tlg0094.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml index e912cdc89..a6db5e37d 100644 --- a/data/tlg0094/tlg001/tlg0094.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0094/tlg001/tlg0094.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -128,7 +128,7 @@ having so said, he presently died. Which when Porus understood, afraid of Alexander, he fell at his feet and sued for peace. Which when he had obtained, he called - the mountain Elephas;—as Dercyllus testifies in his Third + the mountain Elephas;—as Dercyllus testifies in his Third Book of Mountains.

@@ -152,7 +152,7 @@ name of Cadmus's foot.

Some time after, Ismenus, the son of Amphion and Niobe, being wounded by Apollo and in great pain, threw himself into the said river, which was then from his name - called Ismenus;—as Sostratus relates in his Second Book + called Ismenus;—as Sostratus relates in his Second Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies the mountain Cithaeron, formerly called Asterion for this reason. Boeotus the son of Neptune was desirous, of two noble ladies, to marry her that @@ -168,7 +168,7 @@ a letter, to which he would not return any answer. Whereupon the Fury, missing her design, pulled one of the serpents from her locks, and flung it upon the young lad as he was keeping his sheep on the top of the mountain Asterion; where the serpent twining about his neck choked him to death. And thereupon by the will of the Gods - the mountain was called Cithaeron;—as Leo of Byzantium writes in his History of Boeotia. + the mountain was called Cithaeron;—as Leo of Byzantium writes in his History of Boeotia. But Hermesianax of Cyprus tells the story quite otherwise. For he says, that Helicon and Cithaeron were two @@ -205,7 +205,7 @@ sought to defile his father's bed. Upon which the son, finding he could no way escape his father's wrath, threw himself into the river Rhombus, which was afterwards - called Hebrus from the name of the young man;—as + called Hebrus from the name of the young man;—as Timotheus testifies in his Eleventh Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies the mountain Pangaeus, so called upon this occasion. Pangaeus, the son of Mars and Critobule, @@ -238,7 +238,7 @@ When wisdom all in vain must be, - Then be not wise at all;— + Then be not wise at all;—

@@ -266,7 +266,7 @@ this juice in the dead of the night they go and besprinkle the tigers' dens; the virtue of which is such, that the tigers, not being able to stir forth by reason of the strong - scent of the juice, are starved to death;—as Callisthenes + scent of the juice, are starved to death;—as Callisthenes reports in his Third Book of Hunting.

Upon the banks of this river lies the mountain called the Anatole for this reason. The Sun, beholding the @@ -280,7 +280,7 @@ the heels, not knowing what was become of his beloved, overwhelmed with grief, rose in that very place. And from this accident it was that the natives called the top of - that mountain Anatole, or the rising of the Sun;—as Caemaron reports in his Tenth Book of the Affairs of India. + that mountain Anatole, or the rising of the Sun;—as Caemaron reports in his Tenth Book of the Affairs of India.

@@ -311,7 +311,7 @@ well. This after thirty days empties the body into the Lake Maeotis, that is full of worms; where of a sudden the body is seized and torn to pieces by several vultures - unseen before, nor is it known from whence they come;— + unseen before, nor is it known from whence they come;— as Ctesippus relates in his Second Book of Scythian Relations.

Near to this river lies the mountain Caucasus, which was before called Boreas's Bed, upon this occasion. Boreas in @@ -332,7 +332,7 @@ Then changing the name of the mountain in honor of the shepherd Caucasus, he chained Prometheus to it, and caused him to be tormented by an eagle that fed upon his - entrails, because he was the first that found out the inspection of bowels, which Jupiter deemed a great cruelty;— + entrails, because he was the first that found out the inspection of bowels, which Jupiter deemed a great cruelty;— as Cleanthes relates in his Third Book of the Wars of the Gods.

Upon this mountain grows an herb which is called Prometheus, which Medea gathering and bruising made use @@ -361,7 +361,7 @@ applied to the left parts of the body when the moon is in - the wane, cures quartan agues;—as Callisthenes the + the wane, cures quartan agues;—as Callisthenes the Sybarite tells us in the Thirteenth Book of Gallic Relations, from whom Timagenes the Syrian borrowed his argument.

Near to this river stands a mountain called Lugdunum, @@ -374,7 +374,7 @@ city Lugdunum. For lugdon in their language signifies a crow, and dunum Whence probably our English word down. - any spacious hill.—This Clitophon + any spacious hill.—This Clitophon reports, in his Thirteenth Book of the Building of Cities.

@@ -421,7 +421,7 @@ touch it with this herb; at what time, if it be pure and unmixed, the leaves of the herb will be tinctured with the gold and preserve the substance of the matter; but if it - be adulterated, they will not admit the discoloring moisture;—as Chrysermus relates in his Third Book of + be adulterated, they will not admit the discoloring moisture;—as Chrysermus relates in his Third Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies the mountain Tmolus, full of all manner of wild beasts, formerly called Carmanorion, from @@ -439,7 +439,7 @@ resolved to vitiate her by force. She, seeing she could by no means escape his fury otherwise, fled to the temple of Diana, where the tyrant, contemning all religion, ravished - her,—an infamy which the nymph not being able to survive immediately hanged herself. But Diana would not + her,—an infamy which the nymph not being able to survive immediately hanged herself. But Diana would not pass by so great a crime; and therefore, to be revenged upon the king for his irreligious insolence, she set a mad bull upon him, by which the king being tossed up in the @@ -450,7 +450,7 @@ its color four times a day; and is to be seen only by- virgins that are not arrived at the years of understanding. But if marriageable virgins happen to see it, they can never receive any injury from those that attempt their - chastity;—as Clitophon reports. + chastity;—as Clitophon reports.

@@ -468,7 +468,7 @@ called Evenus.

In this river grows an herb which is called sarissa, because it resembles a spear, of excellent use for those that - are troubled with dim sight;—as Archelaus relates in his + are troubled with dim sight;—as Archelaus relates in his First Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies Myenus, from Myenus the son of Telestor and Alphesiboea; who, being beloved by his @@ -479,7 +479,7 @@ of the mountain, which for that reason was afterwards called Myenus.

Upon this mountain grows a flower called the white violet, which, if you do but name the word step-dame, presently - dies away;—as Dercyllus reports in his Third Book of + dies away;—as Dercyllus reports in his Third Book of Mountains.

@@ -496,7 +496,7 @@ related to him, he offered in sacrifice to the satisfaction of his vow. But then no less grieved for what he had done, he cast himself into the river, which from this accident - was afterwards called by his own name Maeander;—as + was afterwards called by his own name Maeander;—as Timolaus tells us in his First Book of Phrygian Relations. @@ -515,7 +515,7 @@

In this river there is a certain stone, which by Antiphrasis is called sophron, or the sober-stone; which if you drop into the bosom of any man, it presently makes him mad to that degree as to murder his nearest relations, but - having once atoned the Mother of the Gods, he is presently restored to his wits;—as Damaratus testifies in his + having once atoned the Mother of the Gods, he is presently restored to his wits;—as Damaratus testifies in his Third Book of Rivers. And Archelaus makes mention of the same in his First Book of Stones.

Near to this river lies the mountain Sipylus, so called @@ -528,7 +528,7 @@ parents find, they lay it up in the temple of the Mother of the Gods. Nor do they ever transgress out of impiety; but reverence their parents, and are obedient to their - superior relations;—as Agatharchides the Samian relates + superior relations;—as Agatharchides the Samian relates in his Fourth Book of Stones, and Demaratus in his Fourth Book of Phrygia. @@ -551,7 +551,7 @@ it was called Marsyas, upon this occasion.

Marsyas being overcome and flayed by Apollo, certain Satyrs are said to have sprung from the stream of his - blood; as also a river bearing the name of Marsyas;—as + blood; as also a river bearing the name of Marsyas;—as Alexander Cornelius recites in his Third Book of Phrygian Relations.

But Euemeridas the Cnidian tells the story after this @@ -566,7 +566,7 @@ having built a fair city, called it Noricum, which in the Phrygian language signifies a wine-bag.

In this river grows an herb called the pipe, which being - moved in the wind yields a melodious sound;—as Dercyllus reports in his First Book of Satyrics.

+ moved in the wind yields a melodious sound;—as Dercyllus reports in his First Book of Satyrics.

Near to this river also lies the mountain Berecyntus, deriving its name from Berecyntus, the first priest to the @@ -576,7 +576,7 @@ stone which is called machaera, very much resembling iron; which if any one happens to light upon while the solemnities of the Mother of the Gods are performing, he - presently runs mad;—as Agatharchides reports in his + presently runs mad;—as Agatharchides reports in his Phrygian Relations.

@@ -599,7 +599,7 @@

In this river grows a stone which is called pausilypus, or the grief-easing stone. This stone if any one find who is oppressed with grief, he shall presently be eased of his - sorrow;—as Jason of Byzantium relates in his Thracian + sorrow;—as Jason of Byzantium relates in his Thracian Histories.

Near to this river lie the mountains Rhodope and Haemus. These being brother and sister, and both falling in love with each other, the one was so presumptuous as to @@ -614,7 +614,7 @@ are of a crow-color, and resembling human shape, and if they chance to be named when they are separated one from another, they presently and separately, as they lie, - dissolve and waste away;—as Thrasyllus the Mendesian + dissolve and waste away;—as Thrasyllus the Mendesian testifies in his Third Book of Stones, but more accurately in his Thracian Histories. @@ -636,7 +636,7 @@ of the Gods by nature engraved upon it. This stone, which is rarely to be found, if any of the Galli or gelded priests happen to light upon, he makes no wonder at it, - but undauntedly brooks the sight of a preternatural action;—as Aretazes reports in his Phrygian Relations.

+ but undauntedly brooks the sight of a preternatural action;—as Aretazes reports in his Phrygian Relations.

Near to this river lies the mountain Ballenaeus, which in the Phrygian language signifies royal; so called from Ballenaeus, the son of Ganymede and Medesigiste, who @@ -648,7 +648,7 @@ It is called in the language of the natives ballen, which - being interpreted signifies a king;—as Hermesianax the + being interpreted signifies a king;—as Hermesianax the Cyprian affirms in his Second Book of his Phrygian Relations.

@@ -664,7 +664,7 @@ cod with berries rattling in it when they are ripe; whence it derived the name of sistrum, or the rattle; whoever has this herb in possession fears no apparition nor the - sight of any God;—as Demostratus writes in his. Second + sight of any God;—as Demostratus writes in his. Second Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies the mountain Ida, formerly Gargarus; on the top of which stand the altars of Jupiter and of the Mother of the Gods. But it was called Ida @@ -672,7 +672,7 @@ priests of the Mother of the Gods. After which, Ida running mad in the temple of Rhea, Aegesthius, in remembrance of the love which he bare her, called the mountain by her name.

In this mountain grows a stone called cryphius, as being never to be found but when the mysteries of the Gods - are solemnizing;—as Heraclitus the Sicyonian writes in + are solemnizing;—as Heraclitus the Sicyonian writes in his Second Book of Stones. @@ -700,7 +700,7 @@ ready against the time that the people meet upon the banks of the river to choose a new sovereign, is presently elected king, and receives the sceptre of the deceased - prince;—as Ctesiphon relates in his Third Book of + prince;—as Ctesiphon relates in his Third Book of Plants; and Aristobulus gives us the same account in his First Book of Stones.

Near to this river also lies a mountain, in the language @@ -723,7 +723,7 @@ than snow. But if any step-dame be forming a design against her son-in-law, it sets itself on fire and sends forth a bright flame. By which means they who are thus warned - avoid the danger they are in;—as Agatho the Samian + avoid the danger they are in;—as Agatho the Samian testifies in his Second Book of Scythian Relations.

@@ -765,7 +765,7 @@ a suitable return to the queen for the piety which she expressed in her reception, persuaded Osiris to bring back her son from the subterranean regions. When Osiris undertook to do this, at the importunity of his wife, Cerberus - —whom some call the Terrible—barked so loud, that + —whom some call the Terrible—barked so loud, that Nilus, Garmathone's husband, struck with a sudden frenzy, threw himself into the river Aegyptus, which from thence was afterwards called Nilus.

@@ -781,7 +781,7 @@ the water and will not suffer the country to be injured - by the fury of the flood;—as Thrasyllus tells us in his + by the fury of the flood;—as Thrasyllus tells us in his Relation of Egypt.

Upon this river lies the mountain Argyllus, so called for this reason.

@@ -794,7 +794,7 @@ Indian's, and then subduing Spain, left Pan behind him there, the chief commander and governor of those places. Pan by his own name called that country Pania, which was - afterward by his posterity called Spania;—as Sosthenes + afterward by his posterity called Spania;—as Sosthenes relates in the Thirteenth Book of Iberian Relations.

@@ -820,7 +820,7 @@ river; but if you do but name the Athenians, it presently sinks to the bottom of the water. Of these stones there are not a few which are consecrated and laid up in the - temple of Minerva of the Brazen House;—as Nicanor + temple of Minerva of the Brazen House;—as Nicanor the Samian relates in his Second Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies the mountain Taygetus, deriving its name from the nymph Taygete; who, after Jupiter had @@ -830,7 +830,7 @@

Upon this mountain grows a plant called Charisia, which the women at the beginning of the spring tied about their necks, to make themselves more passionately beloved by - men;—as Cleanthes reports in his First Book of Mountains. But Sosthenes the Cnidian is more accurate in the + men;—as Cleanthes reports in his First Book of Mountains. But Sosthenes the Cnidian is more accurate in the relation of these things, from whom Hermogenes borrowed the subject of his writing. @@ -860,7 +860,7 @@

There is also found in this river a certain stone, not unlike a beryl, which in the hands of those who intend to bear false witness will grow black. Of these stones there - are many laid up in the temple of Juno Prosymnaea;—as + are many laid up in the temple of Juno Prosymnaea;—as Timotheus relates in his Argolica, and Agatho the Samian in his Second Book of Rivers.

Agathocles the Milesian, in his History of Rivers, also @@ -874,7 +874,7 @@ which sprang an immense lion; which Iris binding with her own girdle carried to the mountain Opheltium, where the lion killed and tore in pieces Apesantus, one of the - shepherds belonging to that place. And from that accident, by the will of the Gods, the hill was called Apesantus;—as Demodocus writes in his First Book of the History of Hercules.

+ shepherds belonging to that place. And from that accident, by the will of the Gods, the hill was called Apesantus;—as Demodocus writes in his First Book of the History of Hercules.

In this river grows an herb called selene, with the froth of which, being gathered in the spring, the shepherds anoint their feet, and keep them from being bit or stung @@ -890,7 +890,7 @@ But coming to this hill and despairing to overtake him, out of that extreme love which they had for their sister they made such a bellowing (mukhqmo/s), that the natives from - thence called the top of the mountain Mycenae;—as Ctesias + thence called the top of the mountain Mycenae;—as Ctesias the Ephesian relates in his First Book of the Acts of Perseus. But Chrysermus the Corinthian relates the story thus in the First Book of his Peloponnesiacs. For he says that, when Perseus was carried aloft in the air and lit upon @@ -914,19 +914,19 @@

The mountain Coccygium derived its name from this accident. Jupiter falling desperately in love with his sister Juno, and having vanquished her by his importunity, begat a male child. From whence the mountain, before - called Lyrceum, was named Coccygium;—as Agathonymus + called Lyrceum, was named Coccygium;—as Agathonymus relates in his Persis.

In this mountain grows a tree, which is called paliurus; upon the boughs of which whatever fowl happens to perch, it is presently entangled as it were with bird-lime, and cannot stir; only the cuckoo it lets go free, without any harm; - —as Ctesiphon testifies in his First Book of Trees.

+ —as Ctesiphon testifies in his First Book of Trees.

As for the mountain Athenaeum, it derives its name from Minerva. For after the destruction of Troy, Diomede returning to Argos, ascended the mountain Ceraunius, and there erecting a temple to Minerva, called the mountain Athenaeum from her name Athena.

Upon the top of this mountain grows a root like to that of rue, which if any woman unwarily taste of, she presently - runs mad. This root is called Adrastea;—as Plesimachus + runs mad. This root is called Adrastea;—as Plesimachus writes in his Second Book of the Returns of the Heroes.

@@ -947,7 +947,7 @@

In this river grows a plant which is called cenchritis, resembling a honey-comb, the decoction of which, being given by the physicians to those that are mad, cures them - of their frenzy;–as Ctesias relates in his First Book of + of their frenzy;–as Ctesias relates in his First Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies the mountain Cronium, so called upon this occasion. After the Giants' war, Saturn, to avoid @@ -961,7 +961,7 @@

In this mountain is found a stone, which is called the cylinder, upon this occasion. For as oft as Jupiter either thunders or lightens, so often this stone through fear rolls - down from the top of the mountain;—as Dercyllus writes + down from the top of the mountain;—as Dercyllus writes in his First Book of Stones.

@@ -987,13 +987,13 @@

In the same river also there grows an herb which is called axalla, which signifies heat. This herb they that are troubled with quartan-agues apply to their breasts, - and are presently delivered from the fit;—as Chrysermus + and are presently delivered from the fit;—as Chrysermus writes in his Thirteenth Book of Rivers.

Near this river lies the mountain Drimylus, where grows a stone not unlike a sardonyx, worn by kings and princes upon their diadems, and greatly available against dimness - of sight;–as Nicias Mallotes writes in his Book of + of sight;–as Nicias Mallotes writes in his Book of Stones.

@@ -1023,7 +1023,7 @@

In the same river also grows an herb which is called elipharmacus, which the physicians apply to such as are troubled with immoderate fluxes of blood, as having a - peculiar virtue to stop the orifices of the veins;—according to the relation of Timagoras in his First Book of + peculiar virtue to stop the orifices of the veins;—according to the relation of Timagoras in his First Book of Rivers.

Adjoining to the banks of this river lies the mountain @@ -1051,7 +1051,7 @@ health, called the mountain by his own name Teuthras.

In this mountain grows a stone called antipathes (or the resister), which is of excellent virtue to cure scabs and - leprosies, being powdered and mixed with wine;—as + leprosies, being powdered and mixed with wine;—as Ctesias the Cnidian tells us in his Second Book of Mountains.

@@ -1084,7 +1084,7 @@ mixed black and lead color, called linurgus from the effect; for if you throw it upon a linen cloth, by a certain affectionate union it assumes the form of the linen, and - turns white;—as Antisthenes relates in the Third Book + turns white;—as Antisthenes relates in the Third Book of his Meleagris, though Diocles the Rhodian more accurately tells us the same thing in his Aetolics.

Near to this river lies the mountain Calydon, so called from Calydon, the son of Mars and Astynome; for that @@ -1095,7 +1095,7 @@

Upon this mountain grows an herb called myops. This if any one steep in water and wash his face with it, he shall lose his sight, but upon his atoning Diana, he shall - recover it again;—as Dercyllus writes in his Third Book + recover it again;—as Dercyllus writes in his Third Book of Aetolics. @@ -1107,7 +1107,7 @@

ARAXES is a river in Armenia, so called from Araxus the son of Pylus. For he, contending with his grandfather Arbelus for the empire, shot him with an arrow. For which being haunted by the Furies, he threw himself into the - river Bactros, for that reason called Araxes;—as Ctesiphon testifies in his First Book of the Persian Affairs. + river Bactros, for that reason called Araxes;—as Ctesiphon testifies in his First Book of the Persian Affairs. Araxes, king of the Armenians, being at war with his neighbors the Persians, before they came to a battle, was told by the oracle that he should win the victory if he @@ -1132,7 +1132,7 @@ the priest touch it with his knife, but it sends forth a stream of blood; at what time the superstitious sacrificers retire, and with howlings and loud ohoning carry the stone - to the temple;—as Dorotheus the Chaldaean relates in + to the temple;—as Dorotheus the Chaldaean relates in his Second Book of Stones.

Near to this river lies the mountain Diorphus, so called @@ -1148,7 +1148,7 @@

In this mountain grows a tree, not unlike a pomegranate-tree, which yields plenty of apples, in taste like grapes. Now if any one gather the ripest of this fruit, and do but name Mars while he holds it in his hand, it will presently - grow green again;—as Ctesiphon witnesses in his Thirteenth Book of Trees. + grow green again;—as Ctesiphon witnesses in his Thirteenth Book of Trees.

@@ -1162,8 +1162,8 @@ to pass the river before-mentioned, he called upon Jupiter; who, listening to his prayers, sent him a tiger that carried him safely over the water. In remembrance of which - accident, he called the river Tigris;—as Theophilus relates in his First Book of Stones. But Hermesianax the - Cyprian tells the story thus:—

+ accident, he called the river Tigris;—as Theophilus relates in his First Book of Stones. But Hermesianax the + Cyprian tells the story thus:—

Bacchus falling in love with the Nymph Alphesiboea, and being able to vanquish her neither with presents nor entreaties, turned himself into the shape of the river Tigris, @@ -1173,11 +1173,11 @@ and overcoming his beloved by fear, took her away, and carrying her over the river, begat a son whom he called Medus; who growing up in years, in remembrance of the - accident he called the river by the name of Tigris;—as + accident he called the river by the name of Tigris;—as Aristonymus relates in his Third Book . . .

In this river a stone is to be found, called myndan, very white; which whoever possesses shall never be hurt by - wild beasts;—as Leo of Byzantium relates in his Third + wild beasts;—as Leo of Byzantium relates in his Third Book of Rivers.

Near to this river lies the mountain Gauran; so called from Gauran the son of the satrap Roxanes; who, being @@ -1191,7 +1191,7 @@

In this mountain grows an herb, which is like to wild barley. This herb the natives heat over the fire, and anointing themselves with the oil of it, are never sick, till - the necessity of dying overtakes them;—as Sostratus + the necessity of dying overtakes them;—as Sostratus writes in his First Collection of Fabulous History.

@@ -1217,7 +1217,7 @@ a virgin carry about her, she need never be afraid of being deflowered.

In the same river also grows an herb, not unlike to - bugloss. Which is an excellent remedy against the king's evil, being administered to the patient in warm water;— + bugloss. Which is an excellent remedy against the king's evil, being administered to the patient in warm water;— as Clitophon the Rhodian reports in his First Book of Indian Relations.

Near to this mountain lies the mountain Lilaeus, so called from Lilaeus a shepherd; who, being very superstitious and a worshipper of the Moon alone, always performed her mysteries in the dead time of the night. Which @@ -1226,7 +1226,7 @@ the Moon turned her adorer into a mountain of the same name.

In this mountain a stone is found which is called clitoris, - of a very black color, which the natives wear for ornament's sake in their ears;—as Aristotle witnesses in his + of a very black color, which the natives wear for ornament's sake in their ears;—as Aristotle witnesses in his Fourth Book of Rivers.

diff --git a/data/tlg0094/tlg002/tlg0094.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0094/tlg002/tlg0094.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml index df2584b94..7ca4a104d 100644 --- a/data/tlg0094/tlg002/tlg0094.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0094/tlg002/tlg0094.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -88,7 +88,7 @@ knowledge of the principles of Greek music, with its various moods, scales, and combinations of tetrachords. The whole subject is treated by Boeckh, De Metris Pindari (in Vol. I. 2 of his edition of Pindar); and more at length in Westphal's - Harmonik und Melopöie der Griechen (in Rossbach and Westphal's Metrik, Vol. II. 1).

+ Harmonik und Melopöie der Griechen (in Rossbach and Westphal's Metrik, Vol. II. 1).

An elementary explanation of the ordinary scale and of the names of the notes (which are here retained without any attempt at translation) may be of use to the reader.

@@ -96,10 +96,10 @@ four strings of the tetrachord. But before Terpander's time two forms of the heptachord (with seven strings) were already in use. One of these was enlarged to an octachord (with eight strings) by adding the octave (called nh/th). This addition - is ascribed to Terpander by Plutarch (§28); but he is said to have been unwilling + is ascribed to Terpander by Plutarch (§28); but he is said to have been unwilling to increase the number of strings permanently to eight, and to have therefore omitted the string called tri/th, thus reducing the octachord again to a heptachord. The notes - of the full octachord in this form, in the ordinary diatonic scale, are as follows:— + of the full octachord in this form, in the ordinary diatonic scale, are as follows:— @@ -295,21 +295,21 @@ of Alexandria, and Lysias, one of those to whom he gave a yearly pension. After all had done and the table was - cleared,—To dive, said he, most worthy friends, into the + cleared,—To dive, said he, most worthy friends, into the nature and reason of the human voice is not an argument proper for this merry meeting, as being a subject that requires a more sober scrutiny. But because our chiefest grammarians define the voice to be a percussion of the air made sensible to the ear, and for that we were yesterday - discoursing of Grammar,—which is an art that can give + discoursing of Grammar,—which is an art that can give the voice form and shape by means of letters, and store it - up in the memory as a magazine,—let us consider what + up in the memory as a magazine,—let us consider what is the next science to this which may be said to relate to the voice. In my opinion, it must be music. For it is one of the chiefest and most religious duties belonging to man, to celebrate the praise of the Gods, who gave to him alone the most excelling advantage of articulate discourse, - as Homer has observed in the following verses:— + as Homer has observed in the following verses:— @@ -365,7 +365,7 @@ without metre; they were rather like the poems of Stesichorus and other ancient lyric poets, who composed in heroic verse and added a musical accompaniment. The same Heraclides writes that Terpander, the first that instituted the lyric nomes, - According to K. O. Müller (History of Greek Literature, Chap. XII § 4), the + According to K. O. Müller (History of Greek Literature, Chap. XII § 4), the nomes were musical compositions of great simplicity and severity, something resembling the most ancient melodies of our church music. (G.) set verses of Homer as well as his @@ -383,7 +383,7 @@

Now the measures appointed by these persons, noble Onesicrates, in reference to such songs as are to be sung to the flutes or pipes, were distinguished by these names, - —Apothetus, Elegiac, Comarchius, Schoenion, Cepion, + —Apothetus, Elegiac, Comarchius, Schoenion, Cepion, Tenedius, and Trimeles (or of three parts).

To these succeeding ages added another sort, which were called Polymnastia. But the measures set down for those @@ -459,7 +459,7 @@ that Olympus, a Phrygian player upon the flute, invented a certain nome in honor of Apollo, which he called Polycephalus,This seems to be the nome referred to by Pindar, Pyth. XII. 12, as the invention of Pallas Athena. The Scholia on the passage of Pindar tell us that the goddess - represented it in the lamentation of the two surviving Gorgons for their sister Medusa slain by Perseus, and the hissing of the snakes which surrounded their heads,— + represented it in the lamentation of the two surviving Gorgons for their sister Medusa slain by Perseus, and the hissing of the snakes which surrounded their heads,— whence the name poluke/falos, or many-headed. (G.) or of many heads. This Olympus, they say, was descended from the first Olympus, the scholar of Marsyas, who invented several forms of composition in honor of the Gods; and he, being a boy beloved of Marsyas, and @@ -550,13 +550,13 @@ to pass:

The relations of the enharmonic scale to the ordinary diatonic are thus stated - by Westphal (pp. 124–126), b being here substituted for the German h:— + by Westphal (pp. 124–126), b being here substituted for the German h:

The d inserted between e and f and between b and c is called diesis, and represents a quarter-tone. The section in Westphal containing this scheme will greatly aid the - interpretation of § 11 of Plutarch. (G.)

+ interpretation of § 11 of Plutarch. (G.)

for that Olympus before altogether composing and playing in the diatonic species, and having frequent occasion to shift to the diatonic parhypate, sometimes from the paramese and sometimes from the mese, skipping the diatonic lichanos, he found the beauty that appeared in the @@ -854,7 +854,7 @@ scholar, thus labors to convince the world: Harmony, saith he, descended from heaven, and is of a divine, noble, and angelic nature; but being fourfold as to its - efficacy, it has two means,—the one arithmetical, the + efficacy, it has two means,—the one arithmetical, the other enharmonical. As for its members, its dimensions, and its excesses of intervals, they are best discovered by number and equality of measure, the whole art being contained in two tetrachords. These are his words. The @@ -883,7 +883,7 @@ and are exceeded by mese and paramese in the same proportions, those of 4: 3 and of 3: 2. Now these excesses are in what is called harmonic progression. But the distances of nete from mese and of paramese from hypate, expressed - in numbers, are in the same proportion (12:8 = 9:6); for + in numbers, are in the same proportion (12:8 = 9:6); for paramese exceeds mese by one-eighth of the latter. Again, nete is to hypate as 2:1; paramese to hypate as 3:2; and mese to hypate as 4:3. This, according to Aristotle, is the @@ -900,15 +900,15 @@ - of six (i.e., 2×3). Whence it comes to pass, that music - —herself and her parts—being thus constituted as to excesses and proportion, the whole accords with the whole, + of six (i.e., 2×3). Whence it comes to pass, that music + —herself and her parts—being thus constituted as to excesses and proportion, the whole accords with the whole, and also with each one of the parts.

But now as for the senses that are created within the body, such as are of celestial and heavenly extraction, and which by divine assistance affect the understanding of - men by means of harmony,—namely, sight and hearing,— + men by means of harmony,—namely, sight and hearing,— do by the very light and voice express harmony. And others which are their attendants, so far as they are senses, likewise exist by harmony; for they perform none of their effects without harmony; and although they are inferior @@ -965,7 +965,7 @@ of the Dorian nete, which before was not in use. Even the whole Mixolydian mood is a new invention. Such were also the Orthian manner of melody with Orthian rhythms, - and also the Trochaeus Semantus.See Rossbach, Griechische Rhythmik, p. 96, § 23. (G.) And if we believe + and also the Trochaeus Semantus.See Rossbach, Griechische Rhythmik, p. 96, § 23. (G.) And if we believe Pindar, Terpander was the inventor of the Scolion (or roundelay). Archilochus also invented the rhythmic composition of the iambic trimeter, the change to rhythms of different character, the melo-dramatic delivery,So Rossbach and Westphal interpret parakatalogh/. Metrik, III. pp. 184, 554. (G.) and the @@ -1016,7 +1016,7 @@ being in the service of the poet. Afterwards that custom grew out of date; insomuch that Pherecrates the comedian brings in Music in woman's habit, all bruised and battered, and then introduces Justice asking the reason; to - which Music thus replies:— + which Music thus replies:— @@ -1065,7 +1065,7 @@

Aristophanes the comic poet, making mention of Philoxenus, complains of his introducing lyric verses among the cyclic choruses, where he brings in Music thus - speaking:— + speaking:— @@ -1212,7 +1212,7 @@

For there are three things at least that at the same - instant strike the ear,—the note, the time, and the word or + instant strike the ear,—the note, the time, and the word or syllable. By the note we judge of the harmony, by the time of the rhythm, and by the word of the matter or subject of the song. As these proceed forth altogether, it is requisite the sense should give them entrance at the same @@ -1319,7 +1319,7 @@ Achilles, in the height of his fury toward Agamemnon, appeased by the music which he learned from Chiron, a - person of great wisdom. For thus says he:— + person of great wisdom. For thus says he:— @@ -1379,7 +1379,7 @@ Lacedaemonians by advice of the oracle, he freed the city from a raging pestilence. Homer tells that the Grecians stopped the fury of another noisome pestilence by the - power and charms of the same noble science:— + power and charms of the same noble science:— @@ -1416,7 +1416,7 @@ left for me to say; for I cannot think them guilty of so much bashfulness that they should be ashamed to bring music into banquets, where certainly, if anywhere, it cannot but be very useful, which Homer also confirms to be - true:— + true:— diff --git a/data/tlg0094/tlg003/tlg0094.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0094/tlg003/tlg0094.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml index d3c14c018..edd152399 100644 --- a/data/tlg0094/tlg003/tlg0094.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0094/tlg003/tlg0094.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -89,7 +89,7 @@ and what part of it is physical, or the explanation of natural things. The Stoics affirm that wisdom is the knowledge of things human and divine; that philosophy is the exercise of that art which is expedient to this knowledge; that virtue is the sole and sovereign art which is thus expedient; and this distributes itself into three general parts, - —natural, moral, and logical. By which just reason (they + —natural, moral, and logical. By which just reason (they say) philosophy is tripartite; of which one is natural, the other moral, the third logical. The natural is when our enquiries are concerning the world and all things contained in it; the ethical is the employment of our minds in @@ -108,9 +108,9 @@ thing which is proposed. Likewise, if the question be proposed, whether the world be infinite, or whether beyond the system of this world there is any real being, all these things are the objects about which the understanding of man is conversant. But if these be the questions, - —what measures must be taken to compose the well ordered life of man, what are the best methods to govern + —what measures must be taken to compose the well ordered life of man, what are the best methods to govern and educate children, or what are the exact rules whereby - sovereigns may command and establish laws,—all these + sovereigns may command and establish laws,—all these queries are proposed for the sole end of action, and the man conversant therein is the moral and practical man.

@@ -184,9 +184,9 @@ original from humidity. His second reason was, that all plants are nourished and fructified by that thing which is moist, of which being deprived they wither away. Thirdly, - that that fire of which the sun and stars are made is nourished by watery exhalations,—yea, and the world itself; + that that fire of which the sun and stars are made is nourished by watery exhalations,—yea, and the world itself; which moved Homer to sing that the generation of it was - from water:— + from water:— The ocean is @@ -271,7 +271,7 @@ that is the visible world. Moreover the nature of number (he saith) consists in the ten; for all people, whether Grecians or barbarians, reckon from one to ten, and thence return to one again. Farther he avers the virtue of ten - consists in the quaternion; the reason whereof is this,— + consists in the quaternion; the reason whereof is this,— if any person reckon from one, and by addition place his numbers so as to take in the quaternary, he shall complete the number ten; if he exceed the four, he shall go beyond @@ -364,7 +364,7 @@ the division of beings. Thus he sings, - Mark the four roots of all created things:— + Mark the four roots of all created things:— Bright shining Jove, Juno that giveth life, @@ -535,7 +535,7 @@ delivered to us the knowledge and veneration of the Gods - did it by these three manner of ways:—first, from Nature; + did it by these three manner of ways:—first, from Nature; secondly, from fables; thirdly, from the testimony given by the laws of commonwealths. Philosophers taught the natural way; poets, the fabulous; and the political way is received from the constitutions of each commonwealth. @@ -606,7 +606,7 @@ Bentley's note to Callimachus, Frag. 86. (G.) Great Jupiter, Thrasonic old bald pate, - Now writes his impious books,—a boastful ass! + Now writes his impious books,—a boastful ass!

@@ -682,8 +682,8 @@ that he did neither of these. Now neither the first nor the second can be entertained, because they suppose God to be eternal; if God from eternity was in a continual - sleep, he was in an eternal death,—and what is death but - an eternal sleep?—but no sleep can affect a Deity, for the + sleep, he was in an eternal death,—and what is death but + an eternal sleep?—but no sleep can affect a Deity, for the immortality of God and alliance to death are vastly different. But if God was in a continual vigilance, either there was something wanting to make him happy, or else his beatitude was perfectly complete; but according to neither @@ -708,7 +708,7 @@

Pythagoras says that, of his principles, unity is God; and the perfect good, which is indeed the nature of a unity, is mind itself; but the binary number, which is infinite, is a - devil, and in its own nature evil,—about which the multitude of material beings, and this world which is the object + devil, and in its own nature evil,—about which the multitude of material beings, and this world which is the object of our eyes, are conversant.

Socrates and Plato agree that God is that which is one, hath its original from its own self, is of a singular subsistence, is one only being perfectly good; all these various names signifying goodness do all centre in mind; hence @@ -806,7 +806,7 @@

A CAUSE is that by which any thing is produced, or by which any thing is effected.

-

Plato gives this triple division of causes,—the material, +

Plato gives this triple division of causes,—the material, the efficient, and the final cause; the principal cause he judges to be the efficient, which is the mind and intellect.

Pythagoras and Aristotle judge the first causes are incorporeal beings, but those that are causes by accident or @@ -821,7 +821,7 @@ Chapter XII. OF BODIES.

A BODY is that being which hath these three dimensions, - breadth, depth, and length ;—or a bulk which makes a sensible resistance;—or whatsoever of its own nature possesseth a place.

+ breadth, depth, and length ;—or a bulk which makes a sensible resistance;—or whatsoever of its own nature possesseth a place.

Plato saith that it is neither heavy nor light in its own nature, when it exists in its own place; but being in the place where another should be, then it has an inclination @@ -1136,7 +1136,7 @@ that circle is the utmost bound of the world. Seleucus, that the world knows no limits. Diogenes, that the universe is infinite, but this world is finite. The Stoics make a difference between that which is called the universe, and - that which is called the whole world;—the universe is + that which is called the whole world;—the universe is the infinite space considered with the vacuum, the vacuity being removed gives the right conception of the world; so that the universe and the world are not the same thing. @@ -1399,7 +1399,7 @@ inferior. Democritus, that the fixed stars are in the highest place; after those the planets; after which the sun, Venus, and the moon, in their order. Plato, that the first after the fixed stars that makes its appearance is Phaenon, - the star of Saturn; the second Phaëton, the star of Jupiter; the third the fiery, which is the star of Mars; the + the star of Saturn; the second Phaëton, the star of Jupiter; the third the fiery, which is the star of Mars; the fourth the morning star, which is the star of Venus; @@ -1529,7 +1529,7 @@ and twenty times larger than the earth. Anaxagoras, that it is far greater than Peloponnesus. Heraclitus, that it is no broader than a man's foot. Epicurus, that he equally - embraceth all the foresaid opinions,—that the sun may + embraceth all the foresaid opinions,—that the sun may be of magnitude as it appears, or it may be somewhat greater or somewhat less. @@ -1605,7 +1605,7 @@ OF THE ESSENCE OF THE MOON.

ANAXIMANDER affirms that the circle of the moon is nineteen times bigger than the earth, and resembles the sun, its orb being full of fire; and it suffers an eclipse when the - wheel turneth,—which he describes by the divers turnings + wheel turneth,—which he describes by the divers turnings of a chariot-wheel, in the midst of it there being a hollow replenished with fire, which hath but one way of expiration. Xenophanes, that it is a condensed cloud. The Stoics, that it is mixed of fire and air. Plato, that it is @@ -1747,7 +1747,7 @@ OF THE GALAXY, OR THE MILKY WAY.

IT is a cloudy circle, which continually appears in the air, and by reason of the whiteness of its colors is called - the galaxy, or the milky way. Some of the Pythagoreans say that, when Phaëton set the world on fire, a star + the galaxy, or the milky way. Some of the Pythagoreans say that, when Phaëton set the world on fire, a star falling from its own place in its circular passage through the region caused an inflammation. Others say that originally it was the first course of the sun; others, that it is an @@ -1794,7 +1794,7 @@ kind. This way unanimously go all the Peripatetics, believing that these meteors, being formed by the clouds, do differ according to their various configurations. Epigenes, that a comet arises from an elevation of spirit or wind, - mixed with an earthy substance and set on fire. Boëthus, + mixed with an earthy substance and set on fire. Boëthus, that it is a phantasy presented to us by inflamed air. Diogenes, that comets are stars. Anaxagoras, that those styled shooting stars fall down from the ether like sparks, and therefore are soon extinguished. Metrodorus, that it @@ -1928,7 +1928,7 @@ Chapter VI. OF METEORS WHICH RESEMBLE RODS, OR OF RODS. -

THESE rods and the mock-suns are constituted of a double nature, a real subsistence, and a mere appearance;— +

THESE rods and the mock-suns are constituted of a double nature, a real subsistence, and a mere appearance;— of a real subsistence, because the clouds are the object of our eyes; of a mere appearance, for their proper color is not seen, but that which is adventitious. The like affections, natural and. adventitious, in all such things do @@ -2000,7 +2000,7 @@ rooted in the infinite space. Philolaus the Pythagorean gives to fire the middle place, and this is the hearth-fire of the universe; the second place to the Antichthon; the third - to that earth which we inhabit, which is seated in opposition unto and whirled about the opposite,—which is the + to that earth which we inhabit, which is seated in opposition unto and whirled about the opposite,—which is the reason that those which inhabit that earth cannot be seen by us. Parmenides was the first that confined the habitable world to the two solstitial (or temperate) zones. @@ -2330,7 +2330,7 @@ an organ. There are several ways of expressing what sense is; it is either a habit, a faculty, an operation, or an imagination which apprehends by means of an organ - of sense,—and also the eighth principal thing, from + of sense,—and also the eighth principal thing, from whence the senses are derived. The instruments of sense are intelligent spirits, which from the said commanding part reach unto all the organs of the body. Epicurus, @@ -2339,7 +2339,7 @@ that sense is a faculty, and that which is perceived by the sense is the product of it; so that sense hath a double - acceptation,—sense which is the faculty, and the thing + acceptation,—sense which is the faculty, and the thing received by the sense, which is the effect. Plato, that sense is that commerce which the soul and body have with those things that are exterior to them; the power of @@ -2576,7 +2576,7 @@ Chapter XIX. OF THE VOICE. -

PLATO thus defines a voice,—that it is a breath drawn +

PLATO thus defines a voice,—that it is a breath drawn by the mind through the mouth, and a blow given to the air and through the ear, brain, and blood transmitted to the soul. Voice is abusively attributed to irrational and @@ -2708,7 +2708,7 @@ forth by way of expiration; the parts of the body mutually concurring to this function by the alternate participation of fulness and emptiness. So that to lungs pertain four - motions;—first, when the lungs receive the outward air; + motions;—first, when the lungs receive the outward air; secondly, when the outward air thus entertained is transmitted to the breast; thirdly, when the lungs again receive that air which they imparted to the breast; fourthly, when this air then received from the breast is thrown outwards. @@ -2716,7 +2716,7 @@ lungs attract the external air, another when the breast dischargeth itself of it upon the lungs; two are contractions, one when the breast draws into itself the air, the second when it expels this which was insinuated into it. The - breast admits only of two motions;—of dilatation, when + breast admits only of two motions;—of dilatation, when it draws from the lungs the breath, and of contraction, when it returns what it did receive. @@ -2966,12 +2966,12 @@ - affected, there will be barrenness,—if it be more condensed, or more spongy, or more hardened, or more + affected, there will be barrenness,—if it be more condensed, or more spongy, or more hardened, or more callous, or more carneous; or it may be from low spirits, or from an atrophy or vicious distemper of body; or, lastly, it may arise from a twisted or distorted configuration. Diocles holds that the sterility in men ariseth from some - of these causes,—either that they cannot at all ejaculate + of these causes,—either that they cannot at all ejaculate any sperm, or if they do, it is less than nature doth require, or else there is no generative faculty in the sperm, or the genital members are flagging; or from the obliquity of @@ -3150,7 +3150,7 @@ third preparation for generation was when their parts mutually amongst themselves gave a being to one another; the fourth, when there was no longer a mixture of similar elements (like earth and water), but a union of animals - among themselves,—in some the nourishment being made + among themselves,—in some the nourishment being made @@ -3194,8 +3194,8 @@ formed from the thirty-sixth day, and their shape is completed in the nine and fortieth. Asclepiades, that male embryos, by reason of a greater natural heat, have - their joints begun to be formed in the twenty-sixth day,— - many even sooner,—and that they are completed in all + their joints begun to be formed in the twenty-sixth day,— + many even sooner,—and that they are completed in all their parts on the fiftieth day; the parts of the females are articulated in two months, but by the defect of heat are not consummated till the fourth; but the members of diff --git a/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml index 07920dc8d..c7dd76e73 100755 --- a/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -74,49 +74,49 @@

-After the mouth of the Silaris one comes to Leucania, and to the temple of the Argoan Hera, built by Jason, and near by, within fifty stadia, to Poseidonia. Thence, sailing out past the gulf, one comes to Leucosia,Now Licosa. an island, from which it is only a short voyage across to the continent. The island is named after one of the Sirens, who was cast ashore here after the Sirens had flung themselves, as the myth has it, into the depths of the sea. In front of the island lies that promontoryPoseidium, now Punta Della Licosa. which is opposite the Sirenussae and with them forms the Poseidonian Gulf. On doubling this promontory one comes immediately to another gulf, in which there is a city which was called "Hyele" by the Phocaeans who founded it, and by others "Ele," after a certain spring, but is called by the men of today "Elea." This is the native city of Parmenides and Zeno, the Pythagorean philosophers. It is my opinion that not only through the influence of these men but also in still earlier times the city was well governed; and it was because of this good government that the people not only held their own against the Leucani and the Poseidoniatae, but even returned victorious, although they were inferior to them both in extent of territory and in population. At any rate, they are compelled, on account of the poverty of their soil, to busy themselves mostly with the sea and to establish factories for the salting of fish, and other such industries. According to Antiochus,Antiochus Syracusanus, the historian. Cp. Hdt. 1.167 after the capture of Phocaea by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, all the Phocaeans who could do so embarked with their entire families on their light boats and, under the leadership of Creontiades, sailed first to Cyrnus and Massalia, but when they were beaten off from those places founded Elea. Some, however, say that the city took its name from the River Elees.The Latin form is "Hales" (now the Alento). It is about two hundred stadia distant from Poseidonia. After Elea comes the promontory of Palinurus. Off the territory of Elea are two islands, the Oenotrides, which have anchoring-places. After Palinurus comes Pyxus—a cape, harbor, and river, for all three have the same name. Pyxus was peopled with new settlers by Micythus, the ruler of the Messene in Sicily, but all the settlers except a few sailed away again. After Pyxus comes another gulf, and also Laüs—a river and city; it is the last of the Leucanian cities, lying only a short distance above the sea, is a colony of the Sybaritae, and the distance thither from Ele is four hundred stadia. The whole voyage along the coast of Leucania is six hundred and fifty stadia. Near Laüs is the hero-temple of Draco, one of the companions of Odysseus, in regard to which the following oracle was given out to the Italiotes:The Greek inhabitants of Italy were called "Italiotes." Much people will one day perish about Laïan Draco.There is a word-play here which cannot be brought out in translation: the word for "people" in Greek is "laos." And the oracle came true, for, deceived by it, the peoplesLiterally, "laoi." who made campaigns against Laüs, that is, the Greek inhabitants of Italy, met disaster at the hands of the Leucani. -These, then, are the places on the Tyrrhenian seaboard that belong to the Leucani. As for the other sea,The Adriatic. they could not reach it at first; in fact, the Greeks who held the Gulf of Tarentum were in control there. Before the Greeks came, however, the Leucani were as yet not even in existence, and the regions were occupied by the Chones and the Oenotri. But after the Samnitae had grown considerably in power, and had ejected the Chones and the Oenotri, and had settled a colony of Leucani in this portion of Italy, while at the same time the Greeks were holding possession of both seaboards as far as the Strait, the Greeks and the barbarians carried on war with one another for a long time. Then the tyrants of Sicily, and afterwards the Carthaginians, at one time at war with the Romans for the possession of Sicily and at another for the possession of Italy itself, maltreated all the peoples in this part of the world, but especially the Greeks. Later on, beginning from the time of the Trojan war, the Greeks had taken away from the earlier inhabitants much of the interior country also, and indeed had increased in power to such an extent that they called this part of Italy, together with Sicily, Magna Graecia. But today all parts of it, except Taras,The old name of Tarentum. Rhegium, and Neapolis, have become completely barbarized,"Barbarized," in the sense of "non-Greek" (cp. 5. 4. 4 and 5. 4. 7). and some parts have been taken and are held by the Leucani and the Brettii, and others by the Campani—that is, nominally by the Campani but in truth by the Romans, since the Campani themselves have become Romans. However, the man who busies himself with the description of the earth must needs speak, not only of the facts of the present, but also sometimes of the facts of the past, especially when they are notable. As for the Leucani, I have already spoken of those whose territory borders on the Tyrrhenian Sea, while those who hold the interior are the people who live above the Gulf of Tarentum. But the latter, and the Brettii, and the Samnitae themselves (the progenitors of these peoples) have so utterly deteriorated that it is difficult even to distinguish their several settlements; and the reason is that no common organization longer endures in any one of the separate tribes; and their characteristic differences in language, armor, dress, and the like, have completely disappeared; and, besides, their settlements, severally and in detail, are wholly without repute. +After the mouth of the Silaris one comes to Leucania, and to the temple of the Argoan Hera, built by Jason, and near by, within fifty stadia, to Poseidonia. Thence, sailing out past the gulf, one comes to Leucosia,Now Licosa. an island, from which it is only a short voyage across to the continent. The island is named after one of the Sirens, who was cast ashore here after the Sirens had flung themselves, as the myth has it, into the depths of the sea. In front of the island lies that promontoryPoseidium, now Punta Della Licosa. which is opposite the Sirenussae and with them forms the Poseidonian Gulf. On doubling this promontory one comes immediately to another gulf, in which there is a city which was called "Hyele" by the Phocaeans who founded it, and by others "Ele," after a certain spring, but is called by the men of today "Elea." This is the native city of Parmenides and Zeno, the Pythagorean philosophers. It is my opinion that not only through the influence of these men but also in still earlier times the city was well governed; and it was because of this good government that the people not only held their own against the Leucani and the Poseidoniatae, but even returned victorious, although they were inferior to them both in extent of territory and in population. At any rate, they are compelled, on account of the poverty of their soil, to busy themselves mostly with the sea and to establish factories for the salting of fish, and other such industries. According to Antiochus,Antiochus Syracusanus, the historian. Cp. Hdt. 1.167 after the capture of Phocaea by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, all the Phocaeans who could do so embarked with their entire families on their light boats and, under the leadership of Creontiades, sailed first to Cyrnus and Massalia, but when they were beaten off from those places founded Elea. Some, however, say that the city took its name from the River Elees.The Latin form is "Hales" (now the Alento). It is about two hundred stadia distant from Poseidonia. After Elea comes the promontory of Palinurus. Off the territory of Elea are two islands, the Oenotrides, which have anchoring-places. After Palinurus comes Pyxus—a cape, harbor, and river, for all three have the same name. Pyxus was peopled with new settlers by Micythus, the ruler of the Messene in Sicily, but all the settlers except a few sailed away again. After Pyxus comes another gulf, and also Laüs—a river and city; it is the last of the Leucanian cities, lying only a short distance above the sea, is a colony of the Sybaritae, and the distance thither from Ele is four hundred stadia. The whole voyage along the coast of Leucania is six hundred and fifty stadia. Near Laüs is the hero-temple of Draco, one of the companions of Odysseus, in regard to which the following oracle was given out to the Italiotes:The Greek inhabitants of Italy were called "Italiotes." Much people will one day perish about Laïan Draco.There is a word-play here which cannot be brought out in translation: the word for "people" in Greek is "laos." And the oracle came true, for, deceived by it, the peoplesLiterally, "laoi." who made campaigns against Laüs, that is, the Greek inhabitants of Italy, met disaster at the hands of the Leucani. +These, then, are the places on the Tyrrhenian seaboard that belong to the Leucani. As for the other sea,The Adriatic. they could not reach it at first; in fact, the Greeks who held the Gulf of Tarentum were in control there. Before the Greeks came, however, the Leucani were as yet not even in existence, and the regions were occupied by the Chones and the Oenotri. But after the Samnitae had grown considerably in power, and had ejected the Chones and the Oenotri, and had settled a colony of Leucani in this portion of Italy, while at the same time the Greeks were holding possession of both seaboards as far as the Strait, the Greeks and the barbarians carried on war with one another for a long time. Then the tyrants of Sicily, and afterwards the Carthaginians, at one time at war with the Romans for the possession of Sicily and at another for the possession of Italy itself, maltreated all the peoples in this part of the world, but especially the Greeks. Later on, beginning from the time of the Trojan war, the Greeks had taken away from the earlier inhabitants much of the interior country also, and indeed had increased in power to such an extent that they called this part of Italy, together with Sicily, Magna Graecia. But today all parts of it, except Taras,The old name of Tarentum. Rhegium, and Neapolis, have become completely barbarized,"Barbarized," in the sense of "non-Greek" (cp. 5. 4. 4 and 5. 4. 7). and some parts have been taken and are held by the Leucani and the Brettii, and others by the Campani—that is, nominally by the Campani but in truth by the Romans, since the Campani themselves have become Romans. However, the man who busies himself with the description of the earth must needs speak, not only of the facts of the present, but also sometimes of the facts of the past, especially when they are notable. As for the Leucani, I have already spoken of those whose territory borders on the Tyrrhenian Sea, while those who hold the interior are the people who live above the Gulf of Tarentum. But the latter, and the Brettii, and the Samnitae themselves (the progenitors of these peoples) have so utterly deteriorated that it is difficult even to distinguish their several settlements; and the reason is that no common organization longer endures in any one of the separate tribes; and their characteristic differences in language, armor, dress, and the like, have completely disappeared; and, besides, their settlements, severally and in detail, are wholly without repute. Accordingly, without making distinctions between them, I shall only tell in a general way what I have learned about the peoples who live in the interior, I mean the Leucani and such of the Samnitae as are their next neighbors. Petelia, then, is regarded as the metropolis of the Chones, and has been rather populous down to the present day. It was founded by Philoctetes after he, as the result of a political quarrel, had fled from Meliboea. It has so strong a position by nature that the Samnitae once fortified it against the Thurii. And the old Crimissa, which is near the same regions, was also founded by Philoctetes. Apollodorus, in his work On Ships,That is, his work entitled "On the (Homeric) Catalogue of Ships" (cp. 1. 2. 24). in mentioning Philoctetes, says that, according to some, when Philoctetes arrived at the territory of Croton, he colonized the promontory Crimissa, and, in the interior above it, the city Chone, from which the Chonians of that district took their name, and that some of his companions whom he had sent forth with Aegestes the Trojan to the region of Eryx in Sicily fortified Aegesta.Also spelled Segesta and Egesta. Moreover, Grumentum and Vertinae are in the interior, and so are Calasarna and some other small settlements, until we arrive at Venusia, a notable city; but I think that this city and those that follow in order after it as one goes towards Campania are Samnite cities. Beyond Thurii lies also the country that is called Tauriana. The Leucani are Samnite in race, but upon mastering the Poseidoniatae and their allies in war they took possession of their cities. At all other times, it is true, their government was democratic, but in times of war they were wont to choose a king from those who held magisterial offices. But now they are Romans. -The seaboard that comes next after Leucania, as far as the Sicilian Strait and for a distance of thirteen hundred and fifty stadia, is occupied by the Brettii. According to Antiochus, in his treatise On <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>, this territory (and this is the territory which he says he is describing) was once called Italy, although in earlier times it was called Oenotria. And he designates as its boundaries, first, on the Tyrrhenian Sea, the same boundary that I have assigned to the country of the Brettii—the River Laüs; and secondly, on the Sicilian Sea, Metapontium. But as for the country of the Tarantini, which borders on Metapontium, he names it as outside of Italy, and calls its inhabitants Iapyges. And at a time more remote, according to him, the names "Italians" and "Oenotrians" were applied only to the people who lived this side the isthmus in the country that slopes toward the Sicilian Strait. The isthmus itself, one hundred and sixty stadia in width, lies between two gulfs—the Hipponiate (which Antiochus has called Napetine) and the Scylletic. The coasting-voyage round the country comprised between the isthmus and the Strait is two thousand stadia. But after that, he says, the name of "Italy" and that of the "Oenotrians" was further extended as far as the territory of Metapontium and that of Seiris, for, he adds, the Chones, a well-regulated Oenotrian tribe, had taken up their abode in these regions and had called the land Chone. Now Antiochus had spoken only in a rather simple and antiquated way, without making any distinctions between the Leucani and the Brettii. In the first place, Leucania lies between the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian coastlines,Between the coastlines on the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian Seas. the former coastline from the River Silaris as far as Laüs, and the latter, from Metapontium as far as Thurii; in the second place, on the mainland, from the country of the Samnitae as far as the isthmus which extends from Thurii to Cerilli (a city near Laüs), the isthmus is three hundred stadia in width. But the Brettii are situated beyond the Leucani; they live on a peninsula, but this peninsula includes another peninsula which has the isthmus that extends from Scylletium to the Hipponiate Gulf. The name of the tribe was given to it by the Leucani, for the Leucani call all revolters "brettii." The Brettii revolted, so it is said (at first they merely tended flocks for the Leucani, and then, by reason of the indulgence of their masters, began to act as free men), at the time when Rio made his expedition against Dionysius and aroused all peoples against all others. So much, then, for my general description of the Leucani and the Brettii. -The next city after Laüs belongs to Brettium, and is named Temesa, though the men of today call it Tempsa; it was founded by the Ausones, but later on was settled also by the Aetolians under the leadership of Thoas; but the Aetolians were ejected by the Brettii, and then the Brettii were crushed by Hannibal and by the Romans. Near Temesa, and thickly shaded with wild olive trees, is the hero-temple of Polites, one of the companions of Odysseus, who was treacherously slain by the barbarians, and for that reason became so exceedingly wroth against the country that, in accordance with an oracle, the people of the neighborhood collected tributeAccording to Paus. 6.6.2 the oracle bade the people annually to give the hero to wife the fairest maiden in Temesa. for him; and hence, also, the popular saying applied to those who are merciless,"Merciless" is an emendation. Some read "disagreeable." According to Aelian Var. Hist. 8.18, the popular saying was applied to those who in pursuit of profit overreached themselves (so Plutarch Prov. 31). But Eustathius (note on Iliad 1.185) quotes "the geographer" (i.e., Strabo; see note 1, p. 320) as making the saying apply to "those who are unduly wroth, or very severe when they should not be." that they are "beset by the hero of Temesa." But when the Epizephyrian Locrians captured the city, Euthymus, the pugilist, so the story goes, entered the lists against Polites, defeated him in the fight and forced him to release the natives from the tribute. People say that Homer has in mind this Temesa, not the Tamassus in Cyprus (the name is spelled both ways), when he says "to Temesa, in quest of copper."Hom. Od. 1.184 And in fact copper mines are to be seen in the neighborhood, although now they have been abandoned. Near Temesa is Terina, which Hannibal destroyed, because he was unable to guard it, at the time when he had taken refuge in Brettium itself. Then comes Consentia, the metropolis of the Brettii; and a little above this city is Pandosia, a strong fortress, near which Alexander the MolossianCp. 6. 3. 4 and footnote. was killed. He, too, was deceived by the oracleThe oracle, quoted by Casaubon from some source unknown to subsequent editors was:*ai)aki/dh, profu/laco molei=n *a)xerou/sion u(/dwr*pandosi/hn d' o(/qi toi qa/natos peprwme/nos e)sti/Source unknown. "Son of Aeacus, beware to go to the Acherusian water and Pandosia, where it is fated you will die." at Dodona, which bade him be on his guard against Acheron and Pandosia; for places which bore these names were pointed out to him in Thesprotia, but he came to his end here in Brettium. Now the fortress has three summits, and the River Acheron flows past it. And there was another oracle that helped to deceive him: Three-hilled Pandosia, much people shalt thou kill one day; for he thought that the oracle clearly meant the destruction of the enemy, not of his own people. It is said that Pandosia was once the capital of the Oenotrian Kings. After Consentia comes Hipponium, which was founded by the Locrians. Later on, the Brettii were in possession of Hipponium, but the Romans took it away from them and changed its name to Vibo Valentia. And because the country round about Hipponium has luxuriant meadows abounding in flowers, people have believed that Corei.e., Persephone. used to come hither from Sicily to gather flowers; and consequently it has become the custom among the women of Hipponium to gather flowers and to weave them into garlands, so that on festival days it is disgraceful to wear bought garlands. Hipponium has also a naval station, which was built long ago by Agathocles, the tyrant of the Siciliotes,The "Siciliotes" were Sicilian Greeks, as distinguished from native Sicilians. when he made himself master of the city. Thence one sails to the Harbor of Heracles,Now Tropea. But in fact the turn towards the west begins immediately after Hipponium. which is the point where the headlands of Italy near the Strait begin to turn towards the west. And on this voyage one passes Medma, a city of the same Locrians aforementioned, which has the same name as a great fountain there, and possesses a naval station near by, called Emporium. Near it is also the Metaurus River, and a mooring-place bearing the same name. Off this coast lie the islands of the Liparaei, at a distance of two hundred stadia from the Strait. According to some, they are the islands of Aeolus, of whom the Poet makes mention in the Odyssey.Hom. Od. 10.2ff They are seven in number and are all within view both from Sicily and from the continent near Medma. But I shall tell about them when I discuss Sicily. After the Metaurus River comes a second Metaurus.Strabo's "Metaurus" and "second Metaurus" are confusing. Kramer, Meineke, and others wish to emend the text so as to make the "second" river refer to Crataeis or some other river. But we should have expected Strabo to mention first the Medma (now the Mesima), which was much closer to Medma than the Metaurus (now the Marro), and to which he does not refer at all. Possibly he thought both rivers were called Metaurus (cp. Müller, Ind. Var. Lectionis, p. 975), in which case "the second Metaurus" is the Metaurus proper. The present translator, however, believes that Strabo, when he says "second Metaurus," alludes to the Umbrian Metaurus (5. 2. 10) as the first, and that the copyist, unaware of this fact, deliberately changed "Medma" to Metaurus" in the two previous instances. Next after this river comes Scyllaeum, a lofty rock which forms a peninsula, its isthmus being low and affording access to ships on both sides. This isthmus Anaxilaüs, the tyrant of the Rhegini, fortified against the Tyrrheni, building a naval station there, and thus deprived the pirates of their passage through the strait. For Caenys,Now Cape Cavallo. too, is near by, being two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Medma; it is the last cape, and with the cape on the Sicilian side, Pelorias, forms the narrows of the Strait. Cape Pelorias is one of the three capes that make the island triangular, and it bends towards the summer sunrise,North-east (cp. 1. 2. 21). just as Caenys bends towards the west, each one thus turning away from the other in the opposite direction. Now the length of the narrow passage of the Strait from Caenys as far as the Poseidonium,Altar or temple of Poseidon. or the Columna Rheginorum, is about six stadia, while the shortest passage across is slightly more; and the distance is one hundred stadia from the Columna to Rhegium, where the Strait begins to widen out, as one proceeds towards the east, towards the outer sea, the sea which is called the Sicilian Sea. -Rhegium was founded by the Chalcidians who, it is said, in accordance with an oracle, were dedicated, one man out of every ten Chalcidians, to Apollo,Cp. 6. 1. 9. because of a dearth of crops, but later on emigrated hither from Delphi, taking with them still others from their home. But according to Antiochus, the Zanclaeans sent for the Chalcidians and appointed Antimnestus their founder-in-chief.Zancle was the original name of Messana (now Messina) in Sicily. It was colonized and named Messana by the Peloponnesian Messenians (6. 2. 3). To this colony also belonged the refugees of the Peloponnesian Messenians who had been defeated by the men of the opposing faction. These men were unwilling to be punished by the Lacedaemonians for the violation of the maidensCp. 6. 3. 3. and 8. 4. 9. which took place at Limnae, though they were themselves guilty of the outrage done to the maidens, who had been sent there for a religious rite and had also killed those who came to their aid.Cp. Paus. 4.4.1 So the refugees, after withdrawing to Macistus, sent a deputation to the oracle of the god to find fault with Apollo and Artemis if such was to be their fate in return for their trying to avenge those gods, and also to enquire how they, now utterly ruined, might be saved. Apollo bade them go forth with the Chalcidians to Rhegium, and to be grateful to his sister; for, he added, they were not ruined, but saved, inasmuch as they were surely not to perish along with their native land, which would be captured a little later by the Spartans. They obeyed; and therefore the rulers of the Rhegini down to AnaxilasAnaxilas (also spelled Anaxilaüs) was ruler of Rhegium from 494 to 476 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 11.48). were always appointed from the stock of the Messenians. According to Antiochus, the Siceli and Morgetes had in early times inhabited the whole of this region, but later on, being ejected by the Oenotrians, had crossed over into Sicily. According to some, Morgantium also took its name from the Morgetes of Rhegium.Cp. 6. 2. 4. The Latin name of this Sicilian city was "Murgantia." Livy 10.17 refers to another Murgantia in Samnium. The city of Rhegium was once very powerful and had many dependencies in the neighborhood; and it was always a fortified outpost threatening the island, not only in earlier times but also recently, in our own times, when Sextus Pompeius caused Sicily to revolt. It was named Rhegium, either, as Aeschylus says, because of the calamity that had befallen this region, for, as both he and others state, Sicily was once "rent"Cp. 1. 3. 19 and the footnote on "rent." from the continent by earthquakes, "and so from this fact," he adds, "it is called Rhegium." They infer from the occurrences about Aetna and in other parts of Sicily, and in Lipara and in the islands about it, and also in the Pithecussae and the whole of the coast of the adjacent continent, that it is not unreasonable to suppose that the rending actually took place. Now at the present time the earth about the Strait, they say, is but seldom shaken by earthquakes, because the orifices there, through which the fire is blown up and the red-hot masses and the waters are ejected, are open. At that time, however, the fire that was smouldering beneath the earth, together with the wind, produced violent earthquakes, because the passages to the surface were all blocked up, and the regions thus heaved up yielded at last to the force of the blasts of wind, were rent asunder, and then received the sea that was on either side, both hereAt the Strait. and between the other islands in that region.Cp. 1. 3. 10 and the footnote. And, in fact, Prochyte and the Pithecussae are fragments broken off from the continent, as also Capreae, Leucosia, the Sirenes, and the Oenotrides. Again, there are islands which have arisen from the high seas, a thing that even now happens in many places; for it is more plausible that the islands in the high seas were heaved up from the deeps, whereas it is more reasonable to think that those lying off the promontories and separated merely by a strait from the mainland have been rent therefrom. However, the question which of the two explanations is true, whether Rhegium got its name on account of this or on account of its fame (for the Samnitae might have called it by the Latin word for "royal,"Regium. because their progenitors had shared in the government with the Romans and used the Latin language to a considerable extent), is open to investigation. Be this as it may, it was a famous city, and not only founded many cities but also produced many notable men, some notable for their excellence as statesmen and others for their learning; nevertheless, DionysiusDionysius the Elder (b. about 432 B.C., d. 367 B.C.) demolished it, they say, on the charge that when he asked for a girl in marriage they proffered the daughter of the public executioner;Diod. Sic. 14.44 merely says that the Assembly of the Rhegini refused him a wife. but his son restored a part of the old city and called it Phoebia.Apparently in honor of Phoebus (Apollo); for, according to Plut. De Alexandri Virtute, (338) Dionysius the Younger called himself the son of Apollo, "offspring of his mother Doris by Phoebus." Now in the time of Pyrrhus the garrison of the Campani broke the treaty and destroyed most of the inhabitants, and shortly before the Marsic war much of the settlement was laid in ruins by earthquakes; but Augustus Caesar, after ejecting Pompeius from Sicily, seeing that the city was in want of population, gave it some men from his expeditionary forces as new settlers, and it is now fairly populous. +The seaboard that comes next after Leucania, as far as the Sicilian Strait and for a distance of thirteen hundred and fifty stadia, is occupied by the Brettii. According to Antiochus, in his treatise On <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>, this territory (and this is the territory which he says he is describing) was once called Italy, although in earlier times it was called Oenotria. And he designates as its boundaries, first, on the Tyrrhenian Sea, the same boundary that I have assigned to the country of the Brettii—the River Laüs; and secondly, on the Sicilian Sea, Metapontium. But as for the country of the Tarantini, which borders on Metapontium, he names it as outside of Italy, and calls its inhabitants Iapyges. And at a time more remote, according to him, the names "Italians" and "Oenotrians" were applied only to the people who lived this side the isthmus in the country that slopes toward the Sicilian Strait. The isthmus itself, one hundred and sixty stadia in width, lies between two gulfs—the Hipponiate (which Antiochus has called Napetine) and the Scylletic. The coasting-voyage round the country comprised between the isthmus and the Strait is two thousand stadia. But after that, he says, the name of "Italy" and that of the "Oenotrians" was further extended as far as the territory of Metapontium and that of Seiris, for, he adds, the Chones, a well-regulated Oenotrian tribe, had taken up their abode in these regions and had called the land Chone. Now Antiochus had spoken only in a rather simple and antiquated way, without making any distinctions between the Leucani and the Brettii. In the first place, Leucania lies between the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian coastlines,Between the coastlines on the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian Seas. the former coastline from the River Silaris as far as Laüs, and the latter, from Metapontium as far as Thurii; in the second place, on the mainland, from the country of the Samnitae as far as the isthmus which extends from Thurii to Cerilli (a city near Laüs), the isthmus is three hundred stadia in width. But the Brettii are situated beyond the Leucani; they live on a peninsula, but this peninsula includes another peninsula which has the isthmus that extends from Scylletium to the Hipponiate Gulf. The name of the tribe was given to it by the Leucani, for the Leucani call all revolters "brettii." The Brettii revolted, so it is said (at first they merely tended flocks for the Leucani, and then, by reason of the indulgence of their masters, began to act as free men), at the time when Rio made his expedition against Dionysius and aroused all peoples against all others. So much, then, for my general description of the Leucani and the Brettii. +The next city after Laüs belongs to Brettium, and is named Temesa, though the men of today call it Tempsa; it was founded by the Ausones, but later on was settled also by the Aetolians under the leadership of Thoas; but the Aetolians were ejected by the Brettii, and then the Brettii were crushed by Hannibal and by the Romans. Near Temesa, and thickly shaded with wild olive trees, is the hero-temple of Polites, one of the companions of Odysseus, who was treacherously slain by the barbarians, and for that reason became so exceedingly wroth against the country that, in accordance with an oracle, the people of the neighborhood collected tributeAccording to Paus. 6.6.2 the oracle bade the people annually to give the hero to wife the fairest maiden in Temesa. for him; and hence, also, the popular saying applied to those who are merciless,"Merciless" is an emendation. Some read "disagreeable." According to Aelian Var. Hist. 8.18, the popular saying was applied to those who in pursuit of profit overreached themselves (so Plutarch Prov. 31). But Eustathius (note on Iliad 1.185) quotes "the geographer" (i.e., Strabo; see note 1, p. 320) as making the saying apply to "those who are unduly wroth, or very severe when they should not be." that they are "beset by the hero of Temesa." But when the Epizephyrian Locrians captured the city, Euthymus, the pugilist, so the story goes, entered the lists against Polites, defeated him in the fight and forced him to release the natives from the tribute. People say that Homer has in mind this Temesa, not the Tamassus in Cyprus (the name is spelled both ways), when he says "to Temesa, in quest of copper."Hom. Od. 1.184 And in fact copper mines are to be seen in the neighborhood, although now they have been abandoned. Near Temesa is Terina, which Hannibal destroyed, because he was unable to guard it, at the time when he had taken refuge in Brettium itself. Then comes Consentia, the metropolis of the Brettii; and a little above this city is Pandosia, a strong fortress, near which Alexander the MolossianCp. 6. 3. 4 and footnote. was killed. He, too, was deceived by the oracleThe oracle, quoted by Casaubon from some source unknown to subsequent editors was:*ai)aki/dh, profu/laco molei=n *a)xerou/sion u(/dwr*pandosi/hn d' o(/qi toi qa/natos peprwme/nos e)sti/Source unknown. "Son of Aeacus, beware to go to the Acherusian water and Pandosia, where it is fated you will die." at Dodona, which bade him be on his guard against Acheron and Pandosia; for places which bore these names were pointed out to him in Thesprotia, but he came to his end here in Brettium. Now the fortress has three summits, and the River Acheron flows past it. And there was another oracle that helped to deceive him: Three-hilled Pandosia, much people shalt thou kill one day; for he thought that the oracle clearly meant the destruction of the enemy, not of his own people. It is said that Pandosia was once the capital of the Oenotrian Kings. After Consentia comes Hipponium, which was founded by the Locrians. Later on, the Brettii were in possession of Hipponium, but the Romans took it away from them and changed its name to Vibo Valentia. And because the country round about Hipponium has luxuriant meadows abounding in flowers, people have believed that Corei.e., Persephone. used to come hither from Sicily to gather flowers; and consequently it has become the custom among the women of Hipponium to gather flowers and to weave them into garlands, so that on festival days it is disgraceful to wear bought garlands. Hipponium has also a naval station, which was built long ago by Agathocles, the tyrant of the Siciliotes,The "Siciliotes" were Sicilian Greeks, as distinguished from native Sicilians. when he made himself master of the city. Thence one sails to the Harbor of Heracles,Now Tropea. But in fact the turn towards the west begins immediately after Hipponium. which is the point where the headlands of Italy near the Strait begin to turn towards the west. And on this voyage one passes Medma, a city of the same Locrians aforementioned, which has the same name as a great fountain there, and possesses a naval station near by, called Emporium. Near it is also the Metaurus River, and a mooring-place bearing the same name. Off this coast lie the islands of the Liparaei, at a distance of two hundred stadia from the Strait. According to some, they are the islands of Aeolus, of whom the Poet makes mention in the Odyssey.Hom. Od. 10.2ff They are seven in number and are all within view both from Sicily and from the continent near Medma. But I shall tell about them when I discuss Sicily. After the Metaurus River comes a second Metaurus.Strabo's "Metaurus" and "second Metaurus" are confusing. Kramer, Meineke, and others wish to emend the text so as to make the "second" river refer to Crataeis or some other river. But we should have expected Strabo to mention first the Medma (now the Mesima), which was much closer to Medma than the Metaurus (now the Marro), and to which he does not refer at all. Possibly he thought both rivers were called Metaurus (cp. Müller, Ind. Var. Lectionis, p. 975), in which case "the second Metaurus" is the Metaurus proper. The present translator, however, believes that Strabo, when he says "second Metaurus," alludes to the Umbrian Metaurus (5. 2. 10) as the first, and that the copyist, unaware of this fact, deliberately changed "Medma" to Metaurus" in the two previous instances. Next after this river comes Scyllaeum, a lofty rock which forms a peninsula, its isthmus being low and affording access to ships on both sides. This isthmus Anaxilaüs, the tyrant of the Rhegini, fortified against the Tyrrheni, building a naval station there, and thus deprived the pirates of their passage through the strait. For Caenys,Now Cape Cavallo. too, is near by, being two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Medma; it is the last cape, and with the cape on the Sicilian side, Pelorias, forms the narrows of the Strait. Cape Pelorias is one of the three capes that make the island triangular, and it bends towards the summer sunrise,North-east (cp. 1. 2. 21). just as Caenys bends towards the west, each one thus turning away from the other in the opposite direction. Now the length of the narrow passage of the Strait from Caenys as far as the Poseidonium,Altar or temple of Poseidon. or the Columna Rheginorum, is about six stadia, while the shortest passage across is slightly more; and the distance is one hundred stadia from the Columna to Rhegium, where the Strait begins to widen out, as one proceeds towards the east, towards the outer sea, the sea which is called the Sicilian Sea. +Rhegium was founded by the Chalcidians who, it is said, in accordance with an oracle, were dedicated, one man out of every ten Chalcidians, to Apollo,Cp. 6. 1. 9. because of a dearth of crops, but later on emigrated hither from Delphi, taking with them still others from their home. But according to Antiochus, the Zanclaeans sent for the Chalcidians and appointed Antimnestus their founder-in-chief.Zancle was the original name of Messana (now Messina) in Sicily. It was colonized and named Messana by the Peloponnesian Messenians (6. 2. 3). To this colony also belonged the refugees of the Peloponnesian Messenians who had been defeated by the men of the opposing faction. These men were unwilling to be punished by the Lacedaemonians for the violation of the maidensCp. 6. 3. 3. and 8. 4. 9. which took place at Limnae, though they were themselves guilty of the outrage done to the maidens, who had been sent there for a religious rite and had also killed those who came to their aid.Cp. Paus. 4.4.1 So the refugees, after withdrawing to Macistus, sent a deputation to the oracle of the god to find fault with Apollo and Artemis if such was to be their fate in return for their trying to avenge those gods, and also to enquire how they, now utterly ruined, might be saved. Apollo bade them go forth with the Chalcidians to Rhegium, and to be grateful to his sister; for, he added, they were not ruined, but saved, inasmuch as they were surely not to perish along with their native land, which would be captured a little later by the Spartans. They obeyed; and therefore the rulers of the Rhegini down to AnaxilasAnaxilas (also spelled Anaxilaüs) was ruler of Rhegium from 494 to 476 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 11.48). were always appointed from the stock of the Messenians. According to Antiochus, the Siceli and Morgetes had in early times inhabited the whole of this region, but later on, being ejected by the Oenotrians, had crossed over into Sicily. According to some, Morgantium also took its name from the Morgetes of Rhegium.Cp. 6. 2. 4. The Latin name of this Sicilian city was "Murgantia." Livy 10.17 refers to another Murgantia in Samnium. The city of Rhegium was once very powerful and had many dependencies in the neighborhood; and it was always a fortified outpost threatening the island, not only in earlier times but also recently, in our own times, when Sextus Pompeius caused Sicily to revolt. It was named Rhegium, either, as Aeschylus says, because of the calamity that had befallen this region, for, as both he and others state, Sicily was once "rent"Cp. 1. 3. 19 and the footnote on "rent." from the continent by earthquakes, "and so from this fact," he adds, "it is called Rhegium." They infer from the occurrences about Aetna and in other parts of Sicily, and in Lipara and in the islands about it, and also in the Pithecussae and the whole of the coast of the adjacent continent, that it is not unreasonable to suppose that the rending actually took place. Now at the present time the earth about the Strait, they say, is but seldom shaken by earthquakes, because the orifices there, through which the fire is blown up and the red-hot masses and the waters are ejected, are open. At that time, however, the fire that was smouldering beneath the earth, together with the wind, produced violent earthquakes, because the passages to the surface were all blocked up, and the regions thus heaved up yielded at last to the force of the blasts of wind, were rent asunder, and then received the sea that was on either side, both hereAt the Strait. and between the other islands in that region.Cp. 1. 3. 10 and the footnote. And, in fact, Prochyte and the Pithecussae are fragments broken off from the continent, as also Capreae, Leucosia, the Sirenes, and the Oenotrides. Again, there are islands which have arisen from the high seas, a thing that even now happens in many places; for it is more plausible that the islands in the high seas were heaved up from the deeps, whereas it is more reasonable to think that those lying off the promontories and separated merely by a strait from the mainland have been rent therefrom. However, the question which of the two explanations is true, whether Rhegium got its name on account of this or on account of its fame (for the Samnitae might have called it by the Latin word for "royal,"Regium. because their progenitors had shared in the government with the Romans and used the Latin language to a considerable extent), is open to investigation. Be this as it may, it was a famous city, and not only founded many cities but also produced many notable men, some notable for their excellence as statesmen and others for their learning; nevertheless, DionysiusDionysius the Elder (b. about 432 B.C., d. 367 B.C.) demolished it, they say, on the charge that when he asked for a girl in marriage they proffered the daughter of the public executioner;Diod. Sic. 14.44 merely says that the Assembly of the Rhegini refused him a wife. but his son restored a part of the old city and called it Phoebia.Apparently in honor of Phoebus (Apollo); for, according to Plut. De Alexandri Virtute, (338) Dionysius the Younger called himself the son of Apollo, "offspring of his mother Doris by Phoebus." Now in the time of Pyrrhus the garrison of the Campani broke the treaty and destroyed most of the inhabitants, and shortly before the Marsic war much of the settlement was laid in ruins by earthquakes; but Augustus Caesar, after ejecting Pompeius from Sicily, seeing that the city was in want of population, gave it some men from his expeditionary forces as new settlers, and it is now fairly populous. As one sails from Rhegium towards the east, and at a distance of fifty stadia, one comes to Cape LeucopetraLiterally, "White Rock." (so called from its color), in which, it is said, the Apennine Mountain terminates. Then comes Heracleium, which is the last cape of Italy and inclines towards the south; for on doubling it one immediately sails with the southwest wind as far as Cape Iapygia, and then veers off, always more and more, towards the northwest in the direction of the Ionian Gulf.The "Ionian Gulf" was the southern "part of what is now called the Adriatic Sea" (2. 5. 20); see 7. 5. 8-9. After Heracleium comes a cape belonging to Locris, which is called Zephyrium; its harbor is exposed to the winds that blow from the west, and hence the name. Then comes the city Locri Epizephyrii,Literally, the "western Locrians," both city and inhabitants having the same name. a colony of the Locri who live on the Crisaean Gulf,Now the Gulf of Salona in the Gulf of Corinth. which was led out by Evanthes only a little while after the founding of Croton and Syracuse.Croton and Syracuse were founded, respectively, in 710 and 734 B.C. According to Diod. Sic. 4.24, Heracles had unintentionally killed Croton and had foretold the founding of a famous city on the site, the same to be named after Croton. Ephorus is wrong in calling it a colony of the Locri Opuntii. However, they lived only three or four years at Zephyrium, and then moved the city to its present site, with the cooperation of Syracusans [for at the same time the latter, among whom . . .]The Greek text, here translated as it stands, is corrupt. The emendations thus far offered yield (instead of the nine English words of the above rendering) either (1) "for the latter were living" (or "had taken up their abode") "there at the same time" or (2) "together with the Tarantini." There seems to be no definite corroborative evidence for either interpretation; but according to Pausanias, "colonies were sent to Croton, and to Locri at Cape Zephyrium, by the Lacedaemonians" (3.3); and "Tarentum is a Lacedaemonian colony" (10. 10). Cp. the reference to the Tarantini in Strabo's next paragraph. And at Zephyrium there is a spring, called Locria, where the Locri first pitched camp. The distance from Rhegium to Locri is six hundred stadia. The city is situated on the brow of a hill called Epopis. -The Locri Epizephyrii are believed to have been the first people to use written laws. After they had lived under good laws for a very long time, Dionysius, on being banished from the country of the Syracusans,Dionysius the Younger was banished thence in 357 B.C. abused them most lawlessly of all men. For he would sneak into the bed-chambers of the girls after they had been dressed up for their wedding, and lie with them before their marriage; and he would gather together the girls who were ripe for marriage, let loose doves with cropped wings upon them in the midst of the banquets, and then bid the girls waltz around unclad, and also bid some of them, shod with sandals that were not mates (one high and the other low), chase the doves around—all for the sheer indecency of it. However, he paid the penalty after he went back to Sicily again to resume his government; for the Locri broke up his garrison, set themselves free, and thus became masters of his wife and children. These children were his two daughters, and the younger of his two sons (who was already a lad), for the other, Apollocrates, was helping his father to effect his return to Sicily by force of arms. And although Dionysius—both himself and the Tarantini on his behalf—earnestly begged the Locri to release the prisoners on any terms they wished, they would not give them up; instead, they endured a siege and a devastation of their country. But they poured out most of their wrath upon his daughters, for they first made them prostitutes and then strangled them, and then, after burning their bodies, ground up the bones and sank them in the sea. Now Ephorus, in his mention of the written legislation of the Locri which was drawn up by Zaleucus from the Cretan, the Laconian, and the Areopagite usages, says that Zaleucus was among the first to make the following innovation—that whereas before his time it had been left to the judges to determine the penalties for the several crimes, he defined them in the laws, because he held that the opinions of the judges about the same crimes would not be the same, although they ought to be the same. And Ephorus goes on to commend Zaleucus for drawing up the laws on contracts in simpler language. And he says that the Thurii, who later on wished to excel the Locri in precision, became more famous, to be sure, but morally inferior; for, he adds, it is not those who in their laws guard against all the wiles of false accusers that have good laws, but those who abide by laws that are laid down in simple language. And Plato has said as much—that where there are very many laws, there are also very many lawsuits and corrupt practices, just as where there are many physicians, there are also likely to be many diseases.This appears to be an exact quotation, but the translator has been unable to find the reference in extant works. Plato utters a somewhat similar sentiment, however, in the Plat. Rep. 404e-405a +The Locri Epizephyrii are believed to have been the first people to use written laws. After they had lived under good laws for a very long time, Dionysius, on being banished from the country of the Syracusans,Dionysius the Younger was banished thence in 357 B.C. abused them most lawlessly of all men. For he would sneak into the bed-chambers of the girls after they had been dressed up for their wedding, and lie with them before their marriage; and he would gather together the girls who were ripe for marriage, let loose doves with cropped wings upon them in the midst of the banquets, and then bid the girls waltz around unclad, and also bid some of them, shod with sandals that were not mates (one high and the other low), chase the doves around—all for the sheer indecency of it. However, he paid the penalty after he went back to Sicily again to resume his government; for the Locri broke up his garrison, set themselves free, and thus became masters of his wife and children. These children were his two daughters, and the younger of his two sons (who was already a lad), for the other, Apollocrates, was helping his father to effect his return to Sicily by force of arms. And although Dionysius—both himself and the Tarantini on his behalf—earnestly begged the Locri to release the prisoners on any terms they wished, they would not give them up; instead, they endured a siege and a devastation of their country. But they poured out most of their wrath upon his daughters, for they first made them prostitutes and then strangled them, and then, after burning their bodies, ground up the bones and sank them in the sea. Now Ephorus, in his mention of the written legislation of the Locri which was drawn up by Zaleucus from the Cretan, the Laconian, and the Areopagite usages, says that Zaleucus was among the first to make the following innovation—that whereas before his time it had been left to the judges to determine the penalties for the several crimes, he defined them in the laws, because he held that the opinions of the judges about the same crimes would not be the same, although they ought to be the same. And Ephorus goes on to commend Zaleucus for drawing up the laws on contracts in simpler language. And he says that the Thurii, who later on wished to excel the Locri in precision, became more famous, to be sure, but morally inferior; for, he adds, it is not those who in their laws guard against all the wiles of false accusers that have good laws, but those who abide by laws that are laid down in simple language. And Plato has said as much—that where there are very many laws, there are also very many lawsuits and corrupt practices, just as where there are many physicians, there are also likely to be many diseases.This appears to be an exact quotation, but the translator has been unable to find the reference in extant works. Plato utters a somewhat similar sentiment, however, in the Plat. Rep. 404e-405a The Halex River, which marks the boundary between the Rhegian and the Locrian territories, passes out through a deep ravine; and a peculiar thing happens there in connection with the grasshoppers, that although those on the Locrian bank sing, the others remain mute. As for the cause of this, it is conjectured that on the latter side the region is so densely shaded that the grasshoppers, being wet with dew, cannot expand their membranes, whereas those on the sunny side have dry and horn-like membranes and therefore can easily produce their song. And people used to show in Locri a statue of Eunomus, the cithara-bard, with a locust seated on the cithara. Timaeus says that Eunomus and Ariston of Rhegium were once contesting with each other at the Pythian games and fell to quarrelling about the casting of the lots;Apparently as to which should perform first. so Ariston begged the Delphians to cooperate with him, for the reason that his ancestors belongedCp. 6. 1. 6. to the god and that the colony had been sent forth from there;From Delphi to Rhegium. and although Eunomus said that the Rhegini had absolutely no right even to participate in the vocal contests, since in their country even the grasshoppers, the sweetest-voiced of all creatures, were mute, Ariston was none the less held in favor and hoped for the victory; and yet Eunomus gained the victory and set up the aforesaid image in his native land, because during the contest, when one of the chords broke, a grasshopper lit on his cithara and supplied the missing sound. The interior above these cities is held by the Brettii; here is the city Mamertium, and also the forest that produces the best pitch, the Brettian. This forest is called Sila, is both well wooded and well watered, and is seven hundred stadia in length. -After Locri comes the Sagra, a river which has a feminine name. On its banks are the altars of the Dioscuri, near which ten thousand Locri, with Rhegini,The Greek, as the English, leaves one uncertain whether merely the Locrian or the combined army amounted to 10,000 men. Justin 20.3 gives the number of the Locrian army as 15,000, not mentioning the Rhegini; hence one might infer that there were 5,000 Rhegini, and Strabo might have so written, for the Greek symbol for 5,000 (,e), might have fallen out of the text. clashed with one hundred and thirty thousand Crotoniates and gained the victory—an occurrence which gave rise, it is said, to the proverb we use with incredulous people, "Truer than the result at Sagra." And some have gone on to add the fable that the news of the result was reported on the same dayCicero De Natura Deorum 2.2 refers to this tradition. to the people at the Olympia when the games were in progress, and that the speed with which the news had come was afterwards verified. This misfortune of the Crotoniates is said to be the reason why their city did not endure much longer, so great was the multitude of men who fell in the battle. After the Sagra comes a city founded by the Achaeans, Caulonia, formerly called Aulonia, because of the glen"Aulon." which lies in front of it. It is deserted, however, for those who held it were driven out by the barbarians to Sicily and founded the Caulonia there. After this city comes Scylletium, a colony of the Athenians who were with Menestheus (and now called Scylacium).Cp. Vergil Aen. 3.552 Though the Crotoniates held it, Dionysius included it within the boundaries of the Locri. The Scylletic Gulf, which, with the Hipponiate Gulf forms the aforementioned isthmus,6. 1. 4. is named after the city. Dionysius undertook also to build a wall across the isthmus when he made war upon the Leucani, on the pretext, indeed, that it would afford security to the people inside the isthmus from the barbarians outside, but in truth because he wished to break the alliance which the Greeks had with one another, and thus command with impunity the people inside; but the people outside came in and prevented the undertaking. -After Scylletium comes the territory of the Crotoniates, and three capes of the Iapyges; and after these, the Lacinium,The Lacinium derived its name from Cape Lacinium (now Cape Nao), on which it was situated. According to Diod. Sic. 4.24, Heracles, when in this region, put to death a cattle-thief named Lacinius. Hence the name of the cape. a temple of Hera, which at one time was rich and full of dedicated offerings. As for the distances by sea, writers give them without satisfactory clearness, except that, in a general way, Polybius gives the distance from the strait to Lacinium as two thousand three hundred stadia,Strabo probably wrote "two thousand" and not "one thousand" (see Manner, t. 9. 9, p. 202), and so read Gosselin, Groskurd, Forbiger, Müller-Dübner, and Meineke. Compare Strabo's other quotation (5. 1. 3) from Polybius on this subject. There, as here, unfortunately, the figures ascribed to Polybius cannot be compared with his original statement, which is now lost. and the distance thence across to Cape Iapygia as seven hundred. This point is called the mouth of the Tarantine Gulf. As for the gulf itself, the distance around it by sea is of considerable length, two hundred and forty miles,240 Roman miles=1,920, or 2,000 (see 7. 7. 4), stadia. as the ChorographerSee 5. 2. 7, and the footnote. says, but Artemidorus says three hundred and eighty for a man well-girded, although he falls short of the real breadth of the mouth of the gulf by as much.This passage ("although . . . much") is merely an attempt to translate the Greek of the manuscripts. The only variant in the manuscripts is that of "ungirded" for "well-girded." If Strabo wrote either, which is extremely doubtful, we must infer that Artemidorus' figure, whatever it was pertained to the number of days it would take a pedestrian, at the rate, say of 160 stadia (20 Roman miles) per day, to make the journey around the gulf by land. Most of the editors (including Meineke) dismiss the passage as hopeless by merely indicating gaps in the text. Groskurd and C. Müller not only emend words of the text but also fill in the supposed gaps with seventeen and nine words, respectively. Groskurd makes Artemidorus say that a well-girded pedestrian can complete the journey around the gulf in twelve days, that the coasting-voyage around it is 2,000 stadia, and that he leaves for the mouth the same number (700) of stadia assigned by Polybius to the breadth of the mouth of the gulf. But C. Müller writes: "Some make it less, saying 1,380 stadia, whereas Artemidorus makes it as many plus 30 (1,410), in speaking of the breadth of the mouth of the gulf." But the present translator, by making very simple emendations (see critical note 2 on page 38), arrives at the following: Artemidorus says eighty stadia longer (i.e., 2,000) although he falls short of the breadth of the mouth of the gulf by as much (i.e., 700 - 80 = 620). It should be noted that Artemidorus, as quoted by Strabo, always gives distances in terms of stadia, not miles (e.g., 3. 2. 11, 8. 2. 1, 14. 2. 29, et passim), and that his figures at times differ considerably from those of the Chorographer (cp. 6. 3. 10). The gulf faces the winter-sunrise;i.e., south-east. and it begins at Cape Lacinium, for, on doubling it, one immediately comes to the citiesAs often Strabo refers to sites of perished cities as cities. of the Achaeans, which, except that of the Tarantini, no longer exist, and yet, because of the fame of some of them, are worthy of rather extended mention. -The first city is Croton, within one hundred and fifty stadia from the Lacinium; and then comes the River Aesarus, and a harbor, and another river, the Neaethus. The Neaethus got its name, it is said, from what occurred there: Certain of the Achaeans who had strayed from the Trojan fleet put in there and disembarked for an inspection of the region, and when the Trojan women who were sailing with them learned that the boats were empty of men, they set fire to the boats, for they were weary of the voyage, so that the men remained there of necessity, although they at the same time noticed that the soil was very fertile. And immediately several other groups, on the strength of their racial kinship, came and imitated them, and thus arose many settlements, most of which took their names from the Trojans; and also a river, the Neaethus, took its appellation from the aforementioned occurrence.The Greek "Neas aethein" means "to burn ships." According to Antiochus, when the god told the Achaeans to found Croton, Myscellus departed to inspect the place, but when he saw that Sybaris was already founded—having the same name as the river near by—he judged that Sybaris was better; at all events, he questioned the god again when he returned whether it would be better to found this instead of Croton, and the god replied to him (MyscellusOvid Met. 15.20 spells the name "Myscelus," and perhaps rightly; that is, "Mouse-leg" (?). was a hunchback as it happened): "Myscellus, short of back, in searching else outside thy track, thou hunt'st for morsels only; 'tis right that what one giveth thee thou do approve;"For a fuller account, see Diod. Sic. 8. 17 His version of the oracle is: "Myscellus, short of back, in searching other things apart from god, thou searchest only after tears; what gift god giveth thee, do thou approve." and Myscellus came back and founded Croton, having as an associate Archias, the founder of Syracuse, who happened to sail up while on his way to found Syracuse.The generally accepted dates for the founding of Croton and Syracuse are, respectively, 710 B.C. and 734 B.C. But Strabo's account here seems to mean that Syracuse was founded immediately after Croton (cp. 6. 2. 4). Cp. also Thucydides 6. 3. 2 The Iapyges used to live at Croton in earlier times, as Ephorus says. And the city is reputed to have cultivated warfare and athletics; at any rate, in one Olympian festival the seven men who took the lead over all others in the stadium-race were all Crotoniates, and therefore the saying "The last of the Crotoniates was the first among all other Greeks" seems reasonable. And this, it is said, is what gave rise to the other proverb, "more healthful than Croton," the belief being that the place contains something that tends to health and bodily vigor, to judge by the multitude of its athletes. Accordingly, it had a very large number of Olympic victors, although it did not remain inhabited a long time, on account of the ruinous loss of its citizens who fell in such great numbersCp. 6. 1 10. at the River Sagra. And its fame was increased by the large number of its Pythagorean philosophers, and by Milo, who was the most illustrious of athletes, and also a companion of Pythagoras, who spent a long time in the city. It is said that once, at the common mess of the philosophers, when a pillar began to give way, Milo slipped in under the burden and saved them all, and then drew himself from under it and escaped. And it is probably because he relied upon this same strength that he brought on himself the end of his life as reported by some writers; at any rate, the story is told that once, when he was travelling through a deep forest, he strayed rather far from the road, and then, on finding a large log cleft with wedges, thrust his hands and feet at the same time into the cleft and strained to split the log completely asunder; but he was only strong enough to make the wedges fall out, whereupon the two parts of the log instantly snapped together; and caught in such a trap as that, he became food for wild beasts. +After Locri comes the Sagra, a river which has a feminine name. On its banks are the altars of the Dioscuri, near which ten thousand Locri, with Rhegini,The Greek, as the English, leaves one uncertain whether merely the Locrian or the combined army amounted to 10,000 men. Justin 20.3 gives the number of the Locrian army as 15,000, not mentioning the Rhegini; hence one might infer that there were 5,000 Rhegini, and Strabo might have so written, for the Greek symbol for 5,000 (,e), might have fallen out of the text. clashed with one hundred and thirty thousand Crotoniates and gained the victory—an occurrence which gave rise, it is said, to the proverb we use with incredulous people, "Truer than the result at Sagra." And some have gone on to add the fable that the news of the result was reported on the same dayCicero De Natura Deorum 2.2 refers to this tradition. to the people at the Olympia when the games were in progress, and that the speed with which the news had come was afterwards verified. This misfortune of the Crotoniates is said to be the reason why their city did not endure much longer, so great was the multitude of men who fell in the battle. After the Sagra comes a city founded by the Achaeans, Caulonia, formerly called Aulonia, because of the glen"Aulon." which lies in front of it. It is deserted, however, for those who held it were driven out by the barbarians to Sicily and founded the Caulonia there. After this city comes Scylletium, a colony of the Athenians who were with Menestheus (and now called Scylacium).Cp. Vergil Aen. 3.552 Though the Crotoniates held it, Dionysius included it within the boundaries of the Locri. The Scylletic Gulf, which, with the Hipponiate Gulf forms the aforementioned isthmus,6. 1. 4. is named after the city. Dionysius undertook also to build a wall across the isthmus when he made war upon the Leucani, on the pretext, indeed, that it would afford security to the people inside the isthmus from the barbarians outside, but in truth because he wished to break the alliance which the Greeks had with one another, and thus command with impunity the people inside; but the people outside came in and prevented the undertaking. +After Scylletium comes the territory of the Crotoniates, and three capes of the Iapyges; and after these, the Lacinium,The Lacinium derived its name from Cape Lacinium (now Cape Nao), on which it was situated. According to Diod. Sic. 4.24, Heracles, when in this region, put to death a cattle-thief named Lacinius. Hence the name of the cape. a temple of Hera, which at one time was rich and full of dedicated offerings. As for the distances by sea, writers give them without satisfactory clearness, except that, in a general way, Polybius gives the distance from the strait to Lacinium as two thousand three hundred stadia,Strabo probably wrote "two thousand" and not "one thousand" (see Manner, t. 9. 9, p. 202), and so read Gosselin, Groskurd, Forbiger, Müller-Dübner, and Meineke. Compare Strabo's other quotation (5. 1. 3) from Polybius on this subject. There, as here, unfortunately, the figures ascribed to Polybius cannot be compared with his original statement, which is now lost. and the distance thence across to Cape Iapygia as seven hundred. This point is called the mouth of the Tarantine Gulf. As for the gulf itself, the distance around it by sea is of considerable length, two hundred and forty miles,240 Roman miles=1,920, or 2,000 (see 7. 7. 4), stadia. as the ChorographerSee 5. 2. 7, and the footnote. says, but Artemidorus says three hundred and eighty for a man well-girded, although he falls short of the real breadth of the mouth of the gulf by as much.This passage ("although . . . much") is merely an attempt to translate the Greek of the manuscripts. The only variant in the manuscripts is that of "ungirded" for "well-girded." If Strabo wrote either, which is extremely doubtful, we must infer that Artemidorus' figure, whatever it was pertained to the number of days it would take a pedestrian, at the rate, say of 160 stadia (20 Roman miles) per day, to make the journey around the gulf by land. Most of the editors (including Meineke) dismiss the passage as hopeless by merely indicating gaps in the text. Groskurd and C. Müller not only emend words of the text but also fill in the supposed gaps with seventeen and nine words, respectively. Groskurd makes Artemidorus say that a well-girded pedestrian can complete the journey around the gulf in twelve days, that the coasting-voyage around it is 2,000 stadia, and that he leaves for the mouth the same number (700) of stadia assigned by Polybius to the breadth of the mouth of the gulf. But C. Müller writes: "Some make it less, saying 1,380 stadia, whereas Artemidorus makes it as many plus 30 (1,410), in speaking of the breadth of the mouth of the gulf." But the present translator, by making very simple emendations (see critical note 2 on page 38), arrives at the following: Artemidorus says eighty stadia longer (i.e., 2,000) although he falls short of the breadth of the mouth of the gulf by as much (i.e., 700 - 80 = 620). It should be noted that Artemidorus, as quoted by Strabo, always gives distances in terms of stadia, not miles (e.g., 3. 2. 11, 8. 2. 1, 14. 2. 29, et passim), and that his figures at times differ considerably from those of the Chorographer (cp. 6. 3. 10). The gulf faces the winter-sunrise;i.e., south-east. and it begins at Cape Lacinium, for, on doubling it, one immediately comes to the citiesAs often Strabo refers to sites of perished cities as cities. of the Achaeans, which, except that of the Tarantini, no longer exist, and yet, because of the fame of some of them, are worthy of rather extended mention. +The first city is Croton, within one hundred and fifty stadia from the Lacinium; and then comes the River Aesarus, and a harbor, and another river, the Neaethus. The Neaethus got its name, it is said, from what occurred there: Certain of the Achaeans who had strayed from the Trojan fleet put in there and disembarked for an inspection of the region, and when the Trojan women who were sailing with them learned that the boats were empty of men, they set fire to the boats, for they were weary of the voyage, so that the men remained there of necessity, although they at the same time noticed that the soil was very fertile. And immediately several other groups, on the strength of their racial kinship, came and imitated them, and thus arose many settlements, most of which took their names from the Trojans; and also a river, the Neaethus, took its appellation from the aforementioned occurrence.The Greek "Neas aethein" means "to burn ships." According to Antiochus, when the god told the Achaeans to found Croton, Myscellus departed to inspect the place, but when he saw that Sybaris was already founded—having the same name as the river near by—he judged that Sybaris was better; at all events, he questioned the god again when he returned whether it would be better to found this instead of Croton, and the god replied to him (MyscellusOvid Met. 15.20 spells the name "Myscelus," and perhaps rightly; that is, "Mouse-leg" (?). was a hunchback as it happened): "Myscellus, short of back, in searching else outside thy track, thou hunt'st for morsels only; 'tis right that what one giveth thee thou do approve;"For a fuller account, see Diod. Sic. 8. 17 His version of the oracle is: "Myscellus, short of back, in searching other things apart from god, thou searchest only after tears; what gift god giveth thee, do thou approve." and Myscellus came back and founded Croton, having as an associate Archias, the founder of Syracuse, who happened to sail up while on his way to found Syracuse.The generally accepted dates for the founding of Croton and Syracuse are, respectively, 710 B.C. and 734 B.C. But Strabo's account here seems to mean that Syracuse was founded immediately after Croton (cp. 6. 2. 4). Cp. also Thucydides 6. 3. 2 The Iapyges used to live at Croton in earlier times, as Ephorus says. And the city is reputed to have cultivated warfare and athletics; at any rate, in one Olympian festival the seven men who took the lead over all others in the stadium-race were all Crotoniates, and therefore the saying "The last of the Crotoniates was the first among all other Greeks" seems reasonable. And this, it is said, is what gave rise to the other proverb, "more healthful than Croton," the belief being that the place contains something that tends to health and bodily vigor, to judge by the multitude of its athletes. Accordingly, it had a very large number of Olympic victors, although it did not remain inhabited a long time, on account of the ruinous loss of its citizens who fell in such great numbersCp. 6. 1 10. at the River Sagra. And its fame was increased by the large number of its Pythagorean philosophers, and by Milo, who was the most illustrious of athletes, and also a companion of Pythagoras, who spent a long time in the city. It is said that once, at the common mess of the philosophers, when a pillar began to give way, Milo slipped in under the burden and saved them all, and then drew himself from under it and escaped. And it is probably because he relied upon this same strength that he brought on himself the end of his life as reported by some writers; at any rate, the story is told that once, when he was travelling through a deep forest, he strayed rather far from the road, and then, on finding a large log cleft with wedges, thrust his hands and feet at the same time into the cleft and strained to split the log completely asunder; but he was only strong enough to make the wedges fall out, whereupon the two parts of the log instantly snapped together; and caught in such a trap as that, he became food for wild beasts. Next in order, at a distance of two hundred stadia, comes Sybaris, founded by the Achaeans; it is between two rivers, the Crathis and the Sybaris. Its founder was Is of Helice.The reading, "Is of Helice," is doubtful. On Helice, see 1. 3. 18 and 8. 7. 2. In early times this city was so superior in its good fortune that it ruled over four tribes in the neighborhood, had twenty- five subject cities, made the campaign against the Crotoniates with three hundred thousand men, and its inhabitants on the Crathis alone completely filled up a circuit of fifty stadia. However, by reason of luxuryCp. "Sybarite." and insolence they were deprived of all their felicity by the Crotoniates within seventy days; for on taking the city these conducted the river over it and submerged it. Later on, the survivors, only a few, came together and were making it their home again, but in time these too were destroyed by Athenians and other Greeks, who, although they came there to live with them, conceived such a contempt for them that they not only slew them but removed the city to another place near by and named it Thurii, after a spring of that name. Now the Sybaris River makes the horses that drink from it timid, and therefore all herds are kept away from it; whereas the Crathis makes the hair of persons who bathe in it yellow or white, and besides it cures many afflictions. Now after the Thurii had prospered for a long time, they were enslaved by the Leucani, and when they were taken away from the Leucani by the Tarantini, they took refuge in Rome, and the Romans sent colonists to supplement them, since their population was reduced, and changed the name of the city to Copiae. -After Thurii comes Lagaria, a stronghold, bounded by Epeius and the Phocaeans; thence comes the Lagaritan wine, which is sweet, mild, and extremely well thought of among physicians. That of Thurii, too, is one of the famous wines. Then comes the city Heracleia, a short distance above the sea; and two navigable rivers, the Aciris and the Siris. On the Siris there used to be a Trojan city of the same name, but in time, when Heracleia was colonized thence by the Tarantini, it became the port of the Heracleotes. It is Twenty-four stadia distant from Heracleia and about three hundred and thirty from Thurii. Writers produce as proof of its settlement by the Trojans the wooden image of the Trojan Athene which is set up there—the image that closed its eyes, the fable goes, when the suppliants were dragged away by the Ionians who captured the city; for these Ionians came there as colonists when in flight from the dominion of the Lydians, and by force took the city, which belonged to the Chones,Cp. 6. 1. 2. and called it Polieium; and the image even now can be seen closing its eyes. It is a bold thing, to be sure, to tell such a fable and to say that the image not only closed its eyes (just as they say the image in Troy turned away at the time Cassandra was violated) but can also be seen closing its eyes; and yet it is much bolder to represent as brought from Troy all those images which the historians say were brought from there; for not only in the territory of Siris, but also at Rome, at Lavinium, and at Luceria, Athene is called "Trojan Athena," as though brought from Troy. And further, the daring deed of the Trojan women is current in numerous places, and appears incredible, although it is possible. According to some, however, both Siris and the Sybaris which is on the TeuthrasThe "Teuthras" is otherwise unknown, except that there was a small river of that name, which cannot be identified, near Cumae (see Propertius 1. 11.11 and Silius Italicus 11.288). The river was probably named after Teuthras, king of Teuthrania in Mysia (see 12. 8. 2). But there seems to be no evidence of Sybarites in that region. Meineke and others are probably right in emending to the "Trais" (now the Trionto), on which, according to Diod. Sic. 12.22, certain Sybarites took up their abode in 445 B.C. were founded by the Rhodians. According to Antiochus, when the Tarantini were at war with the Thurii and their general Cleandridas, an exile from Lacedaemon, for the possession of the territory of Siris, they made a compromise and peopled Siris jointly, although it was adjudged the colony of the Tarantini; but later on it was called Heracleia, its site as well as its name being changed. -Next in order comes Metapontium, which is one hundred and forty stadia from the naval station of Heracleia. It is said to have been founded by the Pylians who sailed from Troy with Nestor; and they so prospered from farming, it is said, that they dedicated a golden harvestAn ear, or sheaf, of grain made of gold, apparently. at Delphi. And writers produce as a sign of its having been founded by the Pylians the sacrifice to the shades of the sons of Neleus.Neleus had twelve sons, including Nestor. All but Nestor were slain by Heracles. However, the city was wiped out by the Samnitae. According to Antiochus: Certain of the Achaeans were sent for by the Achaeans in Sybaris and resettled the place, then forsaken, but they were summoned only because of a hatred which the Achaeans who had been banished from Laconia had for the Tarantini, in order that the neighboring Tarantini might not pounce upon the place; there were two cities, but since, of the two, Metapontium was nearerThe other, of course, was Siris. to Taras,The old name of Tarentum. the newcomers were persuaded by the Sybarites to take Metapontium and hold it, for, if they held this, they would also hold the territory of Siris, whereas, if they turned to the territory of Siris, they would add Metapontium to the territory of the Tarantini, which latter was on the very flank of Metapontium; and when, later on, the Metapontians were at war with the Tarantini and the Oenotrians of the interior, a reconciliation was effected in regard to a portion of the land—that portion, indeed, which marked the boundary between the Italy of that time and Iapygia.i.e., the Metapontians gained undisputed control of their city and its territory, which Antiochus speaks of as a "boundary" (cp. 6. 1. 4 and 6. 3. 1). Here, too, the fabulous accounts place Metapontus,The son of Sisyphus. His "barbarian name," according to Stephanus Byzantinus and Eustathius, was Metabus. and also Melanippe the prisoner and her son Boeotus.One of Euripides' tragedies was entitled Melanippe the Prisoner; only fragments are preserved. She was the mother of Boeotus by Poseidon. In the opinion of Antiochus, the city Metapontium was first called Metabum and later on its name was slightly altered, and further, Melanippe was brought, not to Metabus, but to Dius,A Metapontian. as is proved by a hero-temple of Metabus, and also by Asius the poet, when he says that Boeotus was brought forth "in the halls of Dius by shapely Melanippe,"Asius Fr. meaning that Melanippe was brought to Dius, not to Metabus. But, as Ephorus says, the colonizer of Metapontium was Daulius, the tyrant of the Crisa which is near Delphi. And there is this further account, that the man who was sent by the Achaeans to help colonize it was Leucippus, and that after procuring the use of the place from the Tarantini for only a day and night he would not give it back, replying by day to those who asked it back that he had asked and taken it for the next night also, and by night that he had taken and asked it also for the next day.Next in order comes Taras and Iapygia; but before discussing them I shall, in accordance with my original purpose, give a general description of the islands that lie in front of Italy; for as from time to time I have named also the islands which neighbor upon the several tribes, so now, since I have traversed Oenotria from beginning to end, which alone the people of earlier times called Italy, it is right that I should preserve the same order in traversing Sicily and the islands round about it. +After Thurii comes Lagaria, a stronghold, bounded by Epeius and the Phocaeans; thence comes the Lagaritan wine, which is sweet, mild, and extremely well thought of among physicians. That of Thurii, too, is one of the famous wines. Then comes the city Heracleia, a short distance above the sea; and two navigable rivers, the Aciris and the Siris. On the Siris there used to be a Trojan city of the same name, but in time, when Heracleia was colonized thence by the Tarantini, it became the port of the Heracleotes. It is Twenty-four stadia distant from Heracleia and about three hundred and thirty from Thurii. Writers produce as proof of its settlement by the Trojans the wooden image of the Trojan Athene which is set up there—the image that closed its eyes, the fable goes, when the suppliants were dragged away by the Ionians who captured the city; for these Ionians came there as colonists when in flight from the dominion of the Lydians, and by force took the city, which belonged to the Chones,Cp. 6. 1. 2. and called it Polieium; and the image even now can be seen closing its eyes. It is a bold thing, to be sure, to tell such a fable and to say that the image not only closed its eyes (just as they say the image in Troy turned away at the time Cassandra was violated) but can also be seen closing its eyes; and yet it is much bolder to represent as brought from Troy all those images which the historians say were brought from there; for not only in the territory of Siris, but also at Rome, at Lavinium, and at Luceria, Athene is called "Trojan Athena," as though brought from Troy. And further, the daring deed of the Trojan women is current in numerous places, and appears incredible, although it is possible. According to some, however, both Siris and the Sybaris which is on the TeuthrasThe "Teuthras" is otherwise unknown, except that there was a small river of that name, which cannot be identified, near Cumae (see Propertius 1. 11.11 and Silius Italicus 11.288). The river was probably named after Teuthras, king of Teuthrania in Mysia (see 12. 8. 2). But there seems to be no evidence of Sybarites in that region. Meineke and others are probably right in emending to the "Trais" (now the Trionto), on which, according to Diod. Sic. 12.22, certain Sybarites took up their abode in 445 B.C. were founded by the Rhodians. According to Antiochus, when the Tarantini were at war with the Thurii and their general Cleandridas, an exile from Lacedaemon, for the possession of the territory of Siris, they made a compromise and peopled Siris jointly, although it was adjudged the colony of the Tarantini; but later on it was called Heracleia, its site as well as its name being changed. +Next in order comes Metapontium, which is one hundred and forty stadia from the naval station of Heracleia. It is said to have been founded by the Pylians who sailed from Troy with Nestor; and they so prospered from farming, it is said, that they dedicated a golden harvestAn ear, or sheaf, of grain made of gold, apparently. at Delphi. And writers produce as a sign of its having been founded by the Pylians the sacrifice to the shades of the sons of Neleus.Neleus had twelve sons, including Nestor. All but Nestor were slain by Heracles. However, the city was wiped out by the Samnitae. According to Antiochus: Certain of the Achaeans were sent for by the Achaeans in Sybaris and resettled the place, then forsaken, but they were summoned only because of a hatred which the Achaeans who had been banished from Laconia had for the Tarantini, in order that the neighboring Tarantini might not pounce upon the place; there were two cities, but since, of the two, Metapontium was nearerThe other, of course, was Siris. to Taras,The old name of Tarentum. the newcomers were persuaded by the Sybarites to take Metapontium and hold it, for, if they held this, they would also hold the territory of Siris, whereas, if they turned to the territory of Siris, they would add Metapontium to the territory of the Tarantini, which latter was on the very flank of Metapontium; and when, later on, the Metapontians were at war with the Tarantini and the Oenotrians of the interior, a reconciliation was effected in regard to a portion of the land—that portion, indeed, which marked the boundary between the Italy of that time and Iapygia.i.e., the Metapontians gained undisputed control of their city and its territory, which Antiochus speaks of as a "boundary" (cp. 6. 1. 4 and 6. 3. 1). Here, too, the fabulous accounts place Metapontus,The son of Sisyphus. His "barbarian name," according to Stephanus Byzantinus and Eustathius, was Metabus. and also Melanippe the prisoner and her son Boeotus.One of Euripides' tragedies was entitled Melanippe the Prisoner; only fragments are preserved. She was the mother of Boeotus by Poseidon. In the opinion of Antiochus, the city Metapontium was first called Metabum and later on its name was slightly altered, and further, Melanippe was brought, not to Metabus, but to Dius,A Metapontian. as is proved by a hero-temple of Metabus, and also by Asius the poet, when he says that Boeotus was brought forth "in the halls of Dius by shapely Melanippe,"Asius Fr. meaning that Melanippe was brought to Dius, not to Metabus. But, as Ephorus says, the colonizer of Metapontium was Daulius, the tyrant of the Crisa which is near Delphi. And there is this further account, that the man who was sent by the Achaeans to help colonize it was Leucippus, and that after procuring the use of the place from the Tarantini for only a day and night he would not give it back, replying by day to those who asked it back that he had asked and taken it for the next night also, and by night that he had taken and asked it also for the next day.Next in order comes Taras and Iapygia; but before discussing them I shall, in accordance with my original purpose, give a general description of the islands that lie in front of Italy; for as from time to time I have named also the islands which neighbor upon the several tribes, so now, since I have traversed Oenotria from beginning to end, which alone the people of earlier times called Italy, it is right that I should preserve the same order in traversing Sicily and the islands round about it.

-Sicily is triangular in shape; and for this reason it was at first called "Trinacria," though later the name was changed to the more euphonious "Thrinacis." Its shape is defined by three capes: Pelorias, which with Caenys and Columna Rheginorum forms the strait, and Pachynus, which lies out towards the east and is washed by the Sicilian Sea, thus facing towards the Peloponnesus and the sea-passage to Crete, and, third, Lilybaeum, the cape that is next to Libya, thus facing at the same time towards Libya and the winter sunset.South-west. As for the sides which are marked off by the three capes, two of them are moderately concave, whereas the third, the one that reaches from Lilybaeum to Pelorias, is convex; and this last is the longest, being one thousand seven hundred stadia in length, as Poseidonius states, though he adds twenty stadia more. Of the other two sides, the one from Lilybaeum to Pachynus is longer than the other, and the one next to the strait and Italy, from Pelorias to Pachynus, is shortest, being about one thousand one hundred and thirty stadia long. And the distance round the island by sea, as declared by Poseidonius, is four thousand stadia. But in the Chorography the distances given are longer, marked off in sections and given in miles: from Pelorias to Mylae, twenty-five miles; the same from Mylae to Tyndaris; then to Agathyrnum thirty, and the same to Alaesa, and again the same to Cephaloedium, these being small towns; and eighteen to the River Himera,C. Müller (see Map V at the end of the Loeb volume) assumes that Strabo exchanged the Chorographer's distances between (1) Alaesa and Cephaloedium, and (2) Cephaloedium and the River Himera (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p. 977). which flows through the middle of Sicily; then to Panormus thirty-five, and thirty-two to the Emporium of the Aegestes,In Latin, Emporium Segestanorum. and the rest of the way, to Lilybaeum, thirty-eight. Thence, on doubling Lilybaeum, to the adjacent side, to the Heracleium seventy-five miles, and to the Emporium of the AcragantiniIn Latin, Emporium Agrigentinorum. twenty, and another twentyThis distance is in fact more than sixty miles. C. Müller assumes in the Map (l.c.) that the copyist left out the interval from Emporium to Gela and put down an extra distance of twenty miles therefor. But elsewhere (Ind. Var. Lect., l.c.), he believes (more plausibly) that two intervals were omitted and assigns twenty stadia to each, viz., Emporium to the Harbor of Phintias, and thence to Calvisiana. to Camarina; and then to Pachynus fifty. Thence again along the third side: to Syracuse thirty-six, and to Catana sixty; then to Tauromenium thirty-three; and then to Messene thirty.Note in connection with the next sentence that the text does not give the distance from Messene to Pelorias, which is about nine miles. On foot, however, the distance from Pachynus to Pelorias is one hundred and sixty-eight miles, and from Messene to Lilybaeum by the Valerian Way two hundred and thirty-five. But some writers have spoken in a more general way, as, for example, Ephorus: "At any rate, the voyage round the island takes five days and nights." Further, Poseidonius, in marking off the boundaries of the island by means of the "climata,"On the "climata" (belts of latitude), see Strab. 1.1.12 and footnote 2. puts Pelorias towards the north, Lilybaeum towards the south, and Pachynus towards the east. But since the "climata" are each divided off into parallelograms, necessarily the triangles that are inscribed (particularly those which are scalene and of which no side fits on any one of the sides of the parallelogram) cannot, because of their slant, be fitted to the "climata."Though the works of Poseidonius are lost, it is obvious that he properly fixed the position of the three vertices of the triangle according to the method of his time by the "climata," i.e., he fixed their north-and-south positions (cp. "latitude") and their east-and-west position (cp. "longitude"). Strabo rightly, but rather captiously, remarks that Poseidonius cannot by means of the "climata" mark off the boundaries of Sicily, since the triangle is merely inscribed in the parallelogram and no side of it coincides with any side of the parallelogram; in other words, the result of Poseidonius is too indefinite. However this may be, one might fairly say, in the case of the "climata" of Sicily, which is situated south of Italy, that Pelorias is the most northerly of the three corners; and therefore the side that joins Pelorias to Pachynus will lie outThat is, will point. towards the east, thus facing towards the north, and also will form the side that is on the strait. But this side must take a slight turn toward the winter sunrise,South-east. for the shore bends aside in this direction as one proceeds from Catana to Syracuse and Pachynus. Now the distance from Pachynus across to the mouth of the AlpheiusIn the Peloponnesus; now the Ruphis. is four thousand stadia; but when Artemidorus says that it is four thousand six hundred stadia from Pachynus to TaenarumCape Matapan. and one thousand one hundred and thirty from the Alpheius to the Pamisus, he seems to me to afford us reason for suspecting that his statement is not in agreement with that of the man who says that the distance to the Alpheius from Pachynus is four thousand stadia. Again, the side that extends from Pachynus to Lilybaeum, which is considerably farther west than Pelorias, should itself also be made to slant considerably from its southernmost pointi.e., of the side; hence from Pachynus. towards the west, and should face at the same time towards the east and towards the south,That is, a line at right angles to the side would point south-east. one part being washed by the Sicilian Sea and the other by the Libyan Sea that reaches from Carthaginia to the Syrtes. The shortest passage from Lilybaeum across to Libya in neighborhood of Carthage is one thousand five hundred stadia;Cp. Strab. 17.3.16. and on this passage, it is said, some man of sharp vision, from a look-out, used to report to the men in Lilybaeum the number of ships that were putting to sea from Carthage.Lilybaeum when held by the Carthaginians (250 B.C.) was besieged by the Romans. Pliny 7.21 says that Varro gave the man's name as Strabo; and quotes Cicero as authority for the tradition that the man was wont, in the Punic War, looking from the Lilybaean promontory, a distance of 135 miles, to tell the number of ships that put out from the harbor of Carthage. But, assuming the possibility of seeing small ships at a distance of 135 miles, the observer would have to be at an altitude of a little more than two miles! Again, the side that extends from Lilybaeum to Pelorias necessarily slants towards the east, and faces towards the region that is between the west and the north,That is, a line at right angles to the side point towards the north-west. having Italy on the north and on the west the Tyrrhenian Sea and the Islands of Aeolus. -The cities along the side that forms the Strait are, first, Messene, and then Tauromenium, Catana, and Syracuse; but those that were between Catana and Syracuse have disappeared—NaxusFounded about 734 B.C. and destroyed by Dionysius in 403 B.C. (see Diod. Sic. 14.14), but it is placed by the commentators and maps between Tauromenium and Catana. and Megara;Founded about the same time as Naxus and destroyed about 214 B.C. and on this coast are the outlets of the Symaethus and all rivers that flow down from Aetna and have good harbors at their mouths; and here too is the promontory of Xiphonia. According to Ephorus these were the earliest Greek cities to be founded in Sicily, that is, in the tenth generation after the Trojan war; for before that time men were so afraid of the bands of Tyrrhenian pirates and the savagery of the barbarians in this region that they would not so much as sail thither for trafficking; but though Theocles, the Athenian, borne out of his course by the winds to Sicily, clearly perceived both the weakness of the peoples and the excellence of the soil, yet, when he went back, he could not persuade the Athenians, and hence took as partners a considerable number of Euboean Chalcidians and some Ionians and also some Dorians (most of whom were Megarians) and made the voyage; so the Chalcidians founded Naxus, whereas the Dorians founded Megara, which in earlier times had been called Hybla. The cities no longer exist, it is true, but the name of Hybla still endures, because of the excellence of the Hyblaean honey. -As for the cities that still endure along the aforementioned side: Messene is situated in a gulf of Pelorias, which bends considerably towards the east and forms an armpit, so to speak; but though the distance across to Messene from Rhegium is only sixty stadia, it is much less from Columna. Messene was founded by the Messenians of the Peloponnesus, who named it after themselves, changing its name; for formerly it was called Zancle, on account of the crookedness of the coast (anything crooked was called "zanclion"),The noun "zanclon" (corresponding to the adjective "zanclion") was a native Sicilian word, according to Thuc. 6.4. having been founded formerly by the Naxians who lived near Catana. But the Mamertini, a tribe of the Campani, joined the colony later on. Now the Romans used it as a base of operations for their Sicilian war against the Carthaginians; and afterwards Pompeius Sextus,when at war with Augustus Caesar, kept his fleet together there, and when ejected from the island also made his escape thence. And in the ship-channel, only a short distance off the city, is to be seem Charybdis,Cp. 1. 2. 36. a monstrous deep, into which the ships are easily drawn by the refluent currents of the strait and plunged prow-foremost along with a mighty eddying of the whirlpool; and when the ships are gulped down and broken to pieces, the wreckage is swept along to the Tauromenian shore, which, from this occurrence, is called Copria."Dunghill." The Mamertini prevailed to such an extent among the Messenii that they got control of the city; and the people are by all called mamertini rather than Messenii; and further, since the country is exceedingly productive of wine, the wine is called, not Messenian, but Mamertine, and it rivals the best of the Italian wines. The city is fairly populous, though Catana is still more so, and in fact has received Romans as inhabitants; but Tauromenium is less populous than either. Catana, moreover, was founded by the same Naxians, whereas Tauromenium was founded by the Zanclaeans of Hybla; but Catana lost its original inhabitants when Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, established a different set of colonists there and called it Aetna instead of Catana.476 B.C. And Pindar too calls him the founder of Aetna when he say: "Attend to what I say to thee, O Father, whose name is that of the holy sacrifices,The Greek here for "sacrifices" is "hieron." founder of Aetna." But at the death of Hiero467 B.C. the Catanaeans came back, ejected the inhabitants, and demolished the tomb of the tyrant.461 B.C. And the Aetnaeans, on withdrawing, took up their abode in a hilly district of Aetna called Innesa, and called the place, which is eighty stadia from Catana, Aetna, and declared Hiero its founder. Now the city of Aetna is situated in the interior about over Catana, and shares most in the devastation caused by the action of the craters;Groskurd, Müller-Dübner, Forbiger, Tardieu, and Tozer (Selections, p. 174) supply as subject of "shares" a pronoun referring to Catana, assuming that Aetna, the subject of the sentence, is the mountain, not the city. in fact the streams of lava rush down very nearly as far as the territory of Catana; and here is the scene of the act of filial piety, so often recounted, of Amphinomus and Anapias, who lifted their parents on their shoulders and saved them from the doom that was rushing upon them. According to Poseidonius, when the mountain is in action, the fields of the Catanaeans are covered with ash-dust to a great depth. Now although the ash is an affliction at the time, it benefits the country in later times, for it renders it fertile and suited to the vine, the rest of the country not being equally productive of good wine; further, the roots produced by the fields that have been covered with ash-dust make the sheep so fat, it is said, that they choke; and this is why blood is drawn from their ears every four or five daysOne of the later manuscripts reads "forty or fifty days."—a thing of which I have spoken before3. 5. 4. (q.v.). as occurring near Erytheia. But when the lava changes to a solid, it turns the surface of the earth into stone to a considerable depth, so that quarrying is necessary on the part of any who wish to uncover the original surface; for when the mass of rock in the craters melts and then is thrown up, the liquid that is poured out over the top is black mud and flows down the mountain, and then, solidifying, becomes millstone, keeping the same color it had when in a liquid state. And ash is also produced when the stones are burnt, as from wood; therefore, just as wood-ashes nourish rue, so the ashes of Aetna, it is reasonable to suppose, have some quality that is peculiarly suited to the vine. -Syracuse was founded by Archias, who sailed from Corinth about the same time that Naxus and Megara were colonized. It is said that Archias went to Delphi at the same time as Myscellus, and when they were consulting the oracle, the god asked them whether they chose wealth or health; now Archias chose wealth, and MyscellusSee 6. 1. 12. health; accordingly, the god granted to the former to found Syracuse, and to the latter Croton. And it actually came to pass that the Crotoniates took up their abode in a city that was exceedingly healthful, as I have related,6. 1. 12. and that Syracuse fell into such exceptional wealth that the name of the Syracusans was spread abroad in a proverb applied to the excessively extravagant—"the tithe of the Syracusans would not be sufficient for them." And when Archias, the story continues, was on his voyage to Sicily, he left Chersicrates, of the race of the Heracleidae, with a part of the expedition to help colonize what is now called Corcyra, but was formerly called Scheria; Chersicrates, however, ejected the Liburnians, who held possession of the island, and colonized it with new settlers, whereas Archias landed at Zephyrium,Cape Bruzzano. found that some Dorians who had quit the company of the founders of Megara and were on their way back home had arrived there from Sicily, took them up and in common with them founded Syracuse. And the city grew, both on account of the fertility of the soil and on account of the natural excellence of its harbors. Furthermore, the men of Syracuse proved to have the gift of leadership, with the result that when the Syracusans were ruled by tyrants they lorded it over the rest, and when set free themselves they set free those who were oppressed by the barbarians. As for these barbarians, some were native inhabitants, whereas others came over from the mainland. The Greeks would permit none of them to lay hold of the seaboard, but were not strong enough to keep them altogether away from the interior; indeed, to this day the Siceli, the Sicani, the Morgetes, and certain others have continued to live in the island, among whom there used to be Iberians, who, according to Ephorus, were said to be the first barbarian settlers of Sicily. Morgantium, it is reasonable to suppose, was settled by the Morgetes; it used to be a city, but now it does not exist. When the Carthaginians came over they did not cease to abuse both these people and the Greeks, but the Syracusans nevertheless held out. But the Romans later on ejected the Carthaginians and took Syracuse by siege. And in our own time, because Pompeius abused, not only the other cities, but Syracuse in particular, Augustus Caesar sent a colony and restored a considerable part of the old settlement; for in olden times it was a city of five towns,Nesos (the island Ortygia), Achradine, Tyche, Epipolai, and Neapolis. with a wall of one hundred and eighty stadia. Now it was not at all necessary to fill out the whole of this circuit, but it was necessary, he thought, to build up in a better way only the part that was settled—the part adjacent to the Island of Ortygia which had a sufficient circuit to make a notable city. Ortygia is connected with the mainland, near which it lies, by a bridge, and has the fountain of Arethusa, which sends forth a river that empties immediately into the sea.People tell the mythical story that the river Arethusa is the Alpheius, which latter, they say, rises in the Peloponnesus, flows underground through the sea as far as Arethusa, and then empties thence once more into the sea. And the kind of evidence they adduce is as follows: a certain cup, they think, was thrown out into the river at Olympia and was discharged into the fountain; and again, the fountain was discolored as the result of the sacrifices of oxen at Olympia. Pindar follows these reports when he says: "O resting-placeOr more literally, "place to breathe again." august of Alpheius, Ortygia,Pind. Nem. 1.1-2. Pindar further characterizes Ortygia (line 3) as "the bed of Artemis." scion of famous Syracuse." And in agreement with Pindar Timaeus the historian also declares the same thing. Now if the Alpheius fell into a pit before joining the sea, there would be some plausibility in the view that the stream extends underground from Olympia as far as Sicily, thereby preserving its potable water unmixed with the sea; but since the mouth of the river empties into the sea in full view, and since near this mouth, on the transit, there is no mouthThat is, whirlpool. visible that swallows up the stream of the river (though even so the water could not remain fresh; yet it might, the greater part of it at least, if it sank into the underground channel),The last clause is suspected; see critical note. the thing is absolutely impossible. For the water of Arethusa bears testimony against it, since it is potable; and that the stream of the river should hold together through so long a transit without being diffused with the seawater, that is, until it falls into the fancied underground passage, is utterly mythical. Indeed, we can scarcely believe this in the case of the Rhodanus, although its stream does hold together when it passes through a lake,Lake Lemenna, now the Lake of Geneva (see 4. 1. 11 and 4. 6. 6). keeping its course visible; in this case, however, the distance is short and the lake does not rise in waves, whereas in case of the sea in question, where there are prodigious storms and surging waves, the tale is foreign to all plausibility. And the citing of the story of the cup only magnifies the falsehood, for a cup does not of itself readily follow the current of any stream, to say nothing of a stream that flows so great a distance and through such passages.Now there are many rivers in many parts of the world that flow underground, but not for such a distance; and even if this is possible, the stories aforesaid, at least, are impossible, and those concerning the river Inachus are like a myth: "For it flows from the heights of Pindus," says Sophocles, "and from Lacmus,More often spelled Lacmon; one of the heights of Pindus. from the land of the Perrhaebians, into the lands of the Amphilochians and Acarnanians, and mingles with the waters of Acheloüs," and, a little below, he adds, "whence it cleaves the waves to Argos and comes to the people of Lyrceium." Marvellous tales of this sort are stretched still further by those who make the Inopus cross over from the Nile to Delos. And ZoïlusZoïlus (about 400-320 B.C.), the grammarian and rhetorician, of Amphipolis in Macedonia, is chiefly known for the bitterness of his attacks on Homer, which gained him the surname of "Homeromastix" ("scourge of Homer"). the rhetorician says in his Eulogy of the Tenedians that the Alpheius rises in Tenedos—the man who finds fault with Homer as a writer of myths! And Ibycus says that the Asopus in Sicyon rises in Phrygia. But the statement of Hecataeus is better, when he says that the lnachus among the Amphilochians, which flows from Lacmus, as does also the Aeas, is different from the river of Argos, and that it was named by Amphilochus, the man who called the city Argos Amphilochicum.Cp. 7. 7. 7. Now Hecataeus says that this river does empty into the Acheloüs, but that the AeasCp. 7. 5. 8. flows towards the west into Apollonia.On either side of the island of Ortygia is a large harbor; the larger of the two is eighty stadia in circuit. Caesar restored this city and also Catana; and so, in the same way, Centoripa, because it contributed much to the overthrow of Pompeius. Centoripa lies above Catana, bordering on the Aetnaean mountains, and on the Symaethus River, which flows into the territory of Catana. +Sicily is triangular in shape; and for this reason it was at first called "Trinacria," though later the name was changed to the more euphonious "Thrinacis." Its shape is defined by three capes: Pelorias, which with Caenys and Columna Rheginorum forms the strait, and Pachynus, which lies out towards the east and is washed by the Sicilian Sea, thus facing towards the Peloponnesus and the sea-passage to Crete, and, third, Lilybaeum, the cape that is next to Libya, thus facing at the same time towards Libya and the winter sunset.South-west. As for the sides which are marked off by the three capes, two of them are moderately concave, whereas the third, the one that reaches from Lilybaeum to Pelorias, is convex; and this last is the longest, being one thousand seven hundred stadia in length, as Poseidonius states, though he adds twenty stadia more. Of the other two sides, the one from Lilybaeum to Pachynus is longer than the other, and the one next to the strait and Italy, from Pelorias to Pachynus, is shortest, being about one thousand one hundred and thirty stadia long. And the distance round the island by sea, as declared by Poseidonius, is four thousand stadia. But in the Chorography the distances given are longer, marked off in sections and given in miles: from Pelorias to Mylae, twenty-five miles; the same from Mylae to Tyndaris; then to Agathyrnum thirty, and the same to Alaesa, and again the same to Cephaloedium, these being small towns; and eighteen to the River Himera,C. Müller (see Map V at the end of the Loeb volume) assumes that Strabo exchanged the Chorographer's distances between (1) Alaesa and Cephaloedium, and (2) Cephaloedium and the River Himera (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p. 977). which flows through the middle of Sicily; then to Panormus thirty-five, and thirty-two to the Emporium of the Aegestes,In Latin, Emporium Segestanorum. and the rest of the way, to Lilybaeum, thirty-eight. Thence, on doubling Lilybaeum, to the adjacent side, to the Heracleium seventy-five miles, and to the Emporium of the AcragantiniIn Latin, Emporium Agrigentinorum. twenty, and another twentyThis distance is in fact more than sixty miles. C. Müller assumes in the Map (l.c.) that the copyist left out the interval from Emporium to Gela and put down an extra distance of twenty miles therefor. But elsewhere (Ind. Var. Lect., l.c.), he believes (more plausibly) that two intervals were omitted and assigns twenty stadia to each, viz., Emporium to the Harbor of Phintias, and thence to Calvisiana. to Camarina; and then to Pachynus fifty. Thence again along the third side: to Syracuse thirty-six, and to Catana sixty; then to Tauromenium thirty-three; and then to Messene thirty.Note in connection with the next sentence that the text does not give the distance from Messene to Pelorias, which is about nine miles. On foot, however, the distance from Pachynus to Pelorias is one hundred and sixty-eight miles, and from Messene to Lilybaeum by the Valerian Way two hundred and thirty-five. But some writers have spoken in a more general way, as, for example, Ephorus: "At any rate, the voyage round the island takes five days and nights." Further, Poseidonius, in marking off the boundaries of the island by means of the "climata,"On the "climata" (belts of latitude), see Strab. 1.1.12 and footnote 2. puts Pelorias towards the north, Lilybaeum towards the south, and Pachynus towards the east. But since the "climata" are each divided off into parallelograms, necessarily the triangles that are inscribed (particularly those which are scalene and of which no side fits on any one of the sides of the parallelogram) cannot, because of their slant, be fitted to the "climata."Though the works of Poseidonius are lost, it is obvious that he properly fixed the position of the three vertices of the triangle according to the method of his time by the "climata," i.e., he fixed their north-and-south positions (cp. "latitude") and their east-and-west position (cp. "longitude"). Strabo rightly, but rather captiously, remarks that Poseidonius cannot by means of the "climata" mark off the boundaries of Sicily, since the triangle is merely inscribed in the parallelogram and no side of it coincides with any side of the parallelogram; in other words, the result of Poseidonius is too indefinite. However this may be, one might fairly say, in the case of the "climata" of Sicily, which is situated south of Italy, that Pelorias is the most northerly of the three corners; and therefore the side that joins Pelorias to Pachynus will lie outThat is, will point. towards the east, thus facing towards the north, and also will form the side that is on the strait. But this side must take a slight turn toward the winter sunrise,South-east. for the shore bends aside in this direction as one proceeds from Catana to Syracuse and Pachynus. Now the distance from Pachynus across to the mouth of the AlpheiusIn the Peloponnesus; now the Ruphis. is four thousand stadia; but when Artemidorus says that it is four thousand six hundred stadia from Pachynus to TaenarumCape Matapan. and one thousand one hundred and thirty from the Alpheius to the Pamisus, he seems to me to afford us reason for suspecting that his statement is not in agreement with that of the man who says that the distance to the Alpheius from Pachynus is four thousand stadia. Again, the side that extends from Pachynus to Lilybaeum, which is considerably farther west than Pelorias, should itself also be made to slant considerably from its southernmost pointi.e., of the side; hence from Pachynus. towards the west, and should face at the same time towards the east and towards the south,That is, a line at right angles to the side would point south-east. one part being washed by the Sicilian Sea and the other by the Libyan Sea that reaches from Carthaginia to the Syrtes. The shortest passage from Lilybaeum across to Libya in neighborhood of Carthage is one thousand five hundred stadia;Cp. Strab. 17.3.16. and on this passage, it is said, some man of sharp vision, from a look-out, used to report to the men in Lilybaeum the number of ships that were putting to sea from Carthage.Lilybaeum when held by the Carthaginians (250 B.C.) was besieged by the Romans. Pliny 7.21 says that Varro gave the man's name as Strabo; and quotes Cicero as authority for the tradition that the man was wont, in the Punic War, looking from the Lilybaean promontory, a distance of 135 miles, to tell the number of ships that put out from the harbor of Carthage. But, assuming the possibility of seeing small ships at a distance of 135 miles, the observer would have to be at an altitude of a little more than two miles! Again, the side that extends from Lilybaeum to Pelorias necessarily slants towards the east, and faces towards the region that is between the west and the north,That is, a line at right angles to the side point towards the north-west. having Italy on the north and on the west the Tyrrhenian Sea and the Islands of Aeolus. +The cities along the side that forms the Strait are, first, Messene, and then Tauromenium, Catana, and Syracuse; but those that were between Catana and Syracuse have disappeared—NaxusFounded about 734 B.C. and destroyed by Dionysius in 403 B.C. (see Diod. Sic. 14.14), but it is placed by the commentators and maps between Tauromenium and Catana. and Megara;Founded about the same time as Naxus and destroyed about 214 B.C. and on this coast are the outlets of the Symaethus and all rivers that flow down from Aetna and have good harbors at their mouths; and here too is the promontory of Xiphonia. According to Ephorus these were the earliest Greek cities to be founded in Sicily, that is, in the tenth generation after the Trojan war; for before that time men were so afraid of the bands of Tyrrhenian pirates and the savagery of the barbarians in this region that they would not so much as sail thither for trafficking; but though Theocles, the Athenian, borne out of his course by the winds to Sicily, clearly perceived both the weakness of the peoples and the excellence of the soil, yet, when he went back, he could not persuade the Athenians, and hence took as partners a considerable number of Euboean Chalcidians and some Ionians and also some Dorians (most of whom were Megarians) and made the voyage; so the Chalcidians founded Naxus, whereas the Dorians founded Megara, which in earlier times had been called Hybla. The cities no longer exist, it is true, but the name of Hybla still endures, because of the excellence of the Hyblaean honey. +As for the cities that still endure along the aforementioned side: Messene is situated in a gulf of Pelorias, which bends considerably towards the east and forms an armpit, so to speak; but though the distance across to Messene from Rhegium is only sixty stadia, it is much less from Columna. Messene was founded by the Messenians of the Peloponnesus, who named it after themselves, changing its name; for formerly it was called Zancle, on account of the crookedness of the coast (anything crooked was called "zanclion"),The noun "zanclon" (corresponding to the adjective "zanclion") was a native Sicilian word, according to Thuc. 6.4. having been founded formerly by the Naxians who lived near Catana. But the Mamertini, a tribe of the Campani, joined the colony later on. Now the Romans used it as a base of operations for their Sicilian war against the Carthaginians; and afterwards Pompeius Sextus,when at war with Augustus Caesar, kept his fleet together there, and when ejected from the island also made his escape thence. And in the ship-channel, only a short distance off the city, is to be seem Charybdis,Cp. 1. 2. 36. a monstrous deep, into which the ships are easily drawn by the refluent currents of the strait and plunged prow-foremost along with a mighty eddying of the whirlpool; and when the ships are gulped down and broken to pieces, the wreckage is swept along to the Tauromenian shore, which, from this occurrence, is called Copria."Dunghill." The Mamertini prevailed to such an extent among the Messenii that they got control of the city; and the people are by all called mamertini rather than Messenii; and further, since the country is exceedingly productive of wine, the wine is called, not Messenian, but Mamertine, and it rivals the best of the Italian wines. The city is fairly populous, though Catana is still more so, and in fact has received Romans as inhabitants; but Tauromenium is less populous than either. Catana, moreover, was founded by the same Naxians, whereas Tauromenium was founded by the Zanclaeans of Hybla; but Catana lost its original inhabitants when Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, established a different set of colonists there and called it Aetna instead of Catana.476 B.C. And Pindar too calls him the founder of Aetna when he say: "Attend to what I say to thee, O Father, whose name is that of the holy sacrifices,The Greek here for "sacrifices" is "hieron." founder of Aetna." But at the death of Hiero467 B.C. the Catanaeans came back, ejected the inhabitants, and demolished the tomb of the tyrant.461 B.C. And the Aetnaeans, on withdrawing, took up their abode in a hilly district of Aetna called Innesa, and called the place, which is eighty stadia from Catana, Aetna, and declared Hiero its founder. Now the city of Aetna is situated in the interior about over Catana, and shares most in the devastation caused by the action of the craters;Groskurd, Müller-Dübner, Forbiger, Tardieu, and Tozer (Selections, p. 174) supply as subject of "shares" a pronoun referring to Catana, assuming that Aetna, the subject of the sentence, is the mountain, not the city. in fact the streams of lava rush down very nearly as far as the territory of Catana; and here is the scene of the act of filial piety, so often recounted, of Amphinomus and Anapias, who lifted their parents on their shoulders and saved them from the doom that was rushing upon them. According to Poseidonius, when the mountain is in action, the fields of the Catanaeans are covered with ash-dust to a great depth. Now although the ash is an affliction at the time, it benefits the country in later times, for it renders it fertile and suited to the vine, the rest of the country not being equally productive of good wine; further, the roots produced by the fields that have been covered with ash-dust make the sheep so fat, it is said, that they choke; and this is why blood is drawn from their ears every four or five daysOne of the later manuscripts reads "forty or fifty days."—a thing of which I have spoken before3. 5. 4. (q.v.). as occurring near Erytheia. But when the lava changes to a solid, it turns the surface of the earth into stone to a considerable depth, so that quarrying is necessary on the part of any who wish to uncover the original surface; for when the mass of rock in the craters melts and then is thrown up, the liquid that is poured out over the top is black mud and flows down the mountain, and then, solidifying, becomes millstone, keeping the same color it had when in a liquid state. And ash is also produced when the stones are burnt, as from wood; therefore, just as wood-ashes nourish rue, so the ashes of Aetna, it is reasonable to suppose, have some quality that is peculiarly suited to the vine. +Syracuse was founded by Archias, who sailed from Corinth about the same time that Naxus and Megara were colonized. It is said that Archias went to Delphi at the same time as Myscellus, and when they were consulting the oracle, the god asked them whether they chose wealth or health; now Archias chose wealth, and MyscellusSee 6. 1. 12. health; accordingly, the god granted to the former to found Syracuse, and to the latter Croton. And it actually came to pass that the Crotoniates took up their abode in a city that was exceedingly healthful, as I have related,6. 1. 12. and that Syracuse fell into such exceptional wealth that the name of the Syracusans was spread abroad in a proverb applied to the excessively extravagant—"the tithe of the Syracusans would not be sufficient for them." And when Archias, the story continues, was on his voyage to Sicily, he left Chersicrates, of the race of the Heracleidae, with a part of the expedition to help colonize what is now called Corcyra, but was formerly called Scheria; Chersicrates, however, ejected the Liburnians, who held possession of the island, and colonized it with new settlers, whereas Archias landed at Zephyrium,Cape Bruzzano. found that some Dorians who had quit the company of the founders of Megara and were on their way back home had arrived there from Sicily, took them up and in common with them founded Syracuse. And the city grew, both on account of the fertility of the soil and on account of the natural excellence of its harbors. Furthermore, the men of Syracuse proved to have the gift of leadership, with the result that when the Syracusans were ruled by tyrants they lorded it over the rest, and when set free themselves they set free those who were oppressed by the barbarians. As for these barbarians, some were native inhabitants, whereas others came over from the mainland. The Greeks would permit none of them to lay hold of the seaboard, but were not strong enough to keep them altogether away from the interior; indeed, to this day the Siceli, the Sicani, the Morgetes, and certain others have continued to live in the island, among whom there used to be Iberians, who, according to Ephorus, were said to be the first barbarian settlers of Sicily. Morgantium, it is reasonable to suppose, was settled by the Morgetes; it used to be a city, but now it does not exist. When the Carthaginians came over they did not cease to abuse both these people and the Greeks, but the Syracusans nevertheless held out. But the Romans later on ejected the Carthaginians and took Syracuse by siege. And in our own time, because Pompeius abused, not only the other cities, but Syracuse in particular, Augustus Caesar sent a colony and restored a considerable part of the old settlement; for in olden times it was a city of five towns,Nesos (the island Ortygia), Achradine, Tyche, Epipolai, and Neapolis. with a wall of one hundred and eighty stadia. Now it was not at all necessary to fill out the whole of this circuit, but it was necessary, he thought, to build up in a better way only the part that was settled—the part adjacent to the Island of Ortygia which had a sufficient circuit to make a notable city. Ortygia is connected with the mainland, near which it lies, by a bridge, and has the fountain of Arethusa, which sends forth a river that empties immediately into the sea.People tell the mythical story that the river Arethusa is the Alpheius, which latter, they say, rises in the Peloponnesus, flows underground through the sea as far as Arethusa, and then empties thence once more into the sea. And the kind of evidence they adduce is as follows: a certain cup, they think, was thrown out into the river at Olympia and was discharged into the fountain; and again, the fountain was discolored as the result of the sacrifices of oxen at Olympia. Pindar follows these reports when he says: "O resting-placeOr more literally, "place to breathe again." august of Alpheius, Ortygia,Pind. Nem. 1.1-2. Pindar further characterizes Ortygia (line 3) as "the bed of Artemis." scion of famous Syracuse." And in agreement with Pindar Timaeus the historian also declares the same thing. Now if the Alpheius fell into a pit before joining the sea, there would be some plausibility in the view that the stream extends underground from Olympia as far as Sicily, thereby preserving its potable water unmixed with the sea; but since the mouth of the river empties into the sea in full view, and since near this mouth, on the transit, there is no mouthThat is, whirlpool. visible that swallows up the stream of the river (though even so the water could not remain fresh; yet it might, the greater part of it at least, if it sank into the underground channel),The last clause is suspected; see critical note. the thing is absolutely impossible. For the water of Arethusa bears testimony against it, since it is potable; and that the stream of the river should hold together through so long a transit without being diffused with the seawater, that is, until it falls into the fancied underground passage, is utterly mythical. Indeed, we can scarcely believe this in the case of the Rhodanus, although its stream does hold together when it passes through a lake,Lake Lemenna, now the Lake of Geneva (see 4. 1. 11 and 4. 6. 6). keeping its course visible; in this case, however, the distance is short and the lake does not rise in waves, whereas in case of the sea in question, where there are prodigious storms and surging waves, the tale is foreign to all plausibility. And the citing of the story of the cup only magnifies the falsehood, for a cup does not of itself readily follow the current of any stream, to say nothing of a stream that flows so great a distance and through such passages.Now there are many rivers in many parts of the world that flow underground, but not for such a distance; and even if this is possible, the stories aforesaid, at least, are impossible, and those concerning the river Inachus are like a myth: "For it flows from the heights of Pindus," says Sophocles, "and from Lacmus,More often spelled Lacmon; one of the heights of Pindus. from the land of the Perrhaebians, into the lands of the Amphilochians and Acarnanians, and mingles with the waters of Acheloüs," and, a little below, he adds, "whence it cleaves the waves to Argos and comes to the people of Lyrceium." Marvellous tales of this sort are stretched still further by those who make the Inopus cross over from the Nile to Delos. And ZoïlusZoïlus (about 400-320 B.C.), the grammarian and rhetorician, of Amphipolis in Macedonia, is chiefly known for the bitterness of his attacks on Homer, which gained him the surname of "Homeromastix" ("scourge of Homer"). the rhetorician says in his Eulogy of the Tenedians that the Alpheius rises in Tenedos—the man who finds fault with Homer as a writer of myths! And Ibycus says that the Asopus in Sicyon rises in Phrygia. But the statement of Hecataeus is better, when he says that the lnachus among the Amphilochians, which flows from Lacmus, as does also the Aeas, is different from the river of Argos, and that it was named by Amphilochus, the man who called the city Argos Amphilochicum.Cp. 7. 7. 7. Now Hecataeus says that this river does empty into the Acheloüs, but that the AeasCp. 7. 5. 8. flows towards the west into Apollonia.On either side of the island of Ortygia is a large harbor; the larger of the two is eighty stadia in circuit. Caesar restored this city and also Catana; and so, in the same way, Centoripa, because it contributed much to the overthrow of Pompeius. Centoripa lies above Catana, bordering on the Aetnaean mountains, and on the Symaethus River, which flows into the territory of Catana. Of the remaining sides of Sicily, that which extends from Pachynus to Lilybaeum has been utterly deserted, although it preserves traces of the old settlements, among which was Camarina, a colony of the Syracusans; Acragas, however, which belongs to the Geloans, and its seaport, and also Lilybaeum still endure. For since this region was most exposed to attack on the part of Carthaginia, most of it was ruined by the long wars that arose one after another. The last and longest side is not populous either, but still it is fairly well peopled; in fact, Alaesa, Tyndaris, the Emporium of the Aegestes, and CephaloedisAnother name of Cephaloedium (6. 2. 1). are all cities, and Panormus has also a Roman settlement. Aegestaea was founded, it is said, by those who crossed over with Philoctetes to the territory of Croton, as I have stated in my account of Italy;6. 1. 3. they were sent to Sicily by him along with Aegestes the Trojan. -In the interior is Enna, where is the temple of Demeter, with only a few inhabitants; it is situated on a hill, and is wholly surrounded by broad plateaus that are tillable. It suffered most at the hands of EunusEunus was a native of Apameia in Syria, but became a slave of a certain Antigenes at Enna, and about 136 B.C. became the leader of the Sicilian slaves in the First Servile War. For a full account of his amazing activities as juggler, diviner, leader, and self-appointed king, as also of his great following see Diod. Sic. 34.2. 5-18 and his runaway slaves, who were besieged there and only with difficulty were dislodged by the Romans. The inhabitants of Catana and Tauromenium and also several other peoples suffered this same fate.Eryx, a lofty hill,Now Mt. San Giuliano. But Eryx is at the north-western angle of Sicily, near the sea, not in the interior and for this reason some editors consider the passage out of place. is also inhabited. It has a temple of Aphrodite that is held in exceptional honor, and in early times was full of female temple-slaves, who had been dedicated in fulfillment of vows not only by the people of Sicily but also by many people from abroad; but at the present time, just as the settlement itself,Also called Eryx. Hamilcar Barca transferred most of the inhabitants to Drepanum (at the foot of the mountain) in 260 B.C. After that time the city was of no consequence, but the sacred precinct, with its strong walls, remained a strategic position of great importance. so the temple is in want of men, and the multitude of temple-slaves has disappeared. In Rome, also, there is a reproduction of this goddess, I mean the temple before the Colline GateThe temple of Venus Erycina on the Capitol was dedicated by Q. Fabius Maximus in 215 B.C., whereas the one here referred to, outside the Colline Gate, was dedicated by L. Portius Licinus in 181 B.C. which is called that of Venus Erycina and is remarkable for its shrine and surrounding colonnade.But the rest of the settlementsi.e., the rest of the settlements on "the remaining sides" (mentioned at the beginning of section 5), as the subsequent clause shows. as well as most of the interior have come into the possession of shepherds; for I do not know of any settled population still living in either Himera, or Gela, or Callipolis or Selinus or Euboea or several other places. Of these cities Himera was founded by the Zanclaeans of Mylae, Callipolis by the Naxians, Selinus by the Megarians of the Sicilian Megara, and Euboea by the Leontines.A number of the editors transfer to this point the sentence "The whole . . . fortunes," at the end of section 7 below. Many of the barbarian cities, also, have been wiped out; for example Camici,Camici (or Camicus) is supposed to have been on the site of what is Camastro. the royal residence of Cocalus,The mythical king who harbored Daedalus when he fled from Minos. at which Minos is said to have been murdered by treachery. The Romans, therefore, taking notice that the country was deserted, took possession of the mountains and most of the plains and then gave them over to horseherds, cowherds, and shepherds; and by these herdsmen the island was many times put in great danger, because, although at first they only turned to brigandage in a sporadic way, later they both assembled in great numbers and plundered the settlements, as, for example, when Eunus and his men took possession of Enna. And recently, in my own time, a certain Selurus, called the "son of Aetna," was sent up to Rome because he had put himself at the head of an army and for a long time had overrun the regions round about Aetna with frequent raids; I saw him torn to pieces by wild beasts at an appointed combat of gladiators in the Forum; for he was placed on a lofty scaffold, as though on Aetna, and the scaffold was made suddenly to break up and collapse, and he himself was carried down with it into cages of wildbeasts—fragile cages that had been prepared beneath the scaffold for that purpose. +In the interior is Enna, where is the temple of Demeter, with only a few inhabitants; it is situated on a hill, and is wholly surrounded by broad plateaus that are tillable. It suffered most at the hands of EunusEunus was a native of Apameia in Syria, but became a slave of a certain Antigenes at Enna, and about 136 B.C. became the leader of the Sicilian slaves in the First Servile War. For a full account of his amazing activities as juggler, diviner, leader, and self-appointed king, as also of his great following see Diod. Sic. 34.2. 5-18 and his runaway slaves, who were besieged there and only with difficulty were dislodged by the Romans. The inhabitants of Catana and Tauromenium and also several other peoples suffered this same fate.Eryx, a lofty hill,Now Mt. San Giuliano. But Eryx is at the north-western angle of Sicily, near the sea, not in the interior and for this reason some editors consider the passage out of place. is also inhabited. It has a temple of Aphrodite that is held in exceptional honor, and in early times was full of female temple-slaves, who had been dedicated in fulfillment of vows not only by the people of Sicily but also by many people from abroad; but at the present time, just as the settlement itself,Also called Eryx. Hamilcar Barca transferred most of the inhabitants to Drepanum (at the foot of the mountain) in 260 B.C. After that time the city was of no consequence, but the sacred precinct, with its strong walls, remained a strategic position of great importance. so the temple is in want of men, and the multitude of temple-slaves has disappeared. In Rome, also, there is a reproduction of this goddess, I mean the temple before the Colline GateThe temple of Venus Erycina on the Capitol was dedicated by Q. Fabius Maximus in 215 B.C., whereas the one here referred to, outside the Colline Gate, was dedicated by L. Portius Licinus in 181 B.C. which is called that of Venus Erycina and is remarkable for its shrine and surrounding colonnade.But the rest of the settlementsi.e., the rest of the settlements on "the remaining sides" (mentioned at the beginning of section 5), as the subsequent clause shows. as well as most of the interior have come into the possession of shepherds; for I do not know of any settled population still living in either Himera, or Gela, or Callipolis or Selinus or Euboea or several other places. Of these cities Himera was founded by the Zanclaeans of Mylae, Callipolis by the Naxians, Selinus by the Megarians of the Sicilian Megara, and Euboea by the Leontines.A number of the editors transfer to this point the sentence "The whole . . . fortunes," at the end of section 7 below. Many of the barbarian cities, also, have been wiped out; for example Camici,Camici (or Camicus) is supposed to have been on the site of what is Camastro. the royal residence of Cocalus,The mythical king who harbored Daedalus when he fled from Minos. at which Minos is said to have been murdered by treachery. The Romans, therefore, taking notice that the country was deserted, took possession of the mountains and most of the plains and then gave them over to horseherds, cowherds, and shepherds; and by these herdsmen the island was many times put in great danger, because, although at first they only turned to brigandage in a sporadic way, later they both assembled in great numbers and plundered the settlements, as, for example, when Eunus and his men took possession of Enna. And recently, in my own time, a certain Selurus, called the "son of Aetna," was sent up to Rome because he had put himself at the head of an army and for a long time had overrun the regions round about Aetna with frequent raids; I saw him torn to pieces by wild beasts at an appointed combat of gladiators in the Forum; for he was placed on a lofty scaffold, as though on Aetna, and the scaffold was made suddenly to break up and collapse, and he himself was carried down with it into cages of wildbeasts—fragile cages that had been prepared beneath the scaffold for that purpose. As for the fertility of the country, why should I speak of it, since it is on the lips of all men, who declare that it is no whit inferior to that of Italy? And in the matter of grain, honey, saffron, and certain other products, one might call it even superior. There is, furthermore, its propinquity; for the island is a part of Italy, as it were, and readily and without great labor supplies Rome with everything it has, as though from the fields of Italy. And in fact it is called the storehouse of Rome, for everything it produces is brought hither except a few things that are consumed at home, and not the fruits only, but also cattle, hides, wool, and the like. Poseidonius says that Syracuse and Eryx are each situated like an acropolis by the sea, whereas Enna lies midway between the two above the encircling plains.The whole of the territory of Leontini, also, which likewise belonged to the Naxians of Sicily, has been devastated; for although they always shared with the Syracusans in their misfortunes, it was not always so with their good fortunes.See footnote on Leontines, section 6. Near Centoripa is the town of Aetna, which was mentioned a little above, whose people entertain and conduct those who ascend the mountain; for the mountain-summit begins here. The upper districts are bare and ash-like and full of snow during the winter, whereas the lower are divided up by forests and plantations of every sort. The topmost parts of the mountain appear to undergo many changes because of the way the fire distributes itself, for at one time the fire concentrates in one crater, but at another time divides, while at one time the mountain sends forth lava, at another, flames and fiery smoke, and at still other times it also emits red-hot masses; and the inevitable result of these disturbances is that not only the underground passages, but also the orifices, sometimes rather numerous, which appear on the surface of the mountain all round, undergo changes at the same time. Be this as it may, those who recently made the ascent gave me the following account: They found at the top a level plain, about twenty stadia in circuit, enclosed by a rim of ashes the height of a house-wall, so that any who wished to proceed into the plain had to leap down from the wall; they saw in the center of the plain a mound"This is the small cone of eruption, in the center of the wide semicircular crater" (Tozer, Selections, p. 175), which the poem of <placeName key="tgn,7003867">Aetna</placeName> (line 182), ascribed to Lucilius Junior, describes as follows: "penitusque exaestuat ultra." of the color of ashes, in this respect being like the surface of the plain as seen from above, and above the mound a perpendicular cloud rising straight up to a height of about two hundred feet, motionless (for it was a windless day) and resembling smoke; and two of the men had the hardihood to proceed into the plain, but because the sand they were walking on got hotter and deeper, they turned back, and so were unable to tell those who were observing from a distance anything more than what was already apparent. But they believed, from such a view as they had, that many of the current stories are mythical, and particularly those which some tell about Empedocles, that he leaped down into the crater and left behind, as a trace of the fate he suffered, one of the brazen sandals which he wore; for it was found, they say, a short distance outside the rim of the crater, as though it had been thrown up by the force of the fire. Indeed, the place is neither to be approached nor to be seen, according to my informants; and further, they surmised that nothing could be thrown down into it either, owing to the contrary blasts of the winds arising from the depths, and also owing to the heat, which, it is reasonable to suppose, meets one long before one comes near the mouth of the crater; but even if something should be thrown down into it, it would be destroyed before it could be thrown up in anything like the shape it had when first received; and although it is not unreasonable to assume that at times the blasts of the fire die down when at times the fuel is deficient, yet surely this would not last long enough to make possible the approach of man against so great a force. Aetna dominates more especially the seaboard in the region of the Strait and the territory of Catana, but also that in the region of the Tyrrhenian Sea and the Liparaean Islands. Now although by night a brilliant light shines from the summit, by day it is covered with smoke and haze. Over against Aetna rise the Nebrodes Mountains,Now the Nebrodici. which, though lower than Aetna, exceed it considerably in breadth. The whole island is hollow down beneath the ground, and full of streams and of fire, as is the case with the Tyrrhenian Sea, as far as the Cumaean country, as I have said before.5. 4. 9. At all events, the island has at many places springs of hot waters which spout up, of which those of Selinus and those of Himera are brackish, whereas those of Aegesta are potable. Near Acragas are lakes which, though they have the taste of seawater, are different in nature; for even people who cannot swim do not sink, but float on the surface like wood. The territory of the Palici has cratersStrabo refers to what is now the Lago di Naftia, a small volcanic lake near the Eryces River and Leotini, and not far from the sea. that spout up water in a dome-like jet and receive it back again into the same recess. The cavern near MataurusThe form "Mataurus" seems to be corrupt. At any rate, it probably should be identified with Mazara (now Mazzara), near which there is now a small river flowing through a rocky district. contains an immense gallery through which a river flows invisible for a considerable distance, and then emerges to the surface, as is the case with the Orontes in Syria,Cp. 16. 2. 7. which sinks into the chasm (called Charybdis) between Apameia and Antiocheia and rises again forty stadia away. Similar, too, are the cases both of the TigrisSo Pliny N.H. 6.31 in Mesopotamia and of the Nile in Libya, only a short distance from their sources. And the water in the territory of StymphalusStrabo refers to the lake of Stymphalus in Arcadia in the Peloponnesus. For a full description see Frazer's note on Paus. 8.22.1 first flows underground for two hundred stadia and then issues forth in Argeia as the Erasinus River; and again, the water near the Arcadian Asea is first forced below the surface and then, much later, emerges as both the Eurotas and the Alpheius; and hence the belief in a certain fabulous utterance, that if two wreaths be dedicated separately to each of the two rivers and thrown into the common stream, each will reappear, in accordance with the dedication, in the appropriate river. And I have already mentioned what is told about the Timavus River.5. 1. 8. Phenomena akin both to these and to those in Sicily are to be seen about the Liparaean Islands and Lipara itself. The islands are seven in number, but the largest is Lipara (a colony of the Cnidians), which, Thermessa excepted, lies nearest to Sicily. It was formerly called Meligunis; and it not only commanded a fleet, but for a long time resisted the incursions of the Tyrrheni, for it held in obedience all the Liparaean Islands, as they are now called, though by some they are called the Islands of Aeolus. Furthermore, it often adorned the temple of Apollo at Delphi with dedications from the first fruits of victory. It has also a fruitful soil, and a mine of styptic earthStyptic earth (= Latin alumen) is discussed at length by Pliny 35.52. It was not our alum, but an iron sulphate, or a mixture of an iron and an aluminium sulphate, used in dyeing and in medicine. that brings in revenues,Diod. Sic. 5.10 says: "This island" (Lipara) "has the far-famed mines of styptic earth, from which the Liparaeans and Romans get great revenues." and hot springs, and fire blasts. Between Lipara and Sicily is Thermessa, which is now called Hiera of Hephaestus;i.e., "Sacred" Isle of Hephaestus. The isle is now called Vulcanello. It is supposed to be the island that rose from the sea about 183 B. C. (See Nissen, Italische Landeskunde I.251). the whole island is rocky, desert, and fiery, and it has three fire blasts, rising from three openings which one might call craters. From the largest the flames carry up also red-hot masses, which have already choked up a considerable part of the Strait. From observation it has been believed that the flames, both here and on Aetna, are stimulated along with the winds and that when the winds cease the flames cease too. And this is not unreasonable, for the winds are begotten by the evaporations of the sea and after they have taken their beginning are fed thereby; and therefore it is not permissible for any who have any sort of insight into such matters to marvel if the fire too is kindled by a cognate fuel or disturbance. According to Polybius, one of the three craters has partially fallen in, whereas the others remain whole; and the largest has a circular rim five stadia in circuit, but it gradually contracts to a diameter of fifty feet; and the altitude of this crater above the level of the sea is a stadium, so that the crater is visible on windless days.i.e., from the sea. But if all this is to be believed, perhaps one should also believe the mythical story about Empedocles.See 6. 2. 8. Now if the south wind is about to blow, Polybius continues, a cloud-like mist pours down all round the island, so that not even Sicily is visible in the distance; and when the north wind is about to blow, pure flames rise aloft from the aforesaid crater and louder rumblings are sent forth; but the west wind holds a middle position, so to speak, between the two; but though the two other craters are like the first in kind, they fall short in the violence of their spoutings; accordingly, both the difference in the rumblings, and the place whence the spoutings and the flames and the fiery smoke begin, signify beforehand the wind that is going to blow again three days afterward;So Pliny 3.14 at all events, certain of the men in Liparae, when the weather made sailing impossible, predicted, he says, the wind that was to blow, and they were not mistaken; from this fact, then, it is clear that that saying of the Poet which is regarded as most mythical of all was not idly spoken, but that he hinted at the truth when he called Aeolus "steward of the winds."Hom. Od. 10.21 However, I have already discussed these matters sufficiently.1. 2. 7-18, but especially sections 15-18. Since Polybius, as well as Strabo, discussed this subject at length, the sentence "However, . . . sufficiently" might belong to the long excerpt from Polybius (cp. 1. 2. 15-18). Here follows a sentence which, as it stands in the manuscripts, is incoherent, and seems to be beyond restoration. But for the fact that it is somewhat similar to an accredited passage found elsewhere (1. 2. 17), one would hardly hesitate to regard it as a marginal note and follow Meineke in ejecting it from the text. It is the close attention of the Poet to vivid description, one might call it, . . . for bothPerhaps (1) pleasure and (2) the excitement of amazement (see 1. 2. 17), as Groskurd thinks, or (1) the truthful element and (2) the mythical element (see also 1. 2. 19). are equally present in rhetorical composition and vivid description; at any rate, pleasure is common to both. But I shall return to the topic which follows that at which I digressed. - Of Lipara, then, and Thermessa I have already spoken. As for Strongyle,i.e., "Round," the Stromboli of today. it is so called from its shape, and it too is fiery; it falls short in the violence of its flame, but excels in the brightness of its light; and this is where Aeolus lived, it is said. The fourth island is Didyme,i.e., "Double." It is formed by two volcanic cones; the Salina of today. and it too is named after its shape. Of the remaining islands, Ericussai.e., "Heather" (cp. the botanical term "Ericaceae"); now called Alicudi. and Phoenicussai.e., "Palm" (cp. the botanical term "Phoenicaceae"); or perhaps "Rye-grass" (Lolium perenne), the sense in which Theophrastus Hist. Plant. 2. 6.11 uses the Greek word "phoenix"; now called Felicudi. have been so called from their plants, and are given over to pasturage of flocks. The seventh is Euonymus,i.e., "Left"; now called Panaria. which is farthest out in the high sea and is desert; it is so named because it is more to the left than the others, to those who sail from Lipara to Sicily.This would not be true if one sailed the shortest way to Sicily, but Strabo obviously has in mind the voyage from the city of Lipara to Cape Pelorias. Again, many times flames have been observed running over the surface of the sea round about the islands when some passage had been opened up from the cavities down in the depths of the earth and the fire had forced its way to the outside. Poseidonius says that within his own recollection,Poseidonius was born about 130 B.C. one morning at daybreak about the time of the summer solstice, the sea between Hiera and Euonymus was seen raised to an enormous height, and by a sustained blast remained puffed up for a considerable time, and then subsided; and when those who had the hardihood to sail up to it saw dead fish driven by the current, and some of the men were stricken ill because of the heat and stench, they took flight; one of the boats, however, approaching more closely, lost some of its occupants and barely escaped to Lipara with the rest, who would at times become senseless like epileptics, and then afterwards would recur to their proper reasoning faculties; and many days later mud was seen forming on the surface of the sea, and in many places flames, smoke, and murky fire broke forth, but later the scum hardened and became as hard as mill-stone; and the governor of Sicily, Titus Flaminius,This Titus Flaminius, who must have lived "within the recollection" of Poseidonius, is otherwise unknown. If the text is correct, he was governor of Sicily about 90 B.C. Cp. Nissen, op. cit. II.251. But Du Theil, Corais and C. Müller emend to Titus "Flamininus," who was governor in 123 B.C., trying to connect this eruption with that which is generally put at 126 B.C. (cp. Pliny 2. 88 [89]). reported the event to the Senate, and the Senate sent a deputation to offer propitiatory sacrifices, both in the isletThe islet just created. and in Liparae, to the gods both of the underworld and of the Sea. Now, according to the Chorographer,See footnote 3 in Vol. II, p. 358. the distance from Ericodes to Phoenicodesi.e., Ericussa and Phoenicussa. is ten miles, and thence to Didyme thirty, and thence to the northern part of Lipara twenty-nine, and thence to Sicily nineteen, but from Strongyle sixteen. Off Pachynus lie Melita,Now Malta. whence come the little dogs called Melitaean, and Gaudos, both eighty-eight miles distant from the Cape. CossuraNow Pantellaria. lies off Lilybaeum, and off Aspis,So called from the resemblance of the hill (see 17. 3. 16), where it is situated, to a shield (aspis, Lat. clupeus). a Carthaginian city whose Latin name is Clupea; it lies midway between the two, and is the aforesaid distanceEighty-eight miles. from either. Aegimurus,Now Al Djamur. also, and other small islands lie off Sicily and Libya. So much for the islands. + Of Lipara, then, and Thermessa I have already spoken. As for Strongyle,i.e., "Round," the Stromboli of today. it is so called from its shape, and it too is fiery; it falls short in the violence of its flame, but excels in the brightness of its light; and this is where Aeolus lived, it is said. The fourth island is Didyme,i.e., "Double." It is formed by two volcanic cones; the Salina of today. and it too is named after its shape. Of the remaining islands, Ericussai.e., "Heather" (cp. the botanical term "Ericaceae"); now called Alicudi. and Phoenicussai.e., "Palm" (cp. the botanical term "Phoenicaceae"); or perhaps "Rye-grass" (Lolium perenne), the sense in which Theophrastus Hist. Plant. 2. 6.11 uses the Greek word "phoenix"; now called Felicudi. have been so called from their plants, and are given over to pasturage of flocks. The seventh is Euonymus,i.e., "Left"; now called Panaria. which is farthest out in the high sea and is desert; it is so named because it is more to the left than the others, to those who sail from Lipara to Sicily.This would not be true if one sailed the shortest way to Sicily, but Strabo obviously has in mind the voyage from the city of Lipara to Cape Pelorias. Again, many times flames have been observed running over the surface of the sea round about the islands when some passage had been opened up from the cavities down in the depths of the earth and the fire had forced its way to the outside. Poseidonius says that within his own recollection,Poseidonius was born about 130 B.C. one morning at daybreak about the time of the summer solstice, the sea between Hiera and Euonymus was seen raised to an enormous height, and by a sustained blast remained puffed up for a considerable time, and then subsided; and when those who had the hardihood to sail up to it saw dead fish driven by the current, and some of the men were stricken ill because of the heat and stench, they took flight; one of the boats, however, approaching more closely, lost some of its occupants and barely escaped to Lipara with the rest, who would at times become senseless like epileptics, and then afterwards would recur to their proper reasoning faculties; and many days later mud was seen forming on the surface of the sea, and in many places flames, smoke, and murky fire broke forth, but later the scum hardened and became as hard as mill-stone; and the governor of Sicily, Titus Flaminius,This Titus Flaminius, who must have lived "within the recollection" of Poseidonius, is otherwise unknown. If the text is correct, he was governor of Sicily about 90 B.C. Cp. Nissen, op. cit. II.251. But Du Theil, Corais and C. Müller emend to Titus "Flamininus," who was governor in 123 B.C., trying to connect this eruption with that which is generally put at 126 B.C. (cp. Pliny 2. 88 [89]). reported the event to the Senate, and the Senate sent a deputation to offer propitiatory sacrifices, both in the isletThe islet just created. and in Liparae, to the gods both of the underworld and of the Sea. Now, according to the Chorographer,See footnote 3 in Vol. II, p. 358. the distance from Ericodes to Phoenicodesi.e., Ericussa and Phoenicussa. is ten miles, and thence to Didyme thirty, and thence to the northern part of Lipara twenty-nine, and thence to Sicily nineteen, but from Strongyle sixteen. Off Pachynus lie Melita,Now Malta. whence come the little dogs called Melitaean, and Gaudos, both eighty-eight miles distant from the Cape. CossuraNow Pantellaria. lies off Lilybaeum, and off Aspis,So called from the resemblance of the hill (see 17. 3. 16), where it is situated, to a shield (aspis, Lat. clupeus). a Carthaginian city whose Latin name is Clupea; it lies midway between the two, and is the aforesaid distanceEighty-eight miles. from either. Aegimurus,Now Al Djamur. also, and other small islands lie off Sicily and Libya. So much for the islands.

-Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italyi.e., Oenotria (see 6. 1. 15 and 5. 1. 1). as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape)Cape Leuca. the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from BrentesiumSee 5. 3. 6 and footnote. as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thitherFrom Brentesium to Taras. around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundredThis figure is wrong. Strabo probably wrote 1,200; Groskurd thinks that he wrote 1,400, but in section 5 (below) the figures for the intervals of the same voyage total 1,220 stadia. stadia. The distance from MetapontiumTo Taras. is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor,Mare Piccolo. which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess,i.e., the part that is immediately to the east of the city, as Tozer (op. cit., p. 183) points out. the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city—the part that is near the isthmus—has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remnants of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm.Tarentum revolted from Rome to Hannibal during the Second Punic War, but was recaptured (209 B.C.) and severely dealt with. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. +Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italyi.e., Oenotria (see 6. 1. 15 and 5. 1. 1). as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape)Cape Leuca. the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from BrentesiumSee 5. 3. 6 and footnote. as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thitherFrom Brentesium to Taras. around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundredThis figure is wrong. Strabo probably wrote 1,200; Groskurd thinks that he wrote 1,400, but in section 5 (below) the figures for the intervals of the same voyage total 1,220 stadia. stadia. The distance from MetapontiumTo Taras. is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor,Mare Piccolo. which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess,i.e., the part that is immediately to the east of the city, as Tozer (op. cit., p. 183) points out. the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city—the part that is near the isthmus—has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remnants of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm.Tarentum revolted from Rome to Hannibal during the Second Punic War, but was recaptured (209 B.C.) and severely dealt with. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. In speaking of the founding of Taras, Antiochus says: After the Messenian war743-723 B.C. broke out, those of the Lacedaemonians who did not take part in the expedition were adjudged slaves and were named Helots,On the name and its origin, see 8. 5. 4; also Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. s.v. "Heloten." and all children who were born in the time of the expedition were called Partheniae"Children of Virgins." and judicially deprived of the rights of citizenship, but they would not tolerate this, and since they were numerous formed a plot against the free citizens; and when the latter learned of the plot they sent secretly certain men who, through a pretence of friendship, were to report what manner of plot it was; among these was Phalanthus, who was reputed to be their champion, but he was not pleased, in general, with those who had been named to take part in the council. It was agreed, however, that the attack should be made at the Hyacinthian festival in the AmyclaeumThe temple of Amyclaean Apollo. when the games were being celebrated, at the moment when Phalanthus should put on his leather cap (the free citizens were recognizable by their hair i.e., by the length of it. According to Plut. Lys. 1 the wearing of long hair by the Spartans dated back to Lycurgus (the ninth century B.C.), but according to Hdt. 1.82 they wore their hair short till the battle of Thyrea (in the sixth century B.C.), when by legal enactment they began to wear it long.); but when Phalanthus and his men had secretly reported the agreement, and when the games were in progress, the herald came forward and forbade Phalanthus to put on a leather cap; and when the plotters perceived that the plot had been revealed, some of them began to run away and others to beg for mercy; but they were bidden to be of good cheer and were given over to custody; Phalanthus, however, was sent to the temple of the godAt Delphi. to consult with reference to founding a colony; and the god responded, "I give to thee Satyrium, both to take up thine abode in the rich land of Taras and to become a bane to the Iapygians." Accordingly, the Partheniae went thither with Phalanthus, and they were welcomed by both the barbarians and the Cretans who had previously taken possession of the place. These latter, it is said, are the people who sailed with Minos to Sicily, and, after his death, which occurred at the home of Cocalus in Camici,Cp. 6. 2. 6. set sail from Sicily; but on the voyage backBack to Crete. they were driven out of their course to Taras, although later some of them went afoot around the AdriasThe Adriatic. as far as Macedonia and were called Bottiaeans. But all the people as far as Daunia, it is said, were called Iapyges, after Iapyx, who is said to have been the son of Daedalus by a Cretan woman and to have been the leader of the Cretans. The city of Taras, however, was named after some hero. But Ephorus describes the founding of the city thus: The Lacedaemonians were at war with the Messenians because the latter had killed their king Teleclus when he went to Messene to offer sacrifice, and they swore that they would not return home again until they either destroyed Messene or were all killed; and when they set out on the expedition, they left behind the youngest and the oldest of the citizens to guard the city; but later on, in the tenth year of the war, the Lacedaemonian women met together and sent certain of their own number to make complaint to their husbands that they were carrying on the war with the Messenians on unequal terms, for the Messenians, staying in their own country, were begetting children, whereas they, having abandoned their wives to widowhood, were on an expedition in the country of the enemy, and they complained that the fatherland was in danger of being in want of men; and the Lacedaemonians, both keeping their oath and at the same time bearing in mind the argument of the women, sent the men who were most vigorous and at the same time youngest, for they knew that these had not taken part in the oaths, because they were still children when they went out to war along with the men who were of military age; and they ordered them to cohabit with the maidens, every man with every maiden, thinking that thus the maidens would bear many more children; and when this was done, the children were named Partheniae. But as for Messene, it was captured after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtaeus says: "About it they fought for nineteen years, relentlessly, with heart ever steadfast, did the fathers of our fathers, spearmen they; and in the twentieth the people forsook their fertile farms and fled from the great mountains of Ithome." Now the Lacedaemonians divided up Messenia among themselves, but when they came on back home they would not honor the Partheniae with civic rights like the rest, on the ground that they had been born out of wedlock; and the Partheniae, leaguing with the Helots, formed a plot against the Lacedaemonians and agreed to raise a Laconian cap in the market-place as a signal for the attack. But though some of the Helots had revealed the plot, the Lacedaemonians decided that it would be difficult to make a counter-attack against them, for the Helots were not only numerous but were all of one mind, regarding themselves as virtually brothers of one another, and merely charged those who were about to raise the signal to go away from the marketplace. So the plotters, on learning that the undertaking had been betrayed, held back, and the Lacedaemonians persuaded them, through the influence of their fathers, to go forth and found a colony, and if the place they took possession of sufficed them, to stay there, but if not, to come on back and divide among themselves the fifth part of Messenia. And they, thus sent forth, found the Achaeans at war with the barbarians, took part in their perils, and founded Taras. -At one time the Tarantini were exceedingly powerful, that is, when they enjoyed a democratic government; for they not only had acquired the largest fleet of all peoples in that part of the world but were wont to send forth an army of thirty thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry, and one thousand commanders of cavalry. Moreover, the Pythagorean philosophy was embraced by them, but especially by Archytas,Archytas (about 427-347 B.C.), besides being chosen seven times as chief magistrate ("strategus") of Tarentum, was famous as general, Pythagorean philosopher, mathematician, and author. Aristotle and Aristoxenus wrote works on his life and writings, but both of these works are now lost. who presided over the city for a considerable time. But later, because of their prosperity, luxury prevailed to such an extent that the public festivals celebrated among them every year were more in number than the days of the year; and in consequence of this they also were poorly governed. One evidence of their bad policies is the fact that they employed foreign generals; for they sent for AlexanderAlexander I was appointed king of Epeirus by Philip of Macedonia about 342 B.C., and was killed by a Luecanian about 330 B.C. (cp. 6. 1. 5). the Molossian to lead them in their war against the Messapians and Leucanians, and, still before that, for Archidamus,Archidamus III, king of Sparta, was born about 400 B.C. and lost his life in 338 B.C. in this war. the son of Agesilaüs, and, later on, for Cleonymus,Little is know of this Cleonymus, save that he was the son of Cleomenes II, who reigned at Sparta 370-309 B.C. and Agathocles,Agathocles (b. about 361 B.C.—d. 289 B.C.) was a tyrant of Syracuse. He appears to have led the Tarantini about 300 B.C. and then for Pyrrhus,Pyrrhus (about 318-272 B.C.), king of Epeirus, accepted the invitation of Tarentum in 281 B.C. at the time when they formed a league with him against the Romans. And yet even to those whom they called in they could not yield a ready obedience, and would set them at enmity. At all events, it was out of enmity that Alexander tried to transfer to Thurian territory the general festival assembly of all Greek peoples in that part of the world—the assembly which was wont to meet at Heracleia in Tarantine territory, and that he began to urge that a place for the meetings be fortified on the Acalandrus River. Furthermore, it is said that the unhappy end which befell him6. 1. 5. was the result of their ingratitude. Again, about the time of the wars with Hannibal, they were deprived of their freedom, although later they received a colony of Romans, and are now living at peace and better than before. In their war against the Messapians for the possession of Heracleia, they had the co-operation of the king of the Daunians and the king of the Peucetians. +At one time the Tarantini were exceedingly powerful, that is, when they enjoyed a democratic government; for they not only had acquired the largest fleet of all peoples in that part of the world but were wont to send forth an army of thirty thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry, and one thousand commanders of cavalry. Moreover, the Pythagorean philosophy was embraced by them, but especially by Archytas,Archytas (about 427-347 B.C.), besides being chosen seven times as chief magistrate ("strategus") of Tarentum, was famous as general, Pythagorean philosopher, mathematician, and author. Aristotle and Aristoxenus wrote works on his life and writings, but both of these works are now lost. who presided over the city for a considerable time. But later, because of their prosperity, luxury prevailed to such an extent that the public festivals celebrated among them every year were more in number than the days of the year; and in consequence of this they also were poorly governed. One evidence of their bad policies is the fact that they employed foreign generals; for they sent for AlexanderAlexander I was appointed king of Epeirus by Philip of Macedonia about 342 B.C., and was killed by a Luecanian about 330 B.C. (cp. 6. 1. 5). the Molossian to lead them in their war against the Messapians and Leucanians, and, still before that, for Archidamus,Archidamus III, king of Sparta, was born about 400 B.C. and lost his life in 338 B.C. in this war. the son of Agesilaüs, and, later on, for Cleonymus,Little is know of this Cleonymus, save that he was the son of Cleomenes II, who reigned at Sparta 370-309 B.C. and Agathocles,Agathocles (b. about 361 B.C.—d. 289 B.C.) was a tyrant of Syracuse. He appears to have led the Tarantini about 300 B.C. and then for Pyrrhus,Pyrrhus (about 318-272 B.C.), king of Epeirus, accepted the invitation of Tarentum in 281 B.C. at the time when they formed a league with him against the Romans. And yet even to those whom they called in they could not yield a ready obedience, and would set them at enmity. At all events, it was out of enmity that Alexander tried to transfer to Thurian territory the general festival assembly of all Greek peoples in that part of the world—the assembly which was wont to meet at Heracleia in Tarantine territory, and that he began to urge that a place for the meetings be fortified on the Acalandrus River. Furthermore, it is said that the unhappy end which befell him6. 1. 5. was the result of their ingratitude. Again, about the time of the wars with Hannibal, they were deprived of their freedom, although later they received a colony of Romans, and are now living at peace and better than before. In their war against the Messapians for the possession of Heracleia, they had the co-operation of the king of the Daunians and the king of the Peucetians. That part of the country of the Iapygians which comes next is fine, though in an unexpected way; for although on the surface it appears rough, it is found to be deep-soiled when ploughed, and although it is rather lacking in water, it is manifestly none the less good for pasturage and for trees. The whole of this district was once extremely populous; and it also had thirteen cities; but now, with the exception of Taras and Brentesium, all of them are so worn out by war that they are merely small towns. The Salentini are said to be a colony of the Cretans. The temple of Athene, once so rich, is in their territory, as also the look-out-rock called Cape Iapygia, a huge rock which extends out into the sea towards the winter sunrise,i.e., south-east. though it bends approximately towards the Lacinium, which rises opposite to it on the west and with it bars the mouth of the Tarantine Gulf. And with it the Ceraunian Mountains, likewise, bar the mouth of the Ionian Gulf; the passage across from it both to the Ceraunian Mountains and to the Lacinium is about seven hundred stadia. But the distance by sea from Taras around to Brentesium is as follows: First, to the small town of Baris, six hundred stadia; Baris is called by the people of today Veretum, is situated at the edge of the Salentine territory, and the trip thither from Taras is for the most part easier to make on foot than by sailing. Thence to Leuca eighty stadia; this, too, is a small town, and in it is to be seen a fountain of malodorous water; the mythical story is told that those of the Giants who survived at the Campanian PhlegraSee 5. 4. 4 and 5. 4. 6. and are called the Leuternian Giants were driven out by Heracles, and on fleeing hither for refuge were shrouded by Mother Earth, and the fountain gets its malodorous stream from the ichor of their bodies; and for this reason, also, the seaboard here is called Leuternia. Again, from Leuca to Hydrus,Also called Hydruntum; now Otranto. a small town, one hundred and fifty stadia. Thence to Brentesium four hundred; and it is an equal distance to the island Sason,Now Sasena. which is situated about midway of the distance across from Epeirus to Brentesium. And therefore those who cannot accomplish the straight voyage sail to the left of Sason and put in at Hydrus; and then, watching for a favorable wind, they hold their course towards the harbors of the Brentesini, although if they disembark, they go afoot by a shorter route by way of Rodiae,Also called Rudiae; now Rugge. a Greek city, where the poet Ennius was born. So then, the district one sails around in going from Taras to Brentesium resembles a peninsula, and the overland journey from Brentesium to Taras, which is only a one day's journey for a man well-girt, forms the isthmus of the aforesaid peninsula;6. 3. 1. and this peninsula most people call by one general name Messapia, or Iapygia, or Calabria, or Salentina, although some divide it up, as I have said before.6. 3. 1. So much, then, for the towns on the seacoast. In the interior are Rodiae and Lupiae, and, slightly above the sea, Aletia; and at the middle of the isthmus, Uria, in which is still to be seen the palace of one of the chieftains. When Herodotus7. 170. states that Hyria is in Iapygia and was founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos when on its way to Sicily,Cp. 6. 3. 2. we must understand Hyria to be either Uria or Veretum. Brentesium, they say, was further colonized by the Cretans, whether by those who came over with Theseus from Cnossus or by those who set sail from Sicily with Iapyx (the story is told both ways), although they did not stay together there, it is said, but went off to Bottiaea.Cp. 6. 3. 2, where Antiochus says that some of them went to Bottiaea. Later on, however, when ruled by kings, the city lost much of its country to the Lacedaemonians who were under the leadership of Phalanthus; but still, when he was ejected from Taras, he was admitted by the Brentesini, and when he died was counted by them worthy of a splendid burial. Their country is better than that of the Tarantini, for, though the soil is thin, it produces good fruits, and its honey and wool are among those that are strongly commended. Brentesium is also better supplied with harbors; for here many harbors are closed in by one mouth; and they are sheltered from the waves, because bays are formed inside in such a way as to resemble in shape a stag's horns;So, too, the gulf, or bay, at Byzantium resembles a stag's horn (7. 6. 2). and hence the name, for, along with the city, the place very much resembles a stag's head, and in the Messapian language the head of the stag is called "brentesium."Stephanus Byzantinus says: "According to Seleucus, in his second book on Languages, 'brentium' is the Messapian word for 'the head of the stag.'" Hence the editors who emend "brentesium" to "brentium" are almost certainly correct. But the Tarantine harbor, because of its wide expanse, is not wholly sheltered from the waves; and besides there are some shallows in the innermost part of it.Here, as in 6. 3. 1., Strabo is speaking of the inner harbor (Mare Piccolo), not the outer, of which, as Tozer (p. 184) says, Strabo takes no account. In the case of those who sail across from Greece or Asia, the more direct route is to Brentesium, and, in fact, all who propose to go to Rome by land put into port here. There are two roadsOn these roads see Ashby and Gardner, The Via Trajana, Paper of the British School at Rome, 1916, Vol.VIII, No. 5, pp. 107 ff. from here: one, a mule-road through the countries of the Peucetii (who are called Poedicli),Cp. 6. 3. 1. the Daunii, and the Samnitae as far as Beneventum; on this road is the city of Egnatia,Also spelled Gnathia, Gnatia, and Ignatia; now Torre d'Agnazzo. and then, Celia,Also spelled Caelia; now Ceglie di Bari. Netium,Now Noja. Canusium, and Herdonia.Now Ordona. But the road by way of Taras, lying slightly to the left of the other, though as much as one day's journey out of the way when one has made the circuit,i.e., to the point where it meets the other road, near Beneventum. what is called the Appian Way, is better for carriages. On this road are the cities of Uria and Venusia, the former between Taras and Brentesium and the latter on the confines of the Samnitae and the Leucani. Both the roads from Brentesium meet near Beneventum and Campania. And the common road from here on, as far as Rome, is called the Appian Way, and passes through Caudium,Now Montesarchio. Calatia,Now Galazze. Capua,The old Santa Maria di Capua, now in ruins; not the Capua of today, which is on the site of Casilinum. and Casilinum to Sinuessa.Now Mondragone. And the places from there on I have already mentioned. The total length of the road from Rome to Brentesium is three hundred and sixty miles. But there is also a third road, which runs from Rhegium through the countries of the Brettii, the Leucani, and the Samnitae into Campania, where it joins the Appian Way; it passes through the Apennine Mountains and it requires three or four days more than the road from Brentesium. The voyage from Brentesium to the opposite mainland is made either to the Ceraunian Mountains and those parts of the seaboard of Epeirus and of Greece which come next to them, or else to Epidamnus; the latter is longer than the former, for it is one thousand eight hundred stadia.Strabo has already said the the voyage from Brentesium to Epeirus by way of Sason (Saseno) was about 800 stadia (6. 3. 5). But Strabo was much out of the way, and apparently was not on the regular route. Again, Epidamnus (now Durazzo) is in fact only about 800 stadia distant, not 1,800 as the text makes Strabo say. It is probable, therefore, that Strabo said either simply " for it is 800 stadia," or "for it is 1,000 stadia, while the former is 800. And yet the latter is the usual route, because the city has a good position with reference both to the tribes of the Illyrians and to those of the Macedonians. As one sails from Brentesium along the Adriatic seaboard, one comes to the city of Egnatia, which is the common stopping-place for people who are travelling either by sea or land to Barium;Now Bari. and the voyage is made with the south wind. The country of the Peucetii extends only thus farTo Barium. on the sea, but in the interior as far as Silvium.Silvium appears to have been on the site of what is now Garagone. All of it is rugged and mountainous, since it embraces a large portion of the Apennine Mountains; and it is thought to have admitted Arcadians as colonists. From Brentesium to Barium is about seven hundred stadia, and Taras is about an equal distance from each. The adjacent country is inhabited by the Daunii; and then come the Apuli, whose country extends as far as that of the Frentani. But since the terms "Peucetii" and "Daunii" are not at all used by the native inhabitants, except in early times, and since this country as a whole is now called Apulia, necessarily the boundaries of these tribes cannot be told to a nicety either, and for this reason neither should I myself make positive assertions about them. -From Barium to the Aufidus River, on which is the Emporium of the CanusitaeThis Emporium should probably be identified with the Canne of today (see Ashby and Gardner, op. cit., p. 156). is four hundred stadia and the voyage inland to Emporium is ninety. Near by is also Salapia,Now Salpi. the seaport of the Argyrippini. For not far above the sea (in the plain, at all events) are situated two cities, CanusiumNow Canosa. and Argyrippa,Now Arpino. which in earlier times were the largest of the Italiote cities, as is clear from the circuits of their walls. Now, however, Argyrippa is smaller; it was called Argos Hippium at first, then Argyrippa, and then by the present name Arpi. Both are said to have been founded by Diomedes.Cp. 5. 1. 9. And as signs of the dominion of Diomedes in these regions are to be seen the Plain of Diomedes and many other things, among which are the old votive offerings in the temple of Athene at Luceria—a place which likewise was in ancient times a city of the Daunii, but is now reduced—and, in the sea near by, two islands that are called the Islands of Diomedes, of which one is inhabited, while the other, it is said, is desert; on the latter, according to certain narrators of myths, Diomedes was caused to disappear, and his companions were changed to birds, and to this day, in fact, remain tame and live a sort of human life, not only in their orderly ways but also in their tameness towards honorable men and in their flight from wicked and knavish men. But I have already mentioned the stories constantly told among the Heneti about this hero and the rites which are observed in his honor.Cp. 5. 1. 9. It is thought that SipusIn Latin, Sipontum; now in ruins, near Santa Maria di Siponto. also was founded by Diomedes, which is about one hundred and forty stadia distant from Salapia; at any rate it was named "Sepius" in Greek after the "sepia"Cuttle-fish. that are cast ashore by the waves. Between Salapia and Sinus is a navigable river, and also a large lake that opens into the sea; and the merchandise from Sipus, particularly grain, is brought down on both. In Daunia, on a hill by the name of Drium, are to be seen two hero-temples: one, to Calchas, on the very summit, where those who consult the oracle sacrifice to his shade a black ram and sleep in the hide, and the other, to Podaleirius, down near the base of the hill, this temple being about one hundred stadia distant from the sea; and from it flows a stream which is a cure-all for diseases of animals. In front of this gulf is a promontory, Garganum, which extends towards the east for a distance of three hundred stadia into the high sea; doubling the headland, one comes to a small town, Urium, and off the headland are to be seen the Islands of Diomedes. This whole country produces everything in great quantity, and is excellent for horses and sheep; but though the wool is softer than the Tarantine, it is not so glossy. And the country is well sheltered, because the plains lie in hollows. According to some, Diomedes even tried to cut a canal as far as the sea, but left behind both this and the rest of his undertakings only half-finished, because he was summoned home and there ended his life. This is one account of him; but there is also a second, that he stayed here till the end of his life; and a third, the aforesaid mythical account, which tells of his disappearance in the island; and as a fourth one might set down the account of the Heneti, for they too tell a mythical story of how he in some way came to his end in their country, and they call it his apotheosis. +From Barium to the Aufidus River, on which is the Emporium of the CanusitaeThis Emporium should probably be identified with the Canne of today (see Ashby and Gardner, op. cit., p. 156). is four hundred stadia and the voyage inland to Emporium is ninety. Near by is also Salapia,Now Salpi. the seaport of the Argyrippini. For not far above the sea (in the plain, at all events) are situated two cities, CanusiumNow Canosa. and Argyrippa,Now Arpino. which in earlier times were the largest of the Italiote cities, as is clear from the circuits of their walls. Now, however, Argyrippa is smaller; it was called Argos Hippium at first, then Argyrippa, and then by the present name Arpi. Both are said to have been founded by Diomedes.Cp. 5. 1. 9. And as signs of the dominion of Diomedes in these regions are to be seen the Plain of Diomedes and many other things, among which are the old votive offerings in the temple of Athene at Luceria—a place which likewise was in ancient times a city of the Daunii, but is now reduced—and, in the sea near by, two islands that are called the Islands of Diomedes, of which one is inhabited, while the other, it is said, is desert; on the latter, according to certain narrators of myths, Diomedes was caused to disappear, and his companions were changed to birds, and to this day, in fact, remain tame and live a sort of human life, not only in their orderly ways but also in their tameness towards honorable men and in their flight from wicked and knavish men. But I have already mentioned the stories constantly told among the Heneti about this hero and the rites which are observed in his honor.Cp. 5. 1. 9. It is thought that SipusIn Latin, Sipontum; now in ruins, near Santa Maria di Siponto. also was founded by Diomedes, which is about one hundred and forty stadia distant from Salapia; at any rate it was named "Sepius" in Greek after the "sepia"Cuttle-fish. that are cast ashore by the waves. Between Salapia and Sinus is a navigable river, and also a large lake that opens into the sea; and the merchandise from Sipus, particularly grain, is brought down on both. In Daunia, on a hill by the name of Drium, are to be seen two hero-temples: one, to Calchas, on the very summit, where those who consult the oracle sacrifice to his shade a black ram and sleep in the hide, and the other, to Podaleirius, down near the base of the hill, this temple being about one hundred stadia distant from the sea; and from it flows a stream which is a cure-all for diseases of animals. In front of this gulf is a promontory, Garganum, which extends towards the east for a distance of three hundred stadia into the high sea; doubling the headland, one comes to a small town, Urium, and off the headland are to be seen the Islands of Diomedes. This whole country produces everything in great quantity, and is excellent for horses and sheep; but though the wool is softer than the Tarantine, it is not so glossy. And the country is well sheltered, because the plains lie in hollows. According to some, Diomedes even tried to cut a canal as far as the sea, but left behind both this and the rest of his undertakings only half-finished, because he was summoned home and there ended his life. This is one account of him; but there is also a second, that he stayed here till the end of his life; and a third, the aforesaid mythical account, which tells of his disappearance in the island; and as a fourth one might set down the account of the Heneti, for they too tell a mythical story of how he in some way came to his end in their country, and they call it his apotheosis. Now the above distances are put down in accordance with the data of Artemidorus;Artemidorus (flourished about 100 B.C.), of Ephesus, was an extensive traveller and a geographer of great importance. He wrote a geography of the inhabited world in eleven books, a Periplus of the Mediterranean, and Ionian Historical Sketches. But his works, except numerous fragments preserved in other authors, are now lost. but according to the Chorographer,See 5. 2. 7 and footnote. the distances from Brentesium as far as GarganumMonte Gargano. amount to one hundred and sixty-five miles, whereas according to Artemidorus they amount to more; and thence to Ancona two hundred and fifty-four miles according to the former, whereas according to Artemidorus the distance to the Aesis River, which is near Ancona, is one thousand two hundred and fifty stadia, a much shorter distance. Polybius states that the distance from Iapygia has been marked out by miles, and that the distance to the city of SenaSena Gallica; now Sinigaglia. is five hundred and sixty-two miles, and thence to Aquileia one hundred and seventy-eight. And they do not agree with the commonly accepted distance along the Illyrian coastline, from the Ceraunian Mountains to the recess of the Adrias,The Adriatic. since they represent this latter coasting voyage as over six thousand stadia,Polybius here gives the total length of the coastline on the Italian side as 740 miles, or 6,166 stadia (8 1/3 stadia to the mile; see 7. 7. 4), and elsewhere (2. 4. 3) Strabo quotes him as reckoning the length of the Illyrian coastline from the Ceraunian Mts. only to Iapygia (not including Istria) as 6,150 stadia. Cp. also 7. 5. 3, 4, 10. thus making it even longer than the former, although it is much shorter. However, every writer does not agree with every other, particularly about the distances, as I often say.Cp. 1. 2. 13; 2. 1. 7-8, and 2. 4. 3. As for myself, where it is possible to reach a decision, I set forth my opinion, but where it is not, I think that I should make known the opinions of others. And when I have no opinion of theirs, there is no occasion for surprise if I too have passed something by, especially when one considers the character of my subject; for I would not pass by anything important, while as for little things, not only do they profit one but slightly if known, but their omission escapes unnoticed, and detracts not at all, or else not much, from the completeness of the work.Cp. 1. 1. 23. The intervening space, immediately after Cape Garganum, is taken up by a deep gulf; the people who live around it are called by the special name of Apuli, although they speak the same language as the Daunii and the Peucetii, and do not differ from them in any other respect either, at the present time at least, although it is reasonable to suppose that in early times they differed and that this is the source of the three diverse names for them that are now prevalent. In earlier times this whole country was prosperous, but it was laid waste by Hannibal and the later wars. And here too occurred the battle of Cannae, in which the Romans and their allies suffered a very great loss of life. On the gulf is a lake; and above the lake, in the interior, is Teanum Apulum,Passo di Civita. which has the same name as Teanum Sidicinum. At this point the breadth of Italy seems to be considerably contracted, since from here to the region of DicaearcheiaPuteoli. an isthmus is left of less than one thousand stadia from sea to sea. After the lake comes the voyage along the coast to the country of the Frentani and to Buca;Now Termoli. and the distance from the lake either to Buca or to Cape Garganum is two hundred stadia. As for the places that come next after Buca, I have already mentioned them.5. 4. 2.

@@ -124,109 +124,109 @@

Such, indeed, is the size and such the character of Italy. And while I have already mentioned many things which have caused the Romans at the present time to be exalted to so great a height, I shall now indicate the most important things. One is, that, like an island, Italy is securely guarded by the seas on all sides, except in a few regions, and even these are fortified by mountains that are hardly passable. A second is that along most of its coast it is harborless and that the harbors it does have are large and admirable. The former is useful in meeting attacks from the outside, while the latter is helpful in making counter-attacks and in promoting an abundant commerce. A third is that it is characterized by many differences of air and temperature, on which depend the greater variation, whether for better or for worse, in animals, plants, and, in short, everything that is useful for the support of life.This statement is general and does not apply to Italy alone (cp. 2. 3. 1 and 2. 3. 7). Its length extends from north to south, generally speaking, and Sicily counts as an addition to its length, already so great. Now mild temperature and harsh temperature of the air are judged by heat, cold, and their intermediates;Cp. 2. 3. 1. and so from this it necessarily follows that what is now Italy, situated as it is between the two extremes and extending to such a length, shares very largely in the temperate zone and in a very large number of ways. And the following is still another advantage which has fallen to the lot of Italy; since the Apennine Mountains extend through the whole of its length and leave on both sides plains and hills which bear fine fruits, there is no part of it which does not enjoy the blessings of both mountain and plain. And add also to this the size and number of its rivers and its lakes, and, besides these, the fountains of water, both hot and cold, which in many places nature has provided as an aid to health, and then again its good supply of mines of all sorts. Neither can one worthily describe Italy's abundant supply of fuel, and of food both for men and beast, and the excellence of its fruits. Further, since it lies intermediate between the largest racesIberians, Celts and Germans. on the one hand, and Greece and the best parts of Libya on the other, it not only is naturally well-suited to hegemony, because it surpasses the countries that surround it both in the valor of its people and in size, but also can easily avail itself of their services, because it is close to them. -Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city,To the Gauls, under Brennus. although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius1. 6. says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas.Concluded at Sparta in the Spring of 386 B.C. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini,134-133 B.C., under the leadership of Scipion Aemilianus. and, later on, by destroying ViriathusCp. 3. 4. 5. and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with LiguriaLiterally, "Ligystica" (cp. 4. 6. 3, and 5. 2. 1).), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Caesar Augustus, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both AlbaniansTheir country is to be identified with what is now Chirwan and Daghestan (cp. 11. 1. 6). and Iberians,Their country is to be identified with what is now Georgia (cp. 11. 1. 6). they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution—as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the BosporusCp. 7. 4. 4. and the Nomads,Cp. 7. 3. 17. for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king,For example, Vonones. and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father.

+Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city,To the Gauls, under Brennus. although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius1. 6. says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas.Concluded at Sparta in the Spring of 386 B.C. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini,134-133 B.C., under the leadership of Scipion Aemilianus. and, later on, by destroying ViriathusCp. 3. 4. 5. and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with LiguriaLiterally, "Ligystica" (cp. 4. 6. 3, and 5. 2. 1).), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Caesar Augustus, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both AlbaniansTheir country is to be identified with what is now Chirwan and Daghestan (cp. 11. 1. 6). and Iberians,Their country is to be identified with what is now Georgia (cp. 11. 1. 6). they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution—as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the BosporusCp. 7. 4. 4. and the Nomads,Cp. 7. 3. 17. for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king,For example, Vonones. and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father.

-Now that I have described Iberia and the Celtic and Italian tribes, along with the islands near by, it will be next in order to speak of the remaining parts of Europe, dividing them in the approved manner. The remaining parts are: first, those towards the east, being those which are across the Rhenus and extend as far as the TanaïsThe Don. and the mouth of Lake Maeotis,The sea of Azof. and also all those regions lying between the AdriasThe Adriatic. and the regions on the left of the Pontic Sea that are shut off by the IsterThe Danube. and extend towards the south as far as Greece and the Propontis;The Sea of Marmora. for this river divides very nearly the whole of the aforesaid land into two parts. It is the largest of the European rivers, at the outset flowing towards the south and then turning straight from the west towards the east and the Pontus. It rises in the western limits of Germany, as also near the recess of the Adriatic (at a distance from it of about one thousand stadia), and comes to an end at the Pontus not very far from the outlets of the TyrasThe Dniester. and the Borysthenes,The Dnieper. bending from its easterly course approximately towards the north. Now the parts that are beyond the Rhenus and Celtica are to the north of the Ister; these are the territories of the Galatic and the Germanic tribes, extending as far as the Bastarnians and the Tyregetans and the River Borysthenes. And the territories of all the tribes between this river and the Tanaïs and the mouth of Lake Maeotis extend up into the interior as far as the oceanStrabo here means the “exterior” or “Northern” ocean (see 2. 5. 31 and the Frontispiece, Vol. i). and are washed by the Pontic Sea. But both the Illyrian and the Thracian tribes, and all tribes of the Celtic or other peoples that are mingled with these, as far as Greece, are to the south of the Ister. But let me first describe the parts outside the Ister, for they are much simpler than those on the other side. -Now the parts beyond the Rhenus, immediately after the country of the Celti, slope towards the east and are occupied by the Germans, who, though they vary slightly from the Celtic stock in that they are wilder, taller, and have yellower hair, are in all other respects similar, for in build, habits, and modes of life they are such as I have said4. 4. 2-3. the Celti are. And I also think that it was for this reason that the Romans assigned to them the name “Germani,” as though they wished to indicate thereby that they were “genuine” Galatae, for in the language of the Romans “germani” means “genuine.”So also Julius Caesar, Tacitus, Pliny and the ancient writers in general regarded the Germans as Celts (Gauls). Dr. Richard Braungart has recently published a large work in two volumes in which he ably defends his thesis that the Boii, Vindelici, Rhaeti, Norici, Taurisci, and other tribes, as shown by their agricultural implements and contrivances, were originally, not Celts, but Germans, and, in all probability, the ancestors of all Germans (Sudgermanen, Heidelberg, 1914). - The first parts of this country are those that are next to the Rhenus, beginning at its source and extending a far as its outlet; and this stretch of river-land taken as a whole is approximately the breadth of the country on its western side. Some of the tribes of this river-land were transferred by the Romans to Celtica, whereas the others anticipated the Romans by migrating deep into the country, for instance, the Marsi; and only a few people, including a part of the Sugambri,e.g., the Ubii (see 4. 3. 4). are left. After the people who live along the river come the other tribes that live between the Rhenus and the River Albis,The Elbe. and traverses no less territory than the former. Between the two are other navigable rivers also (among them the Amasias,The Ems. on which Drusus won a naval victory over the Bructeri), which likewise flow from the south towards the north and the ocean; for the country is elevated towards the south and forms a mountain chainThe chain of mountains that extends from northern Switzerland to Mt. Krapak. that connects with the Alps and extends towards the east as though it were a part of the Alps; and in truth some declare that they actually are a part of the Alps, both because of their aforesaid position and of the fact that they produce the same timber; however, the country in this region does not rise to a sufficient height for that. Here, too, is the Hercynian Forest,Now called the “Black Forest,” although the ancient term, according to Elton (Origins, p. 51, quoted by Tozer), embraced also “the forests of the Hartz, and the woods of Westphalia and Nassau.” and also the tribes of the Suevi, some of which dwell inside the forest, as, for instance, the tribes of the Coldui,Müller-Dübner and Forbiger, perhaps rightly, emend “Coldui” to “Coadui.” But as Tozer (p. 187) says, the information Strabo here gives about Germany “is very imperfect, and hardly extends at all beyond the Elbe.” in whose territory is Boihaemum,Hence the modern “Bohemia,” “the home of the Boii.” the domain of Marabodus, the place whither he caused to migrate, not only several other peoples, but in particular the Marcomanni, his fellow-tribesmen; for after his return from Rome this man, who before had been only a private citizen, was placed in charge of the affairs of state, for, as a youth he had been at Rome and had enjoyed the favor of Augustus, and on his return he took the rulership and acquired, in addition to the peoples aforementioned, the Lugii (a large tribe), the Zumi, the Butones, the Mugilones, the Sibini,Scholars have suggested different emendations for “Zumi,” “Butones,” “Mugilones,” and “Sibini,” since all these seem to be corrupt (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p 981). For “Butones” it is fairly certain that Strabo wrote “Gutones” (the Goths). and also the Semnones, a large tribe of the Suevi themselves. However, while some of the tribes of the Suevi dwell inside the forest, as I was saying, others dwell outside of it, and have a common boundary with the Getae.The “Getae,” also called “Daci,” dwelt in what are now Rumania and souther Hungary. Now as for the tribe of the Suevi,Strabo now uses “tribe” in its broadest sense. it is the largest, for it extends from the Rhenus to the Albis; and a part of them even dwell on the far side of the Albis, as, for instance, the Hermondori and the Langobardi; and at the present time these latter, at least, have, to the last man, been driven in flight out of their country into the land on the far side of the river. It is a common characteristic of all the peoples in this part of the worldIncluding the Galatae (see 4. 4. 2). that they migrate with ease, because of the meagerness of their livelihood and because they do not till the soil or even store up food, but live in small huts that are merely temporary structures; and they live for the most part off their flocks, as the Nomads do, so that, in imitation of the Nomads, they load their household belongings on their wagons and with their beasts turn whithersoever they think best. But other German tribes are still more indigent. I mean the Cherusci, the Chatti, the Gamabrivii and the Chattuarii, and also, near the ocean, the Sugambri, the Chaubi, the Bructeri, and the Cimbri, and also the Cauci, the Caülci, the Campsiani, and several others. Both the VisurgisThe Weser. and the LupiasThe Lippe. Rivers run in the same direction as the Amasias, the Lupias being about six hundred stadia distant from the Rhenus and flowing through the country of the Lesser Bructeri.The Lesser Bructeri appear to have lived south of the Frisii and west of the Ems, while the Greater Bructeri lived east of it and south of the Western Chauci (cp. Ptolemaeus 2.11.6-7). Germany has also the Salas River;The Thüringian Sasle. and it was between the Salas and the Rhenus that Drusus Germanicus, while he was successfully carrying on the war, came to his end.In his thirtieth year (9 A.D.) his horse fell on him and broke his leg (Livy Ep. 140). He had subjugated, not only most of the tribes, but also the islands along the coast, among which is Burchanis,Now Borkum. The Romans nicknamed it “Fabaria” (“Bean Island”) because of the wild beans that grew there (Pliny 4.27). which he took by siege. -These tribes have become known through their wars with the Romans, in which they would either yield and then later revolt again, or else quit their settlements; and they would have been better known if Augustus had allowed his generals to cross the Albis in pursuit of those who emigrated thither. But as a matter of fact he supposed that he could conduct the war in hand more successfully if he should hold off from those outside the Albis, who were living in peace, and should not incite them to make common cause with the others in their enmity against him. It was the Sugambri, who live near the Rhenus, that began the war, Melo being their leader; and from that time on different peoples at different times would cause a breach, first growing powerful and then being put down, and then revolting again, betraying both the hostages they had given and their pledges of good faith. In dealing with these peoples distrust has been a great advantage, whereas those who have been trusted have done the greatest harm, as, for instance, the Cherusci and their subjects, in whose country three Roman legions, with their general Quintilius Varus, were destroyed by ambush in violation of the treaty. But they all paid the penalty, and afforded the younger Germanicus a most brilliant triumphMay 26, 17 A.D. (Tacitus, Annals 2.41).—that triumph in which their most famous men and women were led captive, I mean Segimuntus, son of Segestes and chieftain of the Cherusci,and his sister Thusnelda, the wife of Armenius, the man who at the time of the violation of the treaty against Quintilius Varus was commander-in-chief of the Cheruscan army and even to this day is keeping up the war, and Thusnelda's three-year-old son Thumelicus; and also Sesithacus, the son of Segimerus and chieftain of the Cherusci, and Rhamis, his wife, and a daughter of Ucromirus chieftain of the Chatti, and Deudorix,The same name as “Theordoric.” a Sugambrian, the son of Baetorix the brother of Melo. But Segestes, the father-in-law of Armenius, who even from the outset had opposedSo Tac. Ann. 1.55; see also 1. 58, 71. the purpose of Armenius, and, taking advantage of an opportune time, had deserted him, was present as a guest of honor at the triumph over his loved ones. And Libes too, a priest of the Chatti, marched in the procession, as also other captives from the plundered tribes—the Caülci, Campsani, Bructeri, Usipi, Cherusci, Chatti, Chattuarii, Landi, Tubattii. Now the Rhenus is about three thousand stadia distant from the Albis, if one had straight roads to travel on, but as it is one must go by a circuitous route, which winds through a marshy country and forests. -The Hercynian Forest is not only rather dense, but also has large trees, and comprises a large circuit within regions that are fortified by nature; in the center of it, however, lies a country (of which I have already spoken4. 6. 9 and 7. 1. 3.) that is capable of affording an excellent livelihood. And near it are the sources of both the Ister and the Rhenus, as also the lakeNow the Lake of Constance; also called the Bodensee. Cp. 4. 3. 3 and 4. 6. 9. between the two sources, and the marshesThe Untersee. into which the Rhenus spreads.Cp. 4. 3. 3. The perimeter of the lake is more than three hundred stadia, while the passage across it is nearly two hundred.These figures, as they stand in the manuscripts, are, of course, relatively impossible, and Strabo could hardly have made such a glaring error. Meineke and others emend 300 to 500, leaving the 200 as it is; but on textual grounds, at least, 600 is far more probable. “Passage across” (in Strabo) means the usual boat-passage, but the terminal points of this passage are now unknown. According to W.A.B. Coolidge (Encyclopedia Brittanica, s.v. “Lake of Constance”) the length of the lake is now 46 1/2 miles (from Bregenz to Stein-am-Rhein), while its greatest width is 10 1/2 miles. There is also an island in it which Tiberius used as a base of operations in his naval battle with the Vindelici. This lake is south of the sources of the Ister, as is also the Hercynian Forest, so that necessarily, in going from Celtica to the Hercynian Forest, one first crosses the lake and then the Ister, and from there on advances through more passable regions—plateaus—to the forest. Tiberius had proceeded only a day's journey from the lake when he saw the sources of the Ister. The country of the Rhaeti adjoins the lake for only a short distance, whereas that of the Helvetii and the Vindelici, and also the desert of the Boii, adjoin the greater part of it. All the peoples as far as the Pannonii, but more especially the Helvetii and the Vindelici, inhabit plateaus. But the countries of the Rhaeti and the Norici extend as far as the passes over the Alps and verge toward Italy, a part thereof bordering on the country of the Insubri and a part on that of the Carni and the legions about Aquileia. And there is also another large forest, Gabreta;The forest of the Bohemians. it is on this side of the territory of the Suevi, whereas the Hercynian Forest, which is also held by them, is on the far side. +Now that I have described Iberia and the Celtic and Italian tribes, along with the islands near by, it will be next in order to speak of the remaining parts of Europe, dividing them in the approved manner. The remaining parts are: first, those towards the east, being those which are across the Rhenus and extend as far as the TanaïsThe Don. and the mouth of Lake Maeotis,The sea of Azof. and also all those regions lying between the AdriasThe Adriatic. and the regions on the left of the Pontic Sea that are shut off by the IsterThe Danube. and extend towards the south as far as Greece and the Propontis;The Sea of Marmora. for this river divides very nearly the whole of the aforesaid land into two parts. It is the largest of the European rivers, at the outset flowing towards the south and then turning straight from the west towards the east and the Pontus. It rises in the western limits of Germany, as also near the recess of the Adriatic (at a distance from it of about one thousand stadia), and comes to an end at the Pontus not very far from the outlets of the TyrasThe Dniester. and the Borysthenes,The Dnieper. bending from its easterly course approximately towards the north. Now the parts that are beyond the Rhenus and Celtica are to the north of the Ister; these are the territories of the Galatic and the Germanic tribes, extending as far as the Bastarnians and the Tyregetans and the River Borysthenes. And the territories of all the tribes between this river and the Tanaïs and the mouth of Lake Maeotis extend up into the interior as far as the oceanStrabo here means the “exterior” or “Northern” ocean (see 2. 5. 31 and the Frontispiece, Vol. i). and are washed by the Pontic Sea. But both the Illyrian and the Thracian tribes, and all tribes of the Celtic or other peoples that are mingled with these, as far as Greece, are to the south of the Ister. But let me first describe the parts outside the Ister, for they are much simpler than those on the other side. +Now the parts beyond the Rhenus, immediately after the country of the Celti, slope towards the east and are occupied by the Germans, who, though they vary slightly from the Celtic stock in that they are wilder, taller, and have yellower hair, are in all other respects similar, for in build, habits, and modes of life they are such as I have said4. 4. 2-3. the Celti are. And I also think that it was for this reason that the Romans assigned to them the name “Germani,” as though they wished to indicate thereby that they were “genuine” Galatae, for in the language of the Romans “germani” means “genuine.”So also Julius Caesar, Tacitus, Pliny and the ancient writers in general regarded the Germans as Celts (Gauls). Dr. Richard Braungart has recently published a large work in two volumes in which he ably defends his thesis that the Boii, Vindelici, Rhaeti, Norici, Taurisci, and other tribes, as shown by their agricultural implements and contrivances, were originally, not Celts, but Germans, and, in all probability, the ancestors of all Germans (Sudgermanen, Heidelberg, 1914). + The first parts of this country are those that are next to the Rhenus, beginning at its source and extending a far as its outlet; and this stretch of river-land taken as a whole is approximately the breadth of the country on its western side. Some of the tribes of this river-land were transferred by the Romans to Celtica, whereas the others anticipated the Romans by migrating deep into the country, for instance, the Marsi; and only a few people, including a part of the Sugambri,e.g., the Ubii (see 4. 3. 4). are left. After the people who live along the river come the other tribes that live between the Rhenus and the River Albis,The Elbe. and traverses no less territory than the former. Between the two are other navigable rivers also (among them the Amasias,The Ems. on which Drusus won a naval victory over the Bructeri), which likewise flow from the south towards the north and the ocean; for the country is elevated towards the south and forms a mountain chainThe chain of mountains that extends from northern Switzerland to Mt. Krapak. that connects with the Alps and extends towards the east as though it were a part of the Alps; and in truth some declare that they actually are a part of the Alps, both because of their aforesaid position and of the fact that they produce the same timber; however, the country in this region does not rise to a sufficient height for that. Here, too, is the Hercynian Forest,Now called the “Black Forest,” although the ancient term, according to Elton (Origins, p. 51, quoted by Tozer), embraced also “the forests of the Hartz, and the woods of Westphalia and Nassau.” and also the tribes of the Suevi, some of which dwell inside the forest, as, for instance, the tribes of the Coldui,Müller-Dübner and Forbiger, perhaps rightly, emend “Coldui” to “Coadui.” But as Tozer (p. 187) says, the information Strabo here gives about Germany “is very imperfect, and hardly extends at all beyond the Elbe.” in whose territory is Boihaemum,Hence the modern “Bohemia,” “the home of the Boii.” the domain of Marabodus, the place whither he caused to migrate, not only several other peoples, but in particular the Marcomanni, his fellow-tribesmen; for after his return from Rome this man, who before had been only a private citizen, was placed in charge of the affairs of state, for, as a youth he had been at Rome and had enjoyed the favor of Augustus, and on his return he took the rulership and acquired, in addition to the peoples aforementioned, the Lugii (a large tribe), the Zumi, the Butones, the Mugilones, the Sibini,Scholars have suggested different emendations for “Zumi,” “Butones,” “Mugilones,” and “Sibini,” since all these seem to be corrupt (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p 981). For “Butones” it is fairly certain that Strabo wrote “Gutones” (the Goths). and also the Semnones, a large tribe of the Suevi themselves. However, while some of the tribes of the Suevi dwell inside the forest, as I was saying, others dwell outside of it, and have a common boundary with the Getae.The “Getae,” also called “Daci,” dwelt in what are now Rumania and souther Hungary. Now as for the tribe of the Suevi,Strabo now uses “tribe” in its broadest sense. it is the largest, for it extends from the Rhenus to the Albis; and a part of them even dwell on the far side of the Albis, as, for instance, the Hermondori and the Langobardi; and at the present time these latter, at least, have, to the last man, been driven in flight out of their country into the land on the far side of the river. It is a common characteristic of all the peoples in this part of the worldIncluding the Galatae (see 4. 4. 2). that they migrate with ease, because of the meagerness of their livelihood and because they do not till the soil or even store up food, but live in small huts that are merely temporary structures; and they live for the most part off their flocks, as the Nomads do, so that, in imitation of the Nomads, they load their household belongings on their wagons and with their beasts turn whithersoever they think best. But other German tribes are still more indigent. I mean the Cherusci, the Chatti, the Gamabrivii and the Chattuarii, and also, near the ocean, the Sugambri, the Chaubi, the Bructeri, and the Cimbri, and also the Cauci, the Caülci, the Campsiani, and several others. Both the VisurgisThe Weser. and the LupiasThe Lippe. Rivers run in the same direction as the Amasias, the Lupias being about six hundred stadia distant from the Rhenus and flowing through the country of the Lesser Bructeri.The Lesser Bructeri appear to have lived south of the Frisii and west of the Ems, while the Greater Bructeri lived east of it and south of the Western Chauci (cp. Ptolemaeus 2.11.6-7). Germany has also the Salas River;The Thüringian Sasle. and it was between the Salas and the Rhenus that Drusus Germanicus, while he was successfully carrying on the war, came to his end.In his thirtieth year (9 A.D.) his horse fell on him and broke his leg (Livy Ep. 140). He had subjugated, not only most of the tribes, but also the islands along the coast, among which is Burchanis,Now Borkum. The Romans nicknamed it “Fabaria” (“Bean Island”) because of the wild beans that grew there (Pliny 4.27). which he took by siege. +These tribes have become known through their wars with the Romans, in which they would either yield and then later revolt again, or else quit their settlements; and they would have been better known if Augustus had allowed his generals to cross the Albis in pursuit of those who emigrated thither. But as a matter of fact he supposed that he could conduct the war in hand more successfully if he should hold off from those outside the Albis, who were living in peace, and should not incite them to make common cause with the others in their enmity against him. It was the Sugambri, who live near the Rhenus, that began the war, Melo being their leader; and from that time on different peoples at different times would cause a breach, first growing powerful and then being put down, and then revolting again, betraying both the hostages they had given and their pledges of good faith. In dealing with these peoples distrust has been a great advantage, whereas those who have been trusted have done the greatest harm, as, for instance, the Cherusci and their subjects, in whose country three Roman legions, with their general Quintilius Varus, were destroyed by ambush in violation of the treaty. But they all paid the penalty, and afforded the younger Germanicus a most brilliant triumphMay 26, 17 A.D. (Tacitus, Annals 2.41).—that triumph in which their most famous men and women were led captive, I mean Segimuntus, son of Segestes and chieftain of the Cherusci,and his sister Thusnelda, the wife of Armenius, the man who at the time of the violation of the treaty against Quintilius Varus was commander-in-chief of the Cheruscan army and even to this day is keeping up the war, and Thusnelda's three-year-old son Thumelicus; and also Sesithacus, the son of Segimerus and chieftain of the Cherusci, and Rhamis, his wife, and a daughter of Ucromirus chieftain of the Chatti, and Deudorix,The same name as “Theordoric.” a Sugambrian, the son of Baetorix the brother of Melo. But Segestes, the father-in-law of Armenius, who even from the outset had opposedSo Tac. Ann. 1.55; see also 1. 58, 71. the purpose of Armenius, and, taking advantage of an opportune time, had deserted him, was present as a guest of honor at the triumph over his loved ones. And Libes too, a priest of the Chatti, marched in the procession, as also other captives from the plundered tribes—the Caülci, Campsani, Bructeri, Usipi, Cherusci, Chatti, Chattuarii, Landi, Tubattii. Now the Rhenus is about three thousand stadia distant from the Albis, if one had straight roads to travel on, but as it is one must go by a circuitous route, which winds through a marshy country and forests. +The Hercynian Forest is not only rather dense, but also has large trees, and comprises a large circuit within regions that are fortified by nature; in the center of it, however, lies a country (of which I have already spoken4. 6. 9 and 7. 1. 3.) that is capable of affording an excellent livelihood. And near it are the sources of both the Ister and the Rhenus, as also the lakeNow the Lake of Constance; also called the Bodensee. Cp. 4. 3. 3 and 4. 6. 9. between the two sources, and the marshesThe Untersee. into which the Rhenus spreads.Cp. 4. 3. 3. The perimeter of the lake is more than three hundred stadia, while the passage across it is nearly two hundred.These figures, as they stand in the manuscripts, are, of course, relatively impossible, and Strabo could hardly have made such a glaring error. Meineke and others emend 300 to 500, leaving the 200 as it is; but on textual grounds, at least, 600 is far more probable. “Passage across” (in Strabo) means the usual boat-passage, but the terminal points of this passage are now unknown. According to W.A.B. Coolidge (Encyclopedia Brittanica, s.v. “Lake of Constance”) the length of the lake is now 46 1/2 miles (from Bregenz to Stein-am-Rhein), while its greatest width is 10 1/2 miles. There is also an island in it which Tiberius used as a base of operations in his naval battle with the Vindelici. This lake is south of the sources of the Ister, as is also the Hercynian Forest, so that necessarily, in going from Celtica to the Hercynian Forest, one first crosses the lake and then the Ister, and from there on advances through more passable regions—plateaus—to the forest. Tiberius had proceeded only a day's journey from the lake when he saw the sources of the Ister. The country of the Rhaeti adjoins the lake for only a short distance, whereas that of the Helvetii and the Vindelici, and also the desert of the Boii, adjoin the greater part of it. All the peoples as far as the Pannonii, but more especially the Helvetii and the Vindelici, inhabit plateaus. But the countries of the Rhaeti and the Norici extend as far as the passes over the Alps and verge toward Italy, a part thereof bordering on the country of the Insubri and a part on that of the Carni and the legions about Aquileia. And there is also another large forest, Gabreta;The forest of the Bohemians. it is on this side of the territory of the Suevi, whereas the Hercynian Forest, which is also held by them, is on the far side.

-As for the Cimbri, some things that are told about them are incorrect and others are extremely improbable. For instance, one could not accept such a reason for their having become a wandering and piratical folk as this—that while they were dwelling on a Peninsula they were driven out of their habitations by a great flood-tide; for in fact they still hold the country which they held in earlier times; and they sent as a present to Augustus the most sacred kettleWhen the throats of prisoners of war were cut, the blood was caught in huge brazen kettles (7. 2. 3). in their country, with a plea for his friendship and for an amnesty of their earlier offences, and when their petition was granted they set sail for home; and it is ridiculous to suppose that they departed from their homes because they were incensed on account of a phenomenon that is natural and eternal, occurring twice every day. And the assertion that an excessive flood-tide once occurred looks like a fabrication, for when the ocean is affected in this way it is subject to increases and diminutions, but these are regulated and periodical.Cp. 3. 5. 9. And the man who said that the Cimbri took up arms against the flood-tides was not right, either; nor yet the statement that the Celti, as a training in the virtue of fearlessness, meekly abide the destruction of their homes by the tides and then rebuild them, and that they suffer a greater loss of life as the result of water than of war, as Ephorus says. Indeed, the regularity of the flood-tides and the fact that the part of the country subject to inundations was known should have precluded such absurdities; for since this phenomenon occurs twice every day, it is of course improbable that the Cimbri did not so much as once perceive that the reflux was natural and harmless, and that it occurred, not in their country alone, but in every country that was on the ocean. Neither is Cleitarchus right; for he says that the horsemen, on seeing the onset of the sea, rode away, and though in full flight came very near being cut off by the water. Now we know, in the first place, that the invasion of the tide does not rush on with such speed as that, but that the sea advances imperceptibly; and, secondly, that what takes place daily and is audible to all who are about to draw near it, even before they behold it, would not have been likely to prompt in them such terror that they would take to flight, as if it had occurred unexpectedly. -Poseidonius is right in censuring the historians for these assertions, and his conjecture is not a bad one, that the Cimbri, being a piratical and wandering folk, made an expedition even as far as the region of Lake Maeotis, and that also the “Cimmerian” BosporusThe Strait of Kerch (or Yenikale). was named after them, being equivalent to “Cimbrian,” the Greeks naming the Cimbri “Cimmerii.” And he goes off to say that in earlier times the Boii dwelt in the Hercynian Forest, and that the Cimbri made a sally against this place, but on being repulsed by the Boii, went down to the Ister and the country of the Scordiscan Galatae,The Galatae lived between the Ister (Danube) and Morava Rivers on the confines of Illyria. then to the country of the TeuristaeCp. “Tauristae,” 7. 3. 2. and Taurisci (these, too, Galatae), and then to the country of the Helvetii—men rich in gold but peaceable; however, when the Helvetii saw that the wealth which the Cimbri had got from their robberies surpassed that of their own country, they, and particularly their tribes of Tigyreni and of Toygeni, were so excited that they sallied forth with the Cimbri. All, however, were subdued by the Romans, both the Cimbri themselves and those who had joined their expeditions, in part after they had crossed the Alps into Italy and in part while still on the other side of the Alps. +As for the Cimbri, some things that are told about them are incorrect and others are extremely improbable. For instance, one could not accept such a reason for their having become a wandering and piratical folk as this—that while they were dwelling on a Peninsula they were driven out of their habitations by a great flood-tide; for in fact they still hold the country which they held in earlier times; and they sent as a present to Augustus the most sacred kettleWhen the throats of prisoners of war were cut, the blood was caught in huge brazen kettles (7. 2. 3). in their country, with a plea for his friendship and for an amnesty of their earlier offences, and when their petition was granted they set sail for home; and it is ridiculous to suppose that they departed from their homes because they were incensed on account of a phenomenon that is natural and eternal, occurring twice every day. And the assertion that an excessive flood-tide once occurred looks like a fabrication, for when the ocean is affected in this way it is subject to increases and diminutions, but these are regulated and periodical.Cp. 3. 5. 9. And the man who said that the Cimbri took up arms against the flood-tides was not right, either; nor yet the statement that the Celti, as a training in the virtue of fearlessness, meekly abide the destruction of their homes by the tides and then rebuild them, and that they suffer a greater loss of life as the result of water than of war, as Ephorus says. Indeed, the regularity of the flood-tides and the fact that the part of the country subject to inundations was known should have precluded such absurdities; for since this phenomenon occurs twice every day, it is of course improbable that the Cimbri did not so much as once perceive that the reflux was natural and harmless, and that it occurred, not in their country alone, but in every country that was on the ocean. Neither is Cleitarchus right; for he says that the horsemen, on seeing the onset of the sea, rode away, and though in full flight came very near being cut off by the water. Now we know, in the first place, that the invasion of the tide does not rush on with such speed as that, but that the sea advances imperceptibly; and, secondly, that what takes place daily and is audible to all who are about to draw near it, even before they behold it, would not have been likely to prompt in them such terror that they would take to flight, as if it had occurred unexpectedly. +Poseidonius is right in censuring the historians for these assertions, and his conjecture is not a bad one, that the Cimbri, being a piratical and wandering folk, made an expedition even as far as the region of Lake Maeotis, and that also the “Cimmerian” BosporusThe Strait of Kerch (or Yenikale). was named after them, being equivalent to “Cimbrian,” the Greeks naming the Cimbri “Cimmerii.” And he goes off to say that in earlier times the Boii dwelt in the Hercynian Forest, and that the Cimbri made a sally against this place, but on being repulsed by the Boii, went down to the Ister and the country of the Scordiscan Galatae,The Galatae lived between the Ister (Danube) and Morava Rivers on the confines of Illyria. then to the country of the TeuristaeCp. “Tauristae,” 7. 3. 2. and Taurisci (these, too, Galatae), and then to the country of the Helvetii—men rich in gold but peaceable; however, when the Helvetii saw that the wealth which the Cimbri had got from their robberies surpassed that of their own country, they, and particularly their tribes of Tigyreni and of Toygeni, were so excited that they sallied forth with the Cimbri. All, however, were subdued by the Romans, both the Cimbri themselves and those who had joined their expeditions, in part after they had crossed the Alps into Italy and in part while still on the other side of the Alps. Writers report a custom of the Cimbri to this effect: Their wives, who would accompany them on their expeditions, were attended by priestesses who were seers; these were grey-haired, clad in white, with flaxen cloaks fastened on with clasps, girt with girdles of bronze, and bare-footed; now sword in hand these priestesses would meet with the prisoners of war throughout the camp, and having first crowned them with wreaths would lead them to a brazen vessel of about twenty amphorae;About 120 gallons. and they had a raised platform which the priestess would mount, and then, bending over the kettle,Cp. 7. 2. 1. would cut the throat of each prisoner after he had been lifted up; and from the blood that poured forth into the vessel some of the priestesses would draw a prophecy, while still others would split open the body and from an inspection of the entrails would utter a prophecy of victory for their own people; and during the battles they would beat on the hides that were stretched over the wicker-bodies of the wagons and in this way produce an unearthly noise. -Of the Germans, as I have said,7. 1. 1. those towards the north extend along the ocean;Cp. 7. 1. 1 and the footnote on “ocean.” and beginning at the outlets of the Rhenus, they are known as far as the Albis; and of these the best known are the Sugambri and the Cimbri; but those parts of the country beyond the Albis that are near the ocean are wholly unknown to us. For of the men of earlier times I know of no one who has made this voyage along the coast to the eastern parts that extend as far as the mouthSee the Frontispiece, Vol. I. of the Caspian Sea; and the Romans have not yet advanced into the parts that are beyond the Albis; and likewise no one has made the journey by land either. However, it is clear from the “climata” and the parallel distances that if one travels longitudinally towards the east, one encounters the regions that are about the Borysthenes and that are to the north of the Pontus; but what is beyond Germany and what beyond the countries which are next after Germany—whether one should say the Bastarnae, as most writers suspect, or say that others lie in between, either the Iazyges, or the Roxolani,Cp. 2. 5. 7 and 7. 3. 17. or certain other of the wagon-dwellersCp. 2. 5. 26.—it is not easy to say; nor yet whether they extend as far as the ocean along its entire length, or whether any part is uninhabitable by reason of the cold or other cause, or whether even a different race of people, succeeding the Germans, is situated between the sea and the eastern Germans. And this same ignorance prevails also in regard to the rest of the peoples that come next in order on the north; for I know neither the Bastarnae,See 2. 5. 30. nor the Sauromatae, nor, in a word, any of the peoples who dwell above the Pontus, nor how far distant they are from the Atlantic Sea,The same in Strabo as “the Atlantic Ocean,” including the “Northern Ocean.” nor whether their countries border upon it. +Of the Germans, as I have said,7. 1. 1. those towards the north extend along the ocean;Cp. 7. 1. 1 and the footnote on “ocean.” and beginning at the outlets of the Rhenus, they are known as far as the Albis; and of these the best known are the Sugambri and the Cimbri; but those parts of the country beyond the Albis that are near the ocean are wholly unknown to us. For of the men of earlier times I know of no one who has made this voyage along the coast to the eastern parts that extend as far as the mouthSee the Frontispiece, Vol. I. of the Caspian Sea; and the Romans have not yet advanced into the parts that are beyond the Albis; and likewise no one has made the journey by land either. However, it is clear from the “climata” and the parallel distances that if one travels longitudinally towards the east, one encounters the regions that are about the Borysthenes and that are to the north of the Pontus; but what is beyond Germany and what beyond the countries which are next after Germany—whether one should say the Bastarnae, as most writers suspect, or say that others lie in between, either the Iazyges, or the Roxolani,Cp. 2. 5. 7 and 7. 3. 17. or certain other of the wagon-dwellersCp. 2. 5. 26.—it is not easy to say; nor yet whether they extend as far as the ocean along its entire length, or whether any part is uninhabitable by reason of the cold or other cause, or whether even a different race of people, succeeding the Germans, is situated between the sea and the eastern Germans. And this same ignorance prevails also in regard to the rest of the peoples that come next in order on the north; for I know neither the Bastarnae,See 2. 5. 30. nor the Sauromatae, nor, in a word, any of the peoples who dwell above the Pontus, nor how far distant they are from the Atlantic Sea,The same in Strabo as “the Atlantic Ocean,” including the “Northern Ocean.” nor whether their countries border upon it.

-As for the southern part of Germany beyond the Albis, the portion which is just contiguous to that river is occupied by the Suevi; then immediately adjoining this is the land of the Getae, which, though narrow at first, stretching as it does along the Ister on its southern side and on the opposite side along the mountain-side of the Hercynian Forest (for the land of the Getae also embraces a part of the mountains), afterwards broadens out towards the north as far as the Tyregetae; but I cannot tell the precise boundaries. It is because of men's ignorance of these regions that any heed has been given to those who created the mythical “Rhipaean Mountains”Cp. Pliny 4.26 and “Hyperboreans,”Cp. 1. 3. 22. and also to all those false statements made by Pytheas the Massalian regarding the country along the ocean, wherein he uses as a screen his scientific knowledge of astronomy and mathematics.Cp. 1. 4. 3-5, 2. 3. 5 and 2. 4. 1-2. So then, those men should be disregarded; in fact, if even Sophocles, when in his role as a tragic poet he speaks of Oreithyia,The daughter of Erechtheus, a mythical Attic king. The passage here quoted is a fragment Nauck, Fragmenta, 870) of a play now lost. Cp. Soph. Ant. 981ff tells how she was snatched up by “Boreas” and carried “over the whole sea to the ends of the earth and to the sources of nightThe west. and to the unfoldings of heavenThe east. and to the ancient garden of Phoebus,”Soph. Fr. 870 (Nauck)The south, apparently; and thus Boreas would have carried her to the four ends of the earth. The home of Boreas (North Wind), according to the poets, was in the Haemus (Balkan), or Rhipaean, Mountains, on the “Sarpedonian Rock.” his story can have no bearing on the present inquiry, but should be disregarded, just as it is disregarded by Socrates in the Phaedrus.Plat. Phaedrus 229 But let us confine our narrative to what we have learned from history, both ancient and modern. -Now the Greeks used to suppose that the Getae were Thracians; and the Getae lived on either side the Ister, as did also the Mysi, these also being Thracians and identical with the people who are now called Moesi; from these Mysi sprang also the Mysi who now live between the Lydians and the Phrygians and Trojans. And the Phrygians themselves are Brigians, a Thracian tribe, as are also the Mygdonians, the Bebricians, the Medobithynians,The correct spelling of the word is “Maedobithynians.” the Bithynians, and the Thynians, and, I think, also the Mariandynians. These peoples, to be sure, have all utterly quitted Europe, but the Mysi have remained there. And Poseidonius seems to me to be correct in his conjecture that Homer designates the Mysi in Europe (I mean those in Thrace) when he says, “But back he turned his shining eyes, and looked far away towards the land of the horsetending Thracians, and of the Mysi, hand-to-hand fighters”Hom. Il. 13.3ff for surely, if one should take Homer to mean the Mysi in Asia, the statement would not hang together. Indeed, when Zeus turns his eyes away from the Trojans towards the land of the Thracians, it would be the act of a man who confuses the continents and does not understand the poet's phraseology to connect with Thrace the land of the Asiatic Mysi, who are not “far away,” but have a common boundary with the Troad and are situated behind it and on either side of it, and are separated from Thrace by the broad Hellespont; for “back he turned” generallyThe other meaning of the word in question (pa/lin) is “again.” Aristarchus, the great Homeric scholar (fl. about 155 B.C.), quoted by Hesychius (s.v.), says that “generally the poet uses pa/lin in the place-sense and not, as we do, in the time-sense.” means “to the rear,” and he who transfers his gaze from the Trojans to the people who are either in the rear of the Trojans or on their flanks, does indeed transfer his gaze rather far, but not at all “to the rear.”i.e., “to the rear” of himself. Again, the appended phrase“And of the proud Hippemolgi (mare-milkers), Galactophagi (curd-eaters), and Abii ( a resourceless folk), men most just” Cp. 1. 1. 6. is testimony to this very view, because the poet connected with the Mysi the “Hippemolgi” and “Galactophagi” and “Abii,” who are indeed the wagon-dwelling Scythians and Sarmatians. For at the present time these tribes, as well as the Bastarnian tribes, are mingled with the Thracians (more indeed with those outside the Ister, but also with those inside). And mingled with them are also the Celtic tribes—the Boii, the Scordisci, and the Taurisci. However, the Scordisci are by some called “Scordistae”; and the Taurisci are called also “Ligurisci”“Ligursci” is almost certainly corrupt. Meineke is probably right in emending to “Teurisci.” and “Tauristae.”Cp. “Teuristae,” 7. 2. 2. -Poseidonius goes on to say of the Mysians that in accordance with their religion they abstain from eating any living thing, and therefore from their flocks as well; and that they use as food honey and milk and cheese, living a peaceable life, and for this reason are called both “god-fearing” and “capnobatae”;Scholars have suggested various emendations to “capnobatae,” but there is no variation in the spelling of the word in any of the manuscripts, either here or in section 4 below. Its literal meaning is “smoke-treaders” (cp. a)eroba/ths, a)eroba/tw| Aristophanes, Clouds 225, 1503), and it seems to allude in some way to the smoke of sacrifice and the more of less ethereal existence of the people, or else (see Herodotus 1. 202 and 4.75) to the custom of generating an intoxicating vapor by throwing hemp-seed upon red-hot stones. Berkel and Wakefield would emend, respectively to “capnopatae” and “capnobotae” (“smoke-eaters,” i.e., people who live on food of no value). and there are some of the Thracians who live apart from woman-kind; these are called “Ctistae,”Literally, “creators” or “founders.” But, like “capnobatae,” the force of the word here is unknown. and because of the honor in which they are held, have been dedicated to the gods and live with freedom from every fear; accordingly, Homer speaks collectively of all these peoples as “proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi and Abii, men most just,” but he calls them “Abii” more especially for this reason, that they live apart from women, since he thinks that a life which is bereft of woman is only half-complete (just as he thinks the “house of Protesilaüs” is only “half complete,” because it is so bereftHom. Il. 2.701); and he speaks of the Mysians as “hand-to-hand fighters” because they were indomitable, as is the case with all brave warriors; and Poseidonius adds that in the Thirteenth BookHom. Il. 13.5 one should read “Moesi, hand-to-hand fighters” instead of “Mysi, hand-to-hand fighters.” -However, it is perhaps superfluous to disturb the reading that has had approval for so many years; for it is much more credible that the people were called Mysi at first and that later their name was changed to what it is now. And as for the term “Abii,” one might interpret it as meaning those who are “without hearth:” and “live on wagons” quite as well as those who are “bereft”; for since, in general, injustices arise only in connection with contracts and a too high regard for property, so it is reasonable that those who, like the Abii, live cheaply, on slight resources, should have been called “most just.” In fact, the philosophers who put justice next to self-restraint strive above all things for frugality and personal independence; and consequently extreme self-restraint diverts some of them to the Cynical mode of life. But as for the statement that they live “bereft of women,” the poet suggests nothing of the sort, and particularly in the country of the Thracians and of those of their number who are Getae. And see the statement of Menander about them, which, as one may reasonably suppose, was not invented by him but taken from history: “All the Thracians, and most of all we Getae (for I too boast that I am of this stock) are not very continent;”Menander Fr. 547 (Kock and a little below he sets down the proofs of their incontinence in their relations with women: “For every man of us marries ten or eleven women, and some, twelve or more; but if anyone meets death before he has married more than four or five, he is lamented among the people there as a wretch without bride and nuptial song.”Menander Fr. 548 (Kock Indeed, these facts are confirmed by the other writers as well. Further, it is not reasonable to suppose that the same people regard as wretched a life without many women, and yet at the same time regard as pious and just a life that is wholly bereft of women. And of course to regard as “both god-fearing and capnobatae” those who are without women is very much opposed to the common notions on that subject; for all agree in regarding the women as the chief founders of religion, and it is the women who provoke the men to the more attentive worship of the gods, to festivals, and to supplications, and it is a rare thing for a man who lives by himself to be found addicted to these things. See again what the same poet says when he introduces as speaker the man who is vexed by the money spent by the women in connection with the sacrifices: “The gods are the undoing of us, especially us married men, for we must always be celebrating some festival;”Menander Fr. 601 (Kock and again when he introduces the Woman-hater, who complains about these very things: “we used to sacrifice five times a day, and seven female attendants would beat the cymbals all round us, while others would cry out to the gods.”Menander Fr. 326 (Kock So, then, the interpretation that the wifeless men of the Getae are in a special way reverential towards the gods is clearly contrary to reason, whereas the interpretation that zeal for religion is strong in this tribe, and that because of their reverence for the gods the people abstain from eating any living thing, is one which, both from what Poseidonius and from what the histories in general tell us, should not be disbelieved. -In fact, it is said that a certain man of the Getae, Zamolxis by name, had been a slave to Pythagoras, and had learned some things about the heavenly bodies from him,For another version of the story of Zamolxis, see Hdt. 4.94-96, who doubts whether such a man ever existed, but says that he was reputed to have been, for a time, a slave pf Pythagoras in Samos. as also certain other things from the Egyptians, for in his wanderings he had gone even as far as Egypt; and when he came on back to his home-land he was eagerly courted by the rulers and the people of the tribe, because he could make predictions from the celestial signs; and at last he persuaded the king to take him as a partner in the government, on the ground that he was competent to report the will of the gods; and although at the outset he was only made a priest of the god who was most honored in their country, yet afterwards he was even addressed as god, and having taken possession of a certain cavernous place that was inaccessible to anyone else he spent his life there, only rarely meeting with any people outside except the king and his own attendants; and the king cooperated with him, because he saw that the people paid much more attention to himself than before, in the belief that the decrees which he promulgated were in accordance with the counsel of the gods. This custom persisted even down to our own time, because some man of that character was always to be found, who, though in fact only a counsellor to the king, was called god among the Getae. And the people took up the notion that the mountainThe “cavernous place” previously referred to. was sacred and they so call it, but its name is Cogaeonum,Some scholars identify this mountain with what is now Mt. Gogany (near Mika); others, with Mt. Kaszon (on the borders of Transylvania and Moldavia). The former is more likely. like that of the river which flows past it. So, too, at the time when Byrebistas,Strabo also spells the name “Boerebistas (7. 3. 11, 12). against whom alreadyCp. 7. 3. 11. the Deified Caesar had prepared to make an expedition, was reigning over the Getae, the office in question was held by Decaeneus, and somehow or other the Pythagorean doctrine of abstention from eating any living thing still survived as taught by Zamolxis. -Now although such difficulties as these might fairly be raised concerning what is found in the text of Homer about the Mysians and the “proud Hippemolgi,” yet what Apollodorus states in the preface to the Second Book of his work On ShipsOr rather On the Catalogue of Ships (1. 2. 24). can by no means be asserted; for he approves the declaration of Eratosthenes, that although both Homer and the other early authors knew the Greek places, they were decidedly unacquainted with those that were far away, since they had no experience either in making long journeys by land or in making voyages by sea. And in support of this Apollodorus says that Homer calls Aulis “rocky”Hom. Il. 2.496 (and so it is), and Eteonus “place of many ridges,”Hom. Il. 2.497 and Thisbe “haunt of doves,”Hom. Il. 2.502 and Haliartus “grassy,”Hom. Il. 2.503 but, he says, neither Homer nor the others knew the places that were far away. At any rate, he says, although about forty rivers now into the Pontus, Homer mentions not a single one of those that are the most famous, as, for example, the Ister, the Tanaïs, the Borysthenes, the Hypanis, the Phasis, the Thermodon, the Halys;Now, respectively, the Danube, Don, Dnieper, Bog, Rion, Termeh, and Kizil-Irmak. and, besides, he does not mention the Scythians, but invents certain “proud Hippemolgi” and “Galactophagi” and “Abii”; and as for the Paphlagonians of the interior, he reports what he has learned from those who have approached the regions afoot, but he is ignorant of the seaboard,Cp. 12. 3. 26. and naturally so, for at that time this sea was not navigable, and was called AxineThat is “Inhospitable. because of its wintry storms and the ferocity of the tribes that lived around it, and particularly the Scythians, in that they sacrificed strangers, ate their flesh, and used their skulls as drinking-cups; but later it was called “Euxine,”“Hospitable,” euphemistically. when the Ionians founded cities on the seaboard. And, likewise, Homer is also ignorant of the facts about Egypt and Libya, as, for example, about the risings of the Nile and the silting up of the sea,Cp. 1. 2. 29. things which he nowhere mentions; neither does he mention the isthmus between the ErythraeanRed. and the EgyptianMediterranean. Seas, nor the regions of Arabia and Ethiopia and the ocean, unless one should give heed to Zeno the philosopher when he writes, “And I came to the Ethiopians and Sidonians and Arabians.”Hom Od. 4.84Zeno emended the Homeric text to read as above (see 1. 2. 34). But this ignorance in Homer's case is not amazing, for those who have lived later than he have been ignorant of many things and have invented marvellous tales: Hesiod, when he speaks of “men who are half-dog,”Cp. 1. 2. 35. of “long-headed men,” and of “Pygmies”; and Alcman, when he speaks of “web footed men”; and Aeschylus, when he speaks of “dog-headed men,” of “men with eyes in their breasts”, and of “one-eyed men” (in his Prometheus it is saidAeschylus refers to “one-eyed” men in Aesch. PB 804. The other epithets (See Nauck, Fr. 431, 441) were taken from plays now lost.); and a host of other tales. From these men he proceeds against the historians who speak of the “Rhipaean Mountains,”Cp. 7. 3. 1. and of “Mt. Ogyium,”“Mt. Ogyium” is otherwise unknown. The reading is probably corrupt. and of the settlement of the Gorgons and Hesperides, and of the “Land of Meropis”Aelian Var. Hist. 3.18 says that Theopompus the historian related a conversation between King Midas and Silenus in which Silenus reported a race called “meropians” who inhabited a continent larger than Asia, Europe, and Africa combined. in Theopompus,Theopompus (b. about 380 B.C.) write, among other works, two histories, (1) the Hellenica, in twelve books, being a continuation of Thucydides and covering the period from 411 to 394 B.C., and (2) the Philippica, in fifty-eight books, being a history of the life and times of Philip of Macedon (360-336 BC.). Only a few fragments of these works remain. and the “City of Cimmeris” in Hecataeus,Hecataeus (b. about 540 B.C.) wrote both a geographical and an historical treatise. Only fragments remain. and the “Land of Panchaea”Cp. 2. 4. 2. in Euhemerus,Euhemerus (fl. about 310 B.C.) wrote a work on Sacred History (cp. 1. 3. 1). and in Aristotle “the river-stones, which are formed of sand but are melted by the rains.”Such words as these have not been found in the extant works of Aristotle. And in Libya, Apollodorus continues, there is a “City of Dionysus” which it is impossible for the same man ever to find twice. He censures also those who speak of the Homeric wanderings of Odysseus as having been in the neighborhood of Sicily; for in that case, says he, one should go on and say that, although the wanderings took place there, the poet, for the sake of mythology, placed them out in Oceanus.Cp. 1. 2. 17-19. And, he adds, the writers in general can be pardoned, but CallimachusCallimachus of Cyrene (fl. about 250 B.C.) is said to have written about 800 works, in prose and verse. Only 6 hymns, 64 epigrams and some fragments are extant. cannot be pardoned at all, because he makes a pretence of being a scholar;Cp. 1. 2. 37. for he calls GaudosSee footnote 2 on 1. 2. 37. the “Isle of Calypso” and Corcyra “Scheria.” And others he charges with falsifying about “Gerena,”Cp. 8. 3. 7, 29 and the Odyssey (the “Gerenian” Nestor). and “Aeacesium,”Strabo alludes to the wrong interpretation which some put upon a)ka/khta, the epithet of Hermes (Hom. Il. 16.185), making it refer to a cavern in “Arcadia, called “Acacesium,” near Mt. Cyllene, where Hermes was born. Hesiod (Theog. 614) gives the same epithet to Prometheus, who, according to the scholiast, was so called from “Mt. Acacesium” in Arcadia, where he was much revered. and “Demus”Hom. Il. 3.201 The critics in question maintained that “demus” (“deme,” “people”) was the name of a place in Ithaca. in Ithaca, and about “Pelethronium”“Pelethronium” is not found in Homer of Hesiod. According to some it was a city of Thessaly; others, a mountain (or a part of Mt. Pelion) in Thessaly; and others, the cave where Cheiron trained Achilles. in Pelion, and about Glaucopium“Glauconpium” is not found in Homer or Hesiod. According to Eustathius it was applied by the ancients to the citadel of Athens, or to the temple of Athene, and was derived from Athene “Glaucopis” (“Flashing-eyed”); but Stephanus Byzantinus derives the word from Glaucopus, son of Alalcomeneus. in Athens. To these criticisms Apollodorus adds some petty ones of like sort and then stops, but he borrowed most of them from Eratosthenes, and as I have remarked before1. 2. 24. they are wrong. For while one must concede to Eratosthenes and Apollodorus that the later writers have shown themselves better acquainted with such matters than the men of early times, yet to proceed beyond all moderation as they do, and particularly in the case of Homer, is a thing for which, as it seems to me, one might justly rebuke them and make the reverse statement: that where they are ignorant themselves, there they reproach the poet with ignorance. However, what remains to be said on this subject meets with appropriate mention in my detailed descriptions of the several countries,For example, 12. 3. 26-27. as also in my general description.The first and second books, passim. -Just now I was discussing the Thracians, and the “Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters, and the proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just,”Hom. Il. 13.5fSee 7. 3. 2 and the footnote. because I wished to make a comparison between the statements made by Poseidonius and myself and those made by the two men in question. Take first the fact that the argument which they have attempted is contrary to the proposition which they set out to prove; for although they set out to prove that the men of earlier times were more ignorant of regions remote from Greece than the men of more recent times, they showed the reverse, not only in regard to regions remote, but also in regard to places in Greece itself. However, as I was saying, let me put off everything else and look to what is now before me: theyEratosthenes and Apollodorus. say that the poet through ignorance fails to mention the Scythians, or their savage dealings with strangers, in that they sacrifice them, eat their flesh, and use their skulls as drinking-cups, although it was on account of the Scythians that the Puntus was called “Axine,” but that he invents certain “proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just”—people that exist nowhere on earth, How, then, could they call the sea “Axine” if they did not know about the ferocity or about the people who were most ferocious? And these, of course, are the Scythians. And were the people who lived beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getae not also “Hippemolgi,”“Mare-milkers.” not also “Galactophagi”“Curd-eaters.” and “Abii”?“A resourceless folk.” In fact, even nowCp. the similar words quoted from Ephorus, 7. 3. 9. there are Wagon-dwellers and Nomads, so called, who live off their herds, and on milk and cheese, and particularly on cheese made from mare's milk, and know nothing about storing up food or about peddling merchandise either, except the exchange of wares for wares. How, then, could the poet be ignorant of the Scythians if he called certain people “Hippemolgi and Galactophagi”? For that the people of his time were wont to call the Scythians “Hippemolgi,” Hesiod, too, is witness in the words cited by Eratosthenes: The Ethiopians, the Ligurians, and also the Scythians, Hippemolgi.”Eratosthenes Fr. 232 (Loeb); (Rzach, Fr. 55Now wherein is it to be wondered at that, because of the widespread injustice connected with contracts in our country, Homer called “most just” and “proud” those who by no means spend their lives on contracts and money-getting but actually possess all things in common except sword and drinking-cup, and above all things have their wives and their children in common, in the Platonic way? Plat. Rep. 457d, 458c-d, 460b-d, 540, 543 Aeschylus, too, is clearly pleading the cause of the poet when he says about the Scythians: “But the Scythians, law-abiding, eaters of cheese made of mare's milk.”Aesch. Fr. 198 (Nauck) And this assumption even now still persists among the Greeks; for we regard the Scythians the most straightforward of men and the least prone to mischief, as also far more frugal and independent of others than we are. And yet our mode of life has spread its change for the worse to almost all peoples, introducing amongst them luxury and sensual pleasures and, to satisfy these vices, base artifices that lead to innumerable acts of greed. So then, much wickedness of this sort has fallen on the barbarian peoples also, on the Nomads as well as the rest; for as the result of taking up a seafaring life they not only have become morally worse, indulging in the practice of piracy and of slaying strangers, but also, because of their intercourse with many peoples, have partaken of the luxury and the peddling habits of those peoples. But though these things seem to conduce strongly to gentleness of manner, they corrupt morals and introduce cunning instead of the straightforwardness which I just now mentioned. - Those, however, who lived before our times, and particularly those who lived near the time of Homer, were—and among the Greeks were assumed to be—some such people as Homer describes. And see what Herodotus says concerning that king of the Scythians against whom Dareius made his expedition, and the message which the king sent back to him.Cp. 7. 3. 14. Dareius sent a message to King Idanthyrsus in which he reproached the latter for fleeing and not fighting. Idanthyrsus replied that he was not fleeing because of fear, but was merely doing what he was wont to do in time of peace; and if Dareius insisted on a fight, he might search out and violate the ancestral tombs, and thus come to realize whether or no the Scythians would fight; “and in reply to your assertion that you are my master, I say ‘howl on’” (Herodotus, 4.127). See also what ChrysippusChrysippus of Soli (fl. about 230 B.C.), the Stoic philosopher, was a prolific writer, but with the exception of a few fragments his works are lost. The present reference is obviously to his treatise on Modes of Life, which is quoted by Plut. De Stoicorum Repugnantiis 20.3 = 1043 B). says concerning the kings of the Bosporus, the house of Leuco.Leuco, who succeeded his father Satyrus I, reigned from 393 to 353 B.C. (see 7. 4. 4). And not only the Persian lettersi.e., the letters of Persian kings, such as those quoted by Herodotus. are full of references to that straightforwardness of which I am speaking but also the memoirs written by the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians. And it was on this account that Anacharsis,Anacharsis was a Scythian prince and philosopher, one of the “Seven Sages,” a traveller, long a resident of Athens (about 590 B.C.), a friend of Solon, and (according to Ephorus) and inventor (7. 3. 9). See Hdt. 4.76 Abaris,Abaris was called the “Hyperborean” priest and prophet of Apollo, and is said to have visited Athens in the eighth century, or perhaps much later. According to the legend, he healed the sick,m travelled round the world, without once eating, on a golden arrow given him by Apollo, and delivered Sparta from a plague. and other men of the sort were in fair repute among the Greeks, because they displayed a nature characterized by complacency, frugality, and justice. But why should I speak of the men of olden times? For when Alexander, the son of Philip, on his expedition against the Thracians beyond the Haemus,The Balkan Mountains. invaded the country of the TriballiansA Thracian tribe. and saw that it extended as far as the Ister and the island of PeuceSee 7. 3. 15 and footnote. in the Ister, and that the parts on the far side were held by the Getae, he went as far as that,i.e., as far as the island. it is said, but could not disembark upon the island because of scarcity of boats (for Syrmus, the king of the Triballi had taken refuge there and resisted his attempts); he did, however, cross over to the country of the Getae, took their city, and returned with all speed to his home-land, after receiving gifts from the tribes in question and from Syrmus. And Ptolemaeus,Ptolemaeus Soter, “whom the Macedon (Paus. 1.6), was founder of the Egyptian dynasty and reigned 323-285 B.C. the son of Lagus,Lagus married Arsinoë, a concubine of Philip. says that on this expedition the Celti who lived about the Adriatic joined Alexander for the sake of establishing friendship and hospitality, and that the king received them kindly and asked them when drinking what it was that they most feared, thinking they would say himself, but that they replied they feared no one, unless it were that Heaven might fall on them, although indeed they added that they put above everything else the friendship of such a man as he. And the following are signs of the straightforwardness of the barbarians: first, the fact that Syrmus refused to consent to the debarkation upon the island and yet sent gifts and made a compact of friendship; and, secondly, that the Celti said that they feared no one, and yet valued above everything else the friendship of great men. Again, Dromichaetes was king of the Getae in the time of the successors of Alexander. Now he, when he captured LysimachusLysimachus, one of Alexander's generals and successors, obtained Thrace as his portion in the division of the provinces after Alexander's death (323 B.C.), assuming the title of king 306 B.C. He was taken captive, and released, by Dromichaetes 291 B.C. alive, who had made an expedition against him, first pointed out the poverty both of himself and of his tribe and likewise their independence of others, and then bade him not to carry on war with people of that sort but rather to deal with them as friends; and after saying this he first entertained him as a guest, and made a compact of friendship, and then released him. Moreover, Plato in his Republic thinks that those who would have a well-governed city should flee as far as possible from the sea, as being a thing that teaches wickedness, and should not live near it.Corais and Groskurd point out that the reference should have been, not to the Republic, but to the Plat. Laws 4.704-705, where Plato discusses the proper place for founding a city; cp. Aristot. Pol. 7.6 on the same subject. -Ephorus, in the fourth book of his history, the book entitled Europe (for he made the circuitIn his description, not literally. of Europe as far as the Scythians), says towards the end that the modes of life both of the Sauromatae and of the other Scythians are unlike, for, whereas some are so cruel that they even eat human beings, others abstain from eating any living creature whatever. Now the other writers, he says, tell only about their savagery, because they know that the terrible and the marvellous are startling, but one should tell the opposite facts too and make them patterns of conduct, and he himself, therefore, will tell only about those who follow “most just” habits, for there are some of the Scythian Nomads who feed only on mare's milk,Cp. the similar statement in 7. 3. 7. and excel all men in justice; and they are mentioned by the poets: by Homer, when he says that Zeus espies the land “of the Galactophagi and Abii, men most just,”Hom. Il. 13.5 and by Hesiod, in what is called his Circuit of the Earth,This poem seems to have comprised the third book of the Megalae Eoeae (now lost). See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Hesiodus,” p. 1206. when he says that Phineus is carried by the Storm Winds “to the land of the Galactophagi, who have their dwellings in wagons.”Hes. Megalae Eoeae Fr. Book 3 Then Ephorus reasons out the cause as follows: since they are frugal in their ways of living and not money-getters, they not only are orderly towards one another, because they have all things in common, their wives, children, the whole of their kin and everything, but also remain invincible and unconquered by outsiders, because they have nothing to be enslaved for. And he cites ChoerilusNot, apparently, the tragic poet, contemporary of Aeschylus, but the epic poet of Samos (fl. towards the end of the fifth century B.C.), who wrote, among other poems, an epic poem (exact title uncertain) based on the Persian Wars. The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge was probably a sub-title of the epic. The same Choerilus is cited in 14. 5. 9. also, who, in his The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge which was constructed by Dareius,In his campaign by Hdt. 4.83-93; See 7. 3. 15. says, “the sheep-tending Sacae, of Scythian stock; but they used to live in wheat-producing Asia; however, they were colonists from the Nomads, law-abiding people.”Choerilus Fr And when he calls Anacharsis “wise,” Ephorus says that he belongs to this race, and that he was considered also one of Seven Wise Men because of his perfect self-control and good sense. And he goes on to tell the inventions of Anacharsis—the bellows, the two-fluked anchor and the potter's wheel. These things I tell knowing full well that Ephorus himself does not tell the whole truth about everything; and particularly in his account of Anacharsis (for how could the wheel be his invention, if Homer, who lived in earlier times, knew of it? “As when a potter his wheel that fits in his hands,”Hom. Il. 18.600 and so on); but as for those other things, I tell them because I wish to make my point clear that there actually was a common report, which was believed by the men of both early and of later times, that a part of the Nomads, I mean those who had settled the farthest away from the rest of mankind, were “galactophagi,” “abii,” and “most just,” and that they were not an invention of Homer. -It is but fair, too, to ask Apollodorus to account for the Mysians that are mentioned in the verses of Homer, whether he thinks that these too are inventionsCp. 7. 3. 6. (when the poet says, “and the Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters and the proud Hippenlolgi”Hom. Il. 13.4), or takes the poet to mean the Mysians in Asia. Now if he takes the poet to mean those in Asia, he will misinterpret him, as I have said before,7. 3. 2. but if he calls them an invention, meaning that there were no Mysians in Thrace, he will contradict the facts; for at any rate, even in our own times, Aelius CatusPerhaps as governor of Macedonia. He was consul with C. Sentius 4. A.D. transplanted from the country on the far side of the Ister into ThraceLower Moesia. fifty thousand persons from among the Getae, a tribe with the same tongue as the Thracians.Cp. 7. 3. 2. And they live there in Thrace now and are called “Moesi”—whether it be that their people of earlier times were so called and that in Asia the name was changed to “Mysi,”See 7. 3. 4. or (what is more apposite to history and the declaration of the poet) that in earlier times their people in Thrace were called “Mysi.” Enough, however, on this subject. I shall now go back to the next topic in the general description. +As for the southern part of Germany beyond the Albis, the portion which is just contiguous to that river is occupied by the Suevi; then immediately adjoining this is the land of the Getae, which, though narrow at first, stretching as it does along the Ister on its southern side and on the opposite side along the mountain-side of the Hercynian Forest (for the land of the Getae also embraces a part of the mountains), afterwards broadens out towards the north as far as the Tyregetae; but I cannot tell the precise boundaries. It is because of men's ignorance of these regions that any heed has been given to those who created the mythical “Rhipaean Mountains”Cp. Pliny 4.26 and “Hyperboreans,”Cp. 1. 3. 22. and also to all those false statements made by Pytheas the Massalian regarding the country along the ocean, wherein he uses as a screen his scientific knowledge of astronomy and mathematics.Cp. 1. 4. 3-5, 2. 3. 5 and 2. 4. 1-2. So then, those men should be disregarded; in fact, if even Sophocles, when in his role as a tragic poet he speaks of Oreithyia,The daughter of Erechtheus, a mythical Attic king. The passage here quoted is a fragment Nauck, Fragmenta, 870) of a play now lost. Cp. Soph. Ant. 981ff tells how she was snatched up by “Boreas” and carried “over the whole sea to the ends of the earth and to the sources of nightThe west. and to the unfoldings of heavenThe east. and to the ancient garden of Phoebus,”Soph. Fr. 870 (Nauck)The south, apparently; and thus Boreas would have carried her to the four ends of the earth. The home of Boreas (North Wind), according to the poets, was in the Haemus (Balkan), or Rhipaean, Mountains, on the “Sarpedonian Rock.” his story can have no bearing on the present inquiry, but should be disregarded, just as it is disregarded by Socrates in the Phaedrus.Plat. Phaedrus 229 But let us confine our narrative to what we have learned from history, both ancient and modern. +Now the Greeks used to suppose that the Getae were Thracians; and the Getae lived on either side the Ister, as did also the Mysi, these also being Thracians and identical with the people who are now called Moesi; from these Mysi sprang also the Mysi who now live between the Lydians and the Phrygians and Trojans. And the Phrygians themselves are Brigians, a Thracian tribe, as are also the Mygdonians, the Bebricians, the Medobithynians,The correct spelling of the word is “Maedobithynians.” the Bithynians, and the Thynians, and, I think, also the Mariandynians. These peoples, to be sure, have all utterly quitted Europe, but the Mysi have remained there. And Poseidonius seems to me to be correct in his conjecture that Homer designates the Mysi in Europe (I mean those in Thrace) when he says, “But back he turned his shining eyes, and looked far away towards the land of the horsetending Thracians, and of the Mysi, hand-to-hand fighters”Hom. Il. 13.3ff for surely, if one should take Homer to mean the Mysi in Asia, the statement would not hang together. Indeed, when Zeus turns his eyes away from the Trojans towards the land of the Thracians, it would be the act of a man who confuses the continents and does not understand the poet's phraseology to connect with Thrace the land of the Asiatic Mysi, who are not “far away,” but have a common boundary with the Troad and are situated behind it and on either side of it, and are separated from Thrace by the broad Hellespont; for “back he turned” generallyThe other meaning of the word in question (pa/lin) is “again.” Aristarchus, the great Homeric scholar (fl. about 155 B.C.), quoted by Hesychius (s.v.), says that “generally the poet uses pa/lin in the place-sense and not, as we do, in the time-sense.” means “to the rear,” and he who transfers his gaze from the Trojans to the people who are either in the rear of the Trojans or on their flanks, does indeed transfer his gaze rather far, but not at all “to the rear.”i.e., “to the rear” of himself. Again, the appended phrase“And of the proud Hippemolgi (mare-milkers), Galactophagi (curd-eaters), and Abii ( a resourceless folk), men most just” Cp. 1. 1. 6. is testimony to this very view, because the poet connected with the Mysi the “Hippemolgi” and “Galactophagi” and “Abii,” who are indeed the wagon-dwelling Scythians and Sarmatians. For at the present time these tribes, as well as the Bastarnian tribes, are mingled with the Thracians (more indeed with those outside the Ister, but also with those inside). And mingled with them are also the Celtic tribes—the Boii, the Scordisci, and the Taurisci. However, the Scordisci are by some called “Scordistae”; and the Taurisci are called also “Ligurisci”“Ligursci” is almost certainly corrupt. Meineke is probably right in emending to “Teurisci.” and “Tauristae.”Cp. “Teuristae,” 7. 2. 2. +Poseidonius goes on to say of the Mysians that in accordance with their religion they abstain from eating any living thing, and therefore from their flocks as well; and that they use as food honey and milk and cheese, living a peaceable life, and for this reason are called both “god-fearing” and “capnobatae”;Scholars have suggested various emendations to “capnobatae,” but there is no variation in the spelling of the word in any of the manuscripts, either here or in section 4 below. Its literal meaning is “smoke-treaders” (cp. a)eroba/ths, a)eroba/tw| Aristophanes, Clouds 225, 1503), and it seems to allude in some way to the smoke of sacrifice and the more of less ethereal existence of the people, or else (see Herodotus 1. 202 and 4.75) to the custom of generating an intoxicating vapor by throwing hemp-seed upon red-hot stones. Berkel and Wakefield would emend, respectively to “capnopatae” and “capnobotae” (“smoke-eaters,” i.e., people who live on food of no value). and there are some of the Thracians who live apart from woman-kind; these are called “Ctistae,”Literally, “creators” or “founders.” But, like “capnobatae,” the force of the word here is unknown. and because of the honor in which they are held, have been dedicated to the gods and live with freedom from every fear; accordingly, Homer speaks collectively of all these peoples as “proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi and Abii, men most just,” but he calls them “Abii” more especially for this reason, that they live apart from women, since he thinks that a life which is bereft of woman is only half-complete (just as he thinks the “house of Protesilaüs” is only “half complete,” because it is so bereftHom. Il. 2.701); and he speaks of the Mysians as “hand-to-hand fighters” because they were indomitable, as is the case with all brave warriors; and Poseidonius adds that in the Thirteenth BookHom. Il. 13.5 one should read “Moesi, hand-to-hand fighters” instead of “Mysi, hand-to-hand fighters.” +However, it is perhaps superfluous to disturb the reading that has had approval for so many years; for it is much more credible that the people were called Mysi at first and that later their name was changed to what it is now. And as for the term “Abii,” one might interpret it as meaning those who are “without hearth:” and “live on wagons” quite as well as those who are “bereft”; for since, in general, injustices arise only in connection with contracts and a too high regard for property, so it is reasonable that those who, like the Abii, live cheaply, on slight resources, should have been called “most just.” In fact, the philosophers who put justice next to self-restraint strive above all things for frugality and personal independence; and consequently extreme self-restraint diverts some of them to the Cynical mode of life. But as for the statement that they live “bereft of women,” the poet suggests nothing of the sort, and particularly in the country of the Thracians and of those of their number who are Getae. And see the statement of Menander about them, which, as one may reasonably suppose, was not invented by him but taken from history: “All the Thracians, and most of all we Getae (for I too boast that I am of this stock) are not very continent;”Menander Fr. 547 (Kock and a little below he sets down the proofs of their incontinence in their relations with women: “For every man of us marries ten or eleven women, and some, twelve or more; but if anyone meets death before he has married more than four or five, he is lamented among the people there as a wretch without bride and nuptial song.”Menander Fr. 548 (Kock Indeed, these facts are confirmed by the other writers as well. Further, it is not reasonable to suppose that the same people regard as wretched a life without many women, and yet at the same time regard as pious and just a life that is wholly bereft of women. And of course to regard as “both god-fearing and capnobatae” those who are without women is very much opposed to the common notions on that subject; for all agree in regarding the women as the chief founders of religion, and it is the women who provoke the men to the more attentive worship of the gods, to festivals, and to supplications, and it is a rare thing for a man who lives by himself to be found addicted to these things. See again what the same poet says when he introduces as speaker the man who is vexed by the money spent by the women in connection with the sacrifices: “The gods are the undoing of us, especially us married men, for we must always be celebrating some festival;”Menander Fr. 601 (Kock and again when he introduces the Woman-hater, who complains about these very things: “we used to sacrifice five times a day, and seven female attendants would beat the cymbals all round us, while others would cry out to the gods.”Menander Fr. 326 (Kock So, then, the interpretation that the wifeless men of the Getae are in a special way reverential towards the gods is clearly contrary to reason, whereas the interpretation that zeal for religion is strong in this tribe, and that because of their reverence for the gods the people abstain from eating any living thing, is one which, both from what Poseidonius and from what the histories in general tell us, should not be disbelieved. +In fact, it is said that a certain man of the Getae, Zamolxis by name, had been a slave to Pythagoras, and had learned some things about the heavenly bodies from him,For another version of the story of Zamolxis, see Hdt. 4.94-96, who doubts whether such a man ever existed, but says that he was reputed to have been, for a time, a slave pf Pythagoras in Samos. as also certain other things from the Egyptians, for in his wanderings he had gone even as far as Egypt; and when he came on back to his home-land he was eagerly courted by the rulers and the people of the tribe, because he could make predictions from the celestial signs; and at last he persuaded the king to take him as a partner in the government, on the ground that he was competent to report the will of the gods; and although at the outset he was only made a priest of the god who was most honored in their country, yet afterwards he was even addressed as god, and having taken possession of a certain cavernous place that was inaccessible to anyone else he spent his life there, only rarely meeting with any people outside except the king and his own attendants; and the king cooperated with him, because he saw that the people paid much more attention to himself than before, in the belief that the decrees which he promulgated were in accordance with the counsel of the gods. This custom persisted even down to our own time, because some man of that character was always to be found, who, though in fact only a counsellor to the king, was called god among the Getae. And the people took up the notion that the mountainThe “cavernous place” previously referred to. was sacred and they so call it, but its name is Cogaeonum,Some scholars identify this mountain with what is now Mt. Gogany (near Mika); others, with Mt. Kaszon (on the borders of Transylvania and Moldavia). The former is more likely. like that of the river which flows past it. So, too, at the time when Byrebistas,Strabo also spells the name “Boerebistas (7. 3. 11, 12). against whom alreadyCp. 7. 3. 11. the Deified Caesar had prepared to make an expedition, was reigning over the Getae, the office in question was held by Decaeneus, and somehow or other the Pythagorean doctrine of abstention from eating any living thing still survived as taught by Zamolxis. +Now although such difficulties as these might fairly be raised concerning what is found in the text of Homer about the Mysians and the “proud Hippemolgi,” yet what Apollodorus states in the preface to the Second Book of his work On ShipsOr rather On the Catalogue of Ships (1. 2. 24). can by no means be asserted; for he approves the declaration of Eratosthenes, that although both Homer and the other early authors knew the Greek places, they were decidedly unacquainted with those that were far away, since they had no experience either in making long journeys by land or in making voyages by sea. And in support of this Apollodorus says that Homer calls Aulis “rocky”Hom. Il. 2.496 (and so it is), and Eteonus “place of many ridges,”Hom. Il. 2.497 and Thisbe “haunt of doves,”Hom. Il. 2.502 and Haliartus “grassy,”Hom. Il. 2.503 but, he says, neither Homer nor the others knew the places that were far away. At any rate, he says, although about forty rivers now into the Pontus, Homer mentions not a single one of those that are the most famous, as, for example, the Ister, the Tanaïs, the Borysthenes, the Hypanis, the Phasis, the Thermodon, the Halys;Now, respectively, the Danube, Don, Dnieper, Bog, Rion, Termeh, and Kizil-Irmak. and, besides, he does not mention the Scythians, but invents certain “proud Hippemolgi” and “Galactophagi” and “Abii”; and as for the Paphlagonians of the interior, he reports what he has learned from those who have approached the regions afoot, but he is ignorant of the seaboard,Cp. 12. 3. 26. and naturally so, for at that time this sea was not navigable, and was called AxineThat is “Inhospitable. because of its wintry storms and the ferocity of the tribes that lived around it, and particularly the Scythians, in that they sacrificed strangers, ate their flesh, and used their skulls as drinking-cups; but later it was called “Euxine,”“Hospitable,” euphemistically. when the Ionians founded cities on the seaboard. And, likewise, Homer is also ignorant of the facts about Egypt and Libya, as, for example, about the risings of the Nile and the silting up of the sea,Cp. 1. 2. 29. things which he nowhere mentions; neither does he mention the isthmus between the ErythraeanRed. and the EgyptianMediterranean. Seas, nor the regions of Arabia and Ethiopia and the ocean, unless one should give heed to Zeno the philosopher when he writes, “And I came to the Ethiopians and Sidonians and Arabians.”Hom Od. 4.84Zeno emended the Homeric text to read as above (see 1. 2. 34). But this ignorance in Homer's case is not amazing, for those who have lived later than he have been ignorant of many things and have invented marvellous tales: Hesiod, when he speaks of “men who are half-dog,”Cp. 1. 2. 35. of “long-headed men,” and of “Pygmies”; and Alcman, when he speaks of “web footed men”; and Aeschylus, when he speaks of “dog-headed men,” of “men with eyes in their breasts”, and of “one-eyed men” (in his Prometheus it is saidAeschylus refers to “one-eyed” men in Aesch. PB 804. The other epithets (See Nauck, Fr. 431, 441) were taken from plays now lost.); and a host of other tales. From these men he proceeds against the historians who speak of the “Rhipaean Mountains,”Cp. 7. 3. 1. and of “Mt. Ogyium,”“Mt. Ogyium” is otherwise unknown. The reading is probably corrupt. and of the settlement of the Gorgons and Hesperides, and of the “Land of Meropis”Aelian Var. Hist. 3.18 says that Theopompus the historian related a conversation between King Midas and Silenus in which Silenus reported a race called “meropians” who inhabited a continent larger than Asia, Europe, and Africa combined. in Theopompus,Theopompus (b. about 380 B.C.) write, among other works, two histories, (1) the Hellenica, in twelve books, being a continuation of Thucydides and covering the period from 411 to 394 B.C., and (2) the Philippica, in fifty-eight books, being a history of the life and times of Philip of Macedon (360-336 BC.). Only a few fragments of these works remain. and the “City of Cimmeris” in Hecataeus,Hecataeus (b. about 540 B.C.) wrote both a geographical and an historical treatise. Only fragments remain. and the “Land of Panchaea”Cp. 2. 4. 2. in Euhemerus,Euhemerus (fl. about 310 B.C.) wrote a work on Sacred History (cp. 1. 3. 1). and in Aristotle “the river-stones, which are formed of sand but are melted by the rains.”Such words as these have not been found in the extant works of Aristotle. And in Libya, Apollodorus continues, there is a “City of Dionysus” which it is impossible for the same man ever to find twice. He censures also those who speak of the Homeric wanderings of Odysseus as having been in the neighborhood of Sicily; for in that case, says he, one should go on and say that, although the wanderings took place there, the poet, for the sake of mythology, placed them out in Oceanus.Cp. 1. 2. 17-19. And, he adds, the writers in general can be pardoned, but CallimachusCallimachus of Cyrene (fl. about 250 B.C.) is said to have written about 800 works, in prose and verse. Only 6 hymns, 64 epigrams and some fragments are extant. cannot be pardoned at all, because he makes a pretence of being a scholar;Cp. 1. 2. 37. for he calls GaudosSee footnote 2 on 1. 2. 37. the “Isle of Calypso” and Corcyra “Scheria.” And others he charges with falsifying about “Gerena,”Cp. 8. 3. 7, 29 and the Odyssey (the “Gerenian” Nestor). and “Aeacesium,”Strabo alludes to the wrong interpretation which some put upon a)ka/khta, the epithet of Hermes (Hom. Il. 16.185), making it refer to a cavern in “Arcadia, called “Acacesium,” near Mt. Cyllene, where Hermes was born. Hesiod (Theog. 614) gives the same epithet to Prometheus, who, according to the scholiast, was so called from “Mt. Acacesium” in Arcadia, where he was much revered. and “Demus”Hom. Il. 3.201 The critics in question maintained that “demus” (“deme,” “people”) was the name of a place in Ithaca. in Ithaca, and about “Pelethronium”“Pelethronium” is not found in Homer of Hesiod. According to some it was a city of Thessaly; others, a mountain (or a part of Mt. Pelion) in Thessaly; and others, the cave where Cheiron trained Achilles. in Pelion, and about Glaucopium“Glauconpium” is not found in Homer or Hesiod. According to Eustathius it was applied by the ancients to the citadel of Athens, or to the temple of Athene, and was derived from Athene “Glaucopis” (“Flashing-eyed”); but Stephanus Byzantinus derives the word from Glaucopus, son of Alalcomeneus. in Athens. To these criticisms Apollodorus adds some petty ones of like sort and then stops, but he borrowed most of them from Eratosthenes, and as I have remarked before1. 2. 24. they are wrong. For while one must concede to Eratosthenes and Apollodorus that the later writers have shown themselves better acquainted with such matters than the men of early times, yet to proceed beyond all moderation as they do, and particularly in the case of Homer, is a thing for which, as it seems to me, one might justly rebuke them and make the reverse statement: that where they are ignorant themselves, there they reproach the poet with ignorance. However, what remains to be said on this subject meets with appropriate mention in my detailed descriptions of the several countries,For example, 12. 3. 26-27. as also in my general description.The first and second books, passim. +Just now I was discussing the Thracians, and the “Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters, and the proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just,”Hom. Il. 13.5fSee 7. 3. 2 and the footnote. because I wished to make a comparison between the statements made by Poseidonius and myself and those made by the two men in question. Take first the fact that the argument which they have attempted is contrary to the proposition which they set out to prove; for although they set out to prove that the men of earlier times were more ignorant of regions remote from Greece than the men of more recent times, they showed the reverse, not only in regard to regions remote, but also in regard to places in Greece itself. However, as I was saying, let me put off everything else and look to what is now before me: theyEratosthenes and Apollodorus. say that the poet through ignorance fails to mention the Scythians, or their savage dealings with strangers, in that they sacrifice them, eat their flesh, and use their skulls as drinking-cups, although it was on account of the Scythians that the Puntus was called “Axine,” but that he invents certain “proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just”—people that exist nowhere on earth, How, then, could they call the sea “Axine” if they did not know about the ferocity or about the people who were most ferocious? And these, of course, are the Scythians. And were the people who lived beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getae not also “Hippemolgi,”“Mare-milkers.” not also “Galactophagi”“Curd-eaters.” and “Abii”?“A resourceless folk.” In fact, even nowCp. the similar words quoted from Ephorus, 7. 3. 9. there are Wagon-dwellers and Nomads, so called, who live off their herds, and on milk and cheese, and particularly on cheese made from mare's milk, and know nothing about storing up food or about peddling merchandise either, except the exchange of wares for wares. How, then, could the poet be ignorant of the Scythians if he called certain people “Hippemolgi and Galactophagi”? For that the people of his time were wont to call the Scythians “Hippemolgi,” Hesiod, too, is witness in the words cited by Eratosthenes: The Ethiopians, the Ligurians, and also the Scythians, Hippemolgi.”Eratosthenes Fr. 232 (Loeb); (Rzach, Fr. 55Now wherein is it to be wondered at that, because of the widespread injustice connected with contracts in our country, Homer called “most just” and “proud” those who by no means spend their lives on contracts and money-getting but actually possess all things in common except sword and drinking-cup, and above all things have their wives and their children in common, in the Platonic way? Plat. Rep. 457d, 458c-d, 460b-d, 540, 543 Aeschylus, too, is clearly pleading the cause of the poet when he says about the Scythians: “But the Scythians, law-abiding, eaters of cheese made of mare's milk.”Aesch. Fr. 198 (Nauck) And this assumption even now still persists among the Greeks; for we regard the Scythians the most straightforward of men and the least prone to mischief, as also far more frugal and independent of others than we are. And yet our mode of life has spread its change for the worse to almost all peoples, introducing amongst them luxury and sensual pleasures and, to satisfy these vices, base artifices that lead to innumerable acts of greed. So then, much wickedness of this sort has fallen on the barbarian peoples also, on the Nomads as well as the rest; for as the result of taking up a seafaring life they not only have become morally worse, indulging in the practice of piracy and of slaying strangers, but also, because of their intercourse with many peoples, have partaken of the luxury and the peddling habits of those peoples. But though these things seem to conduce strongly to gentleness of manner, they corrupt morals and introduce cunning instead of the straightforwardness which I just now mentioned. + Those, however, who lived before our times, and particularly those who lived near the time of Homer, were—and among the Greeks were assumed to be—some such people as Homer describes. And see what Herodotus says concerning that king of the Scythians against whom Dareius made his expedition, and the message which the king sent back to him.Cp. 7. 3. 14. Dareius sent a message to King Idanthyrsus in which he reproached the latter for fleeing and not fighting. Idanthyrsus replied that he was not fleeing because of fear, but was merely doing what he was wont to do in time of peace; and if Dareius insisted on a fight, he might search out and violate the ancestral tombs, and thus come to realize whether or no the Scythians would fight; “and in reply to your assertion that you are my master, I say ‘howl on’” (Herodotus, 4.127). See also what ChrysippusChrysippus of Soli (fl. about 230 B.C.), the Stoic philosopher, was a prolific writer, but with the exception of a few fragments his works are lost. The present reference is obviously to his treatise on Modes of Life, which is quoted by Plut. De Stoicorum Repugnantiis 20.3 = 1043 B). says concerning the kings of the Bosporus, the house of Leuco.Leuco, who succeeded his father Satyrus I, reigned from 393 to 353 B.C. (see 7. 4. 4). And not only the Persian lettersi.e., the letters of Persian kings, such as those quoted by Herodotus. are full of references to that straightforwardness of which I am speaking but also the memoirs written by the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians. And it was on this account that Anacharsis,Anacharsis was a Scythian prince and philosopher, one of the “Seven Sages,” a traveller, long a resident of Athens (about 590 B.C.), a friend of Solon, and (according to Ephorus) and inventor (7. 3. 9). See Hdt. 4.76 Abaris,Abaris was called the “Hyperborean” priest and prophet of Apollo, and is said to have visited Athens in the eighth century, or perhaps much later. According to the legend, he healed the sick,m travelled round the world, without once eating, on a golden arrow given him by Apollo, and delivered Sparta from a plague. and other men of the sort were in fair repute among the Greeks, because they displayed a nature characterized by complacency, frugality, and justice. But why should I speak of the men of olden times? For when Alexander, the son of Philip, on his expedition against the Thracians beyond the Haemus,The Balkan Mountains. invaded the country of the TriballiansA Thracian tribe. and saw that it extended as far as the Ister and the island of PeuceSee 7. 3. 15 and footnote. in the Ister, and that the parts on the far side were held by the Getae, he went as far as that,i.e., as far as the island. it is said, but could not disembark upon the island because of scarcity of boats (for Syrmus, the king of the Triballi had taken refuge there and resisted his attempts); he did, however, cross over to the country of the Getae, took their city, and returned with all speed to his home-land, after receiving gifts from the tribes in question and from Syrmus. And Ptolemaeus,Ptolemaeus Soter, “whom the Macedon (Paus. 1.6), was founder of the Egyptian dynasty and reigned 323-285 B.C. the son of Lagus,Lagus married Arsinoë, a concubine of Philip. says that on this expedition the Celti who lived about the Adriatic joined Alexander for the sake of establishing friendship and hospitality, and that the king received them kindly and asked them when drinking what it was that they most feared, thinking they would say himself, but that they replied they feared no one, unless it were that Heaven might fall on them, although indeed they added that they put above everything else the friendship of such a man as he. And the following are signs of the straightforwardness of the barbarians: first, the fact that Syrmus refused to consent to the debarkation upon the island and yet sent gifts and made a compact of friendship; and, secondly, that the Celti said that they feared no one, and yet valued above everything else the friendship of great men. Again, Dromichaetes was king of the Getae in the time of the successors of Alexander. Now he, when he captured LysimachusLysimachus, one of Alexander's generals and successors, obtained Thrace as his portion in the division of the provinces after Alexander's death (323 B.C.), assuming the title of king 306 B.C. He was taken captive, and released, by Dromichaetes 291 B.C. alive, who had made an expedition against him, first pointed out the poverty both of himself and of his tribe and likewise their independence of others, and then bade him not to carry on war with people of that sort but rather to deal with them as friends; and after saying this he first entertained him as a guest, and made a compact of friendship, and then released him. Moreover, Plato in his Republic thinks that those who would have a well-governed city should flee as far as possible from the sea, as being a thing that teaches wickedness, and should not live near it.Corais and Groskurd point out that the reference should have been, not to the Republic, but to the Plat. Laws 4.704-705, where Plato discusses the proper place for founding a city; cp. Aristot. Pol. 7.6 on the same subject. +Ephorus, in the fourth book of his history, the book entitled Europe (for he made the circuitIn his description, not literally. of Europe as far as the Scythians), says towards the end that the modes of life both of the Sauromatae and of the other Scythians are unlike, for, whereas some are so cruel that they even eat human beings, others abstain from eating any living creature whatever. Now the other writers, he says, tell only about their savagery, because they know that the terrible and the marvellous are startling, but one should tell the opposite facts too and make them patterns of conduct, and he himself, therefore, will tell only about those who follow “most just” habits, for there are some of the Scythian Nomads who feed only on mare's milk,Cp. the similar statement in 7. 3. 7. and excel all men in justice; and they are mentioned by the poets: by Homer, when he says that Zeus espies the land “of the Galactophagi and Abii, men most just,”Hom. Il. 13.5 and by Hesiod, in what is called his Circuit of the Earth,This poem seems to have comprised the third book of the Megalae Eoeae (now lost). See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Hesiodus,” p. 1206. when he says that Phineus is carried by the Storm Winds “to the land of the Galactophagi, who have their dwellings in wagons.”Hes. Megalae Eoeae Fr. Book 3 Then Ephorus reasons out the cause as follows: since they are frugal in their ways of living and not money-getters, they not only are orderly towards one another, because they have all things in common, their wives, children, the whole of their kin and everything, but also remain invincible and unconquered by outsiders, because they have nothing to be enslaved for. And he cites ChoerilusNot, apparently, the tragic poet, contemporary of Aeschylus, but the epic poet of Samos (fl. towards the end of the fifth century B.C.), who wrote, among other poems, an epic poem (exact title uncertain) based on the Persian Wars. The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge was probably a sub-title of the epic. The same Choerilus is cited in 14. 5. 9. also, who, in his The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge which was constructed by Dareius,In his campaign by Hdt. 4.83-93; See 7. 3. 15. says, “the sheep-tending Sacae, of Scythian stock; but they used to live in wheat-producing Asia; however, they were colonists from the Nomads, law-abiding people.”Choerilus Fr And when he calls Anacharsis “wise,” Ephorus says that he belongs to this race, and that he was considered also one of Seven Wise Men because of his perfect self-control and good sense. And he goes on to tell the inventions of Anacharsis—the bellows, the two-fluked anchor and the potter's wheel. These things I tell knowing full well that Ephorus himself does not tell the whole truth about everything; and particularly in his account of Anacharsis (for how could the wheel be his invention, if Homer, who lived in earlier times, knew of it? “As when a potter his wheel that fits in his hands,”Hom. Il. 18.600 and so on); but as for those other things, I tell them because I wish to make my point clear that there actually was a common report, which was believed by the men of both early and of later times, that a part of the Nomads, I mean those who had settled the farthest away from the rest of mankind, were “galactophagi,” “abii,” and “most just,” and that they were not an invention of Homer. +It is but fair, too, to ask Apollodorus to account for the Mysians that are mentioned in the verses of Homer, whether he thinks that these too are inventionsCp. 7. 3. 6. (when the poet says, “and the Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters and the proud Hippenlolgi”Hom. Il. 13.4), or takes the poet to mean the Mysians in Asia. Now if he takes the poet to mean those in Asia, he will misinterpret him, as I have said before,7. 3. 2. but if he calls them an invention, meaning that there were no Mysians in Thrace, he will contradict the facts; for at any rate, even in our own times, Aelius CatusPerhaps as governor of Macedonia. He was consul with C. Sentius 4. A.D. transplanted from the country on the far side of the Ister into ThraceLower Moesia. fifty thousand persons from among the Getae, a tribe with the same tongue as the Thracians.Cp. 7. 3. 2. And they live there in Thrace now and are called “Moesi”—whether it be that their people of earlier times were so called and that in Asia the name was changed to “Mysi,”See 7. 3. 4. or (what is more apposite to history and the declaration of the poet) that in earlier times their people in Thrace were called “Mysi.” Enough, however, on this subject. I shall now go back to the next topic in the general description. As for the Getae, then, their early history must be left untold, but that which pertains to our own times is about as follows: BoerebistasAlso spelled Byrebistas (see 7. 3. 5 and footnote). a Getan, on setting himself in authority over the tribe, restored the people, who had been reduced to an evil plight by numerous wars, and raised them to such a height through training, sobriety, and obedience to his commands that within only a few years he had established a great empire and subordinated to the Getae most of the neighboring peoples. And he began to be formidable even to the Romans, because he would cross the Ister with impunity and plunder Thrace as far as Macedonia and the Illyrian country; and he not only laid waste the country of the Celti who were intermingledSee 7. 3. 2 and 7. 5. 1. with the Thracians and the Illyrians, but actually caused the complete disappearance of the BoiiAlso a Celtic tribe (7. 3. 2). who were under the rule of Critasirus,7. 5. 2. and also of the Taurisci.Also under the rule of Critasirus (7. 5. 2). To help him secure the complete obedience of his tribe he had as his coadjutor Decaeneus,See 7. 3. 5. a wizard, a man who not only had wandered through Egypt, but also had thoroughly learned certain prognostics through which he would pretend to tell the divine will; and within a short time he was set up as god (as I said when relating the story of Zamolxis).7. 3. 5. The following is an indication of their complete obedience: they were persuaded to cut down their vines and to live without wine. However, certain men rose up against Boerebistas and he was deposed before the Romans sent an expedition against him;Cp. 7. 3. 5. and those who succeeded him divided the empire into several parts. In fact, only recently, when Augustus Caesar sent an expedition against them, the number of parts into which the empire had been divided was five, though at the time of the insurrection it had been four. Such divisions, to be sure, are only temporary and vary with the times. -But there is also another division of the country which has endured from early times, for some of the people are called Daci, whereas others are called Getae—Getae, those who incline towards the Pontus and the east, and Daci, those who incline in the opposite direction towards Germany and the sources of the Ister. The Daci, I think, were called Daï in early times; whence the slave names “Geta” and “Daüs”In Latin, Davus.” which prevailed among the Attic people; for this is more probable than that “Daüs” is from those Scythians who are called “Daae,”Cp. 11. 7. 1, 8. 2, 9. 2. for they live far away in the neighborhood of Hyrcania, and it is not reasonable to suppose that slaves were brought into Attica from there; for the Attic people were wont either to call their slaves by the same names as those of the nations from which they were brought (as “Lydus” or “Syrus ”), or addressed them by names that were prevalent in their countries (as “Manes”or else “Midas” for the Phrygian, or “Tibius” for the Paphlagonian). But though the tribe was raised to such a height by Boerebistas, it has been completely humbled by its own seditions and by the Romans; nevertheless, they are capable, even today, of sending forth an army of forty thousand men. -The Marisus River flows through their country into the Danuvius,On the various names of the river, see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Danuvius.” on which the Romans used to convey their equipment for war; the “Danuvius” I say, for so they used to call the upper part of the river from near its sources on to the cataracts, I mean the part which in the main flows through the country, of the Daci, although they give the name “Ister” to the lower part, from the cataracts on to the Pontus, the part which flows past the country of the Getae. The language of the Daci is the same as that of the Getae. Among the Greeks, however, the Getae are better known because the migrations they make to either side of the Ister are continuous, and because they are intermingled with the Thracians and Mysians. And also the tribe of the Triballi, likewise Thracian, has had this same experience, for it has admitted migrations into this country, because the neighboring peoples force themThe Getae. to emigrate into the country of those who are weaker; that is, the Scythians and Bastarnians and Sauromatians on the far side of the river often prevail to the extent that they actually cross over to attack those whom they have already driven out, and some of them remain there, either in the islands or in Thrace, whereas thoseGetae. on the other side are generally overpowered by the Illyrians. Be that as it may, although the Getae and Daci once attained to very great power, so that they actually could send forth an expedition of two hundred thousand men, they now find themselves reduced to as few as forty thousand, and they have come close to the point of yielding obedience to the Romans, though as yet they are not absolutely submissive, because of the hopes which they base on the Germans, who are enemies to the Romans. +But there is also another division of the country which has endured from early times, for some of the people are called Daci, whereas others are called Getae—Getae, those who incline towards the Pontus and the east, and Daci, those who incline in the opposite direction towards Germany and the sources of the Ister. The Daci, I think, were called Daï in early times; whence the slave names “Geta” and “Daüs”In Latin, Davus.” which prevailed among the Attic people; for this is more probable than that “Daüs” is from those Scythians who are called “Daae,”Cp. 11. 7. 1, 8. 2, 9. 2. for they live far away in the neighborhood of Hyrcania, and it is not reasonable to suppose that slaves were brought into Attica from there; for the Attic people were wont either to call their slaves by the same names as those of the nations from which they were brought (as “Lydus” or “Syrus ”), or addressed them by names that were prevalent in their countries (as “Manes”or else “Midas” for the Phrygian, or “Tibius” for the Paphlagonian). But though the tribe was raised to such a height by Boerebistas, it has been completely humbled by its own seditions and by the Romans; nevertheless, they are capable, even today, of sending forth an army of forty thousand men. +The Marisus River flows through their country into the Danuvius,On the various names of the river, see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Danuvius.” on which the Romans used to convey their equipment for war; the “Danuvius” I say, for so they used to call the upper part of the river from near its sources on to the cataracts, I mean the part which in the main flows through the country, of the Daci, although they give the name “Ister” to the lower part, from the cataracts on to the Pontus, the part which flows past the country of the Getae. The language of the Daci is the same as that of the Getae. Among the Greeks, however, the Getae are better known because the migrations they make to either side of the Ister are continuous, and because they are intermingled with the Thracians and Mysians. And also the tribe of the Triballi, likewise Thracian, has had this same experience, for it has admitted migrations into this country, because the neighboring peoples force themThe Getae. to emigrate into the country of those who are weaker; that is, the Scythians and Bastarnians and Sauromatians on the far side of the river often prevail to the extent that they actually cross over to attack those whom they have already driven out, and some of them remain there, either in the islands or in Thrace, whereas thoseGetae. on the other side are generally overpowered by the Illyrians. Be that as it may, although the Getae and Daci once attained to very great power, so that they actually could send forth an expedition of two hundred thousand men, they now find themselves reduced to as few as forty thousand, and they have come close to the point of yielding obedience to the Romans, though as yet they are not absolutely submissive, because of the hopes which they base on the Germans, who are enemies to the Romans. In the intervening space, facing that part of the Pontic Sea which extends from the Ister to the Tyras,The Dniester. lies the Desert of the Getae, wholly flat and waterless, in which Dareius the son of Hystaspis was caughtAs in a trap. Cp. the experience of Milo in 6. 1. 12 where the same Greek word is used. on the occasion when he crossed the Ister to attack the Scythians and ran the risk of perishing from thirst, army and all; however, he belatedly realized his error and turned back. And, later on, Lysimachus, in his expedition against the Getae and King Dromichaetes, not only ran the risk but actually was captured alive; but he again came off safely, because he found the barbarian kind-hearted, as I said before.7. 3. 8. -Near the outlets of the Ister River is a great island called Peuce;Literally, “Pine” Island. The term “Peuce” was applied also to what is now the St. George branch of the delta, which branch was the southern boundary of the island. and when the Bastarnians took possession of it they received the appellation of Peucini. There are still other islands which are much smaller; some of these are farther inland than Peuce, while others are near the sea, for the river has seven mouths. The largest of these mouths is what is called the Sacred Mouth,Strabo seems to mean by “Sacred Mouth” what is now the Dunavez branch of the delta, which turns off from the St. George branch into a lagoon called Lake Ragim, which opens into the sea at the Portidje mouth; for (1) the length of the Dunavez to the lake is about 120 stadia, and (2) what is known about the alluvial deposits and topographical changes in the delta clearly indicates that the lake once had a wide and deep opening into the sea. Ptolemaeus 3.10.2, in giving the names of the mouths, refers to what is now the St. George branch as “Sacred Mouth or Peuce,” thus making the two identical; but Strabo forces a distinction by referring to the inland voyage of 120 stadia, since the branch (Peuce) is a boundary of the island (Peuce). Cp. M. Besnier, Lexique de Geographie Ancienne, s.v. “Peuce,” and Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Danuvius,” pp. 2117-20. on which one can sail inland a hundred and twenty stadia to Peuce. It was at the lower part of Peuce that Dareius made his pontoon-bridge,Cp. 7. 3. 9. although the bridge could have been constructed at the upper part also. The Sacred Mouth is the first mouth on the left as one sailsFrom the Sea of Marmara through the Bosporus. into the Pontus; the others come in order thereafter as one sails along the coast towards the Tyras; and the distance from it to the seventh mouth is about three hundred stadia. Accordingly, small islands are formed between the mouths. Now the three mouths that come next in order after the Sacred Mouth are small, but the remaining mouths are much smaller than it, but larger than any one of the three. According to Ephorus, however, the Ister has only five months. Thence to the Tyras, a navigable river, the distance is nine hundred stadia. And in the interval are two large lakes one of them opening into the sea, so that it can also be used as a harbor, but the other mouthless. -At the mouthStrabo and Ptolemaeus 3.10.7 agree in placing the “mouth of the Tyras” at the outlet of the lake (into the Pontus), not at what was the outlet proper (into the lake), nor yet at the narrowest part of the lake where the city of Tyras (now Akkerman) was situated. of the Tyras is what is called the Tower of Neoptolemus,According to Forbiger (Strabo, Vol. II, p. 89, footnote) this tower was “recently” (about 1850) discovered at the end of the west coast of the lake. Cp. the Towers of Caepio (3. 1. 9), Pelorus (3. 5. 5), and Pharos (17. 1. 6). and also what is called the village of Hermonax.The exact site of the village is unknown, but Strabo certainly places it at the mouth. Ptolemaeus 3.10.7, places it 10 miles (in latitude) farther south than the mouth. And on sailing inland one hundred and forty stadia one comes to two cities, one on each side, NiconiaNiconia was situated on the lake near what is now Ovidiopol. on the right and OphiussaAccording to Pliny 4.26, the earlier name of Tyras was Ophiussa; but this is doubtful. on the left. But the people who live near the river speak of a city one hundred and twenty stadia inland.Tyras, on the site of what is now Akkerman. Again, at a distance of five hundred stadia from the mouth is the island called Leuce,“White” Island (now Ilan-Adassi); known as “Isle of the Blest” (Pliny 4.27); where the shade of Schilles was united to that of Helen. which lies in the high sea and is sacred to Achilles. - Then comes the Borysthenes River,The Dnieper. which is navigable for a distance of six hundred stadia; and, near it, another river, the Hypanis,The Bog. and off the mouth of the Borysthenes, an islandNow Berezan (see C. Müller, Ptolemaeus, Didot edition note on 3. 10. 9, p. 471). with a harbor. On sailing up the Borysthenes two hundred stadia one comes to a city of the same name as the river, but the same city is also called Olbia;Now in ruins, near Nickolaiev. it is a great trading center and was founded by Milesians. Now the whole country that lies above the said seaboard between the Borysthenes and the Ister consists, first, of the Desert of the Getae;Now Bessarabia. then the country of the Tyregetans;The city and territory of Tyras. and after it the country of the Iazygian Sarmatians and that of the people called the BasileiansCalled by Hdt. 4.20, 22, 56, 57, 59 the “Basileian (‘Royal’) Scythians,” but by Ptolemaeus 5.9.16 the “Basileian Sarmathians.” and that of the Urgi,The “Urgi” are otherwise unknown. In the margin of Manuscript A, first hand, are these words: “Ungri” (cp. ‘Hungarians’) “now, though the same are also called Tuci” (cp. ‘Turks’). But the editors in general regard “Urgi” as corrupt, and conjecture either “Georgi” (literally, “Farmers”; cp. 7. 4. 6 and Herodotus 4.18) or “Agathyrsi” (cp. Herodotus 4.125). who in general are nomads, though a few are interested also in farming; these people, it is said, dwell also along the Ister, often on both sides. In the interior dwell, first, those Bastarnians whose country borders on that of the Tyregetans and Germans—they also being, one might say, of Germanic stock; and they are divided up into several tribes, for a part of them are called Atmoni and Sidoni, while those who took possession of Peuce, the island in the Ister, are called “Peucini,” whereas the “Roxolani” (the most northerly of them all) roam the plains between the Tanaïs and the Borysthenes.The Dnieper. In fact, the whole country towards the north from Germany as far as the Caspian Sea is, so far as we know it, a plain, but whether any people dwell beyond the Roxolani we do not know. Now the Roxolani, under the leadership of Tasius, carried on war even with the generals of Mithridates Eupator;King of Pontus 120-63 B.C. they came for the purpose of assisting Palacus,A prince in the Tauric Chersonese. the son of Scilurus, as his allies, and they had the reputation of being warlike; yet all barbarian races and light-armed peoples are weak when matched against a well-ordered and well-armed phalanx. At any rate, those people, about fifty thousand strong, could not hold out against the six thousand men arrayed with Diophantus, the general of Mithridates, and most of them were destroyed. They use helmets and corselets made of raw ox-hides, carry wicker shields, and have for weapons spears, bow, and sword; and most of the other barbarians are armed in this way. As for the Nomads, their tents, made of felt, are fastened on the wagons in which they spend their lives; and round about the tents are the herds which afford the milk, cheese, and meat on which they live; and they follow the grazing herds, from time to time moving to other places that have grass, living only in the marsh-meadows about Lake Maeotis in winter, but also in the plains in summer. -The whole of the country has severe winters as far as the regions by the sea that are between the Borysthenes and the mouth of Lake Maeotis; but of the regions themselves that are by the sea the most northerly are the mouth of the Maeotis and, still more northerly, the mouth of the Borysthenes, and the recess of the Gulf of Tamyraces,Now Karkinit Bay. or Carcinites, which is the isthmus of the Great Chersonesus.The Tauric Chersonese, now the Crimea. The coldness of these regions, albeit the people live in plains, is evident, for they do not breed asses, an animal that is very sensitive to cold; and as for their cattle, some are born without horns, while the horns of others are filed off, for this part of the animal is sensitive to cold; and the horses are small, whereas the sheep are large; and bronze water-jars burstSee 2. 1. 16. and their contents freeze solid. But the severity of the frosts is most clearly evidenced by what takes place in the region of the mouth of Lake Maeotis: the waterway from PanticapaeumNow Kertch. across to PhanagoriaNear what is now Taman. is traversed by wagons, so that it is both ice and roadway. And fish that become caught in the ice are obtained by diggingStrabo seems to mean that the fish were imbedded in the ice, and not that “the ice was first broken, and the fish extracted from the water beneath with a net” (Tozer, Selections from Strabo, p. 196). with an implement called the “gangame,”A pronged instrument like a trident. Tozer (loc. cit.) takes “gangame” to mean here “ a small round net;” but see Stephanus, Thesaurus, and especially Hesychius (s.v.). and particularly the antacaei,A kind of sturgeon (see Hdt. 4.53), being one of the fish from the roe of which the Russian caviar is now prepared. which are about the size of dolphins.This sentence is transposed by Meineke to a position after the sentence that follows, but see footnote on “Carcinites,” 7. 4. 1. It is said of Neoptolemus, the general of Mithridates, that in the same strait he overcame the barbarians in a naval engagement in summer and in a cavalry engagement in winter.Cp. 2. 1. 16. And it is further said that the vine in the Bosporus region is buried during the winter, the people heaping quantities of earth upon it. And it is said that the heat too becomes severe, perhaps because the bodies of the people are unaccustomed to it, or perhaps because no winds blow on the plains at that time, or else because the air, by reason of its density, becomes superheated (like the effect of the parheliaAristot. Meteorologica 3.2.6, 3.6.5 refers to, and explains, the phenomena of the “parhelia” (“mock-suns”) in the Bosporus region. in the clouds). It appears that Ateas,According to Lucian Macrob. 10 Anteas (sic) fell in the war with Philip when about ninety years of age. The Roman writers spell the name “Atheas.” who waged war with Philip359-336 B.C.; the father of Alexander the Great. the son of Amyntas, ruled over most of the barbarians in this part of the world. -After the islandSee 7. 3. 17. that lies off the Borysthenes, and next towards the rising sun, one sails to the capeNow Cape Tendra. of the Race Course of Achilles, which, though a treeless place, is called Alsosi.e.,, “a grove”; the word usually means a sacred precinct planted with trees, but is often used of any sacred precinct. and is sacred to Achilles. Then comes the Race Course of Achilles, a peninsulaThe western part (now an island) of this peninsula is called “Tendra,” and the eastern, “Zharylgatch” (or Djarilgatch”). According to ancient legends Achilles pursued Iphigenia to this peninsula and there practised for his races. that lies flat on the sea; it is a ribbon-like stretch of land, as much as one thousand stadia in length, extending towards the east; its maximum breadth is only two stadia, and its minimum only four plethra,The plethron was one-sixth of a stadium, or 100 feet. and it is only sixty stadia distant from the mainland that lies on either side of the neck. It is sandy,We would call it a “sand-bank.” and water may be had by digging. The neck of the isthmus is near the center of the peninsula and is about forty stadia wide. It terminates in a cape called Tamyrace,Now Cape Czile. which has a mooring-place that faces the mainland. And after this cape comes the Carcinites Gulf. It is a very large gulf, reaching up towards the north as far as one thousand stadia; some say, however, that the distance to its recess is three times as much. The people there are called Taphrians. The gulf is also called Tamyrace, the same name as that of the cape. +Near the outlets of the Ister River is a great island called Peuce;Literally, “Pine” Island. The term “Peuce” was applied also to what is now the St. George branch of the delta, which branch was the southern boundary of the island. and when the Bastarnians took possession of it they received the appellation of Peucini. There are still other islands which are much smaller; some of these are farther inland than Peuce, while others are near the sea, for the river has seven mouths. The largest of these mouths is what is called the Sacred Mouth,Strabo seems to mean by “Sacred Mouth” what is now the Dunavez branch of the delta, which turns off from the St. George branch into a lagoon called Lake Ragim, which opens into the sea at the Portidje mouth; for (1) the length of the Dunavez to the lake is about 120 stadia, and (2) what is known about the alluvial deposits and topographical changes in the delta clearly indicates that the lake once had a wide and deep opening into the sea. Ptolemaeus 3.10.2, in giving the names of the mouths, refers to what is now the St. George branch as “Sacred Mouth or Peuce,” thus making the two identical; but Strabo forces a distinction by referring to the inland voyage of 120 stadia, since the branch (Peuce) is a boundary of the island (Peuce). Cp. M. Besnier, Lexique de Geographie Ancienne, s.v. “Peuce,” and Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Danuvius,” pp. 2117-20. on which one can sail inland a hundred and twenty stadia to Peuce. It was at the lower part of Peuce that Dareius made his pontoon-bridge,Cp. 7. 3. 9. although the bridge could have been constructed at the upper part also. The Sacred Mouth is the first mouth on the left as one sailsFrom the Sea of Marmara through the Bosporus. into the Pontus; the others come in order thereafter as one sails along the coast towards the Tyras; and the distance from it to the seventh mouth is about three hundred stadia. Accordingly, small islands are formed between the mouths. Now the three mouths that come next in order after the Sacred Mouth are small, but the remaining mouths are much smaller than it, but larger than any one of the three. According to Ephorus, however, the Ister has only five months. Thence to the Tyras, a navigable river, the distance is nine hundred stadia. And in the interval are two large lakes one of them opening into the sea, so that it can also be used as a harbor, but the other mouthless. +At the mouthStrabo and Ptolemaeus 3.10.7 agree in placing the “mouth of the Tyras” at the outlet of the lake (into the Pontus), not at what was the outlet proper (into the lake), nor yet at the narrowest part of the lake where the city of Tyras (now Akkerman) was situated. of the Tyras is what is called the Tower of Neoptolemus,According to Forbiger (Strabo, Vol. II, p. 89, footnote) this tower was “recently” (about 1850) discovered at the end of the west coast of the lake. Cp. the Towers of Caepio (3. 1. 9), Pelorus (3. 5. 5), and Pharos (17. 1. 6). and also what is called the village of Hermonax.The exact site of the village is unknown, but Strabo certainly places it at the mouth. Ptolemaeus 3.10.7, places it 10 miles (in latitude) farther south than the mouth. And on sailing inland one hundred and forty stadia one comes to two cities, one on each side, NiconiaNiconia was situated on the lake near what is now Ovidiopol. on the right and OphiussaAccording to Pliny 4.26, the earlier name of Tyras was Ophiussa; but this is doubtful. on the left. But the people who live near the river speak of a city one hundred and twenty stadia inland.Tyras, on the site of what is now Akkerman. Again, at a distance of five hundred stadia from the mouth is the island called Leuce,“White” Island (now Ilan-Adassi); known as “Isle of the Blest” (Pliny 4.27); where the shade of Schilles was united to that of Helen. which lies in the high sea and is sacred to Achilles. + Then comes the Borysthenes River,The Dnieper. which is navigable for a distance of six hundred stadia; and, near it, another river, the Hypanis,The Bog. and off the mouth of the Borysthenes, an islandNow Berezan (see C. Müller, Ptolemaeus, Didot edition note on 3. 10. 9, p. 471). with a harbor. On sailing up the Borysthenes two hundred stadia one comes to a city of the same name as the river, but the same city is also called Olbia;Now in ruins, near Nickolaiev. it is a great trading center and was founded by Milesians. Now the whole country that lies above the said seaboard between the Borysthenes and the Ister consists, first, of the Desert of the Getae;Now Bessarabia. then the country of the Tyregetans;The city and territory of Tyras. and after it the country of the Iazygian Sarmatians and that of the people called the BasileiansCalled by Hdt. 4.20, 22, 56, 57, 59 the “Basileian (‘Royal’) Scythians,” but by Ptolemaeus 5.9.16 the “Basileian Sarmathians.” and that of the Urgi,The “Urgi” are otherwise unknown. In the margin of Manuscript A, first hand, are these words: “Ungri” (cp. ‘Hungarians’) “now, though the same are also called Tuci” (cp. ‘Turks’). But the editors in general regard “Urgi” as corrupt, and conjecture either “Georgi” (literally, “Farmers”; cp. 7. 4. 6 and Herodotus 4.18) or “Agathyrsi” (cp. Herodotus 4.125). who in general are nomads, though a few are interested also in farming; these people, it is said, dwell also along the Ister, often on both sides. In the interior dwell, first, those Bastarnians whose country borders on that of the Tyregetans and Germans—they also being, one might say, of Germanic stock; and they are divided up into several tribes, for a part of them are called Atmoni and Sidoni, while those who took possession of Peuce, the island in the Ister, are called “Peucini,” whereas the “Roxolani” (the most northerly of them all) roam the plains between the Tanaïs and the Borysthenes.The Dnieper. In fact, the whole country towards the north from Germany as far as the Caspian Sea is, so far as we know it, a plain, but whether any people dwell beyond the Roxolani we do not know. Now the Roxolani, under the leadership of Tasius, carried on war even with the generals of Mithridates Eupator;King of Pontus 120-63 B.C. they came for the purpose of assisting Palacus,A prince in the Tauric Chersonese. the son of Scilurus, as his allies, and they had the reputation of being warlike; yet all barbarian races and light-armed peoples are weak when matched against a well-ordered and well-armed phalanx. At any rate, those people, about fifty thousand strong, could not hold out against the six thousand men arrayed with Diophantus, the general of Mithridates, and most of them were destroyed. They use helmets and corselets made of raw ox-hides, carry wicker shields, and have for weapons spears, bow, and sword; and most of the other barbarians are armed in this way. As for the Nomads, their tents, made of felt, are fastened on the wagons in which they spend their lives; and round about the tents are the herds which afford the milk, cheese, and meat on which they live; and they follow the grazing herds, from time to time moving to other places that have grass, living only in the marsh-meadows about Lake Maeotis in winter, but also in the plains in summer. +The whole of the country has severe winters as far as the regions by the sea that are between the Borysthenes and the mouth of Lake Maeotis; but of the regions themselves that are by the sea the most northerly are the mouth of the Maeotis and, still more northerly, the mouth of the Borysthenes, and the recess of the Gulf of Tamyraces,Now Karkinit Bay. or Carcinites, which is the isthmus of the Great Chersonesus.The Tauric Chersonese, now the Crimea. The coldness of these regions, albeit the people live in plains, is evident, for they do not breed asses, an animal that is very sensitive to cold; and as for their cattle, some are born without horns, while the horns of others are filed off, for this part of the animal is sensitive to cold; and the horses are small, whereas the sheep are large; and bronze water-jars burstSee 2. 1. 16. and their contents freeze solid. But the severity of the frosts is most clearly evidenced by what takes place in the region of the mouth of Lake Maeotis: the waterway from PanticapaeumNow Kertch. across to PhanagoriaNear what is now Taman. is traversed by wagons, so that it is both ice and roadway. And fish that become caught in the ice are obtained by diggingStrabo seems to mean that the fish were imbedded in the ice, and not that “the ice was first broken, and the fish extracted from the water beneath with a net” (Tozer, Selections from Strabo, p. 196). with an implement called the “gangame,”A pronged instrument like a trident. Tozer (loc. cit.) takes “gangame” to mean here “ a small round net;” but see Stephanus, Thesaurus, and especially Hesychius (s.v.). and particularly the antacaei,A kind of sturgeon (see Hdt. 4.53), being one of the fish from the roe of which the Russian caviar is now prepared. which are about the size of dolphins.This sentence is transposed by Meineke to a position after the sentence that follows, but see footnote on “Carcinites,” 7. 4. 1. It is said of Neoptolemus, the general of Mithridates, that in the same strait he overcame the barbarians in a naval engagement in summer and in a cavalry engagement in winter.Cp. 2. 1. 16. And it is further said that the vine in the Bosporus region is buried during the winter, the people heaping quantities of earth upon it. And it is said that the heat too becomes severe, perhaps because the bodies of the people are unaccustomed to it, or perhaps because no winds blow on the plains at that time, or else because the air, by reason of its density, becomes superheated (like the effect of the parheliaAristot. Meteorologica 3.2.6, 3.6.5 refers to, and explains, the phenomena of the “parhelia” (“mock-suns”) in the Bosporus region. in the clouds). It appears that Ateas,According to Lucian Macrob. 10 Anteas (sic) fell in the war with Philip when about ninety years of age. The Roman writers spell the name “Atheas.” who waged war with Philip359-336 B.C.; the father of Alexander the Great. the son of Amyntas, ruled over most of the barbarians in this part of the world. +After the islandSee 7. 3. 17. that lies off the Borysthenes, and next towards the rising sun, one sails to the capeNow Cape Tendra. of the Race Course of Achilles, which, though a treeless place, is called Alsosi.e.,, “a grove”; the word usually means a sacred precinct planted with trees, but is often used of any sacred precinct. and is sacred to Achilles. Then comes the Race Course of Achilles, a peninsulaThe western part (now an island) of this peninsula is called “Tendra,” and the eastern, “Zharylgatch” (or Djarilgatch”). According to ancient legends Achilles pursued Iphigenia to this peninsula and there practised for his races. that lies flat on the sea; it is a ribbon-like stretch of land, as much as one thousand stadia in length, extending towards the east; its maximum breadth is only two stadia, and its minimum only four plethra,The plethron was one-sixth of a stadium, or 100 feet. and it is only sixty stadia distant from the mainland that lies on either side of the neck. It is sandy,We would call it a “sand-bank.” and water may be had by digging. The neck of the isthmus is near the center of the peninsula and is about forty stadia wide. It terminates in a cape called Tamyrace,Now Cape Czile. which has a mooring-place that faces the mainland. And after this cape comes the Carcinites Gulf. It is a very large gulf, reaching up towards the north as far as one thousand stadia; some say, however, that the distance to its recess is three times as much. The people there are called Taphrians. The gulf is also called Tamyrace, the same name as that of the cape.

-Here is the isthmusIsthmus of Perekop. which separates what is called Lake Saprai.e., “Putrid”; called by Ptolemaeus 3.5.2 and other ancient writers “Byce”; now called by the Russians “Ghuiloje More.” from the sea; it is forty stadia in width and forms what is called the Tauric, or Scythian, Chersonese. Some, however, say that the breadth of the isthmus is three hundred and sixty stadia. But though Lake Sapra is said to be as much as four thousand stadia,Strabo does not specify whether in breadth, length, or perimeter: he must mean perimeter, in which case the figure is, roughly speaking, correct. it is only a part, the western part, of Lake Maeotis, for it is connected with the latter by a wide mouth. It is very marshy and is scarcely navigable for sewn boats, for the winds readily uncover the shallow places and then cover them with water again, and therefore the marshes are impassable for the larger boats. The gulfi.e., Carcinites. In numerous cases Strabo unexpectedly reverts to a subject previously dismissed (cp. 7. 3. 18 and footnote). The present instance, among others, clearly shows that Groskurd, Forbiger, and Meineke are hardly justified in transferring passages of the text to different positions. However, they do not make a transfer here. contains three small islands, and also some shoals and a few reefs along the coast. -As one sails out of the gulf, one comes, on the left, to a small city and another harborCorais, from a conjecture of Casaubon, emends “another harbor” to Fair Harbor.” But since Ptolemaeus 3.5.2 refers to a Kalos Limen on the opposite coast, the present translator conjectures that Strabo wrote “another Fair Harbor.” It is known that there were two settlements of the Chersonesites north of the great bay on which the city of Chersonesus was situated and that their names were “Cercinitis” and “Kalos Limen.” See Latyschew, and the inscription is S. Ber. Akad. Berl. 1892, 479; and Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Bosporus,” p. 772 and s.v. “Chersonesos,” p. 2265. belonging to the Chersonesites. For next in order as one sails along the coast is a great cape which projects towards the south and is a part of the Chersonesus as a whole;Also called the “Great Chersonesus” (the Crimea), as distinguished from the “Little Chersonesus.” Strabo means that the cape in question and the Little Chersonesus are identical. The cape (or peninsula) was bounded on the north by the isthmus (later mentioned), and this isthmus was marked by a wall and trench (see 7. 4. 7) which connected Ctenus Harbor (now the Harbor of Sebastopol) with Symbolon Limen (now the Harbor of Balaklava). and on this cape is situated a city of the Heracleotae, a colony of the Heracleotae who live on the Pontus,In the Paphlagonian city called Heracleia Pontica (now Erekli). and this place itselfThe “city” just mentioned. is called Chersonesus,“New Chersonesus,” which is now in ruins near Sebastopol. “Old Chersonesus” (in ruins in Strabo's time) was near the isthmus of the little peninsula which terminates in Cape Fanary. being distant as one sails along the coastThat is, including the entire circuit around the coast of Karkinit Bay. four thousand four hundred stadia from the Tyras. In this city is the temple of the Parthenos, a certain deity;“Parthenos” (“Virgin”) usually means Athene; but in this case it means either the Tauric Artemis (see 5. 3. 12 and Diod. Sic. 4.44), or (what is more likely) Iphigenia (see Herodotus, 4. 103). In saying “deity,” and not “goddess,” Strabo seems purposely non-committal as between the two. and the capeNow Cape Fanary. which is in front of the city, at a distance of one hundred stadia, is also named after this deity, for it is called the Parthenium, and it has a shrine and xoanonSee 4. 1. 4, and footnote. of her. Between the city and the cape are three harbors. Then comes the Old Chersonesus, which has been razed to the ground; and after it comes a narrow-mouthed harbor, where, generally speaking, the Tauri, a Scythian tribe, used to assemble their bands of pirates in order to attack all who fled thither for refuge. It is called Symbolon Limen.“Signal Harbor”; now the Harbor of Balaklava. This harbor forms with another harbor called Ctenus Limen“Comb Harbor” (now the Harbor of Sebastopol); probably so called from the sharp indentations in the coast. an isthmus forty stadia in width; and this is the isthmus that encloses the Little Chersonesus, which, as I was saying, is a part of the Great Chersonesus and has on it the city of Chersonesus, which bears the same name as the peninsula. -This cityStrabo is now thinking of the Old Chersonesus. was at first self-governing, but when it was sacked by the barbarians it was forced to choose Mithridates Eupator as protector. He was then leading an army against the barbarians who lived beyond the isthmusIsthmus of Perekop. as far as the Borysthenes and the Adrias;That is, the head of the Adriatic. this, however, was prepratory to a campaign against the Romans. So, then, in accordance with these hopes of his he gladly sent an army to Chersonesus, and at the same time carried on war against the Scythians, not only against Scilurus, but also the sons of Scilurus—PalacusSee 7. 3. 17. and the rest—who, according to Poseidonius were fifty in number, but according to ApollonidesLittle is known of this Apollonides. According to the scholiast on Apollonius Argonautica 4.983, 1175, he wrote a geographical treatise entitled Periplus of Europe. were eighty. At the same time, also, he not only subdued all these by force, but also established himself as lord of the Bosporus,The Cimmerian Bosporus, the country about the strait of Kertch. The capital was Panticapaeum (now Kertch). receiving the country as a voluntary gift from ParisadesThe correct spelling of the name seems to be “Paerisades” (so on coins), but several ancient writers spell it Parisades. who held sway over it. So from that time on down to the present the city of the Chersonesites has been subject to the potentates of the Bosporus. Again, Ctenus Limen is equidistant from the city of the Chersonesites and Symbolon Limen. And after Symbolon Limen, as far as the city Theodosia,Now called Feodosia or Kaffa. lies the Tauric seaboard, which is about one thousand stadia in length. It is rugged and mountainous, and is subject to furious storms from the north. And in front of it lies a promontory which extends far out towards the high sea and the south in the direction of Paphlagonia and the city Amastris;Now Amasra. it is called Criumetopon.Literally, “Ram's-forehead”; now Cape Karadje. And opposite it lies that promontory of the Paphlagonians, Carambis,Now Cape Kerembe. which, by means of the strait, which is contracted on both sides, divides the Euxine Pontus into two seas.Cp. 2. 5. 22, where the same thought is clearly expressed. Now the distance from Carambis to the city of the Chersonesites is two thousand five hundred stadia,But cp. 2. 5. 22. but the number to Criumetopon is much less; at any rate, many who have sailed across the strait say that they have seen both promontories, on either side, at the same time.Cp. the footnote on seeing from Lilybaeum to the Carthaginian harbor, 6. 2. 1. In the mountainous district of the Taurians is also the mountain Trapezus,Now Tchadir-Dagh. which has the same name as the cityi.e., the Trebizond of today. in the neighborhood of Tibarania and Colchis. And near the same mountainous district is also another mountain, Cimmerius,Now Aghirmisch-Daghi. so called because the Cimmerians once held sway in the Bosporus; and it is because of this fact that the whole of the straitThe strait of Kertch. which extends to the mouth of Lake Maeotis is called the Cimmerian Bosporus. -After the aforesaid mountainous district is the city Theodosia. It is situated in a fertile plain and has a harbor that can accommodate as many as a hundred ships; this harbor in earlier times was a boundary between the countries of the Bosporians and the Taurians. And the country that comes next after that of Theodosia is also fertile, as far as Panticapaeum. Panticapaeum is the metropolis of the Bosporians and is situated at the mouth of Lake Maeotis. The distance between Theodosia and Panticapaeum is about five hundred and thirty stadia; the district is everywhere productive of grain, and it contains villages, as well as a city called Nymphaeum,Now Kalati. which possesses a good harbor. Panticapaeum is a hill inhabited on all sides in a circuit of twenty stadia. To the east it has a harbor, and docks for about thirty ships; and it also has an acropolis. It is a colony of the Milesians. For a long time it was ruled as a monarchy by the dynasty of Leuco, Satyrus, and Parisades, as were also all the neighboring settlements near the south of Lake Maeotis on both sides, until Parisades gave over the sovereignty to Mithridates. They were called tyrants, although most of them, beginning with Parisades and Leuco, proved to be equitable rulers. And Parisades was actually held in honor as god. The lastHis title seems to have been Paerisades V. On the titles and times of the monarchs in this dynasty, see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Bosporus,“ p. 758. of these monarchs also bore the name Parisades, but he was unable to hold out against the barbarians, who kept exacting greater tribute than before, and he therefore gave over the sovereignty to Mithridates Eupator. But since the time of Mithridates the kingdom has been subject to the Romans. The greater part of it is situated in Europe, although a part of it is situated in Asia.According to Strabo, the boundary between Europe and Asia was formed by the Tanaïs (Don) River, Lake Maeotis (sea of Azof), and the Cimmerian Bosporus (strait of Kertch). See 2. 5. 26, 31 and 7. 4. 5. -The mouth of Lake Maeotis is called the Cimmerian Bosporus. It is rather wide at first—about seventy stadia—and it is here that people cross over from the regions of Panticapaeum to Phanagoria, the nearest city of Asia; but it ends in a much narrower channel. This strait separates Asia from Europe; and so does the TanaïsThe Don. River, which is directly opposite and flows from the north into the lake and then into the mouth of it. The river has two outlets into the lake which are about sixty stadia distant from one another. There is also a cityThe site was near Nedrigofka. which has the same name as the river, and next to Panticapaeum is the greatest emporium of the barbarians. On the left, as one sails into the Cimmerian Bosporus, is a little city, Myrmecium,On the site of, or near, Yenikale. at a distance of twenty stadia from Panticapaeum. And twice this distance from Myrmecium is the village of Parthenium;Exact site unknown. here the strait is narrowest—about twenty stadia—and on the opposite side, in Asia, is situated a village called Achilleium. Thence, if one sails straight to the Tanaïs and the islands near its outlets, the distance is two thousand two hundred stadia, but if one sails along the coast of Asia, the distance slightly exceeds this; if, however, one sails on the left as far as the Tanaïs, following the coast where the isthmus is situated, the distance is more than three times as much. Now the whole of the seaboard along this coast, I mean on the European side, is desert, but the seaboard on the right is not desert; and, according to report, the total circuit of the lake is nine thousand stadia. The Great Chersonesus is similar to the Peloponnesus both in shape and in size. It is held by the potentatesChosen by the Romans (7. 4. 7). of the Bosporus, though the whole of it has been devastated by continuous wars. But in earlier times only a small part of it—that which is close to the mouth of Lake Maeotis and to Panticapaeum and extends as far as Theodosia—was held by the tyrants of the Bosporians, whereas most of it, as far as the isthmus and the Gulf of Carcinites, was held by the Taurians, a Scythian tribe. And the whole of this country, together with about all the country outside the isthmus as far as the Borysthenes, was called Little Scythia. But on account of the large number of people who left Little Scythia and crossed both the Tyras and the Ister and took up their abode in the land beyond, no small portion of Thrace as well came to be called Little Scythia; the Thracians giving way to them partly as the result of force and partly because of the bad quality of the land, for the greater part of the country is marshy. -But the Chersonesus, except for the mountainous district that extends along the sea as far as Theodosia, is everywhere level and fertile, and in the production of grain it is extremely fortunate. At any rate, it yields thirty-fold if furrowed by any sort of a digging-instrument.Or perhaps, “plough-share.” Further, the people of this region, together with those of the Asiatic districts round about Sindice, used to pay as tribute to Mithridates one hundred and eighty thousand medimniThe Attic medimnus was about one bushel and a half. and also two hundred talents of silver.The Attic silver talent was about $1000. And in still earlier times the Greeks imported their supplies of grain from here, just as they imported their supplies of salt-fish from the lake. Leuco, it is said, once sent from Theodosia to Athens two million one hundred thousand medimni.Leuco sent to Athens 400,000 medimni of wheat annually, but in the year of the great famine (about 360 B.C.) he sent not only enough for Athens but a surplus which the Athenians sold at a profit of fifteen talents (Demosthenes, Against Leptines, 20. 32-33). These same people used to be called Georgi,i.e.,, “Tillers of the soil.” in the literal sense of the term, because of the fact that the people who were situated beyond them were Nomads and lived not only on meats in general but also on the meat of horses, as also on cheese made from mare's milk, on mare's fresh milk, and on mare's sour milk, which last, when prepared in a particular way, is much relished by them. And this is why the poet calls all the people in that part of the world “Galactophagi.”Cp. 7. 3. 3, 7, 9. Now although the Nomads are warriors rather than brigands, yet they go to war only for the sake of the tributes due them; for they turn over their land to any people who wish to till it, and are satisfied if they receive in return for the land the tribute they have assessed, which is a moderate one, assessed with a view, not to an abundance, but only to the daily necessities of life; but if the tenants do not pay, the Nomads go to war with them. And so it is that the poet calls these same men at the same time both “just” and “resourceless”; for if the tributes were paid regularly, they would never resort to war. But men who are confident that they are powerful enough either to ward off attacks easily or to prevent any invasion do not pay regularly; such was the case with Asander,Asander unsurped the throne of the Bosporus in 47 (or 46) B.C., after he had overthrown and killed his chief, King Pharnaces, and had defeated and killed Mithridates of Pergamon who sought the throne. His kingdom extended as far as the Don (see 11. 2. 11 and 13. 4. 3), and he built the fortifications above mentioned to prevent the invasions of the Scythians. who, according to Hypsicrates,Hysicrates flourished in the time of Julius Caesar. He wrote a number of historical and geographical treatises, but the exact titles are unknown (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.). walled off the isthmus of the Chersonesus which is near Lake Maeotis and is three hundred and sixty stadia in width, and set up ten towers for every stadium. But though the Georgi of this region are considered to be at the same time both more gentle and civilized, still, since they are money-getters and have to do with the sea, they do not hold aloof from acts of piracy, nor yet from any other such acts of injustice and greed. -In addition to the places in the Chersonesus which I have enumerated, there were also the three forts which were built by Scilurus and his sons—the forts which they used as bases of operations against the generals of Mithridates—I mean Palacium, Chabum, and Neapolis.The sites of these forts are unknown, but they must have been not far from the line of fortifications which ran along the eastern boundary of the Little Chersonesus (see 7. 4. 2). There was also a Fort Eupatorium,For Eupatorium is not to be identified with the city of Eupatoria (mentioned by Ptolemaeus 3.6.2), nor with the modern Eupatoria (the Crimean Kozlof). It was situated on what is now Cape Paul, where Fort Paul is, to the east of Sebastopol (Becker, Jahrb. für Philol., Suppl. vol., 1856), or else on the opposite cape between the harbor of Sebastopol and what is called Artillery Bay, where Fort Nicholas was (C. Müller, note on Ptolemaeus, l.c.). founded by Diophantus when he was leading the army for Mithridates. There is a cape about fifteen stadia distant from the wall of the Chersonesites;i.e., the wall of the city of New Chersonesus. it forms a very large gulf which inclines towards the city. And above this gulf is situated a lagoonNow Uschakowskaja Balka (Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Eupatoria”). which has salt-works. And here, too, was the Ctenus Harbor. Now it was in order that they might hold out that the besieged generals of the king fortified the place, established a garrison on the cape aforesaid, and filled up that part of the mouth of the gulf which extends as far as the city, so that there was now an easy journey on foot and, in a way, one city instead of two. Consequently, they could more easily beat off the Scythians. But when the Scythians made their attack, near Ctenus, on the fortified wall that extends across the isthmus, and daily filled up the trench with straw, the generals of the king set fire by night to the part thus bridged by day, and held out until they finally prevailed over them. And today everything is subject to whatever kings of the Bosporians the Romans choose to set up. -It is a peculiarity of the whole Scythian and Sarmatian race that they castrate their horses to make them easy to manage; for although the horses are small, they are exceedingly quick and hard to manage. As for game, there are deer and wild boars in the marshes, and wild asses and roe deer in the plains. Another peculiar thing is the fact that the eagle is not found in these regions. And among the quadrupeds there is what is called the “colos”;“A large he-goat without horns” (Hesychius, s.v.). it is between the deer and ram in size, is white, is swifter than they, and drinks through its nostrils into its head, and then from this storage supplies itself for several days, so that it can easily live in the waterless country. Such, then, is the nature of the whole of the country which is outside the Ister between the Rhenus and the Tanaïs Rivers as far as the Pontic Sea and Lake Maeotis. +Here is the isthmusIsthmus of Perekop. which separates what is called Lake Saprai.e., “Putrid”; called by Ptolemaeus 3.5.2 and other ancient writers “Byce”; now called by the Russians “Ghuiloje More.” from the sea; it is forty stadia in width and forms what is called the Tauric, or Scythian, Chersonese. Some, however, say that the breadth of the isthmus is three hundred and sixty stadia. But though Lake Sapra is said to be as much as four thousand stadia,Strabo does not specify whether in breadth, length, or perimeter: he must mean perimeter, in which case the figure is, roughly speaking, correct. it is only a part, the western part, of Lake Maeotis, for it is connected with the latter by a wide mouth. It is very marshy and is scarcely navigable for sewn boats, for the winds readily uncover the shallow places and then cover them with water again, and therefore the marshes are impassable for the larger boats. The gulfi.e., Carcinites. In numerous cases Strabo unexpectedly reverts to a subject previously dismissed (cp. 7. 3. 18 and footnote). The present instance, among others, clearly shows that Groskurd, Forbiger, and Meineke are hardly justified in transferring passages of the text to different positions. However, they do not make a transfer here. contains three small islands, and also some shoals and a few reefs along the coast. +As one sails out of the gulf, one comes, on the left, to a small city and another harborCorais, from a conjecture of Casaubon, emends “another harbor” to Fair Harbor.” But since Ptolemaeus 3.5.2 refers to a Kalos Limen on the opposite coast, the present translator conjectures that Strabo wrote “another Fair Harbor.” It is known that there were two settlements of the Chersonesites north of the great bay on which the city of Chersonesus was situated and that their names were “Cercinitis” and “Kalos Limen.” See Latyschew, and the inscription is S. Ber. Akad. Berl. 1892, 479; and Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Bosporus,” p. 772 and s.v. “Chersonesos,” p. 2265. belonging to the Chersonesites. For next in order as one sails along the coast is a great cape which projects towards the south and is a part of the Chersonesus as a whole;Also called the “Great Chersonesus” (the Crimea), as distinguished from the “Little Chersonesus.” Strabo means that the cape in question and the Little Chersonesus are identical. The cape (or peninsula) was bounded on the north by the isthmus (later mentioned), and this isthmus was marked by a wall and trench (see 7. 4. 7) which connected Ctenus Harbor (now the Harbor of Sebastopol) with Symbolon Limen (now the Harbor of Balaklava). and on this cape is situated a city of the Heracleotae, a colony of the Heracleotae who live on the Pontus,In the Paphlagonian city called Heracleia Pontica (now Erekli). and this place itselfThe “city” just mentioned. is called Chersonesus,“New Chersonesus,” which is now in ruins near Sebastopol. “Old Chersonesus” (in ruins in Strabo's time) was near the isthmus of the little peninsula which terminates in Cape Fanary. being distant as one sails along the coastThat is, including the entire circuit around the coast of Karkinit Bay. four thousand four hundred stadia from the Tyras. In this city is the temple of the Parthenos, a certain deity;“Parthenos” (“Virgin”) usually means Athene; but in this case it means either the Tauric Artemis (see 5. 3. 12 and Diod. Sic. 4.44), or (what is more likely) Iphigenia (see Herodotus, 4. 103). In saying “deity,” and not “goddess,” Strabo seems purposely non-committal as between the two. and the capeNow Cape Fanary. which is in front of the city, at a distance of one hundred stadia, is also named after this deity, for it is called the Parthenium, and it has a shrine and xoanonSee 4. 1. 4, and footnote. of her. Between the city and the cape are three harbors. Then comes the Old Chersonesus, which has been razed to the ground; and after it comes a narrow-mouthed harbor, where, generally speaking, the Tauri, a Scythian tribe, used to assemble their bands of pirates in order to attack all who fled thither for refuge. It is called Symbolon Limen.“Signal Harbor”; now the Harbor of Balaklava. This harbor forms with another harbor called Ctenus Limen“Comb Harbor” (now the Harbor of Sebastopol); probably so called from the sharp indentations in the coast. an isthmus forty stadia in width; and this is the isthmus that encloses the Little Chersonesus, which, as I was saying, is a part of the Great Chersonesus and has on it the city of Chersonesus, which bears the same name as the peninsula. +This cityStrabo is now thinking of the Old Chersonesus. was at first self-governing, but when it was sacked by the barbarians it was forced to choose Mithridates Eupator as protector. He was then leading an army against the barbarians who lived beyond the isthmusIsthmus of Perekop. as far as the Borysthenes and the Adrias;That is, the head of the Adriatic. this, however, was prepratory to a campaign against the Romans. So, then, in accordance with these hopes of his he gladly sent an army to Chersonesus, and at the same time carried on war against the Scythians, not only against Scilurus, but also the sons of Scilurus—PalacusSee 7. 3. 17. and the rest—who, according to Poseidonius were fifty in number, but according to ApollonidesLittle is known of this Apollonides. According to the scholiast on Apollonius Argonautica 4.983, 1175, he wrote a geographical treatise entitled Periplus of Europe. were eighty. At the same time, also, he not only subdued all these by force, but also established himself as lord of the Bosporus,The Cimmerian Bosporus, the country about the strait of Kertch. The capital was Panticapaeum (now Kertch). receiving the country as a voluntary gift from ParisadesThe correct spelling of the name seems to be “Paerisades” (so on coins), but several ancient writers spell it Parisades. who held sway over it. So from that time on down to the present the city of the Chersonesites has been subject to the potentates of the Bosporus. Again, Ctenus Limen is equidistant from the city of the Chersonesites and Symbolon Limen. And after Symbolon Limen, as far as the city Theodosia,Now called Feodosia or Kaffa. lies the Tauric seaboard, which is about one thousand stadia in length. It is rugged and mountainous, and is subject to furious storms from the north. And in front of it lies a promontory which extends far out towards the high sea and the south in the direction of Paphlagonia and the city Amastris;Now Amasra. it is called Criumetopon.Literally, “Ram's-forehead”; now Cape Karadje. And opposite it lies that promontory of the Paphlagonians, Carambis,Now Cape Kerembe. which, by means of the strait, which is contracted on both sides, divides the Euxine Pontus into two seas.Cp. 2. 5. 22, where the same thought is clearly expressed. Now the distance from Carambis to the city of the Chersonesites is two thousand five hundred stadia,But cp. 2. 5. 22. but the number to Criumetopon is much less; at any rate, many who have sailed across the strait say that they have seen both promontories, on either side, at the same time.Cp. the footnote on seeing from Lilybaeum to the Carthaginian harbor, 6. 2. 1. In the mountainous district of the Taurians is also the mountain Trapezus,Now Tchadir-Dagh. which has the same name as the cityi.e., the Trebizond of today. in the neighborhood of Tibarania and Colchis. And near the same mountainous district is also another mountain, Cimmerius,Now Aghirmisch-Daghi. so called because the Cimmerians once held sway in the Bosporus; and it is because of this fact that the whole of the straitThe strait of Kertch. which extends to the mouth of Lake Maeotis is called the Cimmerian Bosporus. +After the aforesaid mountainous district is the city Theodosia. It is situated in a fertile plain and has a harbor that can accommodate as many as a hundred ships; this harbor in earlier times was a boundary between the countries of the Bosporians and the Taurians. And the country that comes next after that of Theodosia is also fertile, as far as Panticapaeum. Panticapaeum is the metropolis of the Bosporians and is situated at the mouth of Lake Maeotis. The distance between Theodosia and Panticapaeum is about five hundred and thirty stadia; the district is everywhere productive of grain, and it contains villages, as well as a city called Nymphaeum,Now Kalati. which possesses a good harbor. Panticapaeum is a hill inhabited on all sides in a circuit of twenty stadia. To the east it has a harbor, and docks for about thirty ships; and it also has an acropolis. It is a colony of the Milesians. For a long time it was ruled as a monarchy by the dynasty of Leuco, Satyrus, and Parisades, as were also all the neighboring settlements near the south of Lake Maeotis on both sides, until Parisades gave over the sovereignty to Mithridates. They were called tyrants, although most of them, beginning with Parisades and Leuco, proved to be equitable rulers. And Parisades was actually held in honor as god. The lastHis title seems to have been Paerisades V. On the titles and times of the monarchs in this dynasty, see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Bosporus,“ p. 758. of these monarchs also bore the name Parisades, but he was unable to hold out against the barbarians, who kept exacting greater tribute than before, and he therefore gave over the sovereignty to Mithridates Eupator. But since the time of Mithridates the kingdom has been subject to the Romans. The greater part of it is situated in Europe, although a part of it is situated in Asia.According to Strabo, the boundary between Europe and Asia was formed by the Tanaïs (Don) River, Lake Maeotis (sea of Azof), and the Cimmerian Bosporus (strait of Kertch). See 2. 5. 26, 31 and 7. 4. 5. +The mouth of Lake Maeotis is called the Cimmerian Bosporus. It is rather wide at first—about seventy stadia—and it is here that people cross over from the regions of Panticapaeum to Phanagoria, the nearest city of Asia; but it ends in a much narrower channel. This strait separates Asia from Europe; and so does the TanaïsThe Don. River, which is directly opposite and flows from the north into the lake and then into the mouth of it. The river has two outlets into the lake which are about sixty stadia distant from one another. There is also a cityThe site was near Nedrigofka. which has the same name as the river, and next to Panticapaeum is the greatest emporium of the barbarians. On the left, as one sails into the Cimmerian Bosporus, is a little city, Myrmecium,On the site of, or near, Yenikale. at a distance of twenty stadia from Panticapaeum. And twice this distance from Myrmecium is the village of Parthenium;Exact site unknown. here the strait is narrowest—about twenty stadia—and on the opposite side, in Asia, is situated a village called Achilleium. Thence, if one sails straight to the Tanaïs and the islands near its outlets, the distance is two thousand two hundred stadia, but if one sails along the coast of Asia, the distance slightly exceeds this; if, however, one sails on the left as far as the Tanaïs, following the coast where the isthmus is situated, the distance is more than three times as much. Now the whole of the seaboard along this coast, I mean on the European side, is desert, but the seaboard on the right is not desert; and, according to report, the total circuit of the lake is nine thousand stadia. The Great Chersonesus is similar to the Peloponnesus both in shape and in size. It is held by the potentatesChosen by the Romans (7. 4. 7). of the Bosporus, though the whole of it has been devastated by continuous wars. But in earlier times only a small part of it—that which is close to the mouth of Lake Maeotis and to Panticapaeum and extends as far as Theodosia—was held by the tyrants of the Bosporians, whereas most of it, as far as the isthmus and the Gulf of Carcinites, was held by the Taurians, a Scythian tribe. And the whole of this country, together with about all the country outside the isthmus as far as the Borysthenes, was called Little Scythia. But on account of the large number of people who left Little Scythia and crossed both the Tyras and the Ister and took up their abode in the land beyond, no small portion of Thrace as well came to be called Little Scythia; the Thracians giving way to them partly as the result of force and partly because of the bad quality of the land, for the greater part of the country is marshy. +But the Chersonesus, except for the mountainous district that extends along the sea as far as Theodosia, is everywhere level and fertile, and in the production of grain it is extremely fortunate. At any rate, it yields thirty-fold if furrowed by any sort of a digging-instrument.Or perhaps, “plough-share.” Further, the people of this region, together with those of the Asiatic districts round about Sindice, used to pay as tribute to Mithridates one hundred and eighty thousand medimniThe Attic medimnus was about one bushel and a half. and also two hundred talents of silver.The Attic silver talent was about $1000. And in still earlier times the Greeks imported their supplies of grain from here, just as they imported their supplies of salt-fish from the lake. Leuco, it is said, once sent from Theodosia to Athens two million one hundred thousand medimni.Leuco sent to Athens 400,000 medimni of wheat annually, but in the year of the great famine (about 360 B.C.) he sent not only enough for Athens but a surplus which the Athenians sold at a profit of fifteen talents (Demosthenes, Against Leptines, 20. 32-33). These same people used to be called Georgi,i.e.,, “Tillers of the soil.” in the literal sense of the term, because of the fact that the people who were situated beyond them were Nomads and lived not only on meats in general but also on the meat of horses, as also on cheese made from mare's milk, on mare's fresh milk, and on mare's sour milk, which last, when prepared in a particular way, is much relished by them. And this is why the poet calls all the people in that part of the world “Galactophagi.”Cp. 7. 3. 3, 7, 9. Now although the Nomads are warriors rather than brigands, yet they go to war only for the sake of the tributes due them; for they turn over their land to any people who wish to till it, and are satisfied if they receive in return for the land the tribute they have assessed, which is a moderate one, assessed with a view, not to an abundance, but only to the daily necessities of life; but if the tenants do not pay, the Nomads go to war with them. And so it is that the poet calls these same men at the same time both “just” and “resourceless”; for if the tributes were paid regularly, they would never resort to war. But men who are confident that they are powerful enough either to ward off attacks easily or to prevent any invasion do not pay regularly; such was the case with Asander,Asander unsurped the throne of the Bosporus in 47 (or 46) B.C., after he had overthrown and killed his chief, King Pharnaces, and had defeated and killed Mithridates of Pergamon who sought the throne. His kingdom extended as far as the Don (see 11. 2. 11 and 13. 4. 3), and he built the fortifications above mentioned to prevent the invasions of the Scythians. who, according to Hypsicrates,Hysicrates flourished in the time of Julius Caesar. He wrote a number of historical and geographical treatises, but the exact titles are unknown (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.). walled off the isthmus of the Chersonesus which is near Lake Maeotis and is three hundred and sixty stadia in width, and set up ten towers for every stadium. But though the Georgi of this region are considered to be at the same time both more gentle and civilized, still, since they are money-getters and have to do with the sea, they do not hold aloof from acts of piracy, nor yet from any other such acts of injustice and greed. +In addition to the places in the Chersonesus which I have enumerated, there were also the three forts which were built by Scilurus and his sons—the forts which they used as bases of operations against the generals of Mithridates—I mean Palacium, Chabum, and Neapolis.The sites of these forts are unknown, but they must have been not far from the line of fortifications which ran along the eastern boundary of the Little Chersonesus (see 7. 4. 2). There was also a Fort Eupatorium,For Eupatorium is not to be identified with the city of Eupatoria (mentioned by Ptolemaeus 3.6.2), nor with the modern Eupatoria (the Crimean Kozlof). It was situated on what is now Cape Paul, where Fort Paul is, to the east of Sebastopol (Becker, Jahrb. für Philol., Suppl. vol., 1856), or else on the opposite cape between the harbor of Sebastopol and what is called Artillery Bay, where Fort Nicholas was (C. Müller, note on Ptolemaeus, l.c.). founded by Diophantus when he was leading the army for Mithridates. There is a cape about fifteen stadia distant from the wall of the Chersonesites;i.e., the wall of the city of New Chersonesus. it forms a very large gulf which inclines towards the city. And above this gulf is situated a lagoonNow Uschakowskaja Balka (Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Eupatoria”). which has salt-works. And here, too, was the Ctenus Harbor. Now it was in order that they might hold out that the besieged generals of the king fortified the place, established a garrison on the cape aforesaid, and filled up that part of the mouth of the gulf which extends as far as the city, so that there was now an easy journey on foot and, in a way, one city instead of two. Consequently, they could more easily beat off the Scythians. But when the Scythians made their attack, near Ctenus, on the fortified wall that extends across the isthmus, and daily filled up the trench with straw, the generals of the king set fire by night to the part thus bridged by day, and held out until they finally prevailed over them. And today everything is subject to whatever kings of the Bosporians the Romans choose to set up. +It is a peculiarity of the whole Scythian and Sarmatian race that they castrate their horses to make them easy to manage; for although the horses are small, they are exceedingly quick and hard to manage. As for game, there are deer and wild boars in the marshes, and wild asses and roe deer in the plains. Another peculiar thing is the fact that the eagle is not found in these regions. And among the quadrupeds there is what is called the “colos”;“A large he-goat without horns” (Hesychius, s.v.). it is between the deer and ram in size, is white, is swifter than they, and drinks through its nostrils into its head, and then from this storage supplies itself for several days, so that it can easily live in the waterless country. Such, then, is the nature of the whole of the country which is outside the Ister between the Rhenus and the Tanaïs Rivers as far as the Pontic Sea and Lake Maeotis.

-The remainder of Europe consists of the country which is between the Ister and the encircling sea, beginning at the recess of the Adriatic and extending as far as the Sacred MouthSee 7. 3. 15. of the Ister. In this country are Greece and the tribes of the Macedonians and of the Epeirotes, and all those tribes above them whose countries reach to the Ister and to the seas on either side, both the Adriatic and the Pontic—to the Adriatic, the Illyrian tribes, and to the other sea as far as the Propontis and the Hellespont, the Thracian tribes and whatever Scythian or Celtic tribes are intermingledSee 7. 3. 2, 11. with them. But I must make my beginning at the Ister, speaking of the parts that come next in order after the regions which I have already encompassed in my description. These are the parts that border on Italy, on the Alps, and on the counties of the Germans, Dacians, and Getans. This country alsoCp. 7. 1. 1. might be divided into two parts, for, in a way, the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains are parallel to the Ister, thus completing what is almost a straight line that reaches from the Adrias as far as the Pontus; and to the north of this line are the parts that are between the Ister and the mountains, whereas to the south are Greece and the barbarian country which borders thereon and extends as far as the mountainous country. Now the mountain called HaemusBalkan. is near the Pontus; it is the largest and highest of all mountains in that part of the world, and cleaves Thrace almost in the center. Polybius says that both seas are visible from the mountain, but this is untrue, for the distance to the Adrias is great and the things that obscure the view are many. On the other hand, almost the whole of ArdiaThe southern part of Dalmatia, bounded by the River Naro (now Narenta); but Strabo is thinking also of the Adrian Mountain (now the Dinara; see 7. 5. 5), which runs through the center of Dalmatia as far as the Naro. is near the Adrias. But Paeonia is in the middle, and the whole of it too is high country. Paeonia is bounded on either side, first, towards the Thracian parts, by Rhodope,Now Despoto-Dagh. a mountain next in height to the Haemus, and secondly, on the other side, towards the north, by the Illyrian parts, both the country of the Autariatae and that of the Dardanians.Cp. 7. 5. 6. So then, let me speak first of the Illyrian parts, which join the Ister and that part of the Alps which lies between Italy and Germany and begins at the lakeLake Constance (the Bodensee), see 7. 1. 5. which is near the country of the Vindelici, Rhaeti, and Toenii.Meineke emends “Toenii” (otherwise unknown) to “Helvetii,” the word one would expect here (cp. 7. 1. 5); but (on textual grounds) “Toygeni” (cp. 7. 2. 2) is almost certainly the correct reading. -A part of this country was laid waste by the Dacians when they subdued the Boii and Taurisci, Celtic tribes under the rule of Critasirus.Cp. 7. 3. 11. They alleged that the country was theirs, although it was separated from theirs by the River Parisus,The “Parisus” (otherwise unknown) should probably be emended to “Pathissus” (now the Lower Theiss), the river mentioned by Pliny (4. 25) in connection with the Daci. which flows from the mountains to the Ister near the country of the Scordisci who are called Galatae,i.e. Gauls. for these tooCp. 7. 5. 1 and footnote. lived intermingled with the Illyrian and the Thracian tribes. But though the Dacians destroyed the Boii and Taurisci, they often used the Scordisci as allies. The remainder of the country in question is held by the Pannonii as far as SegesticaNow Sissek. and the Ister, on the north and east, although their territory extends still farther in the other directions. The city Segestica, belonging to the Pannonians, is at the confluence of several rivers,Cp. 4. 6. 10. all of them navigable, and is naturally fitted to be a base of operations for making war against the Dacians; for it lies beneath that part of the Alps which extends as far as the country of the Iapodes, a tribe which is at the same time both Celtic and Illyrian. And thence, too, flow rivers which bring down into Segestica much merchandise both from other countries and from Italy. For if one passes over Mount OcraThe Julian Alps. from Aquileia to Nauportus,Now Ober-Laibach. a settlement of the Taurisci, whither the wagons are brought, the distance is three hundred and fifty stadia, though some say five hundred. Now the Ocra is the lowest part of that portion of the Alps which extends from the country of the Rhaeti to that of the Iapodes. Then the mountains rise again, in the country of the Iapodes, and are called “Albian.”Cp. 4. 6.1. In like manner, also, there is a pass which leads over Ocra from Tergeste,Now Trieste. a Carnic village, to a marsh called Lugeum.Now Lake Zirknitz. Near Nauportus there is a river, the Corcoras,Now the Gurk. which receives the cargoes. Now this river empties into the Saus, and the Saus into the Dravus, and the Dravus into the NoarusSomething is wrong here. In 4. 6. 10 Strabo rightly makes the Saüs (Save) flow past Segestica (Sissek) and empty into the Danube, not the Drave. The Drave, too, empties into the Danube, not into some Noarus River. Moreover, the Noarus is otherwise unknown, except that it is again mentioned in 7. 5. 12 as “flowing past Segestica.” near Segestica. Immediately below Nauportus the Noarus is further increased in volume by the Colapis,Now the Kulpa. which flows from the Albian Mountain through the country of the Iapodes and meets the Danuvius near the country of the Scordisci. The voyage on these rivers is, for the most part, towards the north. The road from Tergeste to the Danuvius is about one thousand two hundred stadia. Near Segestica, and on the road to Italy, are situated both Siscia,The usual name for Segestica itself was Siscia. a fort, and Sirmium.Now Mitrovitza. -The tribes of the Pannonii are: the Breuci, the Andisetii, the Ditiones, the Peirustae, the Mazaei, and the Daesitiatae, whose leader isIt is doubtful whether “is” or “was” (so others translate) should be supplied from the context here. Certainly “is” is more natural. This passage is important as having a bearing on the time of the composition and retouching of Strabo's work. See the Introduction, pp. xxiv ff. Bato,Bato the Daesitiation and Bato the Breucian made common cause against the Romans in 6 A.D. (Cass. Dio 55.29). The former put the latter to death in 8 A.D. (op. cit. 55. 34), but shortly afterwards surrendered to the Romans (Vell. Pat. 2.114). and also other small tribes of less significance which extend as far as Dalmatia and, as one goes south, almost as far as the land of the Ardiaei. The whole of the mountainous country that stretches alongside Pannonia from the recess of the Adriatic as far as the Rhizonic GulfNow the Gulf of Cattaro. and the land of the Ardiaei is Illyrian, falling as it does between the sea and the Pannonian tribes. But thisThe Rhizonic Gulf. is about where I should begin my continuous geographical circuit—though first I shall repeat a little of what I have said before.5. 1. 1, 5. 1. 9 and 6. 3. 10. I was saying in my geographical circuit of Italy that the Istrians were the first people on the Illyrian seaboard; their country being a continuation of Italy and the country of the Carni; and it is for this reason that the present Roman rulers have advanced the boundary of Italy as far as Pola, an Istrian city. Now this boundary is about eight hundred stadia from the recess, and the distance from the promontoryPolaticum Promontorium; now Punta di Promontore. in front of Pola to Ancona, if one keeps the HeneticSee 5. 1. 4. country on the right, is the same. And the entire distance along the coast of Istria is one thousand three hundred stadia. -Next in order comes the voyage of one thousand stadia along the coast of the country of the Iapodes; for the Iapodes are situated on the Albian Mountain, which is the last mountain of the Alps, is very lofty, and reaches down to the country of the Pannonians on one side and to the Adrias on the other. They are indeed a war-mad people, but they have been utterly worn out by Augustus. Their citiesCp. 4. 6. 10. are Metulum,Probably what is now the village of Metule, east of Lake Zirknitz. Arupini,Probably what is now Auersberg. Monetium,Now Möttnig. and Vendo.But the proper spelling is “Avendo,” which place was near what are now Crkvinje Kampolje, south-east of Zeng (see Tomaschek, Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Avendo”). Their lands are poor, the people living for the most part on spelt and millet. Their armor is Celtic, and they are tattooed like the rest of the Illyrians and the Miracians. After the voyage along the coast of the country of the Iapodes comes that along the coast of the country of the Liburni, the latter being five hundred stadia longer than the former; on this voyage is a river,The Titius, now Kerka. which is navigable inland for merchant-vessels as far as the country of the Dalmatians, and also a Liburnian city, Scardo.Now Scardona. -There are islands along the whole of the aforesaid seaboard: first, the Apsyrtides,Now Ossero and Cherso. where Medeia is said to have killed her brother Apsyrtus who was pursuing her; and then, opposite the country of the Iapodes, Cyrictica,Now Veglia. then the Liburnides,Now Arbo, Pago, Isola Longa, and the rest. about forty in number; then other islands, of which the best known are Issa,Now Lissa. TraguriumNow Trau. (founded by the people of Issa), and Pharos (formerly Paros, founded by the PariansIn 384 B.C. (Diodorus Siculus, 15. 13).), the native land of DemetriusDemetrius of Pharos, on making common cause with the Romans in 229 B.C., was made ruler of most of Illyria instead of Queen Tuta (Polybius, 2-10 ff.). the Pharian. Then comes the seaboard of the Dalmatians, and also their sea-port, Salo.Now Salona, between Klissa and Spalato. This tribe is one of those which carried on war against the Romans for a long time; it had as many as fifty noteworthy settlements; and some of these were cities—Salo, Priamo, Ninia, and Sinotium (both the Old and the New), all of which were set on fire by Augustus. And there is Andretium, a fortified place; and also DalmiumAlso spelled Delminium; apparently what is now Duvno (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Delminium”). (whence the name of the tribe), which was once a large city, but because of the greed of the people NasicaP. Cornelius Scipio Nascia Corculum, in 155 B.C. reduced it to a small city and made the plain a mere sheep pasture. The Dalmatians have the peculiar custom of making a redistribution of land every seven years; and that they make no use of coined money is peculiar to them as compared with the other peoples in that part of the world, although as compared with many other barbarian peoples it is common. And there is Mount Adrium,The Dinara. which cuts the Dalmatian country through the middle into two parts, one facing the sea and the other in the opposite direction. Then come the River Naro and the people who live about it—the Daorisi, the Ardiaei, and the Pleraei. An island called the Black CorcyraNow Curzola. and also a cityOf the same name. founded by the Cnidians are close to the Pleraei, while Pharos (formerly called Paros, for it was founded by Parians) is close to the Ardiaei. -The Ardiaei were called by the men of later times “Vardiaei.” Because they pestered the sea through their piratical bands, the Romans pushed them back from it into the interior and forced them to till the soil. But the country is rough and poor and not suited to a farming population, and therefore the tribe has been utterly ruined and in fact has almost been obliterated. And this is what befell the rest of the peoples in that part of the world; for those who were most powerful in earlier times were utterly humbled or were obliterated, as, for example, among the Galatae the Boii and the Scordistae, and among the Illyrians the Autariatae, Ardiaei, and Dardanii, and among the Thracians the Triballi; that is, they were reduced in warfare by one another at first and then later by the Macedonians and the Romans. -Be this as it may, after the seaboard of the Ardiaei and the Pleraei come the Rhisonic Gulf, and the city Rhizo,Now Risano. and other small towns and also the River Drilo,Now the Drin. which is navigable inland towards the east as far as the Dardanian country. This country borders on the Macedonian and the Paeonian tribes on the south, as do also the Autariatae and the Dassaretii—different peoples on different sides being contiguous to one another and to the Autariatae.The exact meaning and connection of “different. . . Autariatae” is doubtful. Carais and others emend Autariatae to Dardaniatae; others would omit “and to the Autariatae”; and still others would make the clause read “and different tribes which on different sides are contiguous to one another and to the Autariatae.” The last seems most probable. To the Dardaniatae belong also the Galabrii,The Galabrii, who are otherwise unknown, are thought by Patsch (Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.) and others to be the ancestors of the Italian Calabri. among whom is an ancient city,The name of this city, now unknown, seems to have fallen out of the text. and the Thunatae, whose country joins that of the Medi,“Maedi” is the usual spelling in other authors. But cp. “Medobithyni,” 7. 3. 2 and “Medi,” 7. 5. 12 and Frag. 36. a Thracian tribe on the east. The Dardanians are so utterly wild that they dig caves beneath their dung-hills and live there, but still they care for music, always making use of musical instruments, both flutes and stringed instruments. However, these people live in the interior, and I shall mention them again later. -After the Rhizonic Gulf comes the city of Lissus,Now Alessio. and Acrolissus,A fortress near Lissus. and Epidamnus,Now Durazzo. founded by the Corcyraeans, which is now called Dyrrachium, like the peninsula on which it is situated. Then comes the ApsusNow the Semeni. River; and then the Aoüs,Now the Viosa. on which is situated Apollonia,Now Pollina. an exceedingly well-governed city, founded by the Corinthians and the Corcyraeans, and ten stadia distant from the river and sixty from the sea. The Aoüs is called “Aeas “Cp. 6. 2. 4, and Pliny 3.26. by Hecataeus, who says that both the Inachus and the Aeas flow from the same place, the region of Lacmus,More often spelled Lacmon; one of the heights of Pindus. or rather from the same subterranean recess, the former towards the south into Argos and the latter towards the west and towards the Adrias. In the country of the Apolloniates is a place called Nymphaeum; it is a rock that gives forth fire; and beneath it flow springs of warm water and asphalt—probably because the clods of asphalt in the earth are burned by the fire. And near by, on a hill, is a mine of asphalt; and the part that is trenched is filled up again in the course of time, since, as Poseidonius says, the earth that is poured into the trenches changes to asphalt. He also speaks of the asphaltic vine-earth which is mined at the Pierian SeleuceiaNow Kabousi, at the foot of the Djebel-Arsonz (Mt. Pieria), on the boundary of Cilicia and Syria. as a cure for the infested vine; for, he says, if it is smeared on together with olive oil, it kills the insectsIn private communications to Professor C. R. Crosby of Cornell University, Dr. Paul Marchal and Professor F. Silvestri of Protici identify the insect in question as the Pseudococcus Vitis (also called Dactylopius Vitis, Nedzelsky). This insect, in conjunction with the fungus Bornetina Corium, still infests the vine in the region mentioned by Poseidonius. before they can mount the sprouts of the roots;For a discussion of this passage, see Mangin and Viala, Revue de Viticulture, 1903, Vol. XX, pp. 583-584. and, he adds, earth of this sort was also discovered in Rhodes when he was in office there as Prytanis,President, or chief presiding-officer. but it required more olive oil. After Apollonia comes Bylliaca,The territory (not the city of Byllis) between Apollonia and Oricum. and OricumNow Erico. and its seaport Panormus, and the Ceraunian Mountains, where the mouth of the Ionian GulfSee 6. 1. 7 and the footnote. and the Adrias begins. -Now the mouth is common to both, but the Ionian is different in that it is the name of the first part of this sea, whereas Adrias is the name of the inside part of the sea as far as the recess; at the present time, however, Adrias is also the name of the sea as a whole. According to Theopompus, the first name came from a man,Ionius, an Illyrian according to the Scholiasts (quoting Theopompus) on Apollonius Argonautica 4.308) and Pind. P. 3.120. a native of Issa,The isle of Issa (7. 5. 5). who once ruled over the region, whereas the Adrias was named after a river.Called by Ptolemaeus (3. 1. 21) “Atrianus,” emptying into the lagoons of the Padus (now Po) near the city of Adria (cp. 5. 1. 8), or Atria (now Atri). This river, now the Tartara, is by other writers called the Tartarus. The distance from the country of the Liburnians to the Ceraunian Mountains is slightly more than two thousand stadia Theopompus states that the whole voyage from the recess takes six days, and that on foot the length of the Illyrian country is as much as thirty days, though in my opinion he makes the distance too great.Strabo's estimate for the length of the Illyrian seaboard, all told (cp. 7.. 5. 3-4), amounts to 5,800 stadia. In objecting to Theopompus' length of the Illyrian country on foot, he obviously wishes, among other things, to make a liberal deduction for the seaboard of the Istrian peninsula. Cp. 6. 3. 10. And he also says other things that are incredible: first, that the seasThe Adriatic and the Aegaean. are connected by a subterranean passage, from the fact that both Chian and Thasian pottery are found in the Naro River; secondly, that both seas are visible from a certain mountain;The Haemus (cp. 7. 5. 1). and thirdly, when he puts down a certain one of the Liburnides islands as large enough to have a circuit of five hundred stadia;The coastline of Arbo is not much short of 500 stadia. The present translator inserts “a certain one”; others emend so as to make Theopompus refer to the circuit of all the Liburnides, or insert “the least” (th\n e)laxi/ston), or leave the text in doubt. and fourthly, that the Ister empties by one of its mouths into the Adrias. In Eratosthenes, also, are some false hearsay statements of this kind—“popular notions,”See 2. 4. 2 and 10. 3. 5. as Polybius calls them when speaking of him and the other historians. -Now the whole Illyrian seaboard is exceedingly well supplied with harbors, not only on the continuous coast itself but also in the neighboring islands, although the reverse is the case with that part of the Italian seaboard which lies opposite, since it is harborless. But both seaboards in like manner are sunny and good for fruits, for the olive and the vine flourish there, except, perhaps, in places here or there that are utterly rugged. But although the Illyrian seaboard is such, people in earlier times made but small account of it—perhaps in part owing to their ignorance of its fertility, though mostly because of the wildness of the inhabitants and their piratical habits. But the whole of the country situated above this is mountainous, cold, and subject to snows, especially the northerly part, so that there is a scarcity of the vine, not only on the heights but also on the levels. These latter are the mountain-plains occupied by the Pannonians; on the south they extend as far as the country of the Dalmatians and the Ardiaei, on the north they end at the Ister, while on the east they border on the country of the Scordisci, that is, on the country that extends along the mountains of the Macedonians and the Thracians. +The remainder of Europe consists of the country which is between the Ister and the encircling sea, beginning at the recess of the Adriatic and extending as far as the Sacred MouthSee 7. 3. 15. of the Ister. In this country are Greece and the tribes of the Macedonians and of the Epeirotes, and all those tribes above them whose countries reach to the Ister and to the seas on either side, both the Adriatic and the Pontic—to the Adriatic, the Illyrian tribes, and to the other sea as far as the Propontis and the Hellespont, the Thracian tribes and whatever Scythian or Celtic tribes are intermingledSee 7. 3. 2, 11. with them. But I must make my beginning at the Ister, speaking of the parts that come next in order after the regions which I have already encompassed in my description. These are the parts that border on Italy, on the Alps, and on the counties of the Germans, Dacians, and Getans. This country alsoCp. 7. 1. 1. might be divided into two parts, for, in a way, the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains are parallel to the Ister, thus completing what is almost a straight line that reaches from the Adrias as far as the Pontus; and to the north of this line are the parts that are between the Ister and the mountains, whereas to the south are Greece and the barbarian country which borders thereon and extends as far as the mountainous country. Now the mountain called HaemusBalkan. is near the Pontus; it is the largest and highest of all mountains in that part of the world, and cleaves Thrace almost in the center. Polybius says that both seas are visible from the mountain, but this is untrue, for the distance to the Adrias is great and the things that obscure the view are many. On the other hand, almost the whole of ArdiaThe southern part of Dalmatia, bounded by the River Naro (now Narenta); but Strabo is thinking also of the Adrian Mountain (now the Dinara; see 7. 5. 5), which runs through the center of Dalmatia as far as the Naro. is near the Adrias. But Paeonia is in the middle, and the whole of it too is high country. Paeonia is bounded on either side, first, towards the Thracian parts, by Rhodope,Now Despoto-Dagh. a mountain next in height to the Haemus, and secondly, on the other side, towards the north, by the Illyrian parts, both the country of the Autariatae and that of the Dardanians.Cp. 7. 5. 6. So then, let me speak first of the Illyrian parts, which join the Ister and that part of the Alps which lies between Italy and Germany and begins at the lakeLake Constance (the Bodensee), see 7. 1. 5. which is near the country of the Vindelici, Rhaeti, and Toenii.Meineke emends “Toenii” (otherwise unknown) to “Helvetii,” the word one would expect here (cp. 7. 1. 5); but (on textual grounds) “Toygeni” (cp. 7. 2. 2) is almost certainly the correct reading. +A part of this country was laid waste by the Dacians when they subdued the Boii and Taurisci, Celtic tribes under the rule of Critasirus.Cp. 7. 3. 11. They alleged that the country was theirs, although it was separated from theirs by the River Parisus,The “Parisus” (otherwise unknown) should probably be emended to “Pathissus” (now the Lower Theiss), the river mentioned by Pliny (4. 25) in connection with the Daci. which flows from the mountains to the Ister near the country of the Scordisci who are called Galatae,i.e. Gauls. for these tooCp. 7. 5. 1 and footnote. lived intermingled with the Illyrian and the Thracian tribes. But though the Dacians destroyed the Boii and Taurisci, they often used the Scordisci as allies. The remainder of the country in question is held by the Pannonii as far as SegesticaNow Sissek. and the Ister, on the north and east, although their territory extends still farther in the other directions. The city Segestica, belonging to the Pannonians, is at the confluence of several rivers,Cp. 4. 6. 10. all of them navigable, and is naturally fitted to be a base of operations for making war against the Dacians; for it lies beneath that part of the Alps which extends as far as the country of the Iapodes, a tribe which is at the same time both Celtic and Illyrian. And thence, too, flow rivers which bring down into Segestica much merchandise both from other countries and from Italy. For if one passes over Mount OcraThe Julian Alps. from Aquileia to Nauportus,Now Ober-Laibach. a settlement of the Taurisci, whither the wagons are brought, the distance is three hundred and fifty stadia, though some say five hundred. Now the Ocra is the lowest part of that portion of the Alps which extends from the country of the Rhaeti to that of the Iapodes. Then the mountains rise again, in the country of the Iapodes, and are called “Albian.”Cp. 4. 6.1. In like manner, also, there is a pass which leads over Ocra from Tergeste,Now Trieste. a Carnic village, to a marsh called Lugeum.Now Lake Zirknitz. Near Nauportus there is a river, the Corcoras,Now the Gurk. which receives the cargoes. Now this river empties into the Saus, and the Saus into the Dravus, and the Dravus into the NoarusSomething is wrong here. In 4. 6. 10 Strabo rightly makes the Saüs (Save) flow past Segestica (Sissek) and empty into the Danube, not the Drave. The Drave, too, empties into the Danube, not into some Noarus River. Moreover, the Noarus is otherwise unknown, except that it is again mentioned in 7. 5. 12 as “flowing past Segestica.” near Segestica. Immediately below Nauportus the Noarus is further increased in volume by the Colapis,Now the Kulpa. which flows from the Albian Mountain through the country of the Iapodes and meets the Danuvius near the country of the Scordisci. The voyage on these rivers is, for the most part, towards the north. The road from Tergeste to the Danuvius is about one thousand two hundred stadia. Near Segestica, and on the road to Italy, are situated both Siscia,The usual name for Segestica itself was Siscia. a fort, and Sirmium.Now Mitrovitza. +The tribes of the Pannonii are: the Breuci, the Andisetii, the Ditiones, the Peirustae, the Mazaei, and the Daesitiatae, whose leader isIt is doubtful whether “is” or “was” (so others translate) should be supplied from the context here. Certainly “is” is more natural. This passage is important as having a bearing on the time of the composition and retouching of Strabo's work. See the Introduction, pp. xxiv ff. Bato,Bato the Daesitiation and Bato the Breucian made common cause against the Romans in 6 A.D. (Cass. Dio 55.29). The former put the latter to death in 8 A.D. (op. cit. 55. 34), but shortly afterwards surrendered to the Romans (Vell. Pat. 2.114). and also other small tribes of less significance which extend as far as Dalmatia and, as one goes south, almost as far as the land of the Ardiaei. The whole of the mountainous country that stretches alongside Pannonia from the recess of the Adriatic as far as the Rhizonic GulfNow the Gulf of Cattaro. and the land of the Ardiaei is Illyrian, falling as it does between the sea and the Pannonian tribes. But thisThe Rhizonic Gulf. is about where I should begin my continuous geographical circuit—though first I shall repeat a little of what I have said before.5. 1. 1, 5. 1. 9 and 6. 3. 10. I was saying in my geographical circuit of Italy that the Istrians were the first people on the Illyrian seaboard; their country being a continuation of Italy and the country of the Carni; and it is for this reason that the present Roman rulers have advanced the boundary of Italy as far as Pola, an Istrian city. Now this boundary is about eight hundred stadia from the recess, and the distance from the promontoryPolaticum Promontorium; now Punta di Promontore. in front of Pola to Ancona, if one keeps the HeneticSee 5. 1. 4. country on the right, is the same. And the entire distance along the coast of Istria is one thousand three hundred stadia. +Next in order comes the voyage of one thousand stadia along the coast of the country of the Iapodes; for the Iapodes are situated on the Albian Mountain, which is the last mountain of the Alps, is very lofty, and reaches down to the country of the Pannonians on one side and to the Adrias on the other. They are indeed a war-mad people, but they have been utterly worn out by Augustus. Their citiesCp. 4. 6. 10. are Metulum,Probably what is now the village of Metule, east of Lake Zirknitz. Arupini,Probably what is now Auersberg. Monetium,Now Möttnig. and Vendo.But the proper spelling is “Avendo,” which place was near what are now Crkvinje Kampolje, south-east of Zeng (see Tomaschek, Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Avendo”). Their lands are poor, the people living for the most part on spelt and millet. Their armor is Celtic, and they are tattooed like the rest of the Illyrians and the Miracians. After the voyage along the coast of the country of the Iapodes comes that along the coast of the country of the Liburni, the latter being five hundred stadia longer than the former; on this voyage is a river,The Titius, now Kerka. which is navigable inland for merchant-vessels as far as the country of the Dalmatians, and also a Liburnian city, Scardo.Now Scardona. +There are islands along the whole of the aforesaid seaboard: first, the Apsyrtides,Now Ossero and Cherso. where Medeia is said to have killed her brother Apsyrtus who was pursuing her; and then, opposite the country of the Iapodes, Cyrictica,Now Veglia. then the Liburnides,Now Arbo, Pago, Isola Longa, and the rest. about forty in number; then other islands, of which the best known are Issa,Now Lissa. TraguriumNow Trau. (founded by the people of Issa), and Pharos (formerly Paros, founded by the PariansIn 384 B.C. (Diodorus Siculus, 15. 13).), the native land of DemetriusDemetrius of Pharos, on making common cause with the Romans in 229 B.C., was made ruler of most of Illyria instead of Queen Tuta (Polybius, 2-10 ff.). the Pharian. Then comes the seaboard of the Dalmatians, and also their sea-port, Salo.Now Salona, between Klissa and Spalato. This tribe is one of those which carried on war against the Romans for a long time; it had as many as fifty noteworthy settlements; and some of these were cities—Salo, Priamo, Ninia, and Sinotium (both the Old and the New), all of which were set on fire by Augustus. And there is Andretium, a fortified place; and also DalmiumAlso spelled Delminium; apparently what is now Duvno (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Delminium”). (whence the name of the tribe), which was once a large city, but because of the greed of the people NasicaP. Cornelius Scipio Nascia Corculum, in 155 B.C. reduced it to a small city and made the plain a mere sheep pasture. The Dalmatians have the peculiar custom of making a redistribution of land every seven years; and that they make no use of coined money is peculiar to them as compared with the other peoples in that part of the world, although as compared with many other barbarian peoples it is common. And there is Mount Adrium,The Dinara. which cuts the Dalmatian country through the middle into two parts, one facing the sea and the other in the opposite direction. Then come the River Naro and the people who live about it—the Daorisi, the Ardiaei, and the Pleraei. An island called the Black CorcyraNow Curzola. and also a cityOf the same name. founded by the Cnidians are close to the Pleraei, while Pharos (formerly called Paros, for it was founded by Parians) is close to the Ardiaei. +The Ardiaei were called by the men of later times “Vardiaei.” Because they pestered the sea through their piratical bands, the Romans pushed them back from it into the interior and forced them to till the soil. But the country is rough and poor and not suited to a farming population, and therefore the tribe has been utterly ruined and in fact has almost been obliterated. And this is what befell the rest of the peoples in that part of the world; for those who were most powerful in earlier times were utterly humbled or were obliterated, as, for example, among the Galatae the Boii and the Scordistae, and among the Illyrians the Autariatae, Ardiaei, and Dardanii, and among the Thracians the Triballi; that is, they were reduced in warfare by one another at first and then later by the Macedonians and the Romans. +Be this as it may, after the seaboard of the Ardiaei and the Pleraei come the Rhisonic Gulf, and the city Rhizo,Now Risano. and other small towns and also the River Drilo,Now the Drin. which is navigable inland towards the east as far as the Dardanian country. This country borders on the Macedonian and the Paeonian tribes on the south, as do also the Autariatae and the Dassaretii—different peoples on different sides being contiguous to one another and to the Autariatae.The exact meaning and connection of “different. . . Autariatae” is doubtful. Carais and others emend Autariatae to Dardaniatae; others would omit “and to the Autariatae”; and still others would make the clause read “and different tribes which on different sides are contiguous to one another and to the Autariatae.” The last seems most probable. To the Dardaniatae belong also the Galabrii,The Galabrii, who are otherwise unknown, are thought by Patsch (Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.) and others to be the ancestors of the Italian Calabri. among whom is an ancient city,The name of this city, now unknown, seems to have fallen out of the text. and the Thunatae, whose country joins that of the Medi,“Maedi” is the usual spelling in other authors. But cp. “Medobithyni,” 7. 3. 2 and “Medi,” 7. 5. 12 and Frag. 36. a Thracian tribe on the east. The Dardanians are so utterly wild that they dig caves beneath their dung-hills and live there, but still they care for music, always making use of musical instruments, both flutes and stringed instruments. However, these people live in the interior, and I shall mention them again later. +After the Rhizonic Gulf comes the city of Lissus,Now Alessio. and Acrolissus,A fortress near Lissus. and Epidamnus,Now Durazzo. founded by the Corcyraeans, which is now called Dyrrachium, like the peninsula on which it is situated. Then comes the ApsusNow the Semeni. River; and then the Aoüs,Now the Viosa. on which is situated Apollonia,Now Pollina. an exceedingly well-governed city, founded by the Corinthians and the Corcyraeans, and ten stadia distant from the river and sixty from the sea. The Aoüs is called “Aeas “Cp. 6. 2. 4, and Pliny 3.26. by Hecataeus, who says that both the Inachus and the Aeas flow from the same place, the region of Lacmus,More often spelled Lacmon; one of the heights of Pindus. or rather from the same subterranean recess, the former towards the south into Argos and the latter towards the west and towards the Adrias. In the country of the Apolloniates is a place called Nymphaeum; it is a rock that gives forth fire; and beneath it flow springs of warm water and asphalt—probably because the clods of asphalt in the earth are burned by the fire. And near by, on a hill, is a mine of asphalt; and the part that is trenched is filled up again in the course of time, since, as Poseidonius says, the earth that is poured into the trenches changes to asphalt. He also speaks of the asphaltic vine-earth which is mined at the Pierian SeleuceiaNow Kabousi, at the foot of the Djebel-Arsonz (Mt. Pieria), on the boundary of Cilicia and Syria. as a cure for the infested vine; for, he says, if it is smeared on together with olive oil, it kills the insectsIn private communications to Professor C. R. Crosby of Cornell University, Dr. Paul Marchal and Professor F. Silvestri of Protici identify the insect in question as the Pseudococcus Vitis (also called Dactylopius Vitis, Nedzelsky). This insect, in conjunction with the fungus Bornetina Corium, still infests the vine in the region mentioned by Poseidonius. before they can mount the sprouts of the roots;For a discussion of this passage, see Mangin and Viala, Revue de Viticulture, 1903, Vol. XX, pp. 583-584. and, he adds, earth of this sort was also discovered in Rhodes when he was in office there as Prytanis,President, or chief presiding-officer. but it required more olive oil. After Apollonia comes Bylliaca,The territory (not the city of Byllis) between Apollonia and Oricum. and OricumNow Erico. and its seaport Panormus, and the Ceraunian Mountains, where the mouth of the Ionian GulfSee 6. 1. 7 and the footnote. and the Adrias begins. +Now the mouth is common to both, but the Ionian is different in that it is the name of the first part of this sea, whereas Adrias is the name of the inside part of the sea as far as the recess; at the present time, however, Adrias is also the name of the sea as a whole. According to Theopompus, the first name came from a man,Ionius, an Illyrian according to the Scholiasts (quoting Theopompus) on Apollonius Argonautica 4.308) and Pind. P. 3.120. a native of Issa,The isle of Issa (7. 5. 5). who once ruled over the region, whereas the Adrias was named after a river.Called by Ptolemaeus (3. 1. 21) “Atrianus,” emptying into the lagoons of the Padus (now Po) near the city of Adria (cp. 5. 1. 8), or Atria (now Atri). This river, now the Tartara, is by other writers called the Tartarus. The distance from the country of the Liburnians to the Ceraunian Mountains is slightly more than two thousand stadia Theopompus states that the whole voyage from the recess takes six days, and that on foot the length of the Illyrian country is as much as thirty days, though in my opinion he makes the distance too great.Strabo's estimate for the length of the Illyrian seaboard, all told (cp. 7.. 5. 3-4), amounts to 5,800 stadia. In objecting to Theopompus' length of the Illyrian country on foot, he obviously wishes, among other things, to make a liberal deduction for the seaboard of the Istrian peninsula. Cp. 6. 3. 10. And he also says other things that are incredible: first, that the seasThe Adriatic and the Aegaean. are connected by a subterranean passage, from the fact that both Chian and Thasian pottery are found in the Naro River; secondly, that both seas are visible from a certain mountain;The Haemus (cp. 7. 5. 1). and thirdly, when he puts down a certain one of the Liburnides islands as large enough to have a circuit of five hundred stadia;The coastline of Arbo is not much short of 500 stadia. The present translator inserts “a certain one”; others emend so as to make Theopompus refer to the circuit of all the Liburnides, or insert “the least” (th\n e)laxi/ston), or leave the text in doubt. and fourthly, that the Ister empties by one of its mouths into the Adrias. In Eratosthenes, also, are some false hearsay statements of this kind—“popular notions,”See 2. 4. 2 and 10. 3. 5. as Polybius calls them when speaking of him and the other historians. +Now the whole Illyrian seaboard is exceedingly well supplied with harbors, not only on the continuous coast itself but also in the neighboring islands, although the reverse is the case with that part of the Italian seaboard which lies opposite, since it is harborless. But both seaboards in like manner are sunny and good for fruits, for the olive and the vine flourish there, except, perhaps, in places here or there that are utterly rugged. But although the Illyrian seaboard is such, people in earlier times made but small account of it—perhaps in part owing to their ignorance of its fertility, though mostly because of the wildness of the inhabitants and their piratical habits. But the whole of the country situated above this is mountainous, cold, and subject to snows, especially the northerly part, so that there is a scarcity of the vine, not only on the heights but also on the levels. These latter are the mountain-plains occupied by the Pannonians; on the south they extend as far as the country of the Dalmatians and the Ardiaei, on the north they end at the Ister, while on the east they border on the country of the Scordisci, that is, on the country that extends along the mountains of the Macedonians and the Thracians. Now the Autariatae were once the largest and best tribe of the Illyrians. In earlier times they were continually at war with the Ardiaei over the salt-works on the common frontiers. The salt was made to crystallize out of water which in the spring-time flowed at the foot of a certain mountain-glen, for if they drew off the water and stowed it away for five days the salt would become thoroughly crystallized. They would agree to use the salt-works alternately, but would break the agreements and go to war. At one time when the Autariatae had subdued the Triballi, whose territory extended from that of the Agrianes as far as the Ister, a journey of fifteen days, they held sway also over the rest of the Thracians and the Illyrians; but they were overpowered, at first by the Scordisci, and later on by the Romans, who also subdued the Scordisci themselves, after these had been in power for a long time. -The Scordisci lived along the Ister and were divided into two tribes called the Great Scordisci and the Little Scordisci. The former lived between two rivers that empty into the Ister—the Noarus,See 7. 5. 2. which flows past Segestica, and the MargusNow the Morava. (by some called the Bargus), whereas the Little Scordisci lived on the far side of this river,i.e. east of the Margus. and their territory bordered on that of the Triballi and the Mysi. The Scordisci also held some of the islands; and they increased to such an extent that they advanced as far as the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains; accordingly, they also took possession of most of the islands in the Ister. And they also had two cities—Heorta and Capedunum.The sites of these places are unknown. Groskurd and Forbiger identify them with what are now Heortberg (Hartberg) and Kappenberg (Kapfenstein). After the country of the Scordisci, along the Ister, comes that of the Triballi and the Mysi (whom I have mentioned before),7. 3. 7, 8, 10, 13. and also the marshes of that part of what is called Little Scythia which is this side the Ister (these too I have mentioned).7. 4. 5. These people, as also the Crobyzi and what are called the Troglodytae, live abovei.e. “in the interior and back of.” the region round about Callatis,Now Mangalia, on the Black Sea. Tomis,Now Kostanza. and Ister.Now Karanasib. Then come the peoples who live in the neighborhood of the Haemus Mountain and those who live at its base and extend as far as the Pontus—I mean the Coralli, the Bessi, and some of the MediCp. 7. 5. 7 and the footnote. and Dantheletae. Now these tribes are very brigandish themselves, but the Bessi, who inhabit the greater part of the Haemus Mountain, are called brigands even by the brigands. The Bessi live in huts and lead a wretched life; and their country borders on Mount Rhodope, on the country of the Paeonians, and on that of two Illyrian peoples—the Autariatae, and the Dardanians. Between theseThe word “these” would naturally refer to the Autariatae and the Dardanians, but it might refer to the Bessi (see next footnote). and the Ardiaei are the Dassaretii, the Hybrianes,The “Hybrianes” are otherwise unknown. Casaubon and Meineke emend to “Agrianes” (cp. 7. 5. 11 and Fragments 36, 37 and 41). If this doubtful emendation be accepted, the “these” (see preceding footnote) must refer to the Bessi. and other insignificant tribes, which the Scordisci kept on ravaging until they had depopulated the country and made it full of trackless forests for a distance of several days' journey. +The Scordisci lived along the Ister and were divided into two tribes called the Great Scordisci and the Little Scordisci. The former lived between two rivers that empty into the Ister—the Noarus,See 7. 5. 2. which flows past Segestica, and the MargusNow the Morava. (by some called the Bargus), whereas the Little Scordisci lived on the far side of this river,i.e. east of the Margus. and their territory bordered on that of the Triballi and the Mysi. The Scordisci also held some of the islands; and they increased to such an extent that they advanced as far as the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains; accordingly, they also took possession of most of the islands in the Ister. And they also had two cities—Heorta and Capedunum.The sites of these places are unknown. Groskurd and Forbiger identify them with what are now Heortberg (Hartberg) and Kappenberg (Kapfenstein). After the country of the Scordisci, along the Ister, comes that of the Triballi and the Mysi (whom I have mentioned before),7. 3. 7, 8, 10, 13. and also the marshes of that part of what is called Little Scythia which is this side the Ister (these too I have mentioned).7. 4. 5. These people, as also the Crobyzi and what are called the Troglodytae, live abovei.e. “in the interior and back of.” the region round about Callatis,Now Mangalia, on the Black Sea. Tomis,Now Kostanza. and Ister.Now Karanasib. Then come the peoples who live in the neighborhood of the Haemus Mountain and those who live at its base and extend as far as the Pontus—I mean the Coralli, the Bessi, and some of the MediCp. 7. 5. 7 and the footnote. and Dantheletae. Now these tribes are very brigandish themselves, but the Bessi, who inhabit the greater part of the Haemus Mountain, are called brigands even by the brigands. The Bessi live in huts and lead a wretched life; and their country borders on Mount Rhodope, on the country of the Paeonians, and on that of two Illyrian peoples—the Autariatae, and the Dardanians. Between theseThe word “these” would naturally refer to the Autariatae and the Dardanians, but it might refer to the Bessi (see next footnote). and the Ardiaei are the Dassaretii, the Hybrianes,The “Hybrianes” are otherwise unknown. Casaubon and Meineke emend to “Agrianes” (cp. 7. 5. 11 and Fragments 36, 37 and 41). If this doubtful emendation be accepted, the “these” (see preceding footnote) must refer to the Bessi. and other insignificant tribes, which the Scordisci kept on ravaging until they had depopulated the country and made it full of trackless forests for a distance of several days' journey.

-The remainder of the country between the Ister and the mountains on either side of Paeonia consists of that part of the Pontic seaboard which extends from the Sacred Mouth of the Ister as far as the mountainous country in the neighborhood of the Haemus and as far as the mouth at Byzantium. And just as, in traversing the Illyrian seaboard, I proceeded as far as the Ceraunian Mountains, because, although they fall outside the mountainous country of Illyria, they afford an appropriate limit, and just as I determined the positions of the tribes of the interior by these mountains, because I thought that marksOthers wrongly emend “marks” to “outlines.” See critical note to Greek text, and especially cp. 17. 1. 48 where the “marks” on the wall of the well indicate the risings of the Nile. of this kind would be more significant as regards both the description at hand and what was to follow, so also in this case the seaboard, even though it falls beyond the mountain-line, will nevertheless end at an appropriate limit—the mouth of the Pontus—as regards both the description at hand and that which comes next in order. So, then, if one begins at the Sacred Mouth of the Ister and keeps the continuous seaboard on the right, one comes, at a distance of five hundred stadia, to a small town, Ister, founded by the Milesians; then, at a distance of two hundred and fifty stadia, to a second small town, Tomis; then, at two hundred and eighty stadia, to a city Callatis,On these three places, see 7. 5. 12. a colony of the Heracleotae;Cp. 7. 4. 2. then, at one thousand three hundred stadia, to Apollonia,Now Sizeboli. a colony of the Milesians. The greater part of Apollonia was founded on a certain isle, where there is a temple of Apollo, from which Marcus Lucullus carried off the colossal statue of Apollo, a work of Calamis,Flourished at Athens about 450 B.C. This colossal statue was thirty cubits high and cost 500 talents (Pliny 34.18). which he set up in the Capitolium. In the interval between Callatis and Apollonia come also Bizone,Now Kavarna. of which a considerable part was engulfed by earthquakes,Cp. 1. 3. 10. Cruni,Now Baltchik. Odessus,Now Varna. a colony of the Milesians, and Naulochus,In Pliny 4.18, “Tetranaulochus”; site unknown. a small town of the Mesembriani. Then comes the Haemus Mountain, which reaches the sea here;In Cape Emineh-bouroun (“End of Haemus”). then Mesembria, a colony of the Megarians, formerly called “Menebria” (that is, “city of Menas,” because the name of its founder was Menas, while “bria” is the word for “city” in the Thracian language. In this way, also, the city of Selys is called SelybriaOr Selymbria; now Selivri. and AenusNow Aenos. was once called PoltyobriaOr Poltymbria; city of Poltys.). Then come Anchiale,Now Ankhialo. a small town belonging to the Apolloniatae, and Apollonia itself. On this coast-line is Cape Tirizis,Cape Kaliakra. a stronghold, which LysimachusSee 7. 3. 8, 14. once used as a treasury. Again, from Apollonia to the Cyaneae the distance is about one thousand five hundred stadia; and in the interval are Thynias,Now Cape Iniada. a territory belonging to the Apolloniatae (Anchiale, which also belongs to the ApolloniataeThe parenthesized words seem to be merely a gloss (see critical note).), and also Phinopolis and Andriaca,The sites of these two places are unknown. which border on Salmydessus.Including the city of Salmydessus (now Midia). Salmydessus is a desert and stony beach, harborless and wide open to the north winds, and in length extends as far as the Cyaneae, a distance of about seven hundred stadia; and all who are cast ashore on this beach are plundered by the Astae, a Thracian tribe who are situated above it. The CyaneaeCp. 1. 2. 10 and 3. 2. The islet, or rock, on the Asiatic side was visible in the sixteenth century, but “is now submerged,”—”on the bight of Kabakos” (Tozer, op. cit., p. 198). Tozer (loc. cit.) rightly believes that the ancients often restricted the Cyanean Rocks to those on the European side—what are now the Oräkje Tashy (see Pliny 4. 27). are two islets near the mouth of the Pontus, one close to Europe and the other to Asia; they are separated by a channel of about twenty stadia and are twenty stadia distant both from the temple of the Byzantines and from the temple of the Chalcedonians.These temples were called the Sarapieium and the temple of Zeno Urius; and they were on the present sites of the two Turkish forts which command the entrance to the Bosporus (Tozer). And this is the narrowest part of the mouth of the Euxine, for when one proceeds only ten stadia farther one comes to a headland which makes the strait only five stadiaBut cp. “four stadia” in 2. 5. 23. in width, and then the strait opens to a greater width and begins to form the Propontis. -Now the distance from the headland that makes the strait only five stadia wide to the harbor which is called “Under the Fig-tree “Now Galata. is thirty-five stadia; and thence to the Horn of the Byzantines,The Golden Horn. five stadia. The Horn, which is close to the wall of the Byzantines, is a gulf that extends approximately towards the west for a distance of sixty stadia; it resembles a stag's horn,So the harbor of Brindisi (6. 3. 6). for it is split into numerous gulfs—branches, as it were. The pelamydesA kind of tunny-fish. rush into these gulfs and are easily caught—because of their numbers, the force of the current that drives them together, and the narrowness of the gulfs; in fact, because of the narrowness of the area, they are even caught by hand. Now these fish are hatched in the marshes of Lake Maeotis, and when they have gained a little strength they rush out through the mouth of the lake in schools and move along the Asian shore as far as Trapezus and Pharnacia. It is herePharnacia (cp. 12. 3. 19). that the catching of the fish first takes place, though the catch is not considerable, for the fish have not yet grown to their normal size. But when they reach Sinope, they are mature enough for catching and salting. Yet when once they touch the Cyaneae and pass by these, the creatures take such fright at a certain white rock which projects from the Chalcedonian shore that they forthwith turn to the opposite shore. There they are caught by the current, and since at the same time the region is so formed by nature as to turn the current of the sea there to Byzantium and the Horn at Byzantium, they naturally are driven together thither and thus afford the Byzantines and the Roman people considerable revenue. But the Chalcedonians, though situated near by, on the opposite shore, have no share in this abundance, because the pelamydes do not approach their harbors; hence the saying that Apollo, when the men who founded Byzantium at a time subsequent to the founding of ChalcedonByzantium appears to have been founded about 659 B.C. (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.). According to Herodotus (4. 144), Chalcedon (now Kadi Koi) was founded seventeen years earlier. Both were Megarian colonies. by the Megarians consulted the oracle, ordered them to “make their settlement opposite the blind,” thus calling the Chalcedonians “blind”, because, although they sailed the regions in question at an earlier time, they failed to take possession of the country on the far side, with all its wealth, and chose the poorer country. I have now carried my description as far as Byzantium, because a famous city, lying as it does very near to the mouth, marked a better-known limit to the coasting-voyage from the Ister. And above Byzantium is situated the tribe of the Astae, in whose territory is a city Calybe,i.e., “Hut,” called by Ptolemaeus (3. 11) and others “Cabyle”; to be identified, apparently, with the modern Tauschan-tepe, on the Toundja River. where Philip the son of Amyntas settled the most villainous people of his kingdom.Suidas (s.v. *dou/lwn po/lis) quotes Theopompus as saying that Philip founded in Thrace a small city called Poneropolis (“City of Villains”), settling the same with about two thousand men—the false-accusers, false-witnesses, lawyers, and all other bad mean; but Poneropolis is not to be identified with Cabyle if the positions assigned to the two places by Ptolemaeus (3. 11) are correct. However, Ptolemaeus does not mention Ponerpolois, but Philippopolis, which latter, according to Pliny (4. 18), was the later name of Poneropolis. +The remainder of the country between the Ister and the mountains on either side of Paeonia consists of that part of the Pontic seaboard which extends from the Sacred Mouth of the Ister as far as the mountainous country in the neighborhood of the Haemus and as far as the mouth at Byzantium. And just as, in traversing the Illyrian seaboard, I proceeded as far as the Ceraunian Mountains, because, although they fall outside the mountainous country of Illyria, they afford an appropriate limit, and just as I determined the positions of the tribes of the interior by these mountains, because I thought that marksOthers wrongly emend “marks” to “outlines.” See critical note to Greek text, and especially cp. 17. 1. 48 where the “marks” on the wall of the well indicate the risings of the Nile. of this kind would be more significant as regards both the description at hand and what was to follow, so also in this case the seaboard, even though it falls beyond the mountain-line, will nevertheless end at an appropriate limit—the mouth of the Pontus—as regards both the description at hand and that which comes next in order. So, then, if one begins at the Sacred Mouth of the Ister and keeps the continuous seaboard on the right, one comes, at a distance of five hundred stadia, to a small town, Ister, founded by the Milesians; then, at a distance of two hundred and fifty stadia, to a second small town, Tomis; then, at two hundred and eighty stadia, to a city Callatis,On these three places, see 7. 5. 12. a colony of the Heracleotae;Cp. 7. 4. 2. then, at one thousand three hundred stadia, to Apollonia,Now Sizeboli. a colony of the Milesians. The greater part of Apollonia was founded on a certain isle, where there is a temple of Apollo, from which Marcus Lucullus carried off the colossal statue of Apollo, a work of Calamis,Flourished at Athens about 450 B.C. This colossal statue was thirty cubits high and cost 500 talents (Pliny 34.18). which he set up in the Capitolium. In the interval between Callatis and Apollonia come also Bizone,Now Kavarna. of which a considerable part was engulfed by earthquakes,Cp. 1. 3. 10. Cruni,Now Baltchik. Odessus,Now Varna. a colony of the Milesians, and Naulochus,In Pliny 4.18, “Tetranaulochus”; site unknown. a small town of the Mesembriani. Then comes the Haemus Mountain, which reaches the sea here;In Cape Emineh-bouroun (“End of Haemus”). then Mesembria, a colony of the Megarians, formerly called “Menebria” (that is, “city of Menas,” because the name of its founder was Menas, while “bria” is the word for “city” in the Thracian language. In this way, also, the city of Selys is called SelybriaOr Selymbria; now Selivri. and AenusNow Aenos. was once called PoltyobriaOr Poltymbria; city of Poltys.). Then come Anchiale,Now Ankhialo. a small town belonging to the Apolloniatae, and Apollonia itself. On this coast-line is Cape Tirizis,Cape Kaliakra. a stronghold, which LysimachusSee 7. 3. 8, 14. once used as a treasury. Again, from Apollonia to the Cyaneae the distance is about one thousand five hundred stadia; and in the interval are Thynias,Now Cape Iniada. a territory belonging to the Apolloniatae (Anchiale, which also belongs to the ApolloniataeThe parenthesized words seem to be merely a gloss (see critical note).), and also Phinopolis and Andriaca,The sites of these two places are unknown. which border on Salmydessus.Including the city of Salmydessus (now Midia). Salmydessus is a desert and stony beach, harborless and wide open to the north winds, and in length extends as far as the Cyaneae, a distance of about seven hundred stadia; and all who are cast ashore on this beach are plundered by the Astae, a Thracian tribe who are situated above it. The CyaneaeCp. 1. 2. 10 and 3. 2. The islet, or rock, on the Asiatic side was visible in the sixteenth century, but “is now submerged,”—”on the bight of Kabakos” (Tozer, op. cit., p. 198). Tozer (loc. cit.) rightly believes that the ancients often restricted the Cyanean Rocks to those on the European side—what are now the Oräkje Tashy (see Pliny 4. 27). are two islets near the mouth of the Pontus, one close to Europe and the other to Asia; they are separated by a channel of about twenty stadia and are twenty stadia distant both from the temple of the Byzantines and from the temple of the Chalcedonians.These temples were called the Sarapieium and the temple of Zeno Urius; and they were on the present sites of the two Turkish forts which command the entrance to the Bosporus (Tozer). And this is the narrowest part of the mouth of the Euxine, for when one proceeds only ten stadia farther one comes to a headland which makes the strait only five stadiaBut cp. “four stadia” in 2. 5. 23. in width, and then the strait opens to a greater width and begins to form the Propontis. +Now the distance from the headland that makes the strait only five stadia wide to the harbor which is called “Under the Fig-tree “Now Galata. is thirty-five stadia; and thence to the Horn of the Byzantines,The Golden Horn. five stadia. The Horn, which is close to the wall of the Byzantines, is a gulf that extends approximately towards the west for a distance of sixty stadia; it resembles a stag's horn,So the harbor of Brindisi (6. 3. 6). for it is split into numerous gulfs—branches, as it were. The pelamydesA kind of tunny-fish. rush into these gulfs and are easily caught—because of their numbers, the force of the current that drives them together, and the narrowness of the gulfs; in fact, because of the narrowness of the area, they are even caught by hand. Now these fish are hatched in the marshes of Lake Maeotis, and when they have gained a little strength they rush out through the mouth of the lake in schools and move along the Asian shore as far as Trapezus and Pharnacia. It is herePharnacia (cp. 12. 3. 19). that the catching of the fish first takes place, though the catch is not considerable, for the fish have not yet grown to their normal size. But when they reach Sinope, they are mature enough for catching and salting. Yet when once they touch the Cyaneae and pass by these, the creatures take such fright at a certain white rock which projects from the Chalcedonian shore that they forthwith turn to the opposite shore. There they are caught by the current, and since at the same time the region is so formed by nature as to turn the current of the sea there to Byzantium and the Horn at Byzantium, they naturally are driven together thither and thus afford the Byzantines and the Roman people considerable revenue. But the Chalcedonians, though situated near by, on the opposite shore, have no share in this abundance, because the pelamydes do not approach their harbors; hence the saying that Apollo, when the men who founded Byzantium at a time subsequent to the founding of ChalcedonByzantium appears to have been founded about 659 B.C. (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.). According to Herodotus (4. 144), Chalcedon (now Kadi Koi) was founded seventeen years earlier. Both were Megarian colonies. by the Megarians consulted the oracle, ordered them to “make their settlement opposite the blind,” thus calling the Chalcedonians “blind”, because, although they sailed the regions in question at an earlier time, they failed to take possession of the country on the far side, with all its wealth, and chose the poorer country. I have now carried my description as far as Byzantium, because a famous city, lying as it does very near to the mouth, marked a better-known limit to the coasting-voyage from the Ister. And above Byzantium is situated the tribe of the Astae, in whose territory is a city Calybe,i.e., “Hut,” called by Ptolemaeus (3. 11) and others “Cabyle”; to be identified, apparently, with the modern Tauschan-tepe, on the Toundja River. where Philip the son of Amyntas settled the most villainous people of his kingdom.Suidas (s.v. *dou/lwn po/lis) quotes Theopompus as saying that Philip founded in Thrace a small city called Poneropolis (“City of Villains”), settling the same with about two thousand men—the false-accusers, false-witnesses, lawyers, and all other bad mean; but Poneropolis is not to be identified with Cabyle if the positions assigned to the two places by Ptolemaeus (3. 11) are correct. However, Ptolemaeus does not mention Ponerpolois, but Philippopolis, which latter, according to Pliny (4. 18), was the later name of Poneropolis.

-These alone, then, of all the tribes that are marked off by the Ister and by the Illyrian and Thracian mountains, deserve to be mentioned, occupying as they do the whole of the Adriatic seaboard beginning at the recess, and also the sea-board that is called “the left parts of the Pontus,” and extends from the Ister River as far as Byzantium. But there remain to be described the southerly parts of the aforesaidSee 7. 5. 1. mountainous country and next thereafter the districts that are situated below them, among which are both Greece and the adjacent barbarian country as far as the mountains. Now Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus that before the time of the Greeks it was inhabited by barbarians. Yet one might say that in the ancient times the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, if one reasons from the traditions themselves: PelopsSee 8. 3. 31, 4. 4, 5. 5 and 12. 8. 2. brought over peoplesSee the quotation from Hesiod (2 following) and footnote on “peoples.” from Phrygia to the Peloponnesus that received its name from him; and DanaüsSee 8. 6. 9, 10. from Egypt; whereas the Dryopes, the Caucones, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, and other such peoples, apportioned among themselves the parts that are inside the isthmus—and also the parts outside, for Attica was once held by the Thracians who came with Eumolpus,son of Poseidon, king of the Thracians, and reputed founder of the Eleusinian Mysteries. Daulis in Phocis by Tereus,See 9. 3. 13. CadmeiaThebes and surrounding territory (9. 2. 3, 32). by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and Boeotia itself by the Aones and Temmices and Hyantes. According to Pindar, “there was a time when the Boeotian tribe was called “Syes.”Pind. Fr. Dith. 83 (Bergk)Strabo identifies “Hyantes” with “Syes”=“Hyes,” i.e. “swine.” Moreover, the barbarian origin of some is indicated by their names—Cecrops, Godrus, Aïclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. And even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians—Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acarnania and Aetolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes—Epeirotic tribes. -As for the Pelasgi, I have already discussed them.5. 2. 4. As for the Leleges, some conjecture that they are the same as the Carians, and others that they were only fellow-inhabitants and fellow-soldiers of these; and this, they say, is why, in the territory of Miletus, certain settlements are called settlements of the Leleges, and why, in many places in Caria, tombs of the Leleges and deserted forts, known as “Lelegian forts,” are so called. However, the whole of what is now called Ionia used to be inhabited by Carians and Leleges; but the Ionians themselves expelled them and took possession of the country, although in still earlier times the captors of Troy had driven the Leleges from the region about Ida that is near Pedasus and the Satnioïs River. So then, the very fact that the Leleges made common cause with the Carians might be considered a sign that they were barbarians. And Aristotle, in his Polities,Only fragments of this work are now extant (see Didot Edition, Vol. IV, pp. 219-296). also clearly indicates that they led a wandering life, not only with the Carians, but also apart from them, and from earliest times; for instance, in the Polity of the Acarnanians he says that the Curetes held a part of the country, whereas the Leleges, and then the Teleboae, held the westerly part; and in the Polity of the Aetolians (and likewise in that of the Opuntii and the Megarians) he calls the Locri of today Leleges and says that they took possession of Boeotia too; again, in the Polity of the Leucadians he names a certain indigenous Lelex, and also Teleboas, the son of a daughter of Lelex, and twenty-two sons of Teleboas, some of whom, he says, dwelt in Leucas.Now Santa Maura (cp. 10. 2. 2). But in particular one might believe Hesiod when he says concerning them: “For verily Locrus was chieftain of the peoples of the Leleges, whom once Zeus the son of Cronus, who knoweth devices imperishable, gave to Deucalion—peoplesIn the Greek word for “peoples” (laou/s) Hesoid alludes to the Greek word for “stones” (la=as). Pindar (Olymp. 9. 46 ff.) clearly derives the former word from the latter: “Pyrrha and Deucalion, without bed of marriage, founded a Stone Race, who were called Laoi.” One might now infer that the resemblance of the two words gave rise to the myth of the stones. picked out of earth”;Hes. Fr. 141.3 (Paulson for by his etymologyThat is, of “Lelges.” In the Greek the root leg appears in (1) “Leleges.” (2) “picked,” and (3) “collection.” he seems to me to hint that from earliest times they were a collection of mixed peoples and that this was why the tribe disappeared. And the same might be said of the Caucones, since now they are nowhere to be found, although in earlier times they were settled in several places. -Now although in earlier times the tribes in question were small, numerous, and obscure, still, because of the density of their population and because they lived each under its own king, it was not at all difficult to determine their boundaries; but now that most of the country has become depopulated and the settlements, particularly the cities, have disappeared from sight, it would do no good, even if one could determine their boundaries with strict accuracy, to do so, because of their obscurity and their disappearance. This process of disappearing began a long time ago, and has not yet entirely ceased in many regions because the people keep revolting; indeed, the Romans, after being set up as masters by the inhabitants, encamp in their very houses.Now standing empty. Be this as it may, PolybiusPolybius 30.16. says that Paulus,Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus (consul 182 and 168 B.C.) in 168 B.C. after his subjection of Perseus and the Macedonians, destroyed seventy cities of the Epeirotes (most of which, he adds, belonged to the Molossi),See 7. 7. 8. and reduced to slavery one hundred and fifty thousand people. Nevertheless, I shall attempt, in so far as it is appropriate to my description and as my knowledge reaches, to traverse the several different parts, beginning at the seaboard of the Ionian Gulf—that is, where the voyage out of the Adrias ends. -Of this seaboard, then, the first parts are those about Epidamnus and Apollonia. From Apollonia to Macedonia one travels the Egnatian Road, towards the east; it has been measured by Roman miles and marked by pillars as far as CypselaNow Ipsala. and the HebrusNow the Maritza. River—a distance of five hundred and thirty-five miles. Now if one reckons as most people do, eight stadia to the mile, there would be four thousand two hundred and eighty stadia, whereas if one reckons as Polybius does, who adds two plethra, which is a third of a stadium, to the eight stadia, one must add one hundred and seventy-eight stadia—the third of the number of miles. And it so happens that travellers setting out from Apollonia and Epidamnus meet at an equal distance from the two places on the same road.Or, as we should say, the junction of the roas is equidistant from the two places. Now although the road as a whole is called the Egnatian Road, the first part of it is called the Road to Candavia (an Illyrian mountain) and passes through Lychnidus,Now Ochrida. a city, and Pylon, a place on the road which marks the boundary between the Illyrian country and Macedonia. From Pylon the road runs to BarnusNow the Neretschka Planina Mountain. through HeracleiaHeracleia Lyncestis; now Monastir. and the country of the Lyncestae and that of the Eordi into EdessaNow Vodena. and PellaThe capital of Macedonia; now in ruins and called Hagii Apostoli. and as far as Thessaloniceia;Now Thessaloniki or Saloniki. and the length of this road in miles, according to Polybius, is two hundred and sixty-seven. So then, in travelling this road from the region of Epidamnus and Apollonia, one has on the right the Epeirotic tribes whose coasts are washed by the Sicilian Sea and extend as far as the Ambracian Gulf,The Gulf of Arta. and, on the left, the mountains of Illyrla, which I have already described in detail, and those tribes which live along them and extend as far as Macedonia and the country of the Paeonians. Then, beginning at the Ambracian Gulf, all the districts which, one after another, incline towards the east and stretch parallel to the Peloponnesus belong to Greece; they then leave the whole of the Peloponnesus on the right and project into the Aegaean Sea. But the districts which extend from the beginning of the Macedonian and the Paeonian mountains as far as the StrymonNow the Struma. River are inhabited by the Macedonians, the Paeonians, and by some of the Thracian mountaineers; whereas the districts beyond the Strymon, extending as far as the mouth of the Pontus and the Haemus, all belong to the Thracians, except the seaboard. This seaboard is inhabited by Greeks, some being situated on the Propontis,Now the Sea of Marmara. others on the Hellespont and the Gulf of Melas,Now the Gulf of Saros. and others on the Aegaean. The Aegaean Sea washes Greece on two sides: first, the side that faces towards the east and stretches from Sunium,Now Cape Colonna. towards the north as far as the Thermaean GulfNow the Gulf of Saloniki. and Thessaloniceia, a Macedonian city, which at the present time is more populous than any of the rest; and secondly, the side that faces towards the south, I mean the Macedonian country, extending from Thessaloniceia as far as the Strymon. Some, however, also assign to Macedonia the country that extends from the Strymon as far as the Nestus River,Now the Mesta. since Philip was so specially interested in these districts that he appropriated them to himself, and since he organized very large revenues from the mines and the other natural resources of the country. But from Sunium to the Peloponnesus lie the Myrtoan, the Cretan, and the Libyan Seas, together with their gulfs, as far as the Sicilian Sea; and this last fills out the Ambracian, the Corinthian, and the CrisaeanSee footnote on 6.. 1. 7. Gulfs. -Now as for the Epeirotes, there are fourteen tribes of them, according to Theopompus, but of these the Chaones and the Molossi are the most famous, because of the fact that they once ruled over the whole of the Epeirote country—the Chaones earlier and later the Molossi; and the Molossi grew to still greater power, partly because of the kinship of their kings, who belonged to the family of the Aeacidae,Aeacus was son of Zeus and Aegina, was king of the Isle of Aegina, was noted for his justice and piety, and was finally made one of the three judges in Hades. and partly because of the fact that the oracle at DodonaDodona was situated to the south of Lake Pambotis (now Janina), near what is now Dramisi. was in their country, an oracle both ancient and renowned. Now the Chaones and the Thesproti and, next in order after these, the Cassopaei (these, too, are Thesproti) inhabit the seaboard which extends from the Ceraunian Mountains as far as the Ambracian Gulf, and they have a fertile country. The voyage, if one begins at the country of the Chaones and sails towards the rising sun and towards the Ambracian and Corinthian Gulfs, keeping the Ausonian SeaSee 2. 5. 20, 2. 5. 29, 5. 3. 6. on the right and Epeirus on the left, is one thousand three hundred stadia, that is, from the Ceraunian Mountains to the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. In this interval is Panormus,Now Panormo. a large harbor at the center of the Ceraunian Mountains, and after these mountains one comes to Onchesmus,Now Santi Quaranta. another harbor, opposite which lie the western extremities of Corcyraea,Now Kerkyra or Corfu. and then still another harbor, Cassiope,“Cassope” is probably the correct spelling; now Cassopo, the name of a harbor and cape of Corfu. from which the distance to Brentesium is one thousand seven hundred stadia. And the distance to Taras from another cape, which is farther south than Cassiope and is called Phalacrum,Now Cape Drasti, at the southern end of Corfu. is the same. After Onchesmus comes Poseidium,In Thesprotia (see Ptolemaeus 3.13.3); now Cape Scala. and also ButhrotumNow Butrinto. (which is at the mouth of what is called Pelodes Harbor, is situated on a place that forms a peninsula, and has alien settlers consisting of Romans), and the Sybota.Now called the Syvota. The Sybota are small islands situated only a short distance from the mainland and opposite Leucimma, the eastern headland of Corcyraea. And there are still other small islands as one sails along this coast, but they are not worth mentioning. Then comes Gape Cheimerium, and also Glycys Limen,“Sweet Harbor”; now Port Splantza (Phanari). into which the River AcheronNow the Phanariotikos. empties. The Acheron flows from the Acherusian LakeNow Lago di Fusaro. and receives several rivers as tributaries, so that it sweetens the waters of the gulf. And also the ThyamisNow the Kalamas. flows near by. Cichyrus,The exact side of Cichyrus is uncertain (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Ephyre”). the Ephyra of former times, a city of the Thesprotians, lies above this gulf, whereas PhoeniceNow Phiniki. lies above that gulf which is at Buthrotum. Near Cichyrus is Buchetium, a small town of the Cassopaeans, which is only a short distance above the sea; also Elatria, Pandosia, and Batiae, which are in the interior, though their territory reaches down as far as the gulf. Next in order after Glycys Limen come two other harbors—Comarus,Now Gomaro. the nearer and smaller of the two, which forms an isthmus of sixty stadiaIn width. with the Ambracian Gulf, and Nicopolis, a city founded by Augustus Caesar, and the other, the more distant and larger and better of the two, which is near the mouth of the gulf and is about twelve stadia distant from Nicopolis.Now in ruins near Prevesa. -Next comes the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. Although the mouth of this gulf is but slightly more than four stadia wide, the circumference is as much as three hundred stadia; and it has good harbors everywhere. That part of the country which is on the right as one sails in is inhabited by the Greek Acarnanians. Here too, near the mouth, is the sacred precinct of the Actian Apollo—a hill on which the temple stands; and at the foot of the hill is a plain which contains a sacred grove and a naval station, the naval station where Caesar dedicated as first fruits of his victoryIn the Battle of Actium, 31 B.C. the squadron of ten ships—from vessel with single bank of oars to vessel with ten; however, not only the boats, it is said, but also the boat-houses have been wiped out by fire. On the left of the mouth are Nicopolis and the country of the Epeirote Cassopaeans, which extends as far as the recess of the gulf near Ambracia.Now Arta. Ambracia lies only a short distance above the recess; it was founded by Gorgus, the son of Cypselus. The River AratthusOtherwise called Arachthus; now the Arta. flows past Ambracia; it is navigable inland for only a few stadia, from the sea to Ambracia, although it rises in Mount Tymphe and the Paroraea. Now this city enjoyed an exceptional prosperity in earlier times (at any rate the gulf was named after it), and it was adorned most of all by Pyrrhus, who made the place his royal residence. In later times, however, the Macedonians and the Romans, by their continuous wars, so completely reduced both this and the other Epeirote cities because of their disobedience that finally Augustus, seeing that the cities had utterly failed, settled what inhabitants were left in one city together the city on this gulf which was called by him Nicopolis;“Victory-city.” and he so named it after the victory which he won in the naval battle before the mouth of the gulf over Antonius and Cleopatra the queen of the Egyptians, who was also present at the fight. Nicopolis is populous, and its numbers are increasing daily, since it has not only a considerable territory and the adornment taken from the spoils of the battle, but also, in its suburbs, the thoroughly equipped sacred precinct—one part of it being in a sacred grove that contains a gymnasium and a stadium for the celebration of the quinquennial games,the Ludi Quinquennales, celebrated every four years (see Dio Cassius 51.1). the other part being on the hill that is sacred to Apollo and lies above the grove. These games—the Actia, sacred to Actian Apollo—have been designated as Olympian,So in the course of time games at numerous places (including Athens, Ephesus, Naples, Smyrna, Tarsus) came to be called “Olympian” in imitation of those at Olympia. The actual term used, for those at Tarsus at least, was *)isolu/mpia, “equal to the Olympian” (C. I. 4472). and they are superintended by the Lacedaemonians. The other settlements are dependencies of Nicopolis. In earlier times also the Actian Games were wont to be celebrated in honor of the god by the inhabitants of the surrounding country—games in which the prize was a wreath—but at the present time they have been set in greater honor by Caesar. -After Ambracia comes Argos Amphilochicum, founded by Alcmaeon and his children. According to Ephorus, at any rate, Alcmaeon, after the expedition of the Epigoni against Thebes, on being invited by Diomedes, went with him into Aetolia and helped him acquire both this country and Acarnania; and when Agamemnon summoned them to the Trojan war, Diomedes went, but Alcmaeon stayed in Acarnania, founded Argos, and named it Amphilochicum after his brother; and he named the river which flows through the country into the Ambracian Gulf “Inachus,” after the river in the Argeian country. But according to Thucydides,Thuc. 2.68. Amphilochus himself, after his return from Troy, being displeased with the state of affairs at Argos, passed on into Acarnania, and on succeeding to his brother's dominion founded the city that is named after him. -The Amphilochians are Epeirotes; and so are the peoples who are situated above them and border on the Illyrian mountains, inhabiting a rugged country—I mean the Molossi, the Athamanes, the Aethices, the Tymphaei, the Orestae, and also the Paroraei and the Atintanes, some of them being nearer to the Macedonians and others to the Ionian Gulf. It is said that Orestes once took possession of Orestias—when is, exile on account of the murder of his mother—and left the country bearing his name; and that he also founded a city and called it Argos Oresticum. But the Illyrian tribes which are near the southern part of the mountainous country and those which are above the Ionian Gulf are intermingled with these peoples; for above Epidamnus and Apollonia as far as the Ceraunian Mountains dwell the Bylliones, the Taulantii, the Parthini, and the Brygi. Somewhere near by are also the silver mines of Damastium,The site of Damstium is unknown. Imhoof-Blumer (Ztschr. f. Numism. 1874, Vol. I. pp. 99 ff.) think that is might be identified with what is now Tepeleni, on the Viosa River. But so far as is now known, there is no silver ore in Epeirus or Southern Illyria. Philippson (Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Damastion”) suggests that Argyrium (now Argyrocastro, on the Viosa) might be connected with the presence of silver. around which the Dyestae and the Encheleii (also called Sesarethii) together established their dominion; and near these people are also the Lyncestae, the territory Deuriopus, Pelagonian Tripolitis, the Eordi, Elimeia, and Eratyra. In earlier times these peoples were ruled separately, each by its own dynasty. For instance, it was the descendants of Cadmus and Harmonia who ruled over the Encheleii; and the scenes of the stories told about them are still pointed out there. These people, I say, were not ruled by men of native stock; and the Lyncestae became subject to Arrabaeus, who was of the stock of the Bacchiads (Eurydice, the mother of Philip, Amyntas' son, was Arrabaeus' daughter's daughter and Sirra was his daughter); and again, of the Epeirotes, the Molossi became subject to Pyrrhus, the son of Neoptolemus the son of Achilles, and to his descendants, who were Thessalians. But the rest were ruled by men of native stock. Then, because one tribe or another was always getting the mastery over others, they all ended in the Macedonian empire, except a few who dwelt above the Ionian Gulf. And in fact the regions about Lyncus, Pelagonia, Orestias, and Elimeia, used to be called Upper Macedonia, though later on they were by some also called Free Macedonia. But some go so far as to call the whole of the country Macedonia, as far as Corcyra, at the same time stating as their reason that in tonsure, language, short cloak, and other things of the kind, the usages of the inhabitants are similar,That is, to those of the Macedonians. although, they add, some speak both languages. But when the empire of the Macedonians was broken up, they fell under the power of the Romans. And it is through the country of these tribes that the Egnatian RoadSee 7. 7. 4. runs, which begins at Epidamnus and Apollonia. Near the Road to CandaviaSee 7. 7. 4. are not only the lakes which are in the neighborhood of Lychnidus,Now Ochrida. on the shores of which are salt-fish establishments that are independent of other waters, but also a number of rivers, some emptying into the Ionian Gulf and others flowing in a southerly direction—I mean the Inachus, the Aratthus, the Acheloüs and the Evenus (formerly called the Lycormas); the Aratthus emptying into the Ambracian Gulf, the Inachus into the Acheloüs, the Acheloüs itself and the Evenus into the sea—the Acheloüs after traversing Acarnania and the Evenus after traversing Aetolia. But the Erigon, after receiving many streams from the Illyrian mountains and from the countries of the Lyncestae, Brygi, Deuriopes, and Pelagonians, empties into the Axius. -In earlier times there were also cities among these tribes; at any rate, Pelagonia used to be called Tripolitis,“Country of three cities.” one of which was Azorus; and all the cities of the Deuriopes on the Erigon River were populous, among which were Bryanium, Alalcomenae, and Stubara. And Cydrae belonged to the Brygi, while Aeginium, on the border of Aethicia and Tricca,Now Trikala. belonged to the Tymphaei. When one is already near to Macedonia and to Thessaly, and in the neighborhood of the Poeus and the Pindus Mountains, one comes to the country of the Aethices and to the sources of the Peneius River, the possession of which is disputed by the Tymphaei and those Thessalians who live at the foot of the Pindus, and to the city Oxineia, situated on the Ion River one hundred and twenty stadia from Azorus in Tripolitis. Near by are Alalcomenae, Aeginium, Europus, and the confluence of the Ion River with the Peneius. Now although in those earlier times, as I have said, all Epeirus and the Illyrian country were rugged and full of mountains, such as Tomarus and Polyanus and several others, still they were populous; but at the present time desolation prevails in most parts, while the parts that are still inhabited survive only in villages and in ruins. And even the oracle at Dodona,See articles s.v. “Dodona” in Pauly-Wissowa and Encyclopedia Britannica. like the rest, is virtually extinct. - This oracle, according to Ephorus, was founded by the Pelasgi. And the Pelasgi are called the earliest of all peoples who have held dominion in Greece. And the poet speaks in this way: “O Lord Zeus, Dodonaean, Pelasgian”;Hom. Il. 16.233 and Hesiod: “He came to Dodona and the oak-tree, seat of the Pelasgi.”Hes. Fr. 212 (Rzach) The Pelasgi I have already discussed in my description of Tyrrhenia;5. 2. 4. and as for the people who lived in the neighborhood of the temple of Dodona, Homer too makes it perfectly clear from their mode of life, when he calls them “men with feet unwashen, men who sleep upon the ground,”Hom. Il. 16.235. that they were barbarians; but whether one should call them “Helli,” as Pindar does, or “Selli,” as is conjectured to be the true reading in Homer, is a question to which the text, since it is doubtful, does not permit a positive answer. Philochorus says that the region round about Dodona, like Euboea, was called Hellopia, and that in fact Hesiod speaks of it in this way: “There is a land called Hellopia, with many a corn-field and with goodly meadows; on the edge of this land a city called Dodona hath been built.”Hes. Fr. 134 (Rzach) It is thought, Apollodorus says, that the land was so called from the marshesThe Greek for marshes is “Hele.” around the temple; as for the poet, however, Apollodorus takes it for granted that he did not call the people who lived about the temple “Helli,” but “Selli,” since (Apollodorus adds) the poet also named a certain river Selleeïs. He names it, indeed, when he says, “From afar, out of Ephyra, from the River Selleeïs”Hom. Il. 2.659; 15.531; however, as Demetrius of Scepsis says, the poet is not referring to the Ephyra among the Thesprotians, but to that among the Eleians, for the Selleeïs is among the Eleians, he adds, and there is no Selleeïs among the Thesprotians, nor yet among the Molossi. And as for the myths that are told about the oak-tree and the doves, and any other myths of the kind, although they, like those told about Delphi, are in part more appropriate to poetry, yet they also in part properly belong to the present geographical description. -In ancient times, then, Dodona was under the rule of the Thesprotians; and so was Mount Tomarus,Now Mt. Olytsika. or Tmarus (for it is called both ways), at the base of which the temple is situated. And both the tragic poets and Pindar have called Dodona “Thesprotian Dodona.” But later on it came under the rule of the Molossi. And it is after the Tomarus, people say, that those whom the poet calls interpreters of Zeus—whom he also calls “men with feet unwashen, men who sleep upon the ground”Hom. Il. 16.235.—were called “tomouroi”; and in the Odyssey some so write the words of Amphinomus, when he counsels the wooers not to attack Telemachus until they inquire of Zeus: “If the tomouroi of great Zeus approve, I myself shall slay, and I shall bid all the rest to aid, whereas if god averts it, I bid you stop.”Hom. Od. 16.403 For it is better, they argue, to write “tomouroi” than “themistes”; at any rate, nowhere in the poet are the oracles called “themistes,” but it is the decrees, statutes, and laws that are so called; and the people have been called “tomouroi” because “tomouroi” is a contraction of “tomarouroi,” the equivalent of “tomarophylakes.”“Guardians of Mt. Tomarus.” Now although the more recent critics say “tomouroi,” yet in Homer one should interpret “themistes” (and also “boulai”) in a simpler way, though in a way that is a misuse of the term, as meaning those orders and decrees that are oracular, just as one also interprets “themistes” as meaning those that are made by law. For example, such is the case in the following: “to give ear to the decree“Boulê.” of Zeus from the oak-tree of lofty foliage.Hom. 14.328 -At the outset, it is true, those who uttered the prophecies were men (this too perhaps the poet indicates, for he calls them “hypophetae,”“interpreters.” and the prophets might be ranked among these), but later on three old women were designated as prophets, after Dione also had been designated as temple-associate of Zeus. Suidas,Little is known of this Suidas except that he wrote a History of Thessaly and a History of Euboea. however, in his desire to gratify the Thessalians with mythical stories, says that the temple was transferred from Thessaly, from the part of Pelasgia which is about Scotussa (and Scotussa does belong to the territory called Thessalia Pelasgiotis), and also that most of the women whose descendants are the prophetesses of today went along at the same time; and it is from this fact that Zeus was also called “Pelasgian.” But Cineas tells a story that is still more mythical. . . +These alone, then, of all the tribes that are marked off by the Ister and by the Illyrian and Thracian mountains, deserve to be mentioned, occupying as they do the whole of the Adriatic seaboard beginning at the recess, and also the sea-board that is called “the left parts of the Pontus,” and extends from the Ister River as far as Byzantium. But there remain to be described the southerly parts of the aforesaidSee 7. 5. 1. mountainous country and next thereafter the districts that are situated below them, among which are both Greece and the adjacent barbarian country as far as the mountains. Now Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus that before the time of the Greeks it was inhabited by barbarians. Yet one might say that in the ancient times the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, if one reasons from the traditions themselves: PelopsSee 8. 3. 31, 4. 4, 5. 5 and 12. 8. 2. brought over peoplesSee the quotation from Hesiod (2 following) and footnote on “peoples.” from Phrygia to the Peloponnesus that received its name from him; and DanaüsSee 8. 6. 9, 10. from Egypt; whereas the Dryopes, the Caucones, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, and other such peoples, apportioned among themselves the parts that are inside the isthmus—and also the parts outside, for Attica was once held by the Thracians who came with Eumolpus,son of Poseidon, king of the Thracians, and reputed founder of the Eleusinian Mysteries. Daulis in Phocis by Tereus,See 9. 3. 13. CadmeiaThebes and surrounding territory (9. 2. 3, 32). by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and Boeotia itself by the Aones and Temmices and Hyantes. According to Pindar, “there was a time when the Boeotian tribe was called “Syes.”Pind. Fr. Dith. 83 (Bergk)Strabo identifies “Hyantes” with “Syes”=“Hyes,” i.e. “swine.” Moreover, the barbarian origin of some is indicated by their names—Cecrops, Godrus, Aïclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. And even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians—Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acarnania and Aetolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes—Epeirotic tribes. +As for the Pelasgi, I have already discussed them.5. 2. 4. As for the Leleges, some conjecture that they are the same as the Carians, and others that they were only fellow-inhabitants and fellow-soldiers of these; and this, they say, is why, in the territory of Miletus, certain settlements are called settlements of the Leleges, and why, in many places in Caria, tombs of the Leleges and deserted forts, known as “Lelegian forts,” are so called. However, the whole of what is now called Ionia used to be inhabited by Carians and Leleges; but the Ionians themselves expelled them and took possession of the country, although in still earlier times the captors of Troy had driven the Leleges from the region about Ida that is near Pedasus and the Satnioïs River. So then, the very fact that the Leleges made common cause with the Carians might be considered a sign that they were barbarians. And Aristotle, in his Polities,Only fragments of this work are now extant (see Didot Edition, Vol. IV, pp. 219-296). also clearly indicates that they led a wandering life, not only with the Carians, but also apart from them, and from earliest times; for instance, in the Polity of the Acarnanians he says that the Curetes held a part of the country, whereas the Leleges, and then the Teleboae, held the westerly part; and in the Polity of the Aetolians (and likewise in that of the Opuntii and the Megarians) he calls the Locri of today Leleges and says that they took possession of Boeotia too; again, in the Polity of the Leucadians he names a certain indigenous Lelex, and also Teleboas, the son of a daughter of Lelex, and twenty-two sons of Teleboas, some of whom, he says, dwelt in Leucas.Now Santa Maura (cp. 10. 2. 2). But in particular one might believe Hesiod when he says concerning them: “For verily Locrus was chieftain of the peoples of the Leleges, whom once Zeus the son of Cronus, who knoweth devices imperishable, gave to Deucalion—peoplesIn the Greek word for “peoples” (laou/s) Hesoid alludes to the Greek word for “stones” (la=as). Pindar (Olymp. 9. 46 ff.) clearly derives the former word from the latter: “Pyrrha and Deucalion, without bed of marriage, founded a Stone Race, who were called Laoi.” One might now infer that the resemblance of the two words gave rise to the myth of the stones. picked out of earth”;Hes. Fr. 141.3 (Paulson for by his etymologyThat is, of “Lelges.” In the Greek the root leg appears in (1) “Leleges.” (2) “picked,” and (3) “collection.” he seems to me to hint that from earliest times they were a collection of mixed peoples and that this was why the tribe disappeared. And the same might be said of the Caucones, since now they are nowhere to be found, although in earlier times they were settled in several places. +Now although in earlier times the tribes in question were small, numerous, and obscure, still, because of the density of their population and because they lived each under its own king, it was not at all difficult to determine their boundaries; but now that most of the country has become depopulated and the settlements, particularly the cities, have disappeared from sight, it would do no good, even if one could determine their boundaries with strict accuracy, to do so, because of their obscurity and their disappearance. This process of disappearing began a long time ago, and has not yet entirely ceased in many regions because the people keep revolting; indeed, the Romans, after being set up as masters by the inhabitants, encamp in their very houses.Now standing empty. Be this as it may, PolybiusPolybius 30.16. says that Paulus,Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus (consul 182 and 168 B.C.) in 168 B.C. after his subjection of Perseus and the Macedonians, destroyed seventy cities of the Epeirotes (most of which, he adds, belonged to the Molossi),See 7. 7. 8. and reduced to slavery one hundred and fifty thousand people. Nevertheless, I shall attempt, in so far as it is appropriate to my description and as my knowledge reaches, to traverse the several different parts, beginning at the seaboard of the Ionian Gulf—that is, where the voyage out of the Adrias ends. +Of this seaboard, then, the first parts are those about Epidamnus and Apollonia. From Apollonia to Macedonia one travels the Egnatian Road, towards the east; it has been measured by Roman miles and marked by pillars as far as CypselaNow Ipsala. and the HebrusNow the Maritza. River—a distance of five hundred and thirty-five miles. Now if one reckons as most people do, eight stadia to the mile, there would be four thousand two hundred and eighty stadia, whereas if one reckons as Polybius does, who adds two plethra, which is a third of a stadium, to the eight stadia, one must add one hundred and seventy-eight stadia—the third of the number of miles. And it so happens that travellers setting out from Apollonia and Epidamnus meet at an equal distance from the two places on the same road.Or, as we should say, the junction of the roas is equidistant from the two places. Now although the road as a whole is called the Egnatian Road, the first part of it is called the Road to Candavia (an Illyrian mountain) and passes through Lychnidus,Now Ochrida. a city, and Pylon, a place on the road which marks the boundary between the Illyrian country and Macedonia. From Pylon the road runs to BarnusNow the Neretschka Planina Mountain. through HeracleiaHeracleia Lyncestis; now Monastir. and the country of the Lyncestae and that of the Eordi into EdessaNow Vodena. and PellaThe capital of Macedonia; now in ruins and called Hagii Apostoli. and as far as Thessaloniceia;Now Thessaloniki or Saloniki. and the length of this road in miles, according to Polybius, is two hundred and sixty-seven. So then, in travelling this road from the region of Epidamnus and Apollonia, one has on the right the Epeirotic tribes whose coasts are washed by the Sicilian Sea and extend as far as the Ambracian Gulf,The Gulf of Arta. and, on the left, the mountains of Illyrla, which I have already described in detail, and those tribes which live along them and extend as far as Macedonia and the country of the Paeonians. Then, beginning at the Ambracian Gulf, all the districts which, one after another, incline towards the east and stretch parallel to the Peloponnesus belong to Greece; they then leave the whole of the Peloponnesus on the right and project into the Aegaean Sea. But the districts which extend from the beginning of the Macedonian and the Paeonian mountains as far as the StrymonNow the Struma. River are inhabited by the Macedonians, the Paeonians, and by some of the Thracian mountaineers; whereas the districts beyond the Strymon, extending as far as the mouth of the Pontus and the Haemus, all belong to the Thracians, except the seaboard. This seaboard is inhabited by Greeks, some being situated on the Propontis,Now the Sea of Marmara. others on the Hellespont and the Gulf of Melas,Now the Gulf of Saros. and others on the Aegaean. The Aegaean Sea washes Greece on two sides: first, the side that faces towards the east and stretches from Sunium,Now Cape Colonna. towards the north as far as the Thermaean GulfNow the Gulf of Saloniki. and Thessaloniceia, a Macedonian city, which at the present time is more populous than any of the rest; and secondly, the side that faces towards the south, I mean the Macedonian country, extending from Thessaloniceia as far as the Strymon. Some, however, also assign to Macedonia the country that extends from the Strymon as far as the Nestus River,Now the Mesta. since Philip was so specially interested in these districts that he appropriated them to himself, and since he organized very large revenues from the mines and the other natural resources of the country. But from Sunium to the Peloponnesus lie the Myrtoan, the Cretan, and the Libyan Seas, together with their gulfs, as far as the Sicilian Sea; and this last fills out the Ambracian, the Corinthian, and the CrisaeanSee footnote on 6.. 1. 7. Gulfs. +Now as for the Epeirotes, there are fourteen tribes of them, according to Theopompus, but of these the Chaones and the Molossi are the most famous, because of the fact that they once ruled over the whole of the Epeirote country—the Chaones earlier and later the Molossi; and the Molossi grew to still greater power, partly because of the kinship of their kings, who belonged to the family of the Aeacidae,Aeacus was son of Zeus and Aegina, was king of the Isle of Aegina, was noted for his justice and piety, and was finally made one of the three judges in Hades. and partly because of the fact that the oracle at DodonaDodona was situated to the south of Lake Pambotis (now Janina), near what is now Dramisi. was in their country, an oracle both ancient and renowned. Now the Chaones and the Thesproti and, next in order after these, the Cassopaei (these, too, are Thesproti) inhabit the seaboard which extends from the Ceraunian Mountains as far as the Ambracian Gulf, and they have a fertile country. The voyage, if one begins at the country of the Chaones and sails towards the rising sun and towards the Ambracian and Corinthian Gulfs, keeping the Ausonian SeaSee 2. 5. 20, 2. 5. 29, 5. 3. 6. on the right and Epeirus on the left, is one thousand three hundred stadia, that is, from the Ceraunian Mountains to the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. In this interval is Panormus,Now Panormo. a large harbor at the center of the Ceraunian Mountains, and after these mountains one comes to Onchesmus,Now Santi Quaranta. another harbor, opposite which lie the western extremities of Corcyraea,Now Kerkyra or Corfu. and then still another harbor, Cassiope,“Cassope” is probably the correct spelling; now Cassopo, the name of a harbor and cape of Corfu. from which the distance to Brentesium is one thousand seven hundred stadia. And the distance to Taras from another cape, which is farther south than Cassiope and is called Phalacrum,Now Cape Drasti, at the southern end of Corfu. is the same. After Onchesmus comes Poseidium,In Thesprotia (see Ptolemaeus 3.13.3); now Cape Scala. and also ButhrotumNow Butrinto. (which is at the mouth of what is called Pelodes Harbor, is situated on a place that forms a peninsula, and has alien settlers consisting of Romans), and the Sybota.Now called the Syvota. The Sybota are small islands situated only a short distance from the mainland and opposite Leucimma, the eastern headland of Corcyraea. And there are still other small islands as one sails along this coast, but they are not worth mentioning. Then comes Gape Cheimerium, and also Glycys Limen,“Sweet Harbor”; now Port Splantza (Phanari). into which the River AcheronNow the Phanariotikos. empties. The Acheron flows from the Acherusian LakeNow Lago di Fusaro. and receives several rivers as tributaries, so that it sweetens the waters of the gulf. And also the ThyamisNow the Kalamas. flows near by. Cichyrus,The exact side of Cichyrus is uncertain (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Ephyre”). the Ephyra of former times, a city of the Thesprotians, lies above this gulf, whereas PhoeniceNow Phiniki. lies above that gulf which is at Buthrotum. Near Cichyrus is Buchetium, a small town of the Cassopaeans, which is only a short distance above the sea; also Elatria, Pandosia, and Batiae, which are in the interior, though their territory reaches down as far as the gulf. Next in order after Glycys Limen come two other harbors—Comarus,Now Gomaro. the nearer and smaller of the two, which forms an isthmus of sixty stadiaIn width. with the Ambracian Gulf, and Nicopolis, a city founded by Augustus Caesar, and the other, the more distant and larger and better of the two, which is near the mouth of the gulf and is about twelve stadia distant from Nicopolis.Now in ruins near Prevesa. +Next comes the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. Although the mouth of this gulf is but slightly more than four stadia wide, the circumference is as much as three hundred stadia; and it has good harbors everywhere. That part of the country which is on the right as one sails in is inhabited by the Greek Acarnanians. Here too, near the mouth, is the sacred precinct of the Actian Apollo—a hill on which the temple stands; and at the foot of the hill is a plain which contains a sacred grove and a naval station, the naval station where Caesar dedicated as first fruits of his victoryIn the Battle of Actium, 31 B.C. the squadron of ten ships—from vessel with single bank of oars to vessel with ten; however, not only the boats, it is said, but also the boat-houses have been wiped out by fire. On the left of the mouth are Nicopolis and the country of the Epeirote Cassopaeans, which extends as far as the recess of the gulf near Ambracia.Now Arta. Ambracia lies only a short distance above the recess; it was founded by Gorgus, the son of Cypselus. The River AratthusOtherwise called Arachthus; now the Arta. flows past Ambracia; it is navigable inland for only a few stadia, from the sea to Ambracia, although it rises in Mount Tymphe and the Paroraea. Now this city enjoyed an exceptional prosperity in earlier times (at any rate the gulf was named after it), and it was adorned most of all by Pyrrhus, who made the place his royal residence. In later times, however, the Macedonians and the Romans, by their continuous wars, so completely reduced both this and the other Epeirote cities because of their disobedience that finally Augustus, seeing that the cities had utterly failed, settled what inhabitants were left in one city together the city on this gulf which was called by him Nicopolis;“Victory-city.” and he so named it after the victory which he won in the naval battle before the mouth of the gulf over Antonius and Cleopatra the queen of the Egyptians, who was also present at the fight. Nicopolis is populous, and its numbers are increasing daily, since it has not only a considerable territory and the adornment taken from the spoils of the battle, but also, in its suburbs, the thoroughly equipped sacred precinct—one part of it being in a sacred grove that contains a gymnasium and a stadium for the celebration of the quinquennial games,the Ludi Quinquennales, celebrated every four years (see Dio Cassius 51.1). the other part being on the hill that is sacred to Apollo and lies above the grove. These games—the Actia, sacred to Actian Apollo—have been designated as Olympian,So in the course of time games at numerous places (including Athens, Ephesus, Naples, Smyrna, Tarsus) came to be called “Olympian” in imitation of those at Olympia. The actual term used, for those at Tarsus at least, was *)isolu/mpia, “equal to the Olympian” (C. I. 4472). and they are superintended by the Lacedaemonians. The other settlements are dependencies of Nicopolis. In earlier times also the Actian Games were wont to be celebrated in honor of the god by the inhabitants of the surrounding country—games in which the prize was a wreath—but at the present time they have been set in greater honor by Caesar. +After Ambracia comes Argos Amphilochicum, founded by Alcmaeon and his children. According to Ephorus, at any rate, Alcmaeon, after the expedition of the Epigoni against Thebes, on being invited by Diomedes, went with him into Aetolia and helped him acquire both this country and Acarnania; and when Agamemnon summoned them to the Trojan war, Diomedes went, but Alcmaeon stayed in Acarnania, founded Argos, and named it Amphilochicum after his brother; and he named the river which flows through the country into the Ambracian Gulf “Inachus,” after the river in the Argeian country. But according to Thucydides,Thuc. 2.68. Amphilochus himself, after his return from Troy, being displeased with the state of affairs at Argos, passed on into Acarnania, and on succeeding to his brother's dominion founded the city that is named after him. +The Amphilochians are Epeirotes; and so are the peoples who are situated above them and border on the Illyrian mountains, inhabiting a rugged country—I mean the Molossi, the Athamanes, the Aethices, the Tymphaei, the Orestae, and also the Paroraei and the Atintanes, some of them being nearer to the Macedonians and others to the Ionian Gulf. It is said that Orestes once took possession of Orestias—when is, exile on account of the murder of his mother—and left the country bearing his name; and that he also founded a city and called it Argos Oresticum. But the Illyrian tribes which are near the southern part of the mountainous country and those which are above the Ionian Gulf are intermingled with these peoples; for above Epidamnus and Apollonia as far as the Ceraunian Mountains dwell the Bylliones, the Taulantii, the Parthini, and the Brygi. Somewhere near by are also the silver mines of Damastium,The site of Damstium is unknown. Imhoof-Blumer (Ztschr. f. Numism. 1874, Vol. I. pp. 99 ff.) think that is might be identified with what is now Tepeleni, on the Viosa River. But so far as is now known, there is no silver ore in Epeirus or Southern Illyria. Philippson (Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Damastion”) suggests that Argyrium (now Argyrocastro, on the Viosa) might be connected with the presence of silver. around which the Dyestae and the Encheleii (also called Sesarethii) together established their dominion; and near these people are also the Lyncestae, the territory Deuriopus, Pelagonian Tripolitis, the Eordi, Elimeia, and Eratyra. In earlier times these peoples were ruled separately, each by its own dynasty. For instance, it was the descendants of Cadmus and Harmonia who ruled over the Encheleii; and the scenes of the stories told about them are still pointed out there. These people, I say, were not ruled by men of native stock; and the Lyncestae became subject to Arrabaeus, who was of the stock of the Bacchiads (Eurydice, the mother of Philip, Amyntas' son, was Arrabaeus' daughter's daughter and Sirra was his daughter); and again, of the Epeirotes, the Molossi became subject to Pyrrhus, the son of Neoptolemus the son of Achilles, and to his descendants, who were Thessalians. But the rest were ruled by men of native stock. Then, because one tribe or another was always getting the mastery over others, they all ended in the Macedonian empire, except a few who dwelt above the Ionian Gulf. And in fact the regions about Lyncus, Pelagonia, Orestias, and Elimeia, used to be called Upper Macedonia, though later on they were by some also called Free Macedonia. But some go so far as to call the whole of the country Macedonia, as far as Corcyra, at the same time stating as their reason that in tonsure, language, short cloak, and other things of the kind, the usages of the inhabitants are similar,That is, to those of the Macedonians. although, they add, some speak both languages. But when the empire of the Macedonians was broken up, they fell under the power of the Romans. And it is through the country of these tribes that the Egnatian RoadSee 7. 7. 4. runs, which begins at Epidamnus and Apollonia. Near the Road to CandaviaSee 7. 7. 4. are not only the lakes which are in the neighborhood of Lychnidus,Now Ochrida. on the shores of which are salt-fish establishments that are independent of other waters, but also a number of rivers, some emptying into the Ionian Gulf and others flowing in a southerly direction—I mean the Inachus, the Aratthus, the Acheloüs and the Evenus (formerly called the Lycormas); the Aratthus emptying into the Ambracian Gulf, the Inachus into the Acheloüs, the Acheloüs itself and the Evenus into the sea—the Acheloüs after traversing Acarnania and the Evenus after traversing Aetolia. But the Erigon, after receiving many streams from the Illyrian mountains and from the countries of the Lyncestae, Brygi, Deuriopes, and Pelagonians, empties into the Axius. +In earlier times there were also cities among these tribes; at any rate, Pelagonia used to be called Tripolitis,“Country of three cities.” one of which was Azorus; and all the cities of the Deuriopes on the Erigon River were populous, among which were Bryanium, Alalcomenae, and Stubara. And Cydrae belonged to the Brygi, while Aeginium, on the border of Aethicia and Tricca,Now Trikala. belonged to the Tymphaei. When one is already near to Macedonia and to Thessaly, and in the neighborhood of the Poeus and the Pindus Mountains, one comes to the country of the Aethices and to the sources of the Peneius River, the possession of which is disputed by the Tymphaei and those Thessalians who live at the foot of the Pindus, and to the city Oxineia, situated on the Ion River one hundred and twenty stadia from Azorus in Tripolitis. Near by are Alalcomenae, Aeginium, Europus, and the confluence of the Ion River with the Peneius. Now although in those earlier times, as I have said, all Epeirus and the Illyrian country were rugged and full of mountains, such as Tomarus and Polyanus and several others, still they were populous; but at the present time desolation prevails in most parts, while the parts that are still inhabited survive only in villages and in ruins. And even the oracle at Dodona,See articles s.v. “Dodona” in Pauly-Wissowa and Encyclopedia Britannica. like the rest, is virtually extinct. + This oracle, according to Ephorus, was founded by the Pelasgi. And the Pelasgi are called the earliest of all peoples who have held dominion in Greece. And the poet speaks in this way: “O Lord Zeus, Dodonaean, Pelasgian”;Hom. Il. 16.233 and Hesiod: “He came to Dodona and the oak-tree, seat of the Pelasgi.”Hes. Fr. 212 (Rzach) The Pelasgi I have already discussed in my description of Tyrrhenia;5. 2. 4. and as for the people who lived in the neighborhood of the temple of Dodona, Homer too makes it perfectly clear from their mode of life, when he calls them “men with feet unwashen, men who sleep upon the ground,”Hom. Il. 16.235. that they were barbarians; but whether one should call them “Helli,” as Pindar does, or “Selli,” as is conjectured to be the true reading in Homer, is a question to which the text, since it is doubtful, does not permit a positive answer. Philochorus says that the region round about Dodona, like Euboea, was called Hellopia, and that in fact Hesiod speaks of it in this way: “There is a land called Hellopia, with many a corn-field and with goodly meadows; on the edge of this land a city called Dodona hath been built.”Hes. Fr. 134 (Rzach) It is thought, Apollodorus says, that the land was so called from the marshesThe Greek for marshes is “Hele.” around the temple; as for the poet, however, Apollodorus takes it for granted that he did not call the people who lived about the temple “Helli,” but “Selli,” since (Apollodorus adds) the poet also named a certain river Selleeïs. He names it, indeed, when he says, “From afar, out of Ephyra, from the River Selleeïs”Hom. Il. 2.659; 15.531; however, as Demetrius of Scepsis says, the poet is not referring to the Ephyra among the Thesprotians, but to that among the Eleians, for the Selleeïs is among the Eleians, he adds, and there is no Selleeïs among the Thesprotians, nor yet among the Molossi. And as for the myths that are told about the oak-tree and the doves, and any other myths of the kind, although they, like those told about Delphi, are in part more appropriate to poetry, yet they also in part properly belong to the present geographical description. +In ancient times, then, Dodona was under the rule of the Thesprotians; and so was Mount Tomarus,Now Mt. Olytsika. or Tmarus (for it is called both ways), at the base of which the temple is situated. And both the tragic poets and Pindar have called Dodona “Thesprotian Dodona.” But later on it came under the rule of the Molossi. And it is after the Tomarus, people say, that those whom the poet calls interpreters of Zeus—whom he also calls “men with feet unwashen, men who sleep upon the ground”Hom. Il. 16.235.—were called “tomouroi”; and in the Odyssey some so write the words of Amphinomus, when he counsels the wooers not to attack Telemachus until they inquire of Zeus: “If the tomouroi of great Zeus approve, I myself shall slay, and I shall bid all the rest to aid, whereas if god averts it, I bid you stop.”Hom. Od. 16.403 For it is better, they argue, to write “tomouroi” than “themistes”; at any rate, nowhere in the poet are the oracles called “themistes,” but it is the decrees, statutes, and laws that are so called; and the people have been called “tomouroi” because “tomouroi” is a contraction of “tomarouroi,” the equivalent of “tomarophylakes.”“Guardians of Mt. Tomarus.” Now although the more recent critics say “tomouroi,” yet in Homer one should interpret “themistes” (and also “boulai”) in a simpler way, though in a way that is a misuse of the term, as meaning those orders and decrees that are oracular, just as one also interprets “themistes” as meaning those that are made by law. For example, such is the case in the following: “to give ear to the decree“Boulê.” of Zeus from the oak-tree of lofty foliage.Hom. 14.328 +At the outset, it is true, those who uttered the prophecies were men (this too perhaps the poet indicates, for he calls them “hypophetae,”“interpreters.” and the prophets might be ranked among these), but later on three old women were designated as prophets, after Dione also had been designated as temple-associate of Zeus. Suidas,Little is known of this Suidas except that he wrote a History of Thessaly and a History of Euboea. however, in his desire to gratify the Thessalians with mythical stories, says that the temple was transferred from Thessaly, from the part of Pelasgia which is about Scotussa (and Scotussa does belong to the territory called Thessalia Pelasgiotis), and also that most of the women whose descendants are the prophetesses of today went along at the same time; and it is from this fact that Zeus was also called “Pelasgian.” But Cineas tells a story that is still more mythical. . .

- CineasCorais and Groskurd offer only 27 Fragments; Kramer has 57, his numbers running from 1 to 58 inclusive, except that number 42 is missing; Müller-Dübner have the same 57, though they correct the numbering from 42 to 57; Meineke, like Kramer, has no number 42, but changes Kramer's 1 to 1a and inserts seven new fragments,1, 11a, 16a, 16b, 23a, 58a, and 58b (the last two being 59 and 60 in the present edition). The present editor adds 28 more. Of these, five (1b, 16c, 27a, 55a, 61) are quotations from Strabo himself; nine (11b, 20a, 21a, 45a, 47a, 51a, 55b, 58) are from Stephanus Byzantinus; twelve (1c, 12a, 15a, 16d, 16e, 25a, 44a, 47b, 50a, 62, 63, 64) are from the notes of Eustathius on the Iliad and Odyssey; and two (65, 66) from his notes on the geographical poem of Dionysius Periegetes. All these fragments from Eustathius, except no. 62, are citations from "the Geographer," not from "Strabo," and so is 23a, which Meineke inserted; but with the help of the editor, John Paul Prichard, Fellow in Greek and Latin at Cornell University, starting with the able articles of Kunze on this subject (Rheinisches Museum, 1902, LVII, pp. 43 ff. and 1903, LVIII, pp. 126 ff.), has established beyond all doubt that "the Geographer" is "Strabo," and in due time the complete proof will be published. To him the editor is also indebted for fragment no. 66 (hitherto unnoticed, we believe), and for the elimination of certain doubtful passages suggester by Kunze. Meineke's numbers, where different from those of the present edition, are given in parentheses.The rest of Book VII, containing the description of Macedonia and Thrace, has been lost, but the following fragments, gathered chiefly from the Vatican and Palatine Epitomes and from Eustathius, seem to preserve most of the original matter.Manuscript A has already lost a whole quaternion (about 13 Casaubon pages = about 26 Greek pages in the present edition) each of two places, namely, from h( *libu/h (2. 5. 26) to peri\ au)th=s (3. 1. 6) and from kaq' au(tou/s to r(enti=nos e)na/millos (5. 4. 3). In the present case A leaves off at meta\ de/ (7. 7. 5) and resumes at the beginning of Book VIII. Assuming the loss of a third quaternion from A, and taking into account that portion of it which is preserved in other manuscripts, *o)/gxhsmon (7. 7. 5) to muqwde/steron (7. 7. 12), only about one-sixth of Book VII is missing; and if this is true the fragments here, although they contain some repetitions, account for most of the original matter of the missing one-sixth. says that there was a city in Thessaly,i.e., a city called Dodona. and that an oak-tree and the oracle of Zeus were transferred from there to Epeirus. + CineasCorais and Groskurd offer only 27 Fragments; Kramer has 57, his numbers running from 1 to 58 inclusive, except that number 42 is missing; Müller-Dübner have the same 57, though they correct the numbering from 42 to 57; Meineke, like Kramer, has no number 42, but changes Kramer's 1 to 1a and inserts seven new fragments,1, 11a, 16a, 16b, 23a, 58a, and 58b (the last two being 59 and 60 in the present edition). The present editor adds 28 more. Of these, five (1b, 16c, 27a, 55a, 61) are quotations from Strabo himself; nine (11b, 20a, 21a, 45a, 47a, 51a, 55b, 58) are from Stephanus Byzantinus; twelve (1c, 12a, 15a, 16d, 16e, 25a, 44a, 47b, 50a, 62, 63, 64) are from the notes of Eustathius on the Iliad and Odyssey; and two (65, 66) from his notes on the geographical poem of Dionysius Periegetes. All these fragments from Eustathius, except no. 62, are citations from "the Geographer," not from "Strabo," and so is 23a, which Meineke inserted; but with the help of the editor, John Paul Prichard, Fellow in Greek and Latin at Cornell University, starting with the able articles of Kunze on this subject (Rheinisches Museum, 1902, LVII, pp. 43 ff. and 1903, LVIII, pp. 126 ff.), has established beyond all doubt that "the Geographer" is "Strabo," and in due time the complete proof will be published. To him the editor is also indebted for fragment no. 66 (hitherto unnoticed, we believe), and for the elimination of certain doubtful passages suggester by Kunze. Meineke's numbers, where different from those of the present edition, are given in parentheses.The rest of Book VII, containing the description of Macedonia and Thrace, has been lost, but the following fragments, gathered chiefly from the Vatican and Palatine Epitomes and from Eustathius, seem to preserve most of the original matter.Manuscript A has already lost a whole quaternion (about 13 Casaubon pages = about 26 Greek pages in the present edition) each of two places, namely, from h( *libu/h (2. 5. 26) to peri\ au)th=s (3. 1. 6) and from kaq' au(tou/s to r(enti=nos e)na/millos (5. 4. 3). In the present case A leaves off at meta\ de/ (7. 7. 5) and resumes at the beginning of Book VIII. Assuming the loss of a third quaternion from A, and taking into account that portion of it which is preserved in other manuscripts, *o)/gxhsmon (7. 7. 5) to muqwde/steron (7. 7. 12), only about one-sixth of Book VII is missing; and if this is true the fragments here, although they contain some repetitions, account for most of the original matter of the missing one-sixth. says that there was a city in Thessaly,i.e., a city called Dodona. and that an oak-tree and the oracle of Zeus were transferred from there to Epeirus. In earlier times the oracle was in the neighborhood of Scotussa, a city of Pelasgiotis; but when the tree was set on fire by certain people the oracle was transferred in accordance with an oracle which Apollo gave out at Dodona. However, he gave out the oracle, not through words, but through certain symbols, as was the case at the oracle of Zeus Ammon in Libya. Perhaps there was something exceptional about the flight of the three pigeons from which the priestesses were wont to make observations and to prophesy. It is further said that in the language of the Molossians and the Thesprotians old women are called "peliai""Pigeons." and old men "pelioi.""Pigeons." And perhaps the much talked of Peleiades were not birds, but three old women who busied themselves about the temple. I mentioned Scotussa also in my discussion of Dodona and of the oracle in Thessaly, because the oracle was originally in the latter region. According to the Geographer, a sacred oak tree is revered in Dodona, because it was thought to be the earliest plant created and the first to supply men with food. And the same writer also says in reference to the oracular doves there, as they are called, that the doves are observed for the purposes of augury, just as there were some seers who divined from ravens. Among the Thesprotians and the Molossians old women are called "peliai" and old men "pelioi," as is also the case among the Macedonians; at any rate, those people call their dignitaries "peligones" (compare the "gerontes"The senators at Sparta were called "gerontes," literally "old men," "senators." among the Laconians and the Massaliotes).Cp. 4. 1. 5. And this, it is said, is the origin of the myth about the pigeons in the Dodonaean oak-tree. The proverbial phrase, "the copper vessel in Dodona,"The phrase was used in reference to incessant talkers (Stephanus Byzantinus, s.v. *dwdw/nh). originated thus: In the temple was a copper vessel with a statue of a man situated above it and holding a copper scourge, dedicated by the Corcyraeans; the scourge was three-fold and wrought in chain fashion, with bones strung from it; and these bones, striking the copper vessel continuously when they were swung by the winds, would produce tones so long that anyone who measured the time from the beginning of the tone to the end could count to four hundred. Whence, also, the origin of the proverbial term, "the scourge of the Corcyraeans." -Paeonia is on the east of these tribes and on the west of the Thracian mountains, but it is situated on the north of the Macedonians; and, by the road that runs through the city GortyniumGortynium (or Gortynia) was situated in Macedonia, to the south of the narrow pass now called "Demir Kapu," or (in Bulgarian) "Prusak." and Stobi,Now Sirkovo, to the north of the Demir Kapus Pass. it affords a passage to . . .The words to be supplied here are almost certainly "the narrow pass on the south." (through which the AxiusThe Vardar. flows, and thus makes difficult the passage from Paeonia to Macedonia—just as the Peneius flows through Tempe and thus fortifies Macedonia on the side of Greece). And on the south Paeonia borders on the countries of the Autariatae, the Dardanii, and the Ardiaei; and it extends as far as the Strymon. +Paeonia is on the east of these tribes and on the west of the Thracian mountains, but it is situated on the north of the Macedonians; and, by the road that runs through the city GortyniumGortynium (or Gortynia) was situated in Macedonia, to the south of the narrow pass now called "Demir Kapu," or (in Bulgarian) "Prusak." and Stobi,Now Sirkovo, to the north of the Demir Kapus Pass. it affords a passage to . . .The words to be supplied here are almost certainly "the narrow pass on the south." (through which the AxiusThe Vardar. flows, and thus makes difficult the passage from Paeonia to Macedonia—just as the Peneius flows through Tempe and thus fortifies Macedonia on the side of Greece). And on the south Paeonia borders on the countries of the Autariatae, the Dardanii, and the Ardiaei; and it extends as far as the Strymon. The HaliacmonThe Vistritza. flows into the Thermaean Gulf. -Orestis is of considerable extent, and has a large mountain which reaches as far as Mount CoraxVardusia. in Aetolia and Mount Parnassus, About this mountain dwell the Orestae themselves, the Tymphaei, and the Greeks outside the isthmus that are in the neighborhood of Parnassus, Oeta, and Pindus. As a whole the mountain is called by a general name, Boëum, but taken part by part it has many names. People say that from the highest peaks one can see both the Aegaean Sea and the Ambracian and Ionian Gulfs, but they exaggerate, I think. Mount Pteleum, also, is fairly high; it is situated around the Ambracian Gulf, extending on one side as far as the Corcyraean country and on the other to the sea at Leucas. +Orestis is of considerable extent, and has a large mountain which reaches as far as Mount CoraxVardusia. in Aetolia and Mount Parnassus, About this mountain dwell the Orestae themselves, the Tymphaei, and the Greeks outside the isthmus that are in the neighborhood of Parnassus, Oeta, and Pindus. As a whole the mountain is called by a general name, Boëum, but taken part by part it has many names. People say that from the highest peaks one can see both the Aegaean Sea and the Ambracian and Ionian Gulfs, but they exaggerate, I think. Mount Pteleum, also, is fairly high; it is situated around the Ambracian Gulf, extending on one side as far as the Corcyraean country and on the other to the sea at Leucas. Corcyra is proverbially derided as a joke because it was humbled by its many wars. Corcyra in early times enjoyed a happy lot and had a very large naval force, but was ruined by certain wars and tyrants. And later on, although it was set free by the Romans, it got no commendation, but instead, as an object of reproach, got a proverb: "Corcyra is free, dung where thou wilt." There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Nebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies. @@ -236,24 +236,24 @@ Amphaxion. Two parts of speech.i.e., the preposition "amphi" ("on both sides of") and the noun "Axius" (the "Axius" River). A city. The ethnic of Amphaxion is Amphaxites. The Peneius forms the boundary between Lower Macedonia, or that part of Macedonia which is close to the sea, and Thessaly and Magnesia; the Haliacmon forms the boundary of Upper Macedonia; and the Haliacmon also, together with the Erigon and the Axius and another set of rivers, form the boundary of the Epeirotes and the Paeonians. For if, according to the Geographer, Macedonia stretches from the Thessalian Pelion and Peneius towards the interior as far as Paeonia and the Epeirote tribes, and if the Greeks had at Troy an allied force from Paeonia, it is difficult to conceive that an allied force came to the Trojans from the aforesaid more distant part of Paeonia. -Of the Macedonian coastline, beginning at the recess of the Thermaean Gulf and at Thessaloniceia, there are two parts—one extending towards the south as far as Sunium and the other towards the east as far as the Thracian Chersonese, thus forming at the recess a sort of angle. Since Macedonia extends in both directions, I must begin with the part first mentioned. The first portion, then, of this part—I mean the region of Sunium—has above it Attica together with the Megarian country as far as the Crisaean Gulf; after this is that Boeotian coastline which faces Euboea, and above this coast-line lies the rest of Boeotia, extending in the direction of the west, parallel to Attica. And hesc. Strabo. says that the Egnatian Road, also, beginning at the Ionian Gulf, ends at Thessaloniceia. -As for the ribbon-likeCp. 7. 3. 19. stretches of land, hesc. Strabo. says, I shall first mark off the boundary of the peoples who live in the one which is beside the sea near the Peneius and the Haliacmon. Now the Peneius flows from the Pindus Mountain through the middle of Thessaly towards the east; and after it passes through the cities of the Lapithae and some cities of the Perrhaebians, it reaches Tempe, after having received the waters of several rivers, among which is the Europus, which the poet called Titaresius,Hom. Il. 2.751 since it has its sources in the Titarius Mountain; the Titarius Mountain joins Olympus, and thence Olympus begins to mark the boundary between Macedonia and Thessaly; for Tempo is a narrow glen between Olympus and Ossa, and from these narrows the Peneius flows for a distance of forty stadia with Olympus, the loftiest mountain in Macedonia, on the left, and with Ossa, near the outlets of the river, on the right. So then, Gyrton, the Perrhaebian and Magnetan city in which Peirithoüs and Ixion reigned, is situated near the outlets of the Peneius on the right; and the city of Crannon lies at a distance of as much as one hundred stadia from Gyrton; and writers say that when the poet says, "Verily these twain from Thrace"Hom. Il 13.301 and what follows, he means by "Ephyri" the Crannonians and by "Phlegyae" the Gyrtonians. But Pieria is on the other side of the Peneius. +Of the Macedonian coastline, beginning at the recess of the Thermaean Gulf and at Thessaloniceia, there are two parts—one extending towards the south as far as Sunium and the other towards the east as far as the Thracian Chersonese, thus forming at the recess a sort of angle. Since Macedonia extends in both directions, I must begin with the part first mentioned. The first portion, then, of this part—I mean the region of Sunium—has above it Attica together with the Megarian country as far as the Crisaean Gulf; after this is that Boeotian coastline which faces Euboea, and above this coast-line lies the rest of Boeotia, extending in the direction of the west, parallel to Attica. And hesc. Strabo. says that the Egnatian Road, also, beginning at the Ionian Gulf, ends at Thessaloniceia. +As for the ribbon-likeCp. 7. 3. 19. stretches of land, hesc. Strabo. says, I shall first mark off the boundary of the peoples who live in the one which is beside the sea near the Peneius and the Haliacmon. Now the Peneius flows from the Pindus Mountain through the middle of Thessaly towards the east; and after it passes through the cities of the Lapithae and some cities of the Perrhaebians, it reaches Tempe, after having received the waters of several rivers, among which is the Europus, which the poet called Titaresius,Hom. Il. 2.751 since it has its sources in the Titarius Mountain; the Titarius Mountain joins Olympus, and thence Olympus begins to mark the boundary between Macedonia and Thessaly; for Tempo is a narrow glen between Olympus and Ossa, and from these narrows the Peneius flows for a distance of forty stadia with Olympus, the loftiest mountain in Macedonia, on the left, and with Ossa, near the outlets of the river, on the right. So then, Gyrton, the Perrhaebian and Magnetan city in which Peirithoüs and Ixion reigned, is situated near the outlets of the Peneius on the right; and the city of Crannon lies at a distance of as much as one hundred stadia from Gyrton; and writers say that when the poet says, "Verily these twain from Thrace"Hom. Il 13.301 and what follows, he means by "Ephyri" the Crannonians and by "Phlegyae" the Gyrtonians. But Pieria is on the other side of the Peneius. The Peneius River rises in the Pindus Mountain and flows through Tempo and through the middle of Thessaly and of the countries of the Lapithae and the Perrhaebians, and also receives the waters of the Europus River, which Homer called Titaresius; it marks the boundary between MacedoniaIncluding Lower Macedonia (cp. Frag. 12). on the north and Thessaly on the south. But the source-waters of the Europus rise in the Titarius Mountain, which is continuous with Olympus. And Olyunpus belongs to Macedonia, whereas Ossa and Pelion belong to Thessaly. -The Peneius rises, according to the Geographer, in that part of the Pindus Mountain about which the Perrhaebians live. . . . And Strabo also makes the following statements concerning the Peneius: The Peneius rises in the Pindus; and leaving Tricca on the left it flows around Atrax and Larissa, and after receiving the rivers in Thessaly passes on through Tempe. And he says that the Peneius flows through the center of Thessaly, receiving many rivers, and that in its course it keeps Olympus on the left and Ossa on the right. And at its outlets, on the right, is a Magnetan city, Gyrton, in which Peirithoüs and Ixion reigned; and not far from Gyrton is a city Crannon, whose citizens were called by a different name, "Ephyri," just' as the citizens of Gyrton were called "Phlegyae." -Below the foot-hills of Olympus, along the Peneius River, lies Gyrton, the Perrhaebian and Magnetan city, in which Peirithoüs and Ixion ruled; and Crannon is at a distance of one hundred stadia from Gyrton, and writers say that when the poet says, "Verily these twain from Thrace,"Hom. Il. 13.301 he means by "Ephyri" the Crannonians and by "Phlegyae" the Gyrtonians.Cp. Frag. 14. +The Peneius rises, according to the Geographer, in that part of the Pindus Mountain about which the Perrhaebians live. . . . And Strabo also makes the following statements concerning the Peneius: The Peneius rises in the Pindus; and leaving Tricca on the left it flows around Atrax and Larissa, and after receiving the rivers in Thessaly passes on through Tempe. And he says that the Peneius flows through the center of Thessaly, receiving many rivers, and that in its course it keeps Olympus on the left and Ossa on the right. And at its outlets, on the right, is a Magnetan city, Gyrton, in which Peirithoüs and Ixion reigned; and not far from Gyrton is a city Crannon, whose citizens were called by a different name, "Ephyri," just' as the citizens of Gyrton were called "Phlegyae." +Below the foot-hills of Olympus, along the Peneius River, lies Gyrton, the Perrhaebian and Magnetan city, in which Peirithoüs and Ixion ruled; and Crannon is at a distance of one hundred stadia from Gyrton, and writers say that when the poet says, "Verily these twain from Thrace,"Hom. Il. 13.301 he means by "Ephyri" the Crannonians and by "Phlegyae" the Gyrtonians.Cp. Frag. 14. The city of Crannon is at a distance of one hundred stadia from Gyrton, according to Strabo. Homolium, a city of Macedonia and Magnesia. Strabo in his Seventh Book. I have said in my description of Macedonia that Homolium is close to Ossa and is where the Peneius, flowing through Tempe, begins to discharge its waters.See 9. 5. 22, from which this Fragment is taken. There were several different Ephyras, if indeed the Geographer counts as many as nine.Our text of Strabo mentions only seven. Benseler's Lexicon names nine and Pauly-Wissowa eight. He (the Geographer) speaks of a city Gyrton, a Magnetan city near the outlets of the Peneius. The city Dium, in the foot-hills of Olympus, is not on the shore of the Thermaean Gulf, but is at a distance of as much as seven stadia from it. And the city Dium has a village near by, Pimpleia, where Orpheus lived. -At the base of Olympus is a city Dium. And it has a village near by, Pimpleia. Here lived Orpheus, the Ciconian, it is said—a wizard who at first collected money from his music, together with his soothsaying and his celebration of the orgies connected with the mystic initiatory rites, but soon afterwards thought himself worthy of still greater things and procured for himself a throng of followers and power. Some, of course, received him willingly, but others, since they suspected a plot and violence, combined against him and killed him. And near here, also, is Leibethra. +At the base of Olympus is a city Dium. And it has a village near by, Pimpleia. Here lived Orpheus, the Ciconian, it is said—a wizard who at first collected money from his music, together with his soothsaying and his celebration of the orgies connected with the mystic initiatory rites, but soon afterwards thought himself worthy of still greater things and procured for himself a throng of followers and power. Some, of course, received him willingly, but others, since they suspected a plot and violence, combined against him and killed him. And near here, also, is Leibethra. In the early times the soothsayers also practised music. -After Dium come the outlets of the Haliacmon; then Pydna, Methone, Alorus, and the Erigon and Ludias Rivers. The Erigon flows from the country of the TriclariOtherwise unknown. through that of the Orestae and through Pellaea, leaves the city on the left,Tafel, Kramer, Meineke, and Forbiger think that Strabo wrote "Pelagonia" instead of "Pellaea" (or "the Pellaean country") and that "the city" which the Erigon leaves "on the left" is Heracleia Lyncestis (now Bitolia), for "Pellaea" seems to be used by no other writer and the Erigon leaves "the city" Pella "on the right," not "on the left." But both this fragment and Frag. 22 contain other errors which seem to defy emendation (cp. C. Müller, Index Variae Lectionis); for example, both make the Haliacmon empty between Dium and Pydna (and so does Ptolemaeus, 3.12). But lack of space requires that this whole matter be reserved for special discussions. and meets the Axius; the Ludias is navigable inland to Pella, a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Methone, which lies between the two cities, is about forty stadia from Pydna and seventy from Alorus. Alorus is in the inmost recess of the Thermaean Gulf, and it is called Thessaloniceia because of its fame.The text as it stands seems impossible, for Thessaloniceia, not Alorus, was in the innermost part of the gulf—unless, indeed, we assume that Strabo wrongly identified Alorus with Thessaloniceia. In any case, we should probably interpret "it" as referring to "the Thermaean Gulf" and "its" as meaning "Thessaloniceia's." Now Alorus is regarded as a Bottiaean city, whereas Pydna is regarded as a Pierian.Cp. Frag. 22. Pella belongs to lower Macedonia, which the Bottiaei used to occupy; in early times the treasury of Macedonia was here. Philip enlarged it from a small city, because he was reared in it. It has a headland in what is called Lake Ludias; and it is from this lake that the Ludias River issues, and the lake itself is supplied by an offshoot of the Axius. The Axius empties between Chalastra and Therma; and on this river lies a fortified place which now is called Abydon, though Homer calls it Amydon, and says that the Paeonians went to the aid of Troy from there, "from afar, out of Amydon, from wide-flowing Axius."Hom. Il. 2.849 The place was destroyed by the Argeadae. +After Dium come the outlets of the Haliacmon; then Pydna, Methone, Alorus, and the Erigon and Ludias Rivers. The Erigon flows from the country of the TriclariOtherwise unknown. through that of the Orestae and through Pellaea, leaves the city on the left,Tafel, Kramer, Meineke, and Forbiger think that Strabo wrote "Pelagonia" instead of "Pellaea" (or "the Pellaean country") and that "the city" which the Erigon leaves "on the left" is Heracleia Lyncestis (now Bitolia), for "Pellaea" seems to be used by no other writer and the Erigon leaves "the city" Pella "on the right," not "on the left." But both this fragment and Frag. 22 contain other errors which seem to defy emendation (cp. C. Müller, Index Variae Lectionis); for example, both make the Haliacmon empty between Dium and Pydna (and so does Ptolemaeus, 3.12). But lack of space requires that this whole matter be reserved for special discussions. and meets the Axius; the Ludias is navigable inland to Pella, a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Methone, which lies between the two cities, is about forty stadia from Pydna and seventy from Alorus. Alorus is in the inmost recess of the Thermaean Gulf, and it is called Thessaloniceia because of its fame.The text as it stands seems impossible, for Thessaloniceia, not Alorus, was in the innermost part of the gulf—unless, indeed, we assume that Strabo wrongly identified Alorus with Thessaloniceia. In any case, we should probably interpret "it" as referring to "the Thermaean Gulf" and "its" as meaning "Thessaloniceia's." Now Alorus is regarded as a Bottiaean city, whereas Pydna is regarded as a Pierian.Cp. Frag. 22. Pella belongs to lower Macedonia, which the Bottiaei used to occupy; in early times the treasury of Macedonia was here. Philip enlarged it from a small city, because he was reared in it. It has a headland in what is called Lake Ludias; and it is from this lake that the Ludias River issues, and the lake itself is supplied by an offshoot of the Axius. The Axius empties between Chalastra and Therma; and on this river lies a fortified place which now is called Abydon, though Homer calls it Amydon, and says that the Paeonians went to the aid of Troy from there, "from afar, out of Amydon, from wide-flowing Axius."Hom. Il. 2.849 The place was destroyed by the Argeadae. Abydon, Abydonis; a place in Macedonia, according to Strabo. The Axius is a muddy stream; but HomerHom. Il. 21.158 calls it "water most fair," perhaps on account of the spring called Aea, which, since it empties purest water into the Axius, proves that the present current readingSee Frag. 23. of the passage in the poet is faulty. After the Axius, at a distance of twenty stadia, is the Echedorus;Now the Gallico. then, forty stadia farther on, Thessaloniceia, founded by Gassander, and also the Egnatian Road. Cassander named the city after his wife Thessalonice, daughter of Philip son of Amyntas, after he had razed to the ground the towns in Crusis and those on the Thermaean Gulf, about twenty-six in number, and had settled all the inhabitants together in one city; and this city is the metropolis of what is now Macedonia. Among those included in the settlement were Apollonia, Chalastra, Therma, Garescus, Aenea, and Cissus; and of these one might suspect that Cissus belonged to Cisses,Also spelled "Cisseus" (wrongly, it seems), as in Frag. 24 q.v. whom the poet mentions in speaking of Iphidamas, "whom Cisses reared."Hom. Il. 11.223 Crusis; a portion of Mygdonia. Strabo in his Seventh Book. -Chalastra: a city of Thrace near the Thormaean Gulf—though Strabo, in his Seventh Book, calls it a city of Macedonia. +Chalastra: a city of Thrace near the Thormaean Gulf—though Strabo, in his Seventh Book, calls it a city of Macedonia. After the city Dium comes the Haliacmon River, which empties into the Thermaean Gulf. And the part after this, the seaboard of the gulf towards the north as far as the Axius River, is called Pieria, in which is the city Pydna, now called Citrum. Then come the cities Methone and Alorus. Then the Rivers Erigon and Ludias; and fromsc. "the mouth of the" (cp. Frag. 20). Ludias to the city of Pella the river is navigable, a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Methone is forty stadia distant from Pydna and seventy stadia from Alorus. Now Pydna is a Pierian city, whereas Alorus is Bottiaean.Cp. Frag. 20. Now it was in the plain before Pydna that the Romans defeated Perseus in war and destroyed the kingdom of the Macedonians, and it was in the plain before Methone that Philip the son of Amyntas, during the siege of the city, had the misfortune to have his right eye knocked out by a bolt from a catapult. As for Pella, though it was formerly small, Philip greatly enlarged it, because he was reared in it. It has a lake before it; and it is from this lake that the Ludias River flows, and the lake is supplied by an offshoot of the Axius. Then the Axius, dividing both Bottiaea and the land called Amphaxitis, and receiving the Erigon River, discharges its waters between Chalastra and Therma. And on the Anius River lies the place which Homer calls Amydon, saying that the Paeonians went to the aid of Troy from there, "from afar, out of Amydon, from wide-flowing Axius."Hom. Il. 2.849Cp. Frag. 20. But since the Axius is muddy and since a certain spring rises in Amydon and mingles "water most fair" with it, therefore the next line, "Axius, whose water most fair is spread o'er Aea,"Hom. Il. 2.850The usual meaning of "aea" in Homer is "earth." is changed to read thus, "Axius, o'er which is spread Aea's water most fair"Hom. Il. 2.850; for it is not the "water most fair" of the Axius that is spread over the face of the earth, but that of the spring o'er the Axius. In the phrase 'spread o'er Aiai,' or 'Aian,'The Greek dative and accusative forms, respectively, of Aia)., some are of the opinion that 'Aea' means, not the earth, but a certain spring, as is clear from what the Geographer says, namely: the Amydon in Homer was later called Abydon, but it was destroyed; and there is a spring near Amydon called Aea, which empties purest water into the Axius; and this river, since it is filled from many rivers, flows muddy. Therefore, he says, the current reading, 'Axius's water most fair spreads o'er Aea,' is faulty, because it is clearly not the water of the Axius that spread o'er the spring, but the reverse. Then the Geographer goes on somewhat gruffly to find fault with the opinion that Aea refers to the earth, and appears disposed to eject such diction from the Homeric poem altogether. @@ -270,7 +270,7 @@ Opposite Canastrum,The same as "Canastraeum" (Fr. 25 and 31). a cape of Pallene, is Derrhis, a headland near Cophus Harbor; and these two mark off the limits of the Toronaean Gulf. And towards the east, again, lies the cape of Athos, which marks off the limit of the Singitic Gulf. And so the gulfs of the Aegaean Sea lie in order, though at some distance from one another, towards the north, as follows: the Maliac, the Pagasitic, the Thermaean, the Toronaean, the Singitic, the Strymonic. The capes are, first, Poseidium, the one between the Maliac and the Pegasitic; secondly, the next one towards the north, Sepias; then the one on Pallene, Canastrum; then Derrhis; then come Nymphaeum, on Athos on the Singitic Gulf, and Acrathos, the cape that is on the Strymonic Gulf (Mt. Athos is between these two capes, and Lemnos is to the east of Mt. Athos); on the north, however, the limit of the Strymonic Gulf is marked by Neapolis.Now Kavala. Acanthus, a city on the Singitic Gulf, is on the coast near the canal of Xerxes. Athos has five cities, Dium, Cleonae, Thyssus, Olophyxis, Acrothol; and Acrothol is near the crest of Athos. Mt. Athos is breast-shaped, has a very sharp crest, and is very high, since those who live on the crest see the sun rise three hours before it rises on the seaboard. And the distance by sea around the peninsula from the city Acanthus as far as Stageirus,Now in ruins near Nizvoro. the city of Aristotle, is four hundred stadia. On this coast is a harbor, Caprus by name, and also an isle with the same name as the harbor. Then come the outlets of the Strymon; then Phagres, Galepsus, Apollonia, all cities; then the month of the Nestus,Now Mesta. which is the boundary between Macedonia and Thrace as fixed by Philip and his son Alexander in their times. There is also another set of cities about the Strymonic Gulf, as, for instance, Myrcinus, Argilus, Drabescus, and Datum.See footnote on "Datum," Frag. 36. The last named has not only excellent and fruitful soil but also dock-yards and gold mines; and hence the proverb, "a Datum of good things," like that other proverb, "spools of good things." There are very many gold mines in Crenides, where the city PhilippiNow Filibedjik (see footnote on "Datum," Frag. 36. now is situated, near Mt. Pangaeum.Now Pirnari. And Mt. Pangaeum as well has gold and silver mines, as also the country across, and the country this side, the Strymon River as far as Paeonia. And it is further said that the people who plough the Paeonian land find nuggets of gold. -Mt. Athos is high and breast-shaped; so high that on its crests the sun is up and the people are weary of ploughing by the time cock-crowThe third watch of the night. begins among the people who live on the shore. It was on this shore that Phamyris the Thracian reigned, who was a man of the same pursuits as Orpheus.See Frag. 18. Here, too, is to be seen a canal, in the neighborhood of Acanthus, where Xerxes dug a canal across Athos, it is said, and, by admitting the sea into the canal, brought his fleet across from the Strymonic Gulf through the isthmus. Demetrius of Scepsis, however, does not believe that this canal was navigable, for, he says, although as far as ten stadia the ground is deep-soiled and can be dug, and in fact a canal one plethrum in width has been dug, yet after that it is a flat rock, almost a stadium in length, which is too high and broad to admit of being quarried out through the whole of the distance as far as the sea; but even if it were dug thus far, certainly it could not be dug deep enough to make a navigable passage; this, he adds, is where Alexarchus, the son of Antipater,One of the foremost Macedonian generals (b. 497-d. 319 B.C.); also the father of Cassander. laid the foundation of Uranopolis, with its circuit of thirty stadia. Some of the Pelasgi from Lemnos took up their abode on this peninsula, and they were divided into five cities, Cleonae, Olophyxis, Acrothoï, Dium, Thyssus. After Athos comes the Strymonic Gulf extending as far as the Nestus, the river which marks off the boundary of Macedonia as fixed by Philip and Alexander; to be accurate, however, there is a cape which with Athos forms the Strymonic Gulf, I mean the cape which has had on it a city called Apollonia.The same Apollonia mentioned in Frag. 33. It was razed to the ground by Philip. It must have been somewhere between Neapolis and the mouth of the Nestus. Cp. Frag. 32, where Neapolis is spoken of as marking the northern limit of the gulf. The first city on this gulf after the harbor of the Acanthians is Stageira, the native city of Aristotle, now deserted; this too belongs to the Chalcidians and so do its harbor, Caprus, and an isleNow Kapronisi. bearing the same name as the harbor. Then come the Strymon and the inland voyage of twenty stadia to Amphipolis. Amphipolis was founded by the Athenians and is situated in that place which is called Ennea Hodoi."Nine Roads." Then come Galepsus and Apollonia, which were razed to the ground by Philip. +Mt. Athos is high and breast-shaped; so high that on its crests the sun is up and the people are weary of ploughing by the time cock-crowThe third watch of the night. begins among the people who live on the shore. It was on this shore that Phamyris the Thracian reigned, who was a man of the same pursuits as Orpheus.See Frag. 18. Here, too, is to be seen a canal, in the neighborhood of Acanthus, where Xerxes dug a canal across Athos, it is said, and, by admitting the sea into the canal, brought his fleet across from the Strymonic Gulf through the isthmus. Demetrius of Scepsis, however, does not believe that this canal was navigable, for, he says, although as far as ten stadia the ground is deep-soiled and can be dug, and in fact a canal one plethrum in width has been dug, yet after that it is a flat rock, almost a stadium in length, which is too high and broad to admit of being quarried out through the whole of the distance as far as the sea; but even if it were dug thus far, certainly it could not be dug deep enough to make a navigable passage; this, he adds, is where Alexarchus, the son of Antipater,One of the foremost Macedonian generals (b. 497-d. 319 B.C.); also the father of Cassander. laid the foundation of Uranopolis, with its circuit of thirty stadia. Some of the Pelasgi from Lemnos took up their abode on this peninsula, and they were divided into five cities, Cleonae, Olophyxis, Acrothoï, Dium, Thyssus. After Athos comes the Strymonic Gulf extending as far as the Nestus, the river which marks off the boundary of Macedonia as fixed by Philip and Alexander; to be accurate, however, there is a cape which with Athos forms the Strymonic Gulf, I mean the cape which has had on it a city called Apollonia.The same Apollonia mentioned in Frag. 33. It was razed to the ground by Philip. It must have been somewhere between Neapolis and the mouth of the Nestus. Cp. Frag. 32, where Neapolis is spoken of as marking the northern limit of the gulf. The first city on this gulf after the harbor of the Acanthians is Stageira, the native city of Aristotle, now deserted; this too belongs to the Chalcidians and so do its harbor, Caprus, and an isleNow Kapronisi. bearing the same name as the harbor. Then come the Strymon and the inland voyage of twenty stadia to Amphipolis. Amphipolis was founded by the Athenians and is situated in that place which is called Ennea Hodoi."Nine Roads." Then come Galepsus and Apollonia, which were razed to the ground by Philip. From the Peneius, he says, to Pydna is one hundred and twenty stadia. Along the seaboard of the Strymon and the Dateni are, not only the city Neapolis, but also DatumAppian Bellum Civile 4.105 and also Harpocration say the Datum was the earlier name of Philippi and that Crenides was the name of the same place in still earlier times. Leake (Northern Greece, Vol. III, pp. 223-4), Kiepert (Alte Geographic 315), Forbiger (Strabo Vol. II, p. 140, footnote, 175), Besnier (Lexique Geog. Ancienne s.v. "Neapolis"), Lolling (Hellenische Landeskunde, 220, 230) identify Datum with Neapolis. But Heuzey (quoted by Philippson, Pauly-Wissowa s.v. "Datum") tries to reconcile these disagreements and the above statement of Strabo by assuming that originally Datum was that territory east of Mt. Pangarum which comprised the Plain of Philippi, the basin of the Angites River (including Drabescus now Drama), and the adjacent coast; and that later Neapolis (now Kavala) was founded on the coast and Datum was founded on the site of Crenides, and still later the city of Datum was named Philippi. itself, with its fruitful plains, lake, rivers, dock-yards, and profitable gold mines; and hence the proverb, "a Datum of good things," like that other proverb, "spools of good things." Now the country that is on the far side of the Strymon, I mean that which is near the sea and those places that are in the neighborhood of Datum, is the country of the Odomantes and the Edoni and the Bisaltae, both those who are indigenous and those who crossed over from Macedonia, amongst whom Rhesus reigned. Above Amphipolis, however, and as far as the city Heracleia,Heracleia Sintica (now Zervokhori). is the country of the Bisaltae, with its fruitful valley; this valley is divided into two parts by the Strymon, which has its source in the country of the Agrianes who live round about Rhodope; and alongside this country lies Parorbelia, a district of Macedonia, which has in its interior, along the valley that begins at Eidonene, the cities Callipolis, Orthopolis, Philippopolis, Garescus.If one goes up the Strymon, one comes to Berge;Now Tachyno (Leake, Northern Greece, Vol. III, p. 229). it, too, is situated in the country of the Bisaltae, and is a village about two hundred stadia distant from Amphipolis. And if one goes from Heracleia towards the north and the narrows through which the Strymon flows, keeping the river on the right, one has Paeonia and the region round about Doberus,The site of the city Doberus is uncertain (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.), though it appears to have been somewhere near Tauriana. Rhodope, and the Haemus Mountain on the left, whereas on the right one has the region round about the Haemus.The text, which even Meineke retains, is translated as it stands, but Strabo probably wrote as follows: "one has Paeonia and the region round about Doberus on the left, whereas on the right one has the parts round about Rhodope and the Haemus Mountain. This side the Strymon are Scotussa, near the river itself, and Arethusa, near lake Bolbe.Now Beschikgoel. Furthermore, the name Mygdones is applied especially to the people round about the lake. Not only the Axius flows out of the country of the Paeonians, but also the Strymon, for it flows out of the country of the Agrianes through that of the Medi and Sinti and empties into the parts that are between the Bisaltae and the Odomantes. The Strymon River rises in the country of the Agrianes who live round about Rhodope. Some represent the Paeonians as colonists from the Phrygians, while others represent them as independent founders. And it is said that Paeonia has extended as far as Pelagonia and Pieria; that Pelagonia was called Orestia in earlier times, that Asteropaeus, one of the leaders who made the expedition from Paeonia to Troy, was not without good reason called "son of Pelegon," and that the Paeonians themselves were called Pelagonians. @@ -278,20 +278,20 @@ Since the "paeanismos"i.e., "the chanting of the paean." of the Thracians is called "titanismos" by the Greeks, in imitation of the cryThe cry to Titan. uttered in paeans, the Titans too were called Pelagonians. It is clear that in early times, as now, the Paeonians occupied much of what is now Macedonia, so that they could not only lay siege to Perinthus but also bring under their power all Crestonia and Mygdonis and the country of the Agrianes as far as Pangaeurum.See Frag. 34. Philippi and the region about Philippi lie above that part of the seaboard of the Strymonic Gulf which extends from Galepsus as far as Nestus. In earlier times Pllilippi was called Crenides, and was only a small settlement, but it was enlarged after the defeat of Brutus and Cassius.In 42 B.C., after which it was made a Roman colony. What is now the city Philippi was called Crenides in early times. -Off this seaboard lie two islands, Lemnos and Thasos. And after the strait of Thasos one comes to AbderaNow Balastra. and the scene of the myths connected with Abderus. It was inhabited by the Bistonian Thracians over whom Diomedes ruled. The Nestus River does not always remain in the same bed, but oftentimes floods the country. Then come Dicaea,Now, perhaps, Kurnu. a city situated on a gulf, and a harbor. Above these lies the Bistonis,Now Bourougoel. a lake which has a circuit of about two hundred stadia. It is said that, because this plain was altogether a hollow and lower than the sea, Heracles, since he was inferior in horse when he came to get the mares of Diomedes, dug a canal through the shore and let in the water of the sea upon the plain and thus mastered his adversaries. One is shown also the royal residenceThat is, the town of the royal palace, as "Camici" (6. 2. 6) was the "royal residence" of Cocalus. of Diomedes, which, because of its naturally strong position and from what is actually the case, is called Cartera Come."Strong Village." After the lake, which is midway between, come Xantheia,Xantheia was situated on the mountain now called Xanthi. Maroneia,Now Maronia. and Ismarus,Now Ismahan. the cities of the Cicones. Ismarus, however, is now called Ismara; it is near Maroneia. And near here, also, Lake Ismaris sends forth its stream; this stream is called Odysseium. And here, too, are what are called the Thasiön Cephalae.Literally, "Heads of the Thasii"; referring, apparently, to certain headlands occupied by Thasians. But the people situated in the interior are Sapaei. +Off this seaboard lie two islands, Lemnos and Thasos. And after the strait of Thasos one comes to AbderaNow Balastra. and the scene of the myths connected with Abderus. It was inhabited by the Bistonian Thracians over whom Diomedes ruled. The Nestus River does not always remain in the same bed, but oftentimes floods the country. Then come Dicaea,Now, perhaps, Kurnu. a city situated on a gulf, and a harbor. Above these lies the Bistonis,Now Bourougoel. a lake which has a circuit of about two hundred stadia. It is said that, because this plain was altogether a hollow and lower than the sea, Heracles, since he was inferior in horse when he came to get the mares of Diomedes, dug a canal through the shore and let in the water of the sea upon the plain and thus mastered his adversaries. One is shown also the royal residenceThat is, the town of the royal palace, as "Camici" (6. 2. 6) was the "royal residence" of Cocalus. of Diomedes, which, because of its naturally strong position and from what is actually the case, is called Cartera Come."Strong Village." After the lake, which is midway between, come Xantheia,Xantheia was situated on the mountain now called Xanthi. Maroneia,Now Maronia. and Ismarus,Now Ismahan. the cities of the Cicones. Ismarus, however, is now called Ismara; it is near Maroneia. And near here, also, Lake Ismaris sends forth its stream; this stream is called Odysseium. And here, too, are what are called the Thasiön Cephalae.Literally, "Heads of the Thasii"; referring, apparently, to certain headlands occupied by Thasians. But the people situated in the interior are Sapaei. Topeira is near Abdera and Maroneia. The aforesaid Ismarus, in later times called Ismara, is, they say, a city of the Cicones; it is near Maroneia, where is also a lake, the stream of which is called Odysseium; here too is a hero-temple of Maron, as the Geographer records. The Sinti, a Thracian tribe, inhabit the island Lemnos; and from this fact Homer calls them Sinties, when he says, "where me the Sinties . . ."Hom. Il. 1.594cp. Thuc. 2.98 Lemnos: first settled by the Thracians who were called Sinties, according to Strabo. After the Nestus River, towards the east, is the city Abdera, named after Abderus, whom the horses of Diomedes devoured; then, near by, the city Picaea, above which lies a great lake, Bistonis; then the city Maroneia. -Thrace as a whole consists of twenty-two tribes. But although it has been devastated to an exceptional degree, it can send into the field fifteen thousand cavalry and also two hundred thousand infantry. After Maroneis one comes to the city Orthagoria and to the region about SerrhiumCape Makri. (a rough coastingvoyage) and to Tempyra, the little town of the Samothracians, and to Caracoma,Caracoma (or Characoma, meaning a fortress?) is otherwise unknown. another little town, off which lies the island Samothrace, and to Imbros, which is not very far from Samothrace; Thasos, however, is more than twice as far from Samothrace as Imbros is. From Caracoma one comes to Doriscus,Now Tulsa. where Xerxes enumerated his army; then to the Hebrus, which is navigable inland to Cypsela,Now Ipsala. a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. This, hesc. Strabo. says, was the boundary of the Macedonia which the Romans first took away from Perseus and afterwards from the Pseudo-Philip.The younger brother of Perseus, whom Perseus regarded as his heir. Now Paulus,Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus, in his second consulship, 168 B.C., defeated Perseus near Pydna. who captured Perseus, annexed the Epeirotic tribes to Macedonia, divided the country into four parts for purposes of administration, and apportioned one part to Amphipolis, another to Thessaloniceia, another to Pella, and another to the Pelagonians. Along the Hebrus live the Corpili, and, still farther up the river, the Brenae, and then, farthermost of all, the Bessi, for the river is navigable thus far. All these tribes are given to brigandage, but most of all the Bessi, who, Hesc. Strabo. says, are neighbors to the Odrysae and the Sapaei. BizyeBizye (now Viza) was the home of King Tereus (in the story of Philomela and Procne) and was the residence of the last Thracian dynasty, which was of the stock of the Odrysae. was the royal residence of the Astae. The term "Odrysae" is applied by some to all the peoples living above the seaboard from the Hebrus and Cypsela as far as OdessusNow Varna.—the peoples over whom Amadocus, Cersobleptes, Berisades, Seuthes, and Cotys reigned as kings. +Thrace as a whole consists of twenty-two tribes. But although it has been devastated to an exceptional degree, it can send into the field fifteen thousand cavalry and also two hundred thousand infantry. After Maroneis one comes to the city Orthagoria and to the region about SerrhiumCape Makri. (a rough coastingvoyage) and to Tempyra, the little town of the Samothracians, and to Caracoma,Caracoma (or Characoma, meaning a fortress?) is otherwise unknown. another little town, off which lies the island Samothrace, and to Imbros, which is not very far from Samothrace; Thasos, however, is more than twice as far from Samothrace as Imbros is. From Caracoma one comes to Doriscus,Now Tulsa. where Xerxes enumerated his army; then to the Hebrus, which is navigable inland to Cypsela,Now Ipsala. a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. This, hesc. Strabo. says, was the boundary of the Macedonia which the Romans first took away from Perseus and afterwards from the Pseudo-Philip.The younger brother of Perseus, whom Perseus regarded as his heir. Now Paulus,Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus, in his second consulship, 168 B.C., defeated Perseus near Pydna. who captured Perseus, annexed the Epeirotic tribes to Macedonia, divided the country into four parts for purposes of administration, and apportioned one part to Amphipolis, another to Thessaloniceia, another to Pella, and another to the Pelagonians. Along the Hebrus live the Corpili, and, still farther up the river, the Brenae, and then, farthermost of all, the Bessi, for the river is navigable thus far. All these tribes are given to brigandage, but most of all the Bessi, who, Hesc. Strabo. says, are neighbors to the Odrysae and the Sapaei. BizyeBizye (now Viza) was the home of King Tereus (in the story of Philomela and Procne) and was the residence of the last Thracian dynasty, which was of the stock of the Odrysae. was the royal residence of the Astae. The term "Odrysae" is applied by some to all the peoples living above the seaboard from the Hebrus and Cypsela as far as OdessusNow Varna.—the peoples over whom Amadocus, Cersobleptes, Berisades, Seuthes, and Cotys reigned as kings. Odrysae: a tribe of Thrace; Strabo in his Seventh Book. The Geographer, in pointing out the great extent of Thrace, says also that Thrace as a whole consists of twenty-two tribes. The river in Thrace that is now called Rheginia used to be called Erigon. Iasion and Dardanus, two brothers, used to live in Samothrace. But when Iasion was struck by a thunderbolt because of his sin against Demeter, Dardanus sailed away from Samothrace, went and took up his abode at the foot of Mount Ida, calling the city Dardania, and taught the Trojans the Samothracian Mysteries. In earlier times, however, Samothrace was called Samos. Many writers have identified the gods that are worshipped in Samothrace with the Cabeiri, though they cannot say who the Cabeiri themselves are, just as the Cyrbantes and Corybantes, and likewise the Curetes and the Idaean Dactyli, are identified with them. This Thracian island, according to the Geographer, is called Samos because of its height; for "samoi," he says, means "heights." . . . And the Geographer says that in olden times Samians from Mycale settled in the island, which had been deserted because of a dearth of crops, and that in this way it was called Samos. . . . And the Geographer records also that in earlier times Samothrace was called Melite, as also that it was rich; for Cilician pirates, he says, secretly broke into the temple in Samothrace, robbed it, and carried off more than a thousand talents. -Near the outlet of the Hebrus, which has two mouths, lies the city Aenus,Now Enos. on the Melas Gulf;Gulf of Saros. it was founded by Mitylenaeans and Cumaeans, though in still earlier times by Alopeconnesians. Then comes Cape Sarpedon; then what is called the Thracian Chersonesus, which forms the Propontis and the Melas Gulf and the Hellespont; for it is a cape which projects towards the south-east, thus connecting Europe with Asia by the strait, seven stadia wide, which is between Abydus and Sestus, and thus having on the left the Propontis and on the right the Melas Gulf—so called, just as Herodotus7. 58. and Eudoxus say, from the Melas RiverNow called by the Turks "Kavatch Su." which empties into it. But Herodotus,7. 58. hesc. Strabo. says, states that this stream was not sufficient to supply the army of Xerxes. The aforesaid cape is closed in by an isthmus forty stadia wide. Now in the middle of the isthmus is situated the city Lysimacheia, named after the king who founded it; and on either side of it lies a city—on the Melas Gulf, Cardia, the largest of the cities on the Chersonesus, founded by Milesians and Clazomenians but later refounded by Athenians, and on the Propontis, Pactye. And after Cardia come Drabus and Limnae; then Alopeconnesus, in which the Melas Gulf comes approximately to an end; then the large headland, Mazusia; then, on a gulf, Eleus,The better spelling of the name is "Elaeus." where is the temple of Protesilaus, opposite which, forty stadia distant, is Sigeium,Now Yeni-scheher. a headland of the Troad; and this is about the most southerly extremity of the Chersonesus, being slightly more than four hundred stadia from Cardia; and if one sails around the rest of the circuit, towards the other side of the isthmus, the distance is slightly more than this. +Near the outlet of the Hebrus, which has two mouths, lies the city Aenus,Now Enos. on the Melas Gulf;Gulf of Saros. it was founded by Mitylenaeans and Cumaeans, though in still earlier times by Alopeconnesians. Then comes Cape Sarpedon; then what is called the Thracian Chersonesus, which forms the Propontis and the Melas Gulf and the Hellespont; for it is a cape which projects towards the south-east, thus connecting Europe with Asia by the strait, seven stadia wide, which is between Abydus and Sestus, and thus having on the left the Propontis and on the right the Melas Gulf—so called, just as Herodotus7. 58. and Eudoxus say, from the Melas RiverNow called by the Turks "Kavatch Su." which empties into it. But Herodotus,7. 58. hesc. Strabo. says, states that this stream was not sufficient to supply the army of Xerxes. The aforesaid cape is closed in by an isthmus forty stadia wide. Now in the middle of the isthmus is situated the city Lysimacheia, named after the king who founded it; and on either side of it lies a city—on the Melas Gulf, Cardia, the largest of the cities on the Chersonesus, founded by Milesians and Clazomenians but later refounded by Athenians, and on the Propontis, Pactye. And after Cardia come Drabus and Limnae; then Alopeconnesus, in which the Melas Gulf comes approximately to an end; then the large headland, Mazusia; then, on a gulf, Eleus,The better spelling of the name is "Elaeus." where is the temple of Protesilaus, opposite which, forty stadia distant, is Sigeium,Now Yeni-scheher. a headland of the Troad; and this is about the most southerly extremity of the Chersonesus, being slightly more than four hundred stadia from Cardia; and if one sails around the rest of the circuit, towards the other side of the isthmus, the distance is slightly more than this. Aenus; a city of Thrace, called Apsinthus. Strabo in his Seventh Book. The city Aenus is in the outlet of the Hebrus, which has two mouths, and was founded by Cumaeans; and it was so called because there was an Aenius River and also a village of the same name near Ossa. The Thracian Chersonesus forms three seas: the Propontis in the north, the Hellespont in the east, and the Melas Gulf in the south, into which empties the Melas River, which bears the same name as the gulf. On the isthmus of the Chersonesus are situated three cities: near the Melas Gulf, Cardia, and near the Propontis, Pactye, and near the middle, Lysimacheia. The length"Length" here means "breadth" (see Frag. 51). of the isthmus is forty stadia. @@ -300,87 +300,87 @@ As for Sestus and the whole of the Chersonesus, I have already discussed them in my description of the regions of Thrace. Sestus, a colony of the Lesbians, as is also Madytus, as the Geographer says, is a Chersonesian city thirty stadia distant from Abydus, from harbor to harbor. The distance from Perinthus to Byzantium is six hundred and thirty stadia; but from the Hebrus and Cypsela to Byzantium, as far as the Cyanean Rocks, three thousand one hundred, as Artemidorus says; and the entire distance from the Ionian Gulf at Apollonia as far as Byzantium is seven thousand three hundred and twenty stadia, though Polybius adds one hundred and eighty more, since he adds a third of a stadium to the eight stadia in the mile. Demetrius of Scepsis, however, in his work On the Marshalling of the Trojan ForcesThis work consisted of thirty books, and was written as an interpretation of Homer's catalogue (62 lines) of the Trojan forces (Hom. Il. 2.816-877), as Strabo says elsewhere (13. 1. 45). calls the distance from Perinthus to Byzantium six hundred stadia and the distance to Parium equal thereto; and he represents the Propontis as one thousand four hundred stadia in length and five hundred in breadth; while as for the Hellespont, he calls its narrowest breadth seven stadia and its length four hundred. - There is no general agreement in the definition of the term "Hellespont": in fact, there are several opinions concerning it. For some writers call "Hellespont" the whole of the Propontis; others, that part of the Propontis which is this side Perinthus; others go on to add that part of the outer sea which faces the Melas Gulf and the open waters of the Aegaean Sea, and these writers in turn each comprise different sections in their definitions, some the part from Sigeium to Lampsacus and Cysicus, or Parium, or Priapus, another going on to add the part which extends from Sigrium in the Lesbian Isle. And some do not shrink even from applying the name Hellespont to the whole of the high sea as far as the Myrtoan Sea, since, as PindarFrag. 51 (Bergk) says in his hymns, those who were sailing with Heracles from Troy through Helle's maidenly strait, on touching the Myrtoan Sea, ran back again to Cos, because Zephyrus blew contrary to their course. And in this way, also, they require that the whole of the Aegaean Sea as far as the Thermaean Gulf and the sea which is about Thessaly and Macedonia should be called Hellespont, invoking Homer also as witness; for Homer says, "thou shalt see, if thou dost wish and hast a care therefor, my ships sailing o'er the fishy Hellespont at very early morn"Hom. Il. 9.359; but such an argument is refuted by those other lines, "the hero,Peiroüs. son of Imbrasus, who, as we know, had come from Aenus,"Hom. Il. 4.520 but he was the leader of the Thracians,Hom. Il. 2.844, 4.519 "all who are shut in by strong-flowing Hellespont";Hom. Il. 2.845 that is, Homer would represent thoseThe Cicones, themselves inhabitants of Thraces. who are situated next after theseThe particular Thracians whose territory ended at Aenus, or the Hebrus River. as situated outside the Hellespont; that is, Aenus lies in what was formerly called Apsinthis, though now called Corpilice, whereas the country of the Cicones lies next thereafter towards the west.The argument of this misunderstood passage is as follows; Certain writers (1) make the Homeric Thrace extend as far as Crannon and Gyrton in Thessaly (Fr. 14, 16); then (2) interpret Homer as meaning that Peiroüs was the leader of all Thracians; therefore (3) the Homeric Hellespont extends to the southern boundary of Thessaly. But their opponents regard the clause "all who are shut in by strong-flowing Hellespont" as restrictive, that is, as meaning only those Thracians who (as "Aenus" shows) were east of the Cicones, or of Hebrus. Strabo himself seems to lean to the latter view. + There is no general agreement in the definition of the term "Hellespont": in fact, there are several opinions concerning it. For some writers call "Hellespont" the whole of the Propontis; others, that part of the Propontis which is this side Perinthus; others go on to add that part of the outer sea which faces the Melas Gulf and the open waters of the Aegaean Sea, and these writers in turn each comprise different sections in their definitions, some the part from Sigeium to Lampsacus and Cysicus, or Parium, or Priapus, another going on to add the part which extends from Sigrium in the Lesbian Isle. And some do not shrink even from applying the name Hellespont to the whole of the high sea as far as the Myrtoan Sea, since, as PindarFrag. 51 (Bergk) says in his hymns, those who were sailing with Heracles from Troy through Helle's maidenly strait, on touching the Myrtoan Sea, ran back again to Cos, because Zephyrus blew contrary to their course. And in this way, also, they require that the whole of the Aegaean Sea as far as the Thermaean Gulf and the sea which is about Thessaly and Macedonia should be called Hellespont, invoking Homer also as witness; for Homer says, "thou shalt see, if thou dost wish and hast a care therefor, my ships sailing o'er the fishy Hellespont at very early morn"Hom. Il. 9.359; but such an argument is refuted by those other lines, "the hero,Peiroüs. son of Imbrasus, who, as we know, had come from Aenus,"Hom. Il. 4.520 but he was the leader of the Thracians,Hom. Il. 2.844, 4.519 "all who are shut in by strong-flowing Hellespont";Hom. Il. 2.845 that is, Homer would represent thoseThe Cicones, themselves inhabitants of Thraces. who are situated next after theseThe particular Thracians whose territory ended at Aenus, or the Hebrus River. as situated outside the Hellespont; that is, Aenus lies in what was formerly called Apsinthis, though now called Corpilice, whereas the country of the Cicones lies next thereafter towards the west.The argument of this misunderstood passage is as follows; Certain writers (1) make the Homeric Thrace extend as far as Crannon and Gyrton in Thessaly (Fr. 14, 16); then (2) interpret Homer as meaning that Peiroüs was the leader of all Thracians; therefore (3) the Homeric Hellespont extends to the southern boundary of Thessaly. But their opponents regard the clause "all who are shut in by strong-flowing Hellespont" as restrictive, that is, as meaning only those Thracians who (as "Aenus" shows) were east of the Cicones, or of Hebrus. Strabo himself seems to lean to the latter view. Corpili: certain of the Thracians. Strabo, Seventh Book; their country is called Corpilice; for Aenus lies in what was formerly called Apsinthis, though now called Corpilice. Tetrachoritae: the Bessi, according to Strabo in his Seventh Book. These are also called Tetracomi. -For hesc. Strabo. says in the Seventh Book of the same workThat is, his Geography, previously mentioned. that he knew Poseidonius, the Stoic philosopher.This fragment and its context, as found in Athenaeus 14.75, requires special investigation. If the text of Atheaeus is right, he misquotes Strabo at least once. For the latter "in his Third Book" (3. 4. 11) speaks of "Cantabrian," not "Cibyric," hams. Again, the reading of the Greek text for "he" (in "he knew") present a grammatical problem; Kaibel makes "he" refer to Pompey, but it must in that context, refer to Strabo. And did Strabo really say that he knew Poseidonius? Or could he have known him? (See 16. 2. 10, where Strabo speaks of Poseidonius as "most widely-learned of all philosophers of out times.") Moreover, how could Poseidonius have been an associate of that Scipio (Africanus Minor) who captured Carthage? Is not Atheaeus confusing Poseidonius with Polybius, who was with Scipio at the destruction of Carthage? Or is he not confusing Poseidonius with Panaetius (see Casaubon-Schweighaüser, Animadv. in Athenaeum, Vol. VII, p. 645.

+For hesc. Strabo. says in the Seventh Book of the same workThat is, his Geography, previously mentioned. that he knew Poseidonius, the Stoic philosopher.This fragment and its context, as found in Athenaeus 14.75, requires special investigation. If the text of Atheaeus is right, he misquotes Strabo at least once. For the latter "in his Third Book" (3. 4. 11) speaks of "Cantabrian," not "Cibyric," hams. Again, the reading of the Greek text for "he" (in "he knew") present a grammatical problem; Kaibel makes "he" refer to Pompey, but it must in that context, refer to Strabo. And did Strabo really say that he knew Poseidonius? Or could he have known him? (See 16. 2. 10, where Strabo speaks of Poseidonius as "most widely-learned of all philosophers of out times.") Moreover, how could Poseidonius have been an associate of that Scipio (Africanus Minor) who captured Carthage? Is not Atheaeus confusing Poseidonius with Polybius, who was with Scipio at the destruction of Carthage? Or is he not confusing Poseidonius with Panaetius (see Casaubon-Schweighaüser, Animadv. in Athenaeum, Vol. VII, p. 645.

-I began my description by going over all the western parts of Europe comprised between the inner and the outer sea;The Mediterranean and Atlantic. and now that I have encompassed in my survey all the barbarian tribes in Europe as far as the Tanaïs and also a small part of Greece, Macedonia,See Book 7, Fr. 9, in Vol. III. I now shall give an account of the remainder of the geography of Greece. This subject was first treated by Homer; and then, after him, by several others, some of whom have written special treatises entitled Harbours, or Coasting Voyages, or General Descriptions of the Earth, or the like; and in these is comprised also the description of Greece. Others have set forth the topography of the continents in separate parts of their general histories, for instance, Ephorus and Polybius. Still others have inserted certain things on this subject in their treatises on physics and mathematics, for instance, Poseidonius and Hipparchus. Now although the statements of the others are easy to pass judgment upon, yet those of Homer require critical inquiry, since he speaks poetically, and not of things as they now are, but of things as they were in antiquity, which for the most part have been obscured by time. Be this as it may, as far as I can I must undertake the inquiry; and I shall begin where I left off. My account ended, on the west and the north, with the tribes of the Epeirotes and of the Illyrians, and, on the east, with those of the Macedonians as far as Byzantium. After the Epeirotes and the Illyrians, then, come the following peoples of the Greeks: the Acarnanians, the Aetolians, and the Ozolian Locrians; and, next, the Phocians and Boeotians; and opposite these, across the arm of the sea, is the Peloponnesus, which with these encloses the Corinthian Gulf, and not only shapes the gulf but also is shaped by it; and after Macedonia, the Thessalians (extending as far as the Malians) and the countries of the rest of the peoples outside the Isthmus, i.e., north of the Isthmus. as also of those inside. -There have been many tribes in Greece, but those which go back to the earliest times are only as many in number as the Greek dialects which we have learned to distinguish. But though the dialects themselves are four in number,See 14. 5. 26. we may say that the Ionic is the same as the ancient Attic, for the Attic people of ancient times were called Ionians, and from that stock sprang those Ionians who colonized Asia and used what is now called the Ionic speech; and we may say that the Doric dialect is the same as the Aeolic, for all the Greeks outside the Isthmus, except the Athenians and the Megarians and the Dorians who live about Parnassus, are to this day still called Aeolians. And it is reasonable to suppose that the Dorians too, since they were few in number and lived in a most rugged country, have, because of their lack of intercourse with others, changed their speech and their other customs to the extent that they are no longer a part of the same tribe as before. And this was precisely the case with the Athenians; that is, they lived in a country that was both thin-soiled and rugged, and for this reason, according to Thucydides, 1. 2 and 2. 36. their country remained free from devastation, and they were regarded as an indigenous people, who always occupied the same country, since no one drove them out of their country or even desired to possess it. This, therefore, as one may suppose, was precisely the cause of their becoming different both in speech and in customs, albeit they were few in number. And just as the Aeolic element predominated in the parts outside the Isthmus, so too the people inside the Isthmus were in earlier times Aeolians; and then they became mixed with other peoples, since, in the first place, Ionians from Attica seized the Aegialus,The Peloponnesus Achaea. and, secondly, the Heracleidae brought back the Dorians, who founded both Megara and many of the cities of the Peloponnesus. The Ionians, however, were soon driven out again by the Achaeans, an Aeolic tribe; and so there were left in the Peloponnesus only the two tribes, the Aeolian and the Dorian. Now all the peoples who had less intercourse with the Dorians—as was the case with the Arcadians and with the Eleians, since the former were wholly mountaineers and had no share in the allotmentsCp. 8. 5. 6. of territory, while the latter were regarded as sacred to the Olympian Zeus and hence have long lived to themselves in peace, especially because they belonged to the Aeolic stock and had admitted the army which came back with Oxylus Cp. 8. 3. 33. about the time of the return of the Heracleidae—these peoples, I say, spoke the Aeolic dialect, whereas the rest used a sort of mixture of the two, some leaning more to the Aeolic and some less. And, I might almost say, even now the people of each city speaks a different dialect, although, because of the predominance which has been gained by the Dorians, one and all are reputed to speak the Doric. Such, then, are the tribes of the Greeks, and such in general terms is their ethnographical division. Let me now take them separately, following the appropriate order, and tell about them. -Ephorus says that, if one begins with the western parts, Acarnania is the beginning of Greece; for, he adds, Acarnania is the first to border on the tribes of the Epeirotes. But just as Ephorus, using the seacoast as his measuring-line, begins with Acarnania (for he decides in favor of the sea as a kind of guide in his description of places, because otherwise he might have represented parts that border on the land of the Macedonians and the Thessalians as the beginning), so it is proper that I too, following the natural character of the regions, should make the sea my counsellor. Now this sea, issuing forth out of the Sicilian Sea, on one side stretches to the Corinthian Gulf, and on the other forms a large peninsula, the Peloponnesus, which is closed by a narrow isthmus. Thus Greece consists of two very large bodies of land, the part inside the Isthmus, and the part outside, which extends through PylaeThermopylae. as far as the outlet of the Peneius (this latter is the Thessalian part of Greece);That is, from Pylae to the outlet of the Peneius. but the part inside the Isthmus is both larger and more famous. I might almost say that the Peloponnesus is the acropolis of Greece as a whole;Groskurd, Kramer and Curtius think that something like the following has fallen out of the MSS.: "and that Greece is the acropolis of the whole world." for, apart from the splendor and power of the tribes that have lived in it, the very topography of Greece, diversified as it is by gulfs, many capes, and, what are the most significant, large peninsulas that follow one another in succession, suggests such hegemony for it. The first of the peninsulas is the Peloponnesus which is closed by an isthmus forty stadia in width. The second includes the first; and its isthmus extends in width from Pagae in Megaris to Nisaea, the naval station of the Megarians, the distance across being one hundred and twenty stadia from sea to sea. The third likewise includes the second; and its isthmus extends in width from the recess of the Crisaean Gulf as far as Thermopylae—the imaginary straight line, about five hundred and eight stadia in length, enclosing within the peninsula the whole of Boeotia and cutting obliquely Phocis and the country of the Epicnemidians.The Epicnemidian Locrians. The fourth is the peninsula whose isthmus extends from the Ambracian Gulf through OetaNow the Katavothra Mountain. It forms a boundary between the valleys of the Spercheius and Cephissus Rivers. and Trachinia to the Maliac Gulf and Thermopylae—the isthmus being about eight hundred stadia in width. But there is another isthmus, more than one thousand stadia in width, extending from the same Ambracian Gulf through the countries of the Thessalians and the Macedonians to the recess of the Thermaean Gulf. So then, the succession of the peninsulas suggests a kind of order, and not a bad one, for me to follow in my description; and I should begin with the smallest, but most famous, of them. +I began my description by going over all the western parts of Europe comprised between the inner and the outer sea;The Mediterranean and Atlantic. and now that I have encompassed in my survey all the barbarian tribes in Europe as far as the Tanaïs and also a small part of Greece, Macedonia,See Book 7, Fr. 9, in Vol. III. I now shall give an account of the remainder of the geography of Greece. This subject was first treated by Homer; and then, after him, by several others, some of whom have written special treatises entitled Harbours, or Coasting Voyages, or General Descriptions of the Earth, or the like; and in these is comprised also the description of Greece. Others have set forth the topography of the continents in separate parts of their general histories, for instance, Ephorus and Polybius. Still others have inserted certain things on this subject in their treatises on physics and mathematics, for instance, Poseidonius and Hipparchus. Now although the statements of the others are easy to pass judgment upon, yet those of Homer require critical inquiry, since he speaks poetically, and not of things as they now are, but of things as they were in antiquity, which for the most part have been obscured by time. Be this as it may, as far as I can I must undertake the inquiry; and I shall begin where I left off. My account ended, on the west and the north, with the tribes of the Epeirotes and of the Illyrians, and, on the east, with those of the Macedonians as far as Byzantium. After the Epeirotes and the Illyrians, then, come the following peoples of the Greeks: the Acarnanians, the Aetolians, and the Ozolian Locrians; and, next, the Phocians and Boeotians; and opposite these, across the arm of the sea, is the Peloponnesus, which with these encloses the Corinthian Gulf, and not only shapes the gulf but also is shaped by it; and after Macedonia, the Thessalians (extending as far as the Malians) and the countries of the rest of the peoples outside the Isthmus, i.e., north of the Isthmus. as also of those inside. +There have been many tribes in Greece, but those which go back to the earliest times are only as many in number as the Greek dialects which we have learned to distinguish. But though the dialects themselves are four in number,See 14. 5. 26. we may say that the Ionic is the same as the ancient Attic, for the Attic people of ancient times were called Ionians, and from that stock sprang those Ionians who colonized Asia and used what is now called the Ionic speech; and we may say that the Doric dialect is the same as the Aeolic, for all the Greeks outside the Isthmus, except the Athenians and the Megarians and the Dorians who live about Parnassus, are to this day still called Aeolians. And it is reasonable to suppose that the Dorians too, since they were few in number and lived in a most rugged country, have, because of their lack of intercourse with others, changed their speech and their other customs to the extent that they are no longer a part of the same tribe as before. And this was precisely the case with the Athenians; that is, they lived in a country that was both thin-soiled and rugged, and for this reason, according to Thucydides, 1. 2 and 2. 36. their country remained free from devastation, and they were regarded as an indigenous people, who always occupied the same country, since no one drove them out of their country or even desired to possess it. This, therefore, as one may suppose, was precisely the cause of their becoming different both in speech and in customs, albeit they were few in number. And just as the Aeolic element predominated in the parts outside the Isthmus, so too the people inside the Isthmus were in earlier times Aeolians; and then they became mixed with other peoples, since, in the first place, Ionians from Attica seized the Aegialus,The Peloponnesus Achaea. and, secondly, the Heracleidae brought back the Dorians, who founded both Megara and many of the cities of the Peloponnesus. The Ionians, however, were soon driven out again by the Achaeans, an Aeolic tribe; and so there were left in the Peloponnesus only the two tribes, the Aeolian and the Dorian. Now all the peoples who had less intercourse with the Dorians—as was the case with the Arcadians and with the Eleians, since the former were wholly mountaineers and had no share in the allotmentsCp. 8. 5. 6. of territory, while the latter were regarded as sacred to the Olympian Zeus and hence have long lived to themselves in peace, especially because they belonged to the Aeolic stock and had admitted the army which came back with Oxylus Cp. 8. 3. 33. about the time of the return of the Heracleidae—these peoples, I say, spoke the Aeolic dialect, whereas the rest used a sort of mixture of the two, some leaning more to the Aeolic and some less. And, I might almost say, even now the people of each city speaks a different dialect, although, because of the predominance which has been gained by the Dorians, one and all are reputed to speak the Doric. Such, then, are the tribes of the Greeks, and such in general terms is their ethnographical division. Let me now take them separately, following the appropriate order, and tell about them. +Ephorus says that, if one begins with the western parts, Acarnania is the beginning of Greece; for, he adds, Acarnania is the first to border on the tribes of the Epeirotes. But just as Ephorus, using the seacoast as his measuring-line, begins with Acarnania (for he decides in favor of the sea as a kind of guide in his description of places, because otherwise he might have represented parts that border on the land of the Macedonians and the Thessalians as the beginning), so it is proper that I too, following the natural character of the regions, should make the sea my counsellor. Now this sea, issuing forth out of the Sicilian Sea, on one side stretches to the Corinthian Gulf, and on the other forms a large peninsula, the Peloponnesus, which is closed by a narrow isthmus. Thus Greece consists of two very large bodies of land, the part inside the Isthmus, and the part outside, which extends through PylaeThermopylae. as far as the outlet of the Peneius (this latter is the Thessalian part of Greece);That is, from Pylae to the outlet of the Peneius. but the part inside the Isthmus is both larger and more famous. I might almost say that the Peloponnesus is the acropolis of Greece as a whole;Groskurd, Kramer and Curtius think that something like the following has fallen out of the MSS.: "and that Greece is the acropolis of the whole world." for, apart from the splendor and power of the tribes that have lived in it, the very topography of Greece, diversified as it is by gulfs, many capes, and, what are the most significant, large peninsulas that follow one another in succession, suggests such hegemony for it. The first of the peninsulas is the Peloponnesus which is closed by an isthmus forty stadia in width. The second includes the first; and its isthmus extends in width from Pagae in Megaris to Nisaea, the naval station of the Megarians, the distance across being one hundred and twenty stadia from sea to sea. The third likewise includes the second; and its isthmus extends in width from the recess of the Crisaean Gulf as far as Thermopylae—the imaginary straight line, about five hundred and eight stadia in length, enclosing within the peninsula the whole of Boeotia and cutting obliquely Phocis and the country of the Epicnemidians.The Epicnemidian Locrians. The fourth is the peninsula whose isthmus extends from the Ambracian Gulf through OetaNow the Katavothra Mountain. It forms a boundary between the valleys of the Spercheius and Cephissus Rivers. and Trachinia to the Maliac Gulf and Thermopylae—the isthmus being about eight hundred stadia in width. But there is another isthmus, more than one thousand stadia in width, extending from the same Ambracian Gulf through the countries of the Thessalians and the Macedonians to the recess of the Thermaean Gulf. So then, the succession of the peninsulas suggests a kind of order, and not a bad one, for me to follow in my description; and I should begin with the smallest, but most famous, of them.

Now the Peloponnesus is like a leaf of a plane tree in shape,Cp. 2. 1. 30. its length and breadth being almost equal, that is, about fourteen hundred stadia. Its length is reckoned from the west to the east, that is, from ChelonatasCape Chelonatas, opposite the island Zacynthos; now Cape Tornese. through Olympia and Megalopolis to the Isthmus; and its width, from the south towards the north, that is, from MaleaeCape Maleae. through Arcadia to Aegium.The Aegion, or Aegium, of today, though until recent times more generally known by its later name Vostitza. The perimeter, not following the sinuosities of the gulfs, is four thousand stadia, according to Polybius, although Artemidorus adds four hundred more;Polybius counted 8 1/3 stadia to the mile (7. Fr. 56). but following the sinuosities of the gulfs, it is more than five thousand six hundred. The width of the Isthmus at the "Diolcus,"Literally, "Haul-across"; the name of "the narrowest part of the Isthmus" (8. 6. 4.), and probably applied to the road itself. where the ships are hauled overland from one sea to the other, is forty stadia, as I have already said. -The western part of this peninsula is occupied by the Eleians and the Messenians, whose countries are washed by the Sicilian Sea. In addition, they also hold a part of the seacoast in both directions, for the Eleian country curves towards the north and the beginning of the Corinthian Gulf as far as Cape Araxus (opposite which, across the straits, lie Acarnania and the islands off its coast—Zacynthos, Cephallenia, Ithaca, and also the Echinades, among which is Dulichium), whereas the greater part of the Messenian country opens up towards the south and the Libyan Sea as far as what is called Thyrides,See 8. 5. 1, and footnote. near Taenarum. Next after the Eleian country comes the tribe of the Achaeans,See 8. 7. 4, and footnote. whose country faces towards the north and stretches along the Corinthian Gulf, ending at Sicyonia. Then come in succession Sicyon and Corinth, the territory of the latter extending as far as the Isthmus. After the Messenian country come the Laconian and the Argive, the latter also extending as far as the Isthmus. The gulfs on this coast are: first, the Messenian; second, the Laconian; third, the Argolic; fourth, the Hermionic; and fifth, the Saronic, by some called the Salaminiac. Of these gulfs the first two are filled by the Libyan Sea, and the others by the Cretan and Myrtoan Seas. Some, however, call the Saronic Gulf "Strait" or "Sea." In the interior of the peninsula is Arcadia, which touches as next door neighbor the countries of all those other tribes. -The Corinthian Gulf begins, on the one side, at the outlets of the Evenus (though some say at the outlets of the Acheloüs, the river that separates the Acarnanians and the Aetolians), and, on the other, at Araxus;Cape Araxus; now Kalogria. for here the shores on either side first draw notably nearer to one another; then in their advance they all but Lit. "more completely" (see critical note). meet at Rhium and Antirrhium, where they leave between them a strait only about five stadia in width. Rhium, belonging to the Achaeans, is a low-lying cape; it bends inwards (and it is in fact called "Sickle ").Cape "Drepanum." Strabo confuses Cape Rhium with Cape Drepanum, since the two were separated by the Bay of Panormus (see Frazer's Paus. 7.22.10, 7.23.4, notes, and Curtius' Peloponnesos, I. p. 447). It lies between Patrae and Aegium, and possesses a temple of Poseidon. Antirrhium is situated on the common boundary of Aetolia and Locris; and people call it Molycrian Rhium.After Molycreia, a small Aetolian town near by. Then, from here, the shoreline on either side again draws moderately apart, and then, advancing into the Crisaean Gulf, it comes to an end there, being shut in by the westerly limits of Boeotia and Megaris."Crisaean Gulf" (the Gulf of Salona of today) was often used in this broader sense. Cp. 8. 6. 21. The perimeter of the Corinthian Gulf if one measures from the Evenus to Araxus, is two thousand two hundred and thirty stadia; but if one measures from the Acheloüs, it is about a hundred stadia more. Now from the Acheloüs to the Evenus the coast is occupied by Acarnanians;Strabo thus commits himself against the assertion of others (see at the beginning of the paragraph) that the Acheloüs separates the Acarnanians and the Aetolians. and thence to Antirrhium, by Aetolians; but the remaining coast, as far as the Isthmus, belongs toThe Greek for "the Locrians and" seems to have fallen out of the MSS. at this point; for Strabo has just said that "Antirrhium is on the common boundary of Aetolia and Locris" (see 9. 3. 1). the Phocians, the Boeotians and Megaris—a distance of one thousand one hundred and eighteen stadia. The sea from Antirrhium as far as the IsthmusSome of the editors believe that words to the following effect have fallen out at this point: "is the Crisaean Gulf; but the sea from the city Creusa." is called Alcyonian, it being a part of the Crisaean Gulf. Again, from the Isthmus to Araxus the distance is one thousand and thirty stadia. Such, then, in general terms, is the position and extent of the Peloponnesus, and of the land that lies opposite to it across the arm of the sea as far as the recess; and such, too, is the character of the gulf that lies between the two bodies of land. Now I shall describe each part in detail, beginning with the Eleian country. +The western part of this peninsula is occupied by the Eleians and the Messenians, whose countries are washed by the Sicilian Sea. In addition, they also hold a part of the seacoast in both directions, for the Eleian country curves towards the north and the beginning of the Corinthian Gulf as far as Cape Araxus (opposite which, across the straits, lie Acarnania and the islands off its coast—Zacynthos, Cephallenia, Ithaca, and also the Echinades, among which is Dulichium), whereas the greater part of the Messenian country opens up towards the south and the Libyan Sea as far as what is called Thyrides,See 8. 5. 1, and footnote. near Taenarum. Next after the Eleian country comes the tribe of the Achaeans,See 8. 7. 4, and footnote. whose country faces towards the north and stretches along the Corinthian Gulf, ending at Sicyonia. Then come in succession Sicyon and Corinth, the territory of the latter extending as far as the Isthmus. After the Messenian country come the Laconian and the Argive, the latter also extending as far as the Isthmus. The gulfs on this coast are: first, the Messenian; second, the Laconian; third, the Argolic; fourth, the Hermionic; and fifth, the Saronic, by some called the Salaminiac. Of these gulfs the first two are filled by the Libyan Sea, and the others by the Cretan and Myrtoan Seas. Some, however, call the Saronic Gulf "Strait" or "Sea." In the interior of the peninsula is Arcadia, which touches as next door neighbor the countries of all those other tribes. +The Corinthian Gulf begins, on the one side, at the outlets of the Evenus (though some say at the outlets of the Acheloüs, the river that separates the Acarnanians and the Aetolians), and, on the other, at Araxus;Cape Araxus; now Kalogria. for here the shores on either side first draw notably nearer to one another; then in their advance they all but Lit. "more completely" (see critical note). meet at Rhium and Antirrhium, where they leave between them a strait only about five stadia in width. Rhium, belonging to the Achaeans, is a low-lying cape; it bends inwards (and it is in fact called "Sickle ").Cape "Drepanum." Strabo confuses Cape Rhium with Cape Drepanum, since the two were separated by the Bay of Panormus (see Frazer's Paus. 7.22.10, 7.23.4, notes, and Curtius' Peloponnesos, I. p. 447). It lies between Patrae and Aegium, and possesses a temple of Poseidon. Antirrhium is situated on the common boundary of Aetolia and Locris; and people call it Molycrian Rhium.After Molycreia, a small Aetolian town near by. Then, from here, the shoreline on either side again draws moderately apart, and then, advancing into the Crisaean Gulf, it comes to an end there, being shut in by the westerly limits of Boeotia and Megaris."Crisaean Gulf" (the Gulf of Salona of today) was often used in this broader sense. Cp. 8. 6. 21. The perimeter of the Corinthian Gulf if one measures from the Evenus to Araxus, is two thousand two hundred and thirty stadia; but if one measures from the Acheloüs, it is about a hundred stadia more. Now from the Acheloüs to the Evenus the coast is occupied by Acarnanians;Strabo thus commits himself against the assertion of others (see at the beginning of the paragraph) that the Acheloüs separates the Acarnanians and the Aetolians. and thence to Antirrhium, by Aetolians; but the remaining coast, as far as the Isthmus, belongs toThe Greek for "the Locrians and" seems to have fallen out of the MSS. at this point; for Strabo has just said that "Antirrhium is on the common boundary of Aetolia and Locris" (see 9. 3. 1). the Phocians, the Boeotians and Megaris—a distance of one thousand one hundred and eighteen stadia. The sea from Antirrhium as far as the IsthmusSome of the editors believe that words to the following effect have fallen out at this point: "is the Crisaean Gulf; but the sea from the city Creusa." is called Alcyonian, it being a part of the Crisaean Gulf. Again, from the Isthmus to Araxus the distance is one thousand and thirty stadia. Such, then, in general terms, is the position and extent of the Peloponnesus, and of the land that lies opposite to it across the arm of the sea as far as the recess; and such, too, is the character of the gulf that lies between the two bodies of land. Now I shall describe each part in detail, beginning with the Eleian country.

-At the present time the whole of the seaboard that lies between the countries of the Achaeans and the Messenians, and extends inland to the Arcadian districts of Pholoë, of the Azanes, and of the Parrhasians, is called the Eleian country. But in early times this country was divided into several domains; and afterwards into two—that of the Epeians and that under the rule of Nestor the son of Neleus; just as Homer, too, states, when he calls the land of the Epeians by the name of "Elis" ("andsc. "the ship." passed goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway"Hom. Od. 15.298), and the land under the rule of Nestor, "Pylus," through which, he says, the Alpheius flows ("of the Alpheius, that floweth in wide stream through the land of the Pylians"Hom. Il. 5.545). Of course Homer also knew of Pylus as a city ("and they reached Pylus, the well-built city of Nestor"Hom. Od. 3.4), but the Alpheius does not flow through the city, nor past it either; in fact, another river flows past it, a river which some call "Pamisus" and others "Amathus" (whence, apparently, the epithet "Emathoëis" which has been applied to this Pylus), but the Alpheius flows through the Pylian country. -What is now the city of Elis had not yet been founded in Homer's time; in fact, the people of the country lived only in villages. And the country was called CoeleLiterally, "Hollow"; that is, consisting of hollows. So "Coele Syria" (16. 2. 2), a district of Syria. Elis from the fact in the case, for the most and best of it was "Coele." It was only relatively late, after the Persian wars, that people came together from many communities into what is now the city of Elis. And I might almost say that, with only a few exceptions, the other Peloponnesian places named by the poet were also named by him, not as cities, but as countries, each country being composed of several communities, from which in later times the well-known cities were settled. For instance, in Arcadia, Mantineia was settled by Argive colonists from five communities; and Tegea from nine; and also Heraea from nine, either by Cleombrotus or by Cleonymus. And in the same way the city Aegium was made up of seven or eight communities; the city Patrae of seven; and the city Dyme of eight. And in this way the city Elis was also made up of the communities of the surrounding country (one of these . . . the Agriades).It seems impossible to restore what Strabo wrote here. He appears to have said either (1) that Elis was the name of one of the original communities and that the community of the Agriades was later added, or simply (2) that one of the communities, that of the Agriades, was later added. But the "Agriades" are otherwise unknown, and possibly, as C. Müller (Ind. Var. Lect., p. 989) suggests, Strabo wrote "Anigriades"—if indeed there was such a people (see 8. 3. 19). See critical note on opposite page. The Peneius River flows through the city past the gymnasium. And the Eleians did not make this gymnasium until a long time after the districts that were under Nestor had passed into their possession. -These districts were Pisatis (of which Olympia was a part), Triphylia, and the country of the Cauconians. The Triphylians"Tri," three, and "phyla," tribes. were so called from the fact that three tribes of people had come together in that country—that of the Epeians, who were there at the outset, and that of the Minyans, who later settled there, and that of the Eleians, who last dominated the country. But some name the Arcadians in the place of the Minyans, since the Arcadians had often disputed the possession of the country; and hence the same Pylus was called both Arcadian Pylus and Triphylian Pylus.Now Kakovatos (Dr. Blegen, Korakou, p. 119, American School of Classical Studies, 1921). Homer calls this whole country as far as Messene "Pylus," giving it the same name as the city. But Coele Elis was distinct from the places subject to Nestor, as is shown in the Catalogue of Ships by the names of the chieftains and of their abodes. I say this because I am comparing present conditions with those described by Homer; for we must needs institute this comparison because of the fame of the poet and because of our familiarity with him from our childhood, since all of us believe that we have not successfully treated any subject which we may have in hand until there remains in our treatment nothing that conflicts with what the poet says on the same subject, such confidence do we have in his words. Accordingly, I must give conditions as they now are, and then, citing the words of the poet, in so far as they bear on the matter, take them also into consideration. -In the Eleian country, on the north, is a cape, Araxus, sixty stadia distant from Dyme, an Achaean city. This cape, then, I put down as the beginning of the seaboard of the Eleians. After this cape, as one proceeds towards the west, one comes to the naval station of the Eleians, Cyllene, from which there is a road leading inland to the present city Elis, a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Homer, too, mentions this Cyllene when he says, "Otus, a Cyllenian, a chief of the Epeians,"Hom. Il. 15.518 for he would not have represented a chieftain of the Epeians as being from the Arcadian mountain.Mt. Cyllene, now Mt. Zyria. Cyllene is a village of moderate size; and it has the Asclepius made by Colotes—an ivory image that is wonderful to behold. After Cyllene one comes to the promontory Chelonatas, the most westerly point of the Peloponnesus. Off Chelonatas lies an isle, and also some shallows that are on the common boundary between Coele Elis and the country of the Pisatae; and from here the voyage to Cephallenia is not more than eighty stadia. Somewhere in this neighborhood, on the aforesaid boundary line, there also flows the River Elison or Elisa. -It is between Chelonatas and Cyllene that the River Peneius empties; as also the River Sellëeis, which is mentioned by the poet and flows out of Pholoe. On the Sellëeis is situated a city Ephyra, which is to be distinguished from the Thesprotian, Thessalian, and Corinthian Ephyras;The site of the Corinthian Ephyra is probably to be identified with that of the prehistoric Korakou (Dr. Blegen, op. cit., p. 54). it is a fourth Ephyra, and is situated on the road that leads to Lasion, being either the same city as Boenoa (for thus Oenoe is usually called), or else near that city, at a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia from the city of the Eleians. This, apparently, is the Ephyra which Homer calls the home of the mother of Tlepolemus the son of Heracles (for the expeditions of Heracles were in this region rather than in any of the other three) when he says, "whom he had brought out of Ephyra, from the River Sellëeis"Hom. Il. 2.659.The mother of Tlepolemus was Astyocheia. and there is no River Sellëeis near the other Ephyras. Again, he says of the corselet of Meges: "this corselet Phyleus once brought out of Ephyra, from the River Sellëeis."Hom. Il. 15.530 And thirdly, the man-slaying drugs: for Homer says that Odysseus came to Ephyra "in search of a man-slaying drug, that he might have wherewithal to smear his arrows"Hom. Od. 1.261; and in speaking of Telemachus the wooers say: "or else he means to go to the fertile soil of Ephyra, that from there he may bring deadly drugs"Hom. Od. 2.328; for Nestor, in his narrative of his war against the Epeians, introduces the daughter of Augeas, the king of the Epeians, as a mixer of drugs: "I was the first that slew a man, even the spearman Mulius; he was a son-in-law of Augeias, having married his eldest daughter, and she knew all drugs that are nourished by the wide earth."Hom. Il. 11.738 But there is another River Sellëeis near Sicyon, and near the river a village Ephyra. And in the Agraean district of Aetolia there is a village Ephyra; its inhabitants are called Ephyri. And there are still other Ephyri, I mean the branch of the Perrhaebians who live near Macedonia (the Crannonians),See 7. Fr. 16 as also those Thesprotian Ephyri of Cichyrus,See 7. 7. 5. which in earlier times was called Ephyra. - Apollodorus, in teaching us how the poet is wont to distinguish between places of the same name, says that as the poet, in the case of Orchomenus, for instance, refers to the Arcadian Orchomenus as "abounding in flocks"Hom. Il. 2.605 and to the Boeotian Orchomenus as "Minyeian,"Hom. Il. 2.511 and refers to Samos as the Thracian SamosSamothrace. by connecting it with a neighboring island,See 10. 2. 17. "betwixt Samos and Imbros,"Hom. Il. 24.78 in order to distinguish it from Ionian Samos—so too, Apollodorus says, the poet distinguishes the Thesprotian Ephyra both by the word "distant" and by the phrase "from the River Sellëeis."Hom. Il. 2.659Cp. 7. 7. 10. In this, however, Apollodorus is not in agreement with what Demetrius of Scepsis says, from whom he borrows most of his material; for Demetrius says that there is no River Sellëeis among the Thesprotians, but says that it is in the Eleian country and flows past the Ephyra there, as I have said before. In this statement, therefore, Apollodorus was in want of perception;"Scepsis," the Greek word here translated "perception," seems to be a pun on (Demetrius of) "Scepsis." as also in his statement concerning Oechalia, because, although Oechalia is the name of not merely one city, he says that there is only one city of Eurytus the Oechalian, namely, the Thessalian Oechalia, in reference to which Homer says: "Those that held Oechalia, city of Eurytus the Oechalian."Hom. Il. 2.730 What Oechalia, pray, was it from which Thamyris had set out when, near Dorium, the Muses "met Thamyris the Thracian and put a stop to his singing"?Hom. Il. 2.595> For Homer adds: "as he was on his way from Oechalia, from Eurytus the Oechalian."Hom. Il. 2.596 For if it was the Thessalian Oechalia, Demetrius of Scepsis is wrong again when he says that it was a certain Arcadian Oechalia, which is now called Andania; but if Demetrius is right, Arcadian Oechalia was also called "city of Eurytus," and therefore there was not merely one Oechalia; but Apollodorus says that there was one only. -It was between the outlets of the Peneius and the Sellëeis, near the Scollium,Scollis Mountain (see 8. 3. 10); now Santameriotiko. that Pylus was situated; not the city of Nestor, but another Pylus which has nothing in common with the Alpheius, nor with the Pamisus (or Amathus, if we should call it that). Yet there are some who do violence to Homer's words, seeking to win for themselves the fame and noble lineage of Nestor; for, since history mentions three Pyluses in the Peloponnesus (as is stated in this verse: "There is a Pylus in front of Pylus; yea, and there is still another Pylus,"Anon.)A proverb. See Stephanus Byz. s.v. *korufa/sion, and Eustathius ad Od. 1.93 the Pylus in question, the Lepreatic Pylus in Triphylia and Pisatis, and a third, the Messenian Pylus near Coryphasium,Gosselin identifies Coryphasium with the Navarino of today. So Frazer, note on Paus. 4.36.1 the inhabitants of each try to show that the Pylus in their own country is "emathoëis"The Homeric epithet of Pylus, translated "sandy"; but see 8. 3. 14. and declare that it is the native place of Nestor. However, most of the more recent writers, both historians and poets, say that Nestor was a Messenian, thus adding their support to the Pylus which has been preserved down to their own times. But the writers who follow the words of Homer more closely say that the Pylus of Nestor is the Pylus through whose territory the Alpheius flows. And the Alpheius flows through Pisatis and Triphylia. However, the writers from Coele Elis have not only supported their own Pylus with a similar zeal, but have also attached to it tokens of recognition,As mothers who exposed their infants hung tokens about their necks, hoping that thus their parentage would be discovered. pointing out a place called Gerenus, a river called Geron, and another river called Geranius, and then confidently asserting that Homer's epithet for Nestor, "Gerenian," was derived from these. But the Messenians have done the selfsame thing, and their argument appears at least more plausible; for they say that their own Gerena is better known, and that it was once a populous place. Such, then, is the present state of affairs as regards Coele Elis. -But when the poet divides this country into four parts and also speaks of the leaders as four in number, his statement is not clear: "And they too that inhabited both Buprasium and goodly Elis, so much thereof as is enclosed by Hyrmine and Myrsinus on the borders, and by the Olenian Rock and Aleisium,—of these men, I say, there were four leaders, and ten swift ships followed each leader, and many Epeians embarked thereon."Hom. Il. 2.615 Homer seems to speak of the four last-named places as the four corners of Coele Elis (Leaf, The Iliad, vol. i, p. 72). Elsewhere (11. 756) he refers to "Buprasium, rich in wheat," "the Olenian Rock" and "the hill called the hill of Aleisium" as landmarks of the country. For when he speaks of both the Buprasians and the Eleians as Epeians but without going on and calling the Buprasians Eleians, it would seem that he is not dividing the Eleian country into four parts, but rather the country of the Epeians, which he had already divided into only two parts; and thus Buprasium would not be a part of Elis but rather of the country of the Epeians. For it is clear that he calls the Buprasians Epeians; "as when the Epeians were burying lord Amarynces at Buprasium."Hom. Il. 23.630 But Buprasium now appears to have been a territory of the Eleian country, having in it a settlement of the same name, which was also a part of Elis.Most of the editors regard this sentence as a gloss. Moreover, serious discrepancies in the readings of the MSS. render the meaning doubtful (see critical note on opposite page). For instance, all but three MSS. read "no settlement of the same name." But see Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. II, p. 36; also Etym. Mag. and Hesych. sv. *boupra/sion. And again, when he names the two together, saying "both Buprasium and goodly Elis," and then divides the country into four parts, it seems as though he is classifying the four parts under the general designation "both Buprasium and goodly Elis." It seems likely that at one time there was a considerable settlement by the name of Buprasium in the Eleian country which is no longer in existence (indeed, only that territory which is on the road that leads to Dyme from the present city of Elis is now so called); and one might suppose that at that time Buprasium had a certain preeminence as compared with Elis, just as the Epeians had in comparison with the Eleians; but later on the people were called Eleians instead of Epeians. And though Buprasium was a part of Elis, they say that Homer, by a sort of poetic figure, names the part with the whole, as for instance when he says: "throughout Hellas and mid-Argos,"Hom. Od. 1.344 and "throughout Hellas and Phthia,"Hom. Od. 11.496 and "the Curetes fought and the Aetolians,"Hom. Il. 9.529 and "the men of Dulichium and the holy Echinades,"Hom. Il. 2.625 for Dulichium is one of the Echinades. And more recent poets also use this figure; for instance, Hipponax, when he says: "to those who have eaten the bread of the Cyprians and the wheaten bread of the Amathusians,"Hipponax Fr. 82 (Bergk) for the Amathusians are also Cyprians; and Alcman, when he says: "when she had left lovely Cypros and seagirt Paphos"Alcman Fr. 21 (Bergk) and Aeschylus,Meineke (Vind. Strab. p. 103) thinks Strabo wrote "Archilochus," not "Aeschylus." when he says: "since thou dost possess the whole of Cypros and Paphos as thine allotment."Aesch. Fr. 463 (Nauck) But if Homer nowhere calls the Buprasians Eleians, I will say that there are many other facts also that he does not mention; yet this is no proof that they are not facts, but merely that he has not mentioned them. +At the present time the whole of the seaboard that lies between the countries of the Achaeans and the Messenians, and extends inland to the Arcadian districts of Pholoë, of the Azanes, and of the Parrhasians, is called the Eleian country. But in early times this country was divided into several domains; and afterwards into two—that of the Epeians and that under the rule of Nestor the son of Neleus; just as Homer, too, states, when he calls the land of the Epeians by the name of "Elis" ("andsc. "the ship." passed goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway"Hom. Od. 15.298), and the land under the rule of Nestor, "Pylus," through which, he says, the Alpheius flows ("of the Alpheius, that floweth in wide stream through the land of the Pylians"Hom. Il. 5.545). Of course Homer also knew of Pylus as a city ("and they reached Pylus, the well-built city of Nestor"Hom. Od. 3.4), but the Alpheius does not flow through the city, nor past it either; in fact, another river flows past it, a river which some call "Pamisus" and others "Amathus" (whence, apparently, the epithet "Emathoëis" which has been applied to this Pylus), but the Alpheius flows through the Pylian country. +What is now the city of Elis had not yet been founded in Homer's time; in fact, the people of the country lived only in villages. And the country was called CoeleLiterally, "Hollow"; that is, consisting of hollows. So "Coele Syria" (16. 2. 2), a district of Syria. Elis from the fact in the case, for the most and best of it was "Coele." It was only relatively late, after the Persian wars, that people came together from many communities into what is now the city of Elis. And I might almost say that, with only a few exceptions, the other Peloponnesian places named by the poet were also named by him, not as cities, but as countries, each country being composed of several communities, from which in later times the well-known cities were settled. For instance, in Arcadia, Mantineia was settled by Argive colonists from five communities; and Tegea from nine; and also Heraea from nine, either by Cleombrotus or by Cleonymus. And in the same way the city Aegium was made up of seven or eight communities; the city Patrae of seven; and the city Dyme of eight. And in this way the city Elis was also made up of the communities of the surrounding country (one of these . . . the Agriades).It seems impossible to restore what Strabo wrote here. He appears to have said either (1) that Elis was the name of one of the original communities and that the community of the Agriades was later added, or simply (2) that one of the communities, that of the Agriades, was later added. But the "Agriades" are otherwise unknown, and possibly, as C. Müller (Ind. Var. Lect., p. 989) suggests, Strabo wrote "Anigriades"—if indeed there was such a people (see 8. 3. 19). See critical note on opposite page. The Peneius River flows through the city past the gymnasium. And the Eleians did not make this gymnasium until a long time after the districts that were under Nestor had passed into their possession. +These districts were Pisatis (of which Olympia was a part), Triphylia, and the country of the Cauconians. The Triphylians"Tri," three, and "phyla," tribes. were so called from the fact that three tribes of people had come together in that country—that of the Epeians, who were there at the outset, and that of the Minyans, who later settled there, and that of the Eleians, who last dominated the country. But some name the Arcadians in the place of the Minyans, since the Arcadians had often disputed the possession of the country; and hence the same Pylus was called both Arcadian Pylus and Triphylian Pylus.Now Kakovatos (Dr. Blegen, Korakou, p. 119, American School of Classical Studies, 1921). Homer calls this whole country as far as Messene "Pylus," giving it the same name as the city. But Coele Elis was distinct from the places subject to Nestor, as is shown in the Catalogue of Ships by the names of the chieftains and of their abodes. I say this because I am comparing present conditions with those described by Homer; for we must needs institute this comparison because of the fame of the poet and because of our familiarity with him from our childhood, since all of us believe that we have not successfully treated any subject which we may have in hand until there remains in our treatment nothing that conflicts with what the poet says on the same subject, such confidence do we have in his words. Accordingly, I must give conditions as they now are, and then, citing the words of the poet, in so far as they bear on the matter, take them also into consideration. +In the Eleian country, on the north, is a cape, Araxus, sixty stadia distant from Dyme, an Achaean city. This cape, then, I put down as the beginning of the seaboard of the Eleians. After this cape, as one proceeds towards the west, one comes to the naval station of the Eleians, Cyllene, from which there is a road leading inland to the present city Elis, a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Homer, too, mentions this Cyllene when he says, "Otus, a Cyllenian, a chief of the Epeians,"Hom. Il. 15.518 for he would not have represented a chieftain of the Epeians as being from the Arcadian mountain.Mt. Cyllene, now Mt. Zyria. Cyllene is a village of moderate size; and it has the Asclepius made by Colotes—an ivory image that is wonderful to behold. After Cyllene one comes to the promontory Chelonatas, the most westerly point of the Peloponnesus. Off Chelonatas lies an isle, and also some shallows that are on the common boundary between Coele Elis and the country of the Pisatae; and from here the voyage to Cephallenia is not more than eighty stadia. Somewhere in this neighborhood, on the aforesaid boundary line, there also flows the River Elison or Elisa. +It is between Chelonatas and Cyllene that the River Peneius empties; as also the River Sellëeis, which is mentioned by the poet and flows out of Pholoe. On the Sellëeis is situated a city Ephyra, which is to be distinguished from the Thesprotian, Thessalian, and Corinthian Ephyras;The site of the Corinthian Ephyra is probably to be identified with that of the prehistoric Korakou (Dr. Blegen, op. cit., p. 54). it is a fourth Ephyra, and is situated on the road that leads to Lasion, being either the same city as Boenoa (for thus Oenoe is usually called), or else near that city, at a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia from the city of the Eleians. This, apparently, is the Ephyra which Homer calls the home of the mother of Tlepolemus the son of Heracles (for the expeditions of Heracles were in this region rather than in any of the other three) when he says, "whom he had brought out of Ephyra, from the River Sellëeis"Hom. Il. 2.659.The mother of Tlepolemus was Astyocheia. and there is no River Sellëeis near the other Ephyras. Again, he says of the corselet of Meges: "this corselet Phyleus once brought out of Ephyra, from the River Sellëeis."Hom. Il. 15.530 And thirdly, the man-slaying drugs: for Homer says that Odysseus came to Ephyra "in search of a man-slaying drug, that he might have wherewithal to smear his arrows"Hom. Od. 1.261; and in speaking of Telemachus the wooers say: "or else he means to go to the fertile soil of Ephyra, that from there he may bring deadly drugs"Hom. Od. 2.328; for Nestor, in his narrative of his war against the Epeians, introduces the daughter of Augeas, the king of the Epeians, as a mixer of drugs: "I was the first that slew a man, even the spearman Mulius; he was a son-in-law of Augeias, having married his eldest daughter, and she knew all drugs that are nourished by the wide earth."Hom. Il. 11.738 But there is another River Sellëeis near Sicyon, and near the river a village Ephyra. And in the Agraean district of Aetolia there is a village Ephyra; its inhabitants are called Ephyri. And there are still other Ephyri, I mean the branch of the Perrhaebians who live near Macedonia (the Crannonians),See 7. Fr. 16 as also those Thesprotian Ephyri of Cichyrus,See 7. 7. 5. which in earlier times was called Ephyra. + Apollodorus, in teaching us how the poet is wont to distinguish between places of the same name, says that as the poet, in the case of Orchomenus, for instance, refers to the Arcadian Orchomenus as "abounding in flocks"Hom. Il. 2.605 and to the Boeotian Orchomenus as "Minyeian,"Hom. Il. 2.511 and refers to Samos as the Thracian SamosSamothrace. by connecting it with a neighboring island,See 10. 2. 17. "betwixt Samos and Imbros,"Hom. Il. 24.78 in order to distinguish it from Ionian Samos—so too, Apollodorus says, the poet distinguishes the Thesprotian Ephyra both by the word "distant" and by the phrase "from the River Sellëeis."Hom. Il. 2.659Cp. 7. 7. 10. In this, however, Apollodorus is not in agreement with what Demetrius of Scepsis says, from whom he borrows most of his material; for Demetrius says that there is no River Sellëeis among the Thesprotians, but says that it is in the Eleian country and flows past the Ephyra there, as I have said before. In this statement, therefore, Apollodorus was in want of perception;"Scepsis," the Greek word here translated "perception," seems to be a pun on (Demetrius of) "Scepsis." as also in his statement concerning Oechalia, because, although Oechalia is the name of not merely one city, he says that there is only one city of Eurytus the Oechalian, namely, the Thessalian Oechalia, in reference to which Homer says: "Those that held Oechalia, city of Eurytus the Oechalian."Hom. Il. 2.730 What Oechalia, pray, was it from which Thamyris had set out when, near Dorium, the Muses "met Thamyris the Thracian and put a stop to his singing"?Hom. Il. 2.595> For Homer adds: "as he was on his way from Oechalia, from Eurytus the Oechalian."Hom. Il. 2.596 For if it was the Thessalian Oechalia, Demetrius of Scepsis is wrong again when he says that it was a certain Arcadian Oechalia, which is now called Andania; but if Demetrius is right, Arcadian Oechalia was also called "city of Eurytus," and therefore there was not merely one Oechalia; but Apollodorus says that there was one only. +It was between the outlets of the Peneius and the Sellëeis, near the Scollium,Scollis Mountain (see 8. 3. 10); now Santameriotiko. that Pylus was situated; not the city of Nestor, but another Pylus which has nothing in common with the Alpheius, nor with the Pamisus (or Amathus, if we should call it that). Yet there are some who do violence to Homer's words, seeking to win for themselves the fame and noble lineage of Nestor; for, since history mentions three Pyluses in the Peloponnesus (as is stated in this verse: "There is a Pylus in front of Pylus; yea, and there is still another Pylus,"Anon.)A proverb. See Stephanus Byz. s.v. *korufa/sion, and Eustathius ad Od. 1.93 the Pylus in question, the Lepreatic Pylus in Triphylia and Pisatis, and a third, the Messenian Pylus near Coryphasium,Gosselin identifies Coryphasium with the Navarino of today. So Frazer, note on Paus. 4.36.1 the inhabitants of each try to show that the Pylus in their own country is "emathoëis"The Homeric epithet of Pylus, translated "sandy"; but see 8. 3. 14. and declare that it is the native place of Nestor. However, most of the more recent writers, both historians and poets, say that Nestor was a Messenian, thus adding their support to the Pylus which has been preserved down to their own times. But the writers who follow the words of Homer more closely say that the Pylus of Nestor is the Pylus through whose territory the Alpheius flows. And the Alpheius flows through Pisatis and Triphylia. However, the writers from Coele Elis have not only supported their own Pylus with a similar zeal, but have also attached to it tokens of recognition,As mothers who exposed their infants hung tokens about their necks, hoping that thus their parentage would be discovered. pointing out a place called Gerenus, a river called Geron, and another river called Geranius, and then confidently asserting that Homer's epithet for Nestor, "Gerenian," was derived from these. But the Messenians have done the selfsame thing, and their argument appears at least more plausible; for they say that their own Gerena is better known, and that it was once a populous place. Such, then, is the present state of affairs as regards Coele Elis. +But when the poet divides this country into four parts and also speaks of the leaders as four in number, his statement is not clear: "And they too that inhabited both Buprasium and goodly Elis, so much thereof as is enclosed by Hyrmine and Myrsinus on the borders, and by the Olenian Rock and Aleisium,—of these men, I say, there were four leaders, and ten swift ships followed each leader, and many Epeians embarked thereon."Hom. Il. 2.615 Homer seems to speak of the four last-named places as the four corners of Coele Elis (Leaf, The Iliad, vol. i, p. 72). Elsewhere (11. 756) he refers to "Buprasium, rich in wheat," "the Olenian Rock" and "the hill called the hill of Aleisium" as landmarks of the country. For when he speaks of both the Buprasians and the Eleians as Epeians but without going on and calling the Buprasians Eleians, it would seem that he is not dividing the Eleian country into four parts, but rather the country of the Epeians, which he had already divided into only two parts; and thus Buprasium would not be a part of Elis but rather of the country of the Epeians. For it is clear that he calls the Buprasians Epeians; "as when the Epeians were burying lord Amarynces at Buprasium."Hom. Il. 23.630 But Buprasium now appears to have been a territory of the Eleian country, having in it a settlement of the same name, which was also a part of Elis.Most of the editors regard this sentence as a gloss. Moreover, serious discrepancies in the readings of the MSS. render the meaning doubtful (see critical note on opposite page). For instance, all but three MSS. read "no settlement of the same name." But see Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. II, p. 36; also Etym. Mag. and Hesych. sv. *boupra/sion. And again, when he names the two together, saying "both Buprasium and goodly Elis," and then divides the country into four parts, it seems as though he is classifying the four parts under the general designation "both Buprasium and goodly Elis." It seems likely that at one time there was a considerable settlement by the name of Buprasium in the Eleian country which is no longer in existence (indeed, only that territory which is on the road that leads to Dyme from the present city of Elis is now so called); and one might suppose that at that time Buprasium had a certain preeminence as compared with Elis, just as the Epeians had in comparison with the Eleians; but later on the people were called Eleians instead of Epeians. And though Buprasium was a part of Elis, they say that Homer, by a sort of poetic figure, names the part with the whole, as for instance when he says: "throughout Hellas and mid-Argos,"Hom. Od. 1.344 and "throughout Hellas and Phthia,"Hom. Od. 11.496 and "the Curetes fought and the Aetolians,"Hom. Il. 9.529 and "the men of Dulichium and the holy Echinades,"Hom. Il. 2.625 for Dulichium is one of the Echinades. And more recent poets also use this figure; for instance, Hipponax, when he says: "to those who have eaten the bread of the Cyprians and the wheaten bread of the Amathusians,"Hipponax Fr. 82 (Bergk) for the Amathusians are also Cyprians; and Alcman, when he says: "when she had left lovely Cypros and seagirt Paphos"Alcman Fr. 21 (Bergk) and Aeschylus,Meineke (Vind. Strab. p. 103) thinks Strabo wrote "Archilochus," not "Aeschylus." when he says: "since thou dost possess the whole of Cypros and Paphos as thine allotment."Aesch. Fr. 463 (Nauck) But if Homer nowhere calls the Buprasians Eleians, I will say that there are many other facts also that he does not mention; yet this is no proof that they are not facts, but merely that he has not mentioned them. But Hecataeus of Miletus says that the Epeians are a different people from the Eleians; that, at any rate, the Epeians joined Heracles in his expedition against Augeas and helped him to destroy both Augeas and Elis. And he says, further, that Dyme is an Epeian and an Achaean city. However, the early historians say many things that are not true, because they were accustomed to falsehoods on account of the use of myths in their writings; and on this account, too, they do not agree with one another concerning the same things. Yet it is not incredible that the Epeians, even if they were once at variance with the Eleians and belonged to a different race, later became united with the Eleians as the result of prevailing over them, and with them formed one common state; and that they prevailed even as far as Dyme. For although the poet has not named Dyme, it is not unreasonable to suppose that in his time Dyme belonged to the Epeians, and later to the Ionians, or, if not to them, at all events to the Achaeans who took possession of their country. Of the four parts, inside which Buprasium is situated, only Hyrmine and Myrsinus belong to the Eleian country, whereas the remaining two are already on the frontiers of Pisatis, as some writers think. -Now Hyrmine was a small town. It is no longer in existence, but near Cyllene there is a mountain promontory called Hormina or Hyrmina. Myrsinus is the present Myrtuntium, a settlement that extends down to the sea, and is situated on the road which runs from Dyme into Elis, and is seventy stadia distant from the city of the Eleians. The Olenian Rock is surmised to be what is now called Scollis;Santameriotiko Mountain. for we are obliged to state what is merely probable, because both the places and the names have undergone changes, and because in many cases the poet does not make himself very clear. Scollis is a rocky mountain common to the territories of the Dymaeans, the Tritaeans, and the Eleians, and borders on another Arcadian mountain called Lampeia,Now Astras, apparently. See C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p. 990. which is one hundred and thirty stadia distant from Elis, one hundred from Tritaea, and the same from Dyme; the last two are Achaean cities. Aleisium is the present Alesiaeum, a territory in the neighborhood of Amphidolis,Amphidolis, or Amphidolia, was an Eleian territory north of Olympia. in which the people of the surrounding country hold a monthly market. It is situated on the mountain road that runs from Elis to Olympia. In earlier times it was a city of Pisatis, for the boundaries have varied at different times on account of the change of rulers. The poet also calls Aleisium "Hill of Aleisium," when he says: "until we caused our horses to set foot on Buprasium, rich in wheat, and on the Olenian Rock, and of Aleisium where is the place called Hill"Hom. Il. 11.756(we must interpret the words as a case of hyperbaton, that is, as equivalent to "and where is the place called Hill of Aleisium"). Some writers point also to a river Aleisius. -Since certain people in Triphylia near Messenia are called Cauconians, and since Dyme also is called Cauconian by some writers, and since in the Dymaean territory between Dyme and Tritaea there is also a river which is called Caucon, in the feminine gender, writers raise the question whether there are not two different sets of Cauconians, one in the region of Triphylia, and the other in the region of Dyme, Elis, and the River Caucon. This river empties into another river which is called Teutheas, in the masculine gender; Teutheas has the same name as one of the little towns which were incorporated into Dyme, except that the name of this town, "Teuthea," is in the feminine gender, and is spelled without the s and with the last syllable long. In this town is the temple of the Nemydian "Nemydian" is otherwise unknown; perhaps "Nemidian" or "Nemeaean." Artemis. The Teutheas empties into the Acheloüs which flows by DymeCp. 10. 2. 1. and has the same name as the Acarnanian river. It is also called the "Peirus"; by Hesiod, for instance, when he says: "he dwelt on the Olenian Rock along the banks of a river, wide Peirus."Hes. Fr. 74Some change the reading to "Pierus," wrongly. They raise that question about the Cauconians, they say, because, when Athene in the guise of Mentor, in the Odyssey says to Nestor, "but in the morning I will go to the great-hearted Cauconians, where a debt is due me, in no way new or small. But do thou send this man on his way with a chariot and with thy son, since he has come to thy house, and give him horses,"Hom. Od. 3.366the poet seems to designate a certain territory in the country of the Epeians which was held by the Cauconians, these Cauconians being a different set from those in Triphylia and perhaps extending as far as the territory of Dyme. Indeed, one should not fail to inquire both into the origin of the epithet of Dyme, "Cauconian," and into the origin of the name of the river "Caucon," because the question who those Cauconians were to whom Athene says she is going in order to recover the debt offers a problem; for if we should interpret the poet as meaning the Cauconians in Triphylia near Lepreum, I do not see how his account can be plausible. Hence some read: "where a debt is due me in goodly Elis, no small one."Hom. Il. 11.698 But this question will be investigated with clearer results when I describe the country that comes next after this, I mean Pisatis and Triphylia as far as the borders of the country of the Messenians.8. 3. 17. +Now Hyrmine was a small town. It is no longer in existence, but near Cyllene there is a mountain promontory called Hormina or Hyrmina. Myrsinus is the present Myrtuntium, a settlement that extends down to the sea, and is situated on the road which runs from Dyme into Elis, and is seventy stadia distant from the city of the Eleians. The Olenian Rock is surmised to be what is now called Scollis;Santameriotiko Mountain. for we are obliged to state what is merely probable, because both the places and the names have undergone changes, and because in many cases the poet does not make himself very clear. Scollis is a rocky mountain common to the territories of the Dymaeans, the Tritaeans, and the Eleians, and borders on another Arcadian mountain called Lampeia,Now Astras, apparently. See C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p. 990. which is one hundred and thirty stadia distant from Elis, one hundred from Tritaea, and the same from Dyme; the last two are Achaean cities. Aleisium is the present Alesiaeum, a territory in the neighborhood of Amphidolis,Amphidolis, or Amphidolia, was an Eleian territory north of Olympia. in which the people of the surrounding country hold a monthly market. It is situated on the mountain road that runs from Elis to Olympia. In earlier times it was a city of Pisatis, for the boundaries have varied at different times on account of the change of rulers. The poet also calls Aleisium "Hill of Aleisium," when he says: "until we caused our horses to set foot on Buprasium, rich in wheat, and on the Olenian Rock, and of Aleisium where is the place called Hill"Hom. Il. 11.756(we must interpret the words as a case of hyperbaton, that is, as equivalent to "and where is the place called Hill of Aleisium"). Some writers point also to a river Aleisius. +Since certain people in Triphylia near Messenia are called Cauconians, and since Dyme also is called Cauconian by some writers, and since in the Dymaean territory between Dyme and Tritaea there is also a river which is called Caucon, in the feminine gender, writers raise the question whether there are not two different sets of Cauconians, one in the region of Triphylia, and the other in the region of Dyme, Elis, and the River Caucon. This river empties into another river which is called Teutheas, in the masculine gender; Teutheas has the same name as one of the little towns which were incorporated into Dyme, except that the name of this town, "Teuthea," is in the feminine gender, and is spelled without the s and with the last syllable long. In this town is the temple of the Nemydian "Nemydian" is otherwise unknown; perhaps "Nemidian" or "Nemeaean." Artemis. The Teutheas empties into the Acheloüs which flows by DymeCp. 10. 2. 1. and has the same name as the Acarnanian river. It is also called the "Peirus"; by Hesiod, for instance, when he says: "he dwelt on the Olenian Rock along the banks of a river, wide Peirus."Hes. Fr. 74Some change the reading to "Pierus," wrongly. They raise that question about the Cauconians, they say, because, when Athene in the guise of Mentor, in the Odyssey says to Nestor, "but in the morning I will go to the great-hearted Cauconians, where a debt is due me, in no way new or small. But do thou send this man on his way with a chariot and with thy son, since he has come to thy house, and give him horses,"Hom. Od. 3.366the poet seems to designate a certain territory in the country of the Epeians which was held by the Cauconians, these Cauconians being a different set from those in Triphylia and perhaps extending as far as the territory of Dyme. Indeed, one should not fail to inquire both into the origin of the epithet of Dyme, "Cauconian," and into the origin of the name of the river "Caucon," because the question who those Cauconians were to whom Athene says she is going in order to recover the debt offers a problem; for if we should interpret the poet as meaning the Cauconians in Triphylia near Lepreum, I do not see how his account can be plausible. Hence some read: "where a debt is due me in goodly Elis, no small one."Hom. Il. 11.698 But this question will be investigated with clearer results when I describe the country that comes next after this, I mean Pisatis and Triphylia as far as the borders of the country of the Messenians.8. 3. 17. After Chelonatas comes the long seashore of the Pisatans; and then Cape Pheia. And there was also a small town called Pheia: "beside the walls of Pheia, about the streams of Iardanus,"Hom. Il. 7.135for there is also a small river nearby. According to some, Pheia is the beginning of Pisatis. Off Pheia lie a little island and a harbor, from which the nearest distance from the sea to Olympia is one hundred and twenty stadia. Then comes another cape, Ichthys, which, like Chelonatas, projects for a considerable distance towards the west; and from it the distance to Cephallenia is again one hundred and twenty stadia. Then comes the mouth of the Alpheius, which is distant two hundred and eighty stadia from Chelonatas, and five hundred and forty five from Araxus. It flows from the same regions as the Eurotas, that is, from a place called Asea, a village in the territory of Megalopolis, where there are two springs near one another from which the rivers in question flow. They sink and flow beneath the earth for many stadiaAccording to Polybius 16.17, ten stadia. and then rise again; and then they flow down, one into Laconia and the other into Pisatis. The stream of the Eurotas reappears where the district called Bleminatis begins, and then flows past Sparta itself, traverses a long glen near Helus (a place mentioned by the poet), Hom. Il. 2.584 and empties between Gythium, the naval station of Sparta, and Acraea. But the Alpheius, after receiving the waters of the Ladon, the Erymanthus, and other rivers of less significance, flows through Phrixa, Pisatis, and Triphylia past Olympia itself to the Sicilian Sea, into which it empties between Pheia and Epitalium. Near the outlet of the river is the sacred precinct of Artemis Alpheionia or Alpheiusa (for the epithet is spelled both ways), which is about eighty stadia distant from Olympia. An annual festival is also celebrated at Olympia in honor of this goddess as well as in honor of Artemis Elaphia and Artemis Daphnia. The whole country is full of temples of Artemis, Aphrodite, and the Nymphs, being situated in sacred precincts that are generally full of flowers because of the abundance of water. And there are also numerous shrines of Hermes on the roadsides, and temples of Poseidon on the capes. In the temple of Artemis Alpheionia are very famous paintings by two Corinthians, Cleanthes and Aregon: by Cleanthes the "Capture of Troy" and the "Birth of Athene," and by Aregon the "Artemis Borne Aloft on a Griffin." Then comes the mountain of Triphylia that separates Macistia from Pisatis; then another river called Chalcis, and a spring called Cruni, and a settlement called Chalcis, and, after these, Samicum, where is the most highly revered temple of the Samian Poseidon. About the temple is a sacred precinct full of wild olive trees. The people of Macistum used to have charge over it; and it was they, too, who used to proclaim the armistice day called "Samian." But all the Triphylians contribute to the maintenance of the temple. -In the general neighborhood of these temples, above the sea, at a distance of thirty stadia or slightly more, is situated the Triphylian Pylus, also called the Lepreatic Pylus, which Homer calls "emathöeis"Now interpreted as meaning "sandy." and transmits to posterity as the fatherland of Nestor, as one might infer from his words, whether it be that the river that flows past Pylus towards the north (now called Mamaüs, or Arcadicus) was called Amathus in earlier times, so that Pylus got its epithet "emathöeis" from "Amathus," or that this river was called Pamisus, the same as two rivers in Messenia, and that the derivation of the epithet of the city is uncertain; for it is false, they say, that either the river or the country about it is "amathodes.""Sandy." And also the temple of Athene Scilluntia at Scillus, in the neighborhood of Olympia near Phellon,Phellon, whether town, river, or mountain, is otherwise unknown. is one of the famous temples. Near Pylus, towards the east, is a mountain named after Minthe, who, according to myth, became the concubine of Hades, was trampled under foot by Core, and was transformed into garden-mint, the plant which some call Hedyosmos."Sweet-smelling" (mint). Furthermore, near the mountain is a precinct sacred to Hades, which is revered by the Macistians too,As well as by the Pylians. and also a grove sacred to Demeter, which is situated above the Pylian plain. This plain is fertile; it borders on the sea and stretches along the whole distance between Samicum and the River Neda. But the shore of the sea is narrow and sandy, so that one could not refuse to believe that Pylus got its epithet "emathöeis" therefrom. +In the general neighborhood of these temples, above the sea, at a distance of thirty stadia or slightly more, is situated the Triphylian Pylus, also called the Lepreatic Pylus, which Homer calls "emathöeis"Now interpreted as meaning "sandy." and transmits to posterity as the fatherland of Nestor, as one might infer from his words, whether it be that the river that flows past Pylus towards the north (now called Mamaüs, or Arcadicus) was called Amathus in earlier times, so that Pylus got its epithet "emathöeis" from "Amathus," or that this river was called Pamisus, the same as two rivers in Messenia, and that the derivation of the epithet of the city is uncertain; for it is false, they say, that either the river or the country about it is "amathodes.""Sandy." And also the temple of Athene Scilluntia at Scillus, in the neighborhood of Olympia near Phellon,Phellon, whether town, river, or mountain, is otherwise unknown. is one of the famous temples. Near Pylus, towards the east, is a mountain named after Minthe, who, according to myth, became the concubine of Hades, was trampled under foot by Core, and was transformed into garden-mint, the plant which some call Hedyosmos."Sweet-smelling" (mint). Furthermore, near the mountain is a precinct sacred to Hades, which is revered by the Macistians too,As well as by the Pylians. and also a grove sacred to Demeter, which is situated above the Pylian plain. This plain is fertile; it borders on the sea and stretches along the whole distance between Samicum and the River Neda. But the shore of the sea is narrow and sandy, so that one could not refuse to believe that Pylus got its epithet "emathöeis" therefrom. Towards the north, on the borders of Pylus, were two little Triphylian cities, Hypana and Tympaneae; the former of these was incorporated into Elis, whereas the latter remained as it was. And further, two rivers flow near these places, the Dalion and the Acheron, both of them emptying into the Alpheius. The Acheron has been so named by virtue of its close relation to Hades; for, as we know, not only the temples of Demeter and Core have been held in very high honor there, but also those of Hades, perhaps because of "the contrariness of the soil," to use the phrase of Demetrius of Scepsis. For while Triphylia brings forth good fruit, it breeds red-rust and produces rush; and therefore in this region it is often the case that instead of a large crop there is no crop at all. -To the south of Pylus is Lepreum. This city, too, was situated above the sea, at a distance of forty stadia; and between Lepreum and the Annius"Annius" (otherwise unknown) seems to be a corruption of "Anigrus" (cp. 8. 3. 19 and Paus. 5.5.5); but according to Kramer, "Alpheius." is the temple of the Samian Poseidon, at a distance of one hundred stadia from each. This is the temple at which the poet says Telemachus found the Pylians performing the sacrifice: "And they came to Pylus, the well-built city of Neleus; and the people were doing sacrifice on the seashore, slaying bulls that were black all over, to the dark-haired Earth-shaker."Hom. Od. 3.4Now it is indeed allowable for the poet even to fabricate what is not true, but when practicable he should adapt his words to what is true and preserve his narrative; but the more appropriate thing was to abstain from what was not true. The Lepreatans held a fertile territory; and that of the Cyparissians bordered on it. Both these districts were taken and held by the Cauconians; and so was the Macistus (by some called Platanistus). The name of the town is the same as that of the territory. It is said that there is a tomb of Caucon in the territory of Lepreum—whether Caucon was a progenitor of the tribe or one who for some other reason had the same name as the tribe. -There are several accounts of the Cauconians; for it is said that, like the Pelasgians, they were an Arcadian tribe, and, again like the Pelasgians, that they were a wandering tribe. At any rate, the poetHom. Il. 20.329 tells us that they came to Troy as allies of the Trojans. But he does not say whence they come, though they seem to have come from Paphlagonia; for in Paphlagonia there is a people called Cauconiatae whose territory borders on that of the Mariandyni, who are themselves Paphlagonians. But I shall speak of them at greater length when I come to my description of that region.12. 3. 5. At present I must add the following to my account of the Cauconians in Triphylia. Some say that the whole of what is. now called Eleia, from Messenia as far as Dyme, was called Cauconia. Antimachus, at any rate, calls all the inhabitants both Epeians and Cauconians. Others, however, say that the Cauconians did not occupy the whole of Eleia, but lived there in two separate divisions, one division in Triphylia near Messenia, and the other in Buprasis and Coele Elis near Dyme. And Aristotle has knowledge of their having been established at this latter place especially.The extant works of Aristotle contain no reference to the Cauconians. And in fact the last view agrees better with what Homer says, and furnishes a solution of the question asked above,8. 3. 11. for in this view it is assumed that Nestor lived in the Triphylian Pylus, and that the parts towards the south and east (that is, the parts that are contiguous to Messenia and the Laconian country) were subject to him; and these parts were held by the Cauconians, so that if one went by land from Pylus to Lacedaemon his journey necessarily must have been made through the territory of the Cauconians; and yet the temple of the Samian Poseidon and the mooring-place near it, where Telemachus landed, lie off towards the northwest. So then, if the Cauconians live only here, the account of the poet is not conserved; for instance, Athene, according to Sotades, bids Nestor to send Telemachus to Lacedaemon "with chariot and son" to the parts that lie towards the east, and yet she says that she herself will go to the ship to spend the night, towards the west, and back the same way she came, and she goes on to say that "in the morning" she will go "amongst the great-hearted Cauconians"Hom. Od. 3.366to collect a debt, that is, she will go forward again. How, pray? For Nestor might have said: "But the Cauconians are my subjects and live near the road that people travel to Lacedaemon. Why, therefore, do you not travel with Telemachus and his companions instead of going back the same way you came?" And at the same time it would have been proper for one who was going to people subject to Nestor to collect a debt—"no small debt," as she says—to request aid from Nestor, if there should be any unfairness (as is usually the case) in connection with the contract; but this she did not do. If, then, the Cauconians lived only there, the result would be absurd; but if some of the Cauconians had been separated from the rest and had gone to the regions near Dyme in Eleia, then Athene would be speaking of her journey thither, and there would no longer be anything incongruous either in her going down to the ship or in her withdrawing from the company of travellers, because their roads lay in opposite directions. And similarly, too, the puzzling questions raised in regard to Pylus may find an appropriate solution when, a little further on in my chorography, I reach the Messenian Pylus. +To the south of Pylus is Lepreum. This city, too, was situated above the sea, at a distance of forty stadia; and between Lepreum and the Annius"Annius" (otherwise unknown) seems to be a corruption of "Anigrus" (cp. 8. 3. 19 and Paus. 5.5.5); but according to Kramer, "Alpheius." is the temple of the Samian Poseidon, at a distance of one hundred stadia from each. This is the temple at which the poet says Telemachus found the Pylians performing the sacrifice: "And they came to Pylus, the well-built city of Neleus; and the people were doing sacrifice on the seashore, slaying bulls that were black all over, to the dark-haired Earth-shaker."Hom. Od. 3.4Now it is indeed allowable for the poet even to fabricate what is not true, but when practicable he should adapt his words to what is true and preserve his narrative; but the more appropriate thing was to abstain from what was not true. The Lepreatans held a fertile territory; and that of the Cyparissians bordered on it. Both these districts were taken and held by the Cauconians; and so was the Macistus (by some called Platanistus). The name of the town is the same as that of the territory. It is said that there is a tomb of Caucon in the territory of Lepreum—whether Caucon was a progenitor of the tribe or one who for some other reason had the same name as the tribe. +There are several accounts of the Cauconians; for it is said that, like the Pelasgians, they were an Arcadian tribe, and, again like the Pelasgians, that they were a wandering tribe. At any rate, the poetHom. Il. 20.329 tells us that they came to Troy as allies of the Trojans. But he does not say whence they come, though they seem to have come from Paphlagonia; for in Paphlagonia there is a people called Cauconiatae whose territory borders on that of the Mariandyni, who are themselves Paphlagonians. But I shall speak of them at greater length when I come to my description of that region.12. 3. 5. At present I must add the following to my account of the Cauconians in Triphylia. Some say that the whole of what is. now called Eleia, from Messenia as far as Dyme, was called Cauconia. Antimachus, at any rate, calls all the inhabitants both Epeians and Cauconians. Others, however, say that the Cauconians did not occupy the whole of Eleia, but lived there in two separate divisions, one division in Triphylia near Messenia, and the other in Buprasis and Coele Elis near Dyme. And Aristotle has knowledge of their having been established at this latter place especially.The extant works of Aristotle contain no reference to the Cauconians. And in fact the last view agrees better with what Homer says, and furnishes a solution of the question asked above,8. 3. 11. for in this view it is assumed that Nestor lived in the Triphylian Pylus, and that the parts towards the south and east (that is, the parts that are contiguous to Messenia and the Laconian country) were subject to him; and these parts were held by the Cauconians, so that if one went by land from Pylus to Lacedaemon his journey necessarily must have been made through the territory of the Cauconians; and yet the temple of the Samian Poseidon and the mooring-place near it, where Telemachus landed, lie off towards the northwest. So then, if the Cauconians live only here, the account of the poet is not conserved; for instance, Athene, according to Sotades, bids Nestor to send Telemachus to Lacedaemon "with chariot and son" to the parts that lie towards the east, and yet she says that she herself will go to the ship to spend the night, towards the west, and back the same way she came, and she goes on to say that "in the morning" she will go "amongst the great-hearted Cauconians"Hom. Od. 3.366to collect a debt, that is, she will go forward again. How, pray? For Nestor might have said: "But the Cauconians are my subjects and live near the road that people travel to Lacedaemon. Why, therefore, do you not travel with Telemachus and his companions instead of going back the same way you came?" And at the same time it would have been proper for one who was going to people subject to Nestor to collect a debt—"no small debt," as she says—to request aid from Nestor, if there should be any unfairness (as is usually the case) in connection with the contract; but this she did not do. If, then, the Cauconians lived only there, the result would be absurd; but if some of the Cauconians had been separated from the rest and had gone to the regions near Dyme in Eleia, then Athene would be speaking of her journey thither, and there would no longer be anything incongruous either in her going down to the ship or in her withdrawing from the company of travellers, because their roads lay in opposite directions. And similarly, too, the puzzling questions raised in regard to Pylus may find an appropriate solution when, a little further on in my chorography, I reach the Messenian Pylus. A part of the inhabitants of Triphylia were called Paroreatae; they occupied mountains, in the neighborhood of Lepreum and Macistum, that reach down to the sea near the Samian Poseidium.See 8. 3. 20. At the base of these mountains, on the seaboard, are two caves. One is the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades; the other is the scene of the stories of the daughters of AtlasThe seven Pleiades. and of the birth of Dardanus. And here, too, are the sacred precincts called the Ionaeum and the Eurycydeium. Samicum Cp. Pausanius' account of Samicum, Arene, and the Anigrus (Paus. 5.5.6, 5.6.1-2). is now only a fortress, though formerly there was also a city which was called Samus, perhaps because of its lofty situation; for they used to call lofty places "Samoi." And perhaps Samicum was the acropolis of Arene, which the poet mentions in the Catalogue: "And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene."Hom. Il. 2.591For while they cannot with certainty discover Arene anywhere, they prefer to conjecture that this is its site; and the neighboring River Anigrus, formerly called Minyeius, gives no slight indication of the truth of the conjecture, for the poet says: "And there is a River Minyeius which falls into the sea near Arene."Hom. Il. 11.722 For near the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades is a spring which makes the region that lies below it swampy and marshy. The greater part of the water is received by the Anigrus, a river so deep and so sluggish that it forms a marsh; and since the region is muddy, it emits an offensive odor for a distance of twenty stadia, and makes the fish unfit to eat.For a fuller account see Paus. 5.5.5 with Frazer's note. In the mythical accounts, however, this is attributed by some writers to the fact that certain of the Centaurs here washed off the poison they got from the Hydra, and by others to the fact that Melampus used these cleansing waters for the purification of the Proetides.According to Paus. 5.5.5, "some attribute the peculiarity of the river to the fact that the cp.objects used in the purification of the Proetides were flung into it." The bathing-water from here cures leprosy, elephantiasis, and scabies. It is said, also, that the Alpheius was so named from its being a cure for leprosy. At any rate, since both the sluggishness of the Anigrus and the backwash from the sea give fixity rather than current to its waters, it was called the "Minyeius" in earlier times, so it is said, though some have perverted the name and made it "Minteius"Thus connecting them name with the verb me/nein ("remain," "tarry"). Strabo probably wrote "Menteius" or "Menyeius," not "Minteius." instead. But the word has other sources of derivation, either from the people who went forth with Chloris, the mother of Nestor, from the Minyeian Orchomenus, or from the Minyans, who, being descendants of the Argonauts, were first driven out of Lemnos into Lacedaemon, and thence into Triphylia, and took up their abode about Arene in the country which is now called Hypaesia, though it no longer has the settlements of the Minyans. Some of these Minyans sailed with Theras, the son of Autesion, who was a descendant of Polyneices, to the islandCp. 1. 3. 16. which is situated between Cyrenaea and Crete ("Calliste its earlier name, but Thera its later,"Callimachus Fr. 112 (Schneider)as Callimachus says), and founded Thera, the mother-city of Cyrene, and designated the island by the same name as the city. -Between the Anigrus and the mountain from which it flows are to be seen the meadow and tomb of Iardanus, and also the Achaeae, which are abrupt cliffs of that same mountain above which, as I was saying,8. 3. 19. the city Samus was situated. However, Samus is not mentioned at all by the writers of the Circumnavigations—perhaps because it had long since been torn down and perhaps also because of its position; for the Poseidium is a sacred precinct, as I have said,8. 3. 13. near the sea, and above it is situated a lofty hill which is in front of the Samicum of today, on the site of which Samus once stood, and therefore Samus was not visible from the sea. Here, too, is a plain called Samicum; and from this one might get more conclusive proof that there was once a city called Samus. And further, the poem entitled Rhadine (of which Stesichorus is reputed to be the author), which begins, "Come, thou clear-voiced Muse, Erato, begin thy song, voicing to the tune of thy lovely lyre the strain of the children of Samus,"Stesichorus Fr. 44 (Bergk)refers to the children of the Samus in question; for Rhadine, who had been betrothed to a tyrant of Corinth, the author says, set sail from Samus (not meaning, of course, the Ionian Samus) while the west wind was blowing, and with the same wind her brother, he adds, went to Delphi as chief of an embassy; and her cousin, who was in love with her, set out for Corinth in his chariot to visit her. And the tyrant killed them both and sent their bodies away on a chariot, but repented, recalled the chariot, and buried their bodies. -From this Pylus and Lepreum to the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium (a fortress situated on the sea) and to the adjacent island Sphagia,Also called Sphacteria (see 8. 4. 2). the distance is about four hundred stadia; from the Alpheius seven hundred and fifty; and from Chelonatas one thousand and thirty. In the intervening space are both the temple of the Macistian Heracles and the Acidon River. The Acidon flows past the tomb of Iardanus and past Chaa—a city that was once in existence near Lepreum, where is also the Aepasian Plain. It was for the possession of this Chaa, some say, that the war between the Arcadians and Pylians, of which Homer tells us, arose in a dispute; and they think that one should write, "Would that I were in the bloom of my youth, as when the Pylians and the Arcadians gathered together and fought at the swift-flowing Acidon, beside the walls of Chaa"Hom. Il. 7.133—instead of "Celadon" and "Pheia";"Celadon" and "Pheia" are the readings of the Homeric text. After the words "beside the walls of Pheia" Homer adds the words "about the streams of Iardanus." for this region, they say, is nearer than the other to the tomb of Iardanus and to the country of the Arcadians. -Cyparissia is on the Triphylian Sea, and so are Pyrgi, and the Acidon and Neda Rivers.As often, Strabo means the mouths of rivers. At the present time the stream of the Neda is the boundary between Triphylia and Messenia (an impetuous stream that comes down from Lycaeus, an Arcadian mountain, out of a spring, which, according to the myth, Rhea, after she had given birth to Zeus, caused to break forth in order to have water to bathe in); and it flows past Phigalia, opposite the place where the Pyrgetans, last of the Triphylians, border on the Cyparissians, first of the Messenians; but in the early times the division between the two countries was different, so that some of the territories across the Neda were subject to Nestor—not only Cyparissëeis, but also some other parts on the far side. Just so, too, the poet prolongs the Pylian Sea as far as the seven cities which Agamemnon promised to Achilles: "and all are situated near the sea of sandy Pylus;"Hom. Il. 9.153This line from the Iliad, though wrongly translated above, is translated as Strabo interpreted it. He, like Aristarchus, took ne/atai as a verb meaning "are situated," but as elsewhere in the Iliad (e.g., Hom. Il. 11.712) it is an adjective meaning "last." for this phrase is equivalent to "near the Pylian Sea." -Be that as it may, next in order after sailing past Cyparissëeis towards the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium one comes to Erana, which some wrongly think was in earlier times called Arene by the same name as the Pylian Arene, and also to Cape Platamodes, from which the distance to Coryphasium and to what is now called Pylus is one hundred stadia. Here, too, is a small island, Prote, and on it a town of the same name. Perhaps I would not be examining at such length things that are ancient, and would be content merely to tell in detail how things now are, if there were not connected with these matters legends that have been taught us from boyhood; and since different men say different things, I must act as arbiter. In general, it is the most famous, the oldest, and the most experienced men who are believed; and since it is Homer who has surpassed all others in these respects, I must likewise both inquire into his words and compare them with things as they now are, as I was saying a little while ago.8. 3. 3. -I have already8. 3. 8. inquired into Homer's words concerning Coele Elis and Buprasium. Concerning the country that was subject to Nestor, Homer speaks as follows: "And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene and Thryum, fording-place of the Alpheius, and well-built Aepy, and also those who were inhabitants of Cyparissëeis and Amphigeneia and Pteleus and Helus and Dorium, at which place the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian, and put a stop to his singing while he was on his way from Oechalia from Eurytus the Oechalian."Hom. Il. 2.591It is Pylus, then, with which our investigation is concerned, and about it we shall make inquiry presently. About Arene I have already spoken.Section 19 above. The city which the poet now calls Thryum he elsewhere calls Thryoessa: "There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius."Hom. Il. 11.711He calls it "fording-place of the Alpheius" because the river could be crossed on foot, as it seems, at this place. But it is now called Epitalium (a small place in Macistia). As for "well-built Aepy," some raise the question which of the two words is the epithet and which is the city, and whether it is the Margalae of today, in Amphidolia. Now Margalae is not a natural stronghold, but another place is pointed out which is a natural stronghold, in Macistia. The man, therefore, who suspects that the latter place is meant by Homer calls the name of the city "Aepy""Sheer," "steep." from what is actually the case in nature (compare Helus,"Marsh." Aegialus,"Shore." and several other names of places); whereas the man who suspects that "Margala" is meant does the reverse perhaps. That is, calls it "Euctitum" (Well-built), making the other words the epithet. Thryum,"Rush." or Thryoessa, they say, is Epitalium, because the whole of this country is full of rushes, particularly the rivers; and this is still more conspicuous at the fordable places of the stream. But perhaps, they say, Homer called the ford "Thryum" and called Epitalium "well-built Aepy"; for Epitalium is fortified by nature. And in fact he speaks of a "steep hill" in other places: "There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius, last city of sandy Pylus."Hom. Il. 11.711 -Cyparissëeis is in the neighborhood of the Macistia of earlier times (when Macistia still extended across the Neda), but it is no longer inhabited, as is also the case with Macistum. But there is another, the Messenian Cyparissia; it, too, is now called by the same name as the Macistian and in like manner, namely, Cyparissia, in the singular number and in the feminine gender,That is, not Cyparissiae (plural), or Cyparissëeis (masculine). whereas only the river is now called Cyparissëeis. And Amphigeneia, also, is in Macistia, in the neighborhood of the Hypsöeis River, where is the temple of Leto. Pteleum was a settlement of the colony from the Thessalian Pteleum, for, as Homer tells us, there was a Pteleum in Thessaly too: "and Antrum, near the sea, and grassy Pteleum;"Hom. Il. 2.697but now it is a woody, uninhabited place, and is called Pteleasium. As for Helus, some call it a territory in the neighborhood of the Alpheius, while others go on to call it a city, as they do the Laconian Helus: "and Helus, a city near the sea;"Hom. Il. 2.584but others call it a marsh,"Helus" means "marsh." the marsh in the neighborhood of Alorium, where is the temple of the Heleian Artemis, whose worship was under the management of the Arcadians, for this people had the priesthood. As for Dorium, some call it a mountain, while others call it a plain, but nothing is now to be seen; and yet by some the Aluris of today, or Alura, situated in what is called the Aulon of Messenia, is called Dorium. And somewhere in this region is also the Oechalia of Eurytus (the Andania of today, a small Arcadian town, with the same name as the towns in Thessaly and Euboea), whence, according to the poet, Thamyris the Thracian came to Dorium and was deprived of the art of singing. -From these facts, then, it is clear that the country subject to Nestor, all of which the poet calls "land of the Pylians," extends on each side of the Alpheius; but the Alpheius nowhere touches either Messenia or Coele Elis. For the fatherland of Nestor is in this country which we call Triphylian, or Arcadian, or Leprean, Pylus. And the truth is that, whereas the other places called Pylus are to be seen on the sea, this Pylus is more than thirty stadia above the sea—a fact that is also clear from the verses of Homer, for, in the first place, a messenger is sent to the boat after the companions of Telemachus to invite them to an entertainment, and, secondly, Telemachus on his return from Sparta does not permit Peisistratus to drive to the city, but urges him to turn aside towards the ship, knowing that the road towards the city is not the same as that towards the place of anchorage. And thus the return voyage of Telemachus might be spoken of appropriately in these words: "And they went past CruniA spring (8. 3. 13). and fair-flowing Chalcis."Chalcis" was the name of both the "settlement" (8. 3. 13) and the river. And the sun set and all the ways grew dark; and the ship, rejoicing in the breeze of Zeus, drew near to Phea, and on past goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway."Hom. Od. 15.295Thus far, then, the voyage is towards the north, but thence it bends in the direction of the east. That is, the ship abandons the voyage that was set out upon at first and that led straight to Ithaca, because there the wooers had set the ambush "in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos."Hom. Od. 4.671"And thence again he steered for the islands that are thoai;"Hom. Od. 15.299but by "thoai" the poet means the islands that are "pointed."Not "swift," the usual meaning given to qoai/. Thus Strabo connects the adjective with qoo/w (see Hom. Od. 9.327). These belong to the Echinades group and are near the beginning of the Corinthian Gulf and the outlets of the Acheloüs. Again, after passing by Ithaca far enough to put it south of him, Telemachus turns round towards the proper course between Acarnania and Ithaca and makes his landing on the other side of the island—not at the Cephallenian strait which was being guarded by the wooers.In this sentence Strabo seems to identify Homer's Ithaca with what we now call Ithaca, or Thiaka; but in 1. 2. 20 (see footnote 2), 1. 2. 28, and 10. 2. 12 he seems to identify it with Leucas. -At any rate, if one should conceive the notion that the Eleian Pylus is the Pylus of Nestor, the poet could not appropriately say that the ship, after putting to sea from there, was carried past Cruni and Chalcis before sunset, then drew near to Phea by night, and then sailed past Eleia; for these places are to the south of Eleia: first, Phea, then Chalcis, then Cruni, and then the Triphylian Pylus and Samicum. This, then, would be the voyage for one who is sailing towards the south from Eleian Pylus, whereas one who is sailing towards the north, where Ithaca is, leaves all these parts behind him, and also must sail past Eleia itself—and that before sunset, though the poet says after sunset. And further, if one should go on to make a second supposition, that the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium are the beginning of the voyage from Nestor's, the distance would be considerable and would require more time. At any rate, merely the distance to Triphylian Pylus and the Samian Poseidium is four hundred stadia; and the first part of the coasting-voyage is not "past Cruni and Chalcis" and Phea (names of obscure rivers, or rather creeks), but past the Neda; then past the Acidon; and then past the Alpheius and the intervening places. And on this supposition those other places should have been mentioned later, for the voyage was indeed made past them too. +Between the Anigrus and the mountain from which it flows are to be seen the meadow and tomb of Iardanus, and also the Achaeae, which are abrupt cliffs of that same mountain above which, as I was saying,8. 3. 19. the city Samus was situated. However, Samus is not mentioned at all by the writers of the Circumnavigations—perhaps because it had long since been torn down and perhaps also because of its position; for the Poseidium is a sacred precinct, as I have said,8. 3. 13. near the sea, and above it is situated a lofty hill which is in front of the Samicum of today, on the site of which Samus once stood, and therefore Samus was not visible from the sea. Here, too, is a plain called Samicum; and from this one might get more conclusive proof that there was once a city called Samus. And further, the poem entitled Rhadine (of which Stesichorus is reputed to be the author), which begins, "Come, thou clear-voiced Muse, Erato, begin thy song, voicing to the tune of thy lovely lyre the strain of the children of Samus,"Stesichorus Fr. 44 (Bergk)refers to the children of the Samus in question; for Rhadine, who had been betrothed to a tyrant of Corinth, the author says, set sail from Samus (not meaning, of course, the Ionian Samus) while the west wind was blowing, and with the same wind her brother, he adds, went to Delphi as chief of an embassy; and her cousin, who was in love with her, set out for Corinth in his chariot to visit her. And the tyrant killed them both and sent their bodies away on a chariot, but repented, recalled the chariot, and buried their bodies. +From this Pylus and Lepreum to the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium (a fortress situated on the sea) and to the adjacent island Sphagia,Also called Sphacteria (see 8. 4. 2). the distance is about four hundred stadia; from the Alpheius seven hundred and fifty; and from Chelonatas one thousand and thirty. In the intervening space are both the temple of the Macistian Heracles and the Acidon River. The Acidon flows past the tomb of Iardanus and past Chaa—a city that was once in existence near Lepreum, where is also the Aepasian Plain. It was for the possession of this Chaa, some say, that the war between the Arcadians and Pylians, of which Homer tells us, arose in a dispute; and they think that one should write, "Would that I were in the bloom of my youth, as when the Pylians and the Arcadians gathered together and fought at the swift-flowing Acidon, beside the walls of Chaa"Hom. Il. 7.133—instead of "Celadon" and "Pheia";"Celadon" and "Pheia" are the readings of the Homeric text. After the words "beside the walls of Pheia" Homer adds the words "about the streams of Iardanus." for this region, they say, is nearer than the other to the tomb of Iardanus and to the country of the Arcadians. +Cyparissia is on the Triphylian Sea, and so are Pyrgi, and the Acidon and Neda Rivers.As often, Strabo means the mouths of rivers. At the present time the stream of the Neda is the boundary between Triphylia and Messenia (an impetuous stream that comes down from Lycaeus, an Arcadian mountain, out of a spring, which, according to the myth, Rhea, after she had given birth to Zeus, caused to break forth in order to have water to bathe in); and it flows past Phigalia, opposite the place where the Pyrgetans, last of the Triphylians, border on the Cyparissians, first of the Messenians; but in the early times the division between the two countries was different, so that some of the territories across the Neda were subject to Nestor—not only Cyparissëeis, but also some other parts on the far side. Just so, too, the poet prolongs the Pylian Sea as far as the seven cities which Agamemnon promised to Achilles: "and all are situated near the sea of sandy Pylus;"Hom. Il. 9.153This line from the Iliad, though wrongly translated above, is translated as Strabo interpreted it. He, like Aristarchus, took ne/atai as a verb meaning "are situated," but as elsewhere in the Iliad (e.g., Hom. Il. 11.712) it is an adjective meaning "last." for this phrase is equivalent to "near the Pylian Sea." +Be that as it may, next in order after sailing past Cyparissëeis towards the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium one comes to Erana, which some wrongly think was in earlier times called Arene by the same name as the Pylian Arene, and also to Cape Platamodes, from which the distance to Coryphasium and to what is now called Pylus is one hundred stadia. Here, too, is a small island, Prote, and on it a town of the same name. Perhaps I would not be examining at such length things that are ancient, and would be content merely to tell in detail how things now are, if there were not connected with these matters legends that have been taught us from boyhood; and since different men say different things, I must act as arbiter. In general, it is the most famous, the oldest, and the most experienced men who are believed; and since it is Homer who has surpassed all others in these respects, I must likewise both inquire into his words and compare them with things as they now are, as I was saying a little while ago.8. 3. 3. +I have already8. 3. 8. inquired into Homer's words concerning Coele Elis and Buprasium. Concerning the country that was subject to Nestor, Homer speaks as follows: "And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene and Thryum, fording-place of the Alpheius, and well-built Aepy, and also those who were inhabitants of Cyparissëeis and Amphigeneia and Pteleus and Helus and Dorium, at which place the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian, and put a stop to his singing while he was on his way from Oechalia from Eurytus the Oechalian."Hom. Il. 2.591It is Pylus, then, with which our investigation is concerned, and about it we shall make inquiry presently. About Arene I have already spoken.Section 19 above. The city which the poet now calls Thryum he elsewhere calls Thryoessa: "There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius."Hom. Il. 11.711He calls it "fording-place of the Alpheius" because the river could be crossed on foot, as it seems, at this place. But it is now called Epitalium (a small place in Macistia). As for "well-built Aepy," some raise the question which of the two words is the epithet and which is the city, and whether it is the Margalae of today, in Amphidolia. Now Margalae is not a natural stronghold, but another place is pointed out which is a natural stronghold, in Macistia. The man, therefore, who suspects that the latter place is meant by Homer calls the name of the city "Aepy""Sheer," "steep." from what is actually the case in nature (compare Helus,"Marsh." Aegialus,"Shore." and several other names of places); whereas the man who suspects that "Margala" is meant does the reverse perhaps. That is, calls it "Euctitum" (Well-built), making the other words the epithet. Thryum,"Rush." or Thryoessa, they say, is Epitalium, because the whole of this country is full of rushes, particularly the rivers; and this is still more conspicuous at the fordable places of the stream. But perhaps, they say, Homer called the ford "Thryum" and called Epitalium "well-built Aepy"; for Epitalium is fortified by nature. And in fact he speaks of a "steep hill" in other places: "There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius, last city of sandy Pylus."Hom. Il. 11.711 +Cyparissëeis is in the neighborhood of the Macistia of earlier times (when Macistia still extended across the Neda), but it is no longer inhabited, as is also the case with Macistum. But there is another, the Messenian Cyparissia; it, too, is now called by the same name as the Macistian and in like manner, namely, Cyparissia, in the singular number and in the feminine gender,That is, not Cyparissiae (plural), or Cyparissëeis (masculine). whereas only the river is now called Cyparissëeis. And Amphigeneia, also, is in Macistia, in the neighborhood of the Hypsöeis River, where is the temple of Leto. Pteleum was a settlement of the colony from the Thessalian Pteleum, for, as Homer tells us, there was a Pteleum in Thessaly too: "and Antrum, near the sea, and grassy Pteleum;"Hom. Il. 2.697but now it is a woody, uninhabited place, and is called Pteleasium. As for Helus, some call it a territory in the neighborhood of the Alpheius, while others go on to call it a city, as they do the Laconian Helus: "and Helus, a city near the sea;"Hom. Il. 2.584but others call it a marsh,"Helus" means "marsh." the marsh in the neighborhood of Alorium, where is the temple of the Heleian Artemis, whose worship was under the management of the Arcadians, for this people had the priesthood. As for Dorium, some call it a mountain, while others call it a plain, but nothing is now to be seen; and yet by some the Aluris of today, or Alura, situated in what is called the Aulon of Messenia, is called Dorium. And somewhere in this region is also the Oechalia of Eurytus (the Andania of today, a small Arcadian town, with the same name as the towns in Thessaly and Euboea), whence, according to the poet, Thamyris the Thracian came to Dorium and was deprived of the art of singing. +From these facts, then, it is clear that the country subject to Nestor, all of which the poet calls "land of the Pylians," extends on each side of the Alpheius; but the Alpheius nowhere touches either Messenia or Coele Elis. For the fatherland of Nestor is in this country which we call Triphylian, or Arcadian, or Leprean, Pylus. And the truth is that, whereas the other places called Pylus are to be seen on the sea, this Pylus is more than thirty stadia above the sea—a fact that is also clear from the verses of Homer, for, in the first place, a messenger is sent to the boat after the companions of Telemachus to invite them to an entertainment, and, secondly, Telemachus on his return from Sparta does not permit Peisistratus to drive to the city, but urges him to turn aside towards the ship, knowing that the road towards the city is not the same as that towards the place of anchorage. And thus the return voyage of Telemachus might be spoken of appropriately in these words: "And they went past CruniA spring (8. 3. 13). and fair-flowing Chalcis."Chalcis" was the name of both the "settlement" (8. 3. 13) and the river. And the sun set and all the ways grew dark; and the ship, rejoicing in the breeze of Zeus, drew near to Phea, and on past goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway."Hom. Od. 15.295Thus far, then, the voyage is towards the north, but thence it bends in the direction of the east. That is, the ship abandons the voyage that was set out upon at first and that led straight to Ithaca, because there the wooers had set the ambush "in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos."Hom. Od. 4.671"And thence again he steered for the islands that are thoai;"Hom. Od. 15.299but by "thoai" the poet means the islands that are "pointed."Not "swift," the usual meaning given to qoai/. Thus Strabo connects the adjective with qoo/w (see Hom. Od. 9.327). These belong to the Echinades group and are near the beginning of the Corinthian Gulf and the outlets of the Acheloüs. Again, after passing by Ithaca far enough to put it south of him, Telemachus turns round towards the proper course between Acarnania and Ithaca and makes his landing on the other side of the island—not at the Cephallenian strait which was being guarded by the wooers.In this sentence Strabo seems to identify Homer's Ithaca with what we now call Ithaca, or Thiaka; but in 1. 2. 20 (see footnote 2), 1. 2. 28, and 10. 2. 12 he seems to identify it with Leucas. +At any rate, if one should conceive the notion that the Eleian Pylus is the Pylus of Nestor, the poet could not appropriately say that the ship, after putting to sea from there, was carried past Cruni and Chalcis before sunset, then drew near to Phea by night, and then sailed past Eleia; for these places are to the south of Eleia: first, Phea, then Chalcis, then Cruni, and then the Triphylian Pylus and Samicum. This, then, would be the voyage for one who is sailing towards the south from Eleian Pylus, whereas one who is sailing towards the north, where Ithaca is, leaves all these parts behind him, and also must sail past Eleia itself—and that before sunset, though the poet says after sunset. And further, if one should go on to make a second supposition, that the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium are the beginning of the voyage from Nestor's, the distance would be considerable and would require more time. At any rate, merely the distance to Triphylian Pylus and the Samian Poseidium is four hundred stadia; and the first part of the coasting-voyage is not "past Cruni and Chalcis" and Phea (names of obscure rivers, or rather creeks), but past the Neda; then past the Acidon; and then past the Alpheius and the intervening places. And on this supposition those other places should have been mentioned later, for the voyage was indeed made past them too. Furthermore, the detailed account which Nestor recites to Patroclus concerning the war that took place between the Pylians and the Eleians pleads for what I have been trying to prove, if one observes the verses of the poet. For in them the poet says that, since Heracles had ravaged the Pylian country to the extent that all the youth were slainHom. Il. 11.691 and that of all the twelve sons of Neleus only Nestor, then in his earliest youth,Hom. Il. 11.670 had been left,Hom. Il. 11.691 and since the Epeians had conceived a contempt for Neleus because of his old age and lack of defenders, they began to treat the Pylians in an arrogant and wanton manner. So, in return for this treatment, Nestor gathered together all he could of the people of his homeland, made an attack, he says, upon Eleia, and herded together very much booty, "fifty herds of cattle, and as many flocks of sheep, and as many droves of swine,"Hom. Il. 11.678and also as many herds of goats, and one hundred and fifty sorrel mares, most of them with foals beneath them. "And these," he says, "we drove within Neleian Pylus, to the city, in the night,"Hom. Il. 11.682meaning, first, that it was in the daytime that the driving away of the booty and the rout of those who came to the rescue took place (when he says he killed Itymoneus), and, secondly, that it was in the nighttime that the return took place, so that it was night when they arrived at the city. And while the Pylians were busied with the distribution of the booty and with offering sacrifice, the Epeians, on the third day,Hom. Il. 11.707 after assembling in numbers, both footmen and horsemen, came forth in their turn against the Pylians and encamped around Thryum, which is situated on the Alpheius River. And when the Pylians learned this, they forthwith set out to the rescue; they passed the night in the neighborhood of the Minyeius River near Arene, and thence arrived at the Alpheius "in open sky," that is, at midday. And after they offered sacrifice to the gods and passed the night near the river, they joined battle at early dawn; and after the rout took place, they did not stop pursuing and slaying the enemy until they set foot on Buprasium "and on the Olenian Rock and where is the place called Hill of Aleisium,Cp. 8. 3. 10. whence Athene turned the people back again;"Hom. Il. 11.757and a little further on the poet says: "But the Achaeans drove back their swift horses from Buprasium to Pylus."Hom. Il. 11.759 - From all this, then, how could one suppose that either the Eleian or Messenian Pylus is meant? Not the Eleian Pylus, because, if this Pylus was being ravaged by Heracles, the country of the Epeians was being ravaged by him at the same time; but this is the Eleian country. How, pray, could a people whose country had been ravaged at the same time and were of the same stock, have acquired such arrogance and wantonness towards a people who had been wronged at the same time? And how could they overrun and plunder their own homeland? And how could both Augeas and Neleus be rulers of the same people at the same time if they were personal enemies? If to Neleus "a great debt was owing in goodly Elis. Four horses, prize-winners, with their chariots, had come to win prizes and were to run for a tripod; but these Augeas, lord of men, detained there, though he sent away the driver."Hom. Il. 11.698And if this is where Neleus lived, Nestor too must have lived there. How, pray, could the poet say of the Eleians and the Buprasians, "there were four rulers of them, and ten swift ships followed each man, and many Epeians embarked "Hom. Il. 2.618?And the country, too, was divided into four parts; yet Nestor ruled over no one of these, but over them "that dwelt in Pylus and in lovely Arene,"Hom. Il. 2.591and over the places that come after these as far as Messene. Again, how could the Epeians, who in their turn went forth to attack the Pylians, set out for the Alpheius and Thryum? And how, after the battle took place, after they were routed, could they flee towards Buprasium? And again, if it was the Messenian Pylus which Heracles had ravaged, how could a people so far distant as the Epeians act wantonly towards them, and how could the Epeians have been involved in numerous contracts with them and have defaulted these by cancelling them, so that the war resulted on that account? And how could Nestor, when he went forth to plunder the country, when he herded together booty consisting of both swine and cattle, none of which could travel fast or far, have accomplished a journey of more than one thousand stadia to that Pylus which is near Coryphasium? Yet on the third day they allThe Epeians. came to Thryoessa and the River Alpeius to besiege the stronghold! And how could these places belong to those who were in power in Messenia, when they were held by Cauconians and Triphylians and Pisatans? And as for Gerena, or Gerenia (for the word is spelled both ways), perhaps some people named it that to suit a purpose, though it is also possible that the place was by chance so named.See 8. 3. 7. And, in general, since Messenia was classifiedIn the Homeric Catalogue, Strabo means. See 8. 5. 8, and the Hom. Il. 2.581-586. as subject to Menalaüs, as was also the Laconian country (as will be clear from what I shall say later),8. 5. 8. and since the Pamisus and the Nedon flow through Messenia, whereas the Alpheius nowhere touches it (the Alpheius "that floweth in broad stream through the land of the Pylians,"Hom. Il. 5.545over which Nestor ruled), what plausibility could there be in an account which lands Nestor in a foreign realm and robs him of the cities that are attributed to him in the Catalogue,Hom. Il. 2.591-602 and thus makes everything subject to Menelaüs? - It remains for me to tell about Olympia, and how everything fell into the hands of the Eleians. The temple is in Pisatis, less than three hundred stadia distant from Elis. In front of the temple is situated a grove of wild olive trees, and the stadium is in this grove. Past the temple flows the Alpheius, which, rising in Arcadia, flows between the west and the south into the Triphylian Sea. At the outset the temple got fame on account of the oracle of the Olympian Zeus; and yet, after the oracle failed to respond, the glory of the temple persisted none the less, and it received all that increase of fame of which we know, on account both of the festal assembly and of the Olympian Games, in which the prize was a crown and which were regarded as sacred, the greatest games in the world. The temple was adorned by its numerous offerings, which were dedicated there from all parts of Greece. Among these was the Zeus of beaten gold dedicated by Cypselus the tyrant of Corinth. But the greatest of these was the image of Zeus made by Pheidias of Athens, son of Charmides; it was made of ivory, and it was so large that, although the temple was very large, the artist is thought to have missed the proper symmetry, for he showed Zeus seated but almost touching the roof with his head, thus making the impression that if Zeus arose and stood erect he would unroof the temple. Certain writers have recorded the measurements of the image, and Callimachus has set them forth in an iambic poem. Panaenus the painter, who was the nephew and collaborator of Pheidias, helped him greatly in decorating the image, particularly the garments, with colors. And many wonderful paintings, works of Panaenus, are also to be seen round the temple. It is related of Pheidias that, when Panaenus asked him after what model he was going to make the likeness of Zeus, he replied that he was going to make it after the likeness set forth by Homer in these words: "Cronion spoke, and nodded assent with his dark brows, and then the ambrosial locks flowed streaming from the lord's immortal head, and he caused great Olympus to quake."Hom. Il. 1.528A noble description indeed, as appears not only from the "brows" but from the other details in the passage, because the poet provokes our imagination to conceive the picture of a mighty personage and a mighty power worthy of a Zeus, just as he does in the case of Hera, at the same time preserving what is appropriate in each; for of Hera he says, "she shook herself upon the throne, and caused lofty Olympus to quake."Hom. Il. 8.199What in her case occurred when she moved her whole body, resulted in the case of Zeus when he merely "nodded with his brows," although his hair too was somewhat affected at the same time. This, too, is a graceful saying about the poet, that "he alone has seen, or else he alone has shown, the likenesses of the gods." The Eleians above all others are to be credited both with the magnificence of the temple and with the honor in which it was held. In the times of the Trojan war, it is true, or even before those times, they were not a prosperous people, since they had been humbled by the Pylians, and also, later on, by Heracles when Augeas their king was overthrown. The evidence is this: The Eleians sent only forty ships to Troy, whereas the Pylians and Nestor sent ninety. But later on, after the return of the Heracleidae, the contrary was the case, for the Aetolians, having returned with the Heracleidae under the leadership of Oxylus, and on the strength of ancient kinship having taken up their abode with the Epeians, enlarged Coele Elis, and not only seized much of Pisatis but also got Olympia under their power. What is more, the Olympian Games are an invention of theirs; and it was they who celebrated the first Olympiads, for one should disregard the ancient stories both of the founding of the temple and of the establishment of the games—some alleging that it was Heracles, one of the Idaean Dactyli,See 10. 3. 22. who was the originator of both, and others, that it was Heracles the son of Alcmene and Zeus, who also was the first to contend in the games and win the victory; for such stories are told in many ways, and not much faith is to be put in them. It is nearer the truth to say that from the first Olympiad, in which the Eleian Coroebus won the stadium-race, until the twenty.sixth Olympiad, the Eleians had charge both of the temple and of the games. But in the times of the Trojan War, either there were no games in which the prize was a crown or else they were not famous, neither the Olympian nor any other of those that are now famous.The Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian Games. In the first place, Homer does not mention any of these, though he mentions another kind—funeral games.Hom. Il. 23.255 ff And yet some think that he mentions the Olympian Games when he says that Augeas deprived the driver of "four horses, prize-winners, that had come to win prizes."See 8. 3. 29. And they say that the Pisatans took no part in the Trojan War because they were regarded as sacred to Zeus. But neither was the Pisatis in which Olympia is situated subject to Augeas at that time, but only the Eleian country, nor were the Olympian Games celebrated even once in Eleia, but always in Olympia. And the games which I have just cited from Homer clearly took place in Elis, where the debt was owing: "for a debt was owing to him in goodly Elis, four horses, prize-winners."Hom. Il. 11.698And these were not games in which the prize was a crown (for the horses were to run for a tripod), as was the case at Olympia. After the twenty-sixth Olympiad, when they had got back their homeland, the Pisatans themselves went to celebrating the games because they saw that these were held in high esteem. But in later times Pisatis again fell into the power of the Eleians, and thus again the direction of the games fell to them. The Lacedaemonians also, after the last defeat of the Messenians, cooperated with the Eleians, who had been their allies in battle, whereas the Arcadians and the descendants of Nestor had done the opposite, having joined with the Messenians in war. And the Lacedaemonians cooperated with them so effectually that the whole country as far as Messene came to be called Eleia, and the name has persisted to this day, whereas, of the Pisatans, the Triphylians, and the Cauconians, not even a name has survived. Further, the Eleians settled the inhabitants of "sandy Pylus" itself in Lepreum,So, according to Thuc. 5.34, the Lacedaemonians settled certain Helots in Lepreum in 421 B.C. to gratify the Lepreatans, who had been victorious in a war,Strabo seems to mean that the Lepreatans "had prevailed in a war" over the other Triphylian cities that had sided with the Pisatae in their war against the Eleians. Several of the editors (see critical note above, on this page), citing Paus. 6.22.4, emend the text to read, "had taken no part in the war," i.e., on the side of the Pisatae against the Eleians; C. Müller, citing Paus. 4.15.8, emends to read, "had taken the field with them (the Eleians) in the war." But neither emendation seems warranted by the citations, or by any other evidence yet found by the present translator. and they broke up many other settlements,For example, Macistus. According to Hdt. 4.148, this occurred "in my own time." But see Paus. 6.22.4, and Frazer's note thereon. and also exacted tribute of as many a they saw inclined to act independently. -Pisatis first became widely famous on account of its rulers, who were most powerful: they were Oenomaüs, and Pelops who succeeded him, and the numerous sons of the latter. And Salmoneus,Hom. Od. 11.236 too, is said to have reigned there; at any rate, one of the eight cities into which Pisatis is divided is called Salmone. So for these reasons, as well as on account of the temple at Olympia, the country has gained wide repute. But one should listen to the old accounts with reserve, knowing that they are not very commonly accepted; for the later writers hold new views about many things and even tell the opposite of the old accounts, as when they say that Augeas ruled over Pisatis, but Oenomaüs and Salmoneus over Eleia; and some writers combine the two tribes into one. But in general one should follow only what is commonly accepted. Indeed, the writers do not even agree as to the derivation of the name Pisatis; for some derive it from a city Pisa, which bears the same name as the spring; the spring, they say, was called "Pisa," the equivalent of "pistra," that is "potistra"; Both words mean "drinking trough." and they point out the site of the city on a lofty place between Ossa and Olympus, two mountains that bear the same name as those in Thessaly. But some say that there was no city by the name of Pisa (for if there had been, it would have been one of the eight cities), but only a spring, now called Pisa, near Cicysium, the largest of the eight cities; and Stesichorus, they explain, uses the term "city" for the territory called Pisa, just as Homer calls Lesbos the "city of Macar";Hom. Il. 24.544 so Euripides in his Ion, "there is Euboea, a neighboring city to Athens;"Eur. Ion. 294 and in his Rhadamanthys, "who hold the Euboean land, a neighboring city;"Eur. Rhadamanthys Fr. 658 (Nauck) and Sophocles in his Mysians,Soph. Fr. 377 (Nauck) "The whole country, stranger, is called Asia, but the city of the Mysians is called Mysia."Soph. Mysians Fr. 377 (Nauck) -Salmone is situated near the spring of that name from which flows the Enipeus River. The river empties into the Alpheius, and is now called the Barnichius.Meineke, following Kramer, ejects the words "and it . . . Barnichius" on the assumption that "barnichus" is a word of Slavic origin. It is said that Tyro fell in love with Enipeus: "She loved a river, the divine Enipeus."Hom. Od. 11.238Hom. Od. 11.238 For there, it is said, her father Salmoneus reigned, just as Euripides also says in his Aeolus.See Eur. Fr. 14 (Nauck), and the note. Some write the name of the river in Thessaly "Eniseus"; it flows from Mount Othrys, and receives the Apidanus, which flows down out of Pharsalus.In 9. 5. 6 Strabo spells the name of the river in Thessaly "Enipeus," not "Eniseus"; and says that "it flows from Mt. Othrys past Pharsalus, and then turns aside into the Apidanus." Hence some of the editors, including Meineke, regarding the two statements as contradictory, eject the words "The name . . . Pharsalus." But the two passages can easily be reconciled, for (1) "flows out of" (Pharsalus), as often, means "flows out of the territory of," which was true of the Apidanus; and (2) in 9. 5. 6 Strabo means that the Enipeus "flows past Old Pharsalus," which was true, and (3) the apparent conflict as to which of the two rivers was tributary is immaterial, since either might be so considered. Near Salmone is Heracleia, which is also one of the eight cities; it is about forty stadia distant from Olympia and is situated on the Cytherius River, where is the temple of the Ioniades Nymphs, who have been believed to cure diseases with their waters.According to Paus. 6.22.7, with the waters of a spring that flowed in to the Cytherus (note the spelling). Near Olympia is Arpina,On Arpina and its site, see Paus. 4.94 ff, and Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Harpina." also one of the eight cities, through whichStrabo means "through the territory of which." flows the River Parthenias, On the Parthenias (now the Bakireika), see Frazer, l.c. on the road that leads up to Pheraea. Pheraea is in Arcadia, and it is situated above Dymaea and Buprasium and Elis, that is, to the north of PisatisThe words "and it is situated . . . Pisatis" would seem to apply to the Achaean Pharae, not to some Arcadian city; and in that case, apparently, either Strabo has blundered or the words are an interpolation. Meineke ejects the words "Pheraea is . . . Pisatis" and emends "Pherea" to "Heraea"; but Polybius 4.77 mentions a "Pharaea"(note the spelling) in the same region to which Strabo refers, and obviously both writers have in mind the same city. The city is otherwise unknown and therefore the correct spelling is doubtful. See Bölte in Pauly-Wissowa (s.v. "Harpina", who, however, wrongly quotes "Pharaea" as the spelling found in the MSS. of Strabo. Here, too, is Cicysium, one of the eight cities; and also Dyspontium, which is situated in a plain and on the road that leads from Elis to Olympia; but it was destroyed, and most of its inhabitants emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia. Pholoe, an Arcadian mountain, is also situated above Olympia, and very close to it, so that its foothills are in Pisatis. Both the whole of Pisatis and most parts of Triphylia border on Arcadia; and on this account most of the Pylian districts mentioned in the CatalogueHom. Il. 2.591 are thought to be Arcadian; the well-informed, however, deny this, for they say that the Erymanthus, one of the rivers that empty into the Alpheius, forms a boundary of Arcadia and that the districts in question are situated outside that river.i.e., on the seaward side. -Ephorus says that Aetolus, after he had been driven by Salmoneus, the king of the Epeians and the Pisatans, out of Eleia into Aetolia, named the country after himself and also united the cities there under one metropolis; and Oxylus, a descendant of Aetolus and a friend of Temenus and the Heracleidae who accompanied him, acted as their guide on their way back to the Peloponnesus, and apportioned among them that part of the country which was hostile to them, and in general made suggestions regarding the conquest of the country; and in return for all this he received as a favor the permission to return to Eleia, his ancestral land; and he collected an army and returned from Aetolia to attack the Epeians who were in possession of Elis; but when the Epeians met them with arms,Cp. 8. 3. 30. and it was found that the two forces were evenly matched, Pyraechmes the Aetolian and Degmenus the Epeian, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Greeks, advanced to single combat. Degmenus was lightly armed with a bow, thinking that he would easily overcome a heavy-armed opponent at long range, but Pyraechmes armed himself with a sling and a bag of stones, after he had noticed his opponent's ruse (as it happened, the sling had only recently been invented by the Aetolians); and since the sling had longer range, Degmenus fell, and the Aetolians drove out the Epeians and took possession of the land; and they also assumed the superintendence, then in the hands of the Achaeans, of the temple at Olympia; and because of the friendship of Oxylus with the Heracleidae, a sworn agreement was promptly made by all that Eleia should be sacred to Zeus, and that whoever invaded that country with arms should he under a curse, and that whoever did not defend it to the extent of his power should be likewise under a curse; consequently those who later founded the city of the Eleians left it without a wall, and those who go through the country itself with an army give up their arms and then get them back again after they have passed out of its borders; and Iphitus celebrated According to Paus. 5.8.2 the games were discontinued after the reign of Oxylus and "renewed" by Iphitus. the Olympian Games, the Eleians now being a sacred people; for these reasons the people flourished, for whereas the other peoples were always at war with one another, the Eleians alone had profound peace, not only they, but their alien residents as well, and so for this reason their country became the most populous of all; but Pheidon the Argive, who was the tenth in descent from Temenus and surpassed all men of his time in ability (whereby he not only recovered the whole inheritance of Temenus, which had been broken up into several parts, but also invented the measures called "Pheidonian,"So Hdt. 6.127 and weights, and coinage struck from silver and other metals)—Pheidon, I say, in addition to all this, also attacked the cities that had been captured previously by Heracles, and claimed for himself the right to celebrate all the games that Heracles had instituted. And he said that the Olympian Games were among these; and so he invaded Eleia and celebrated the games himself, the Eleians, because of the Peace, having no arms wherewith to resist him, and all the others being under his domination; however, the Eleians did not record this celebration in their public register, but because of his action they also procured arms and began to defend themselves; and the Lacedaemonians cooperated with them, either because they envied them the prosperity which they had enjoyed on account of the peace, or because they thought that they would have them as allies in destroying the power of Pheidon, for he had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesus which they had formerly held; and the Eleians did help them to destroy the power of Pheidon, and the Lacedaemonians helped the Eleians to bring both Pisatis and Triphylia under their sway. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Eleia of today, not counting the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, twelve hundred stadia.The correct distance from Cape Araxus, which was in Eleia (8. 3. 4), to the Neda River is about 700 stadia. And C. Müller seems to be right in emending the 1200 to 670, since 670 corresponds closely to other measurements given by Strabo (8. 2. 1, 8. 3. 12, 21). See also Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. ii, p. 93. So much for Eleia. + From all this, then, how could one suppose that either the Eleian or Messenian Pylus is meant? Not the Eleian Pylus, because, if this Pylus was being ravaged by Heracles, the country of the Epeians was being ravaged by him at the same time; but this is the Eleian country. How, pray, could a people whose country had been ravaged at the same time and were of the same stock, have acquired such arrogance and wantonness towards a people who had been wronged at the same time? And how could they overrun and plunder their own homeland? And how could both Augeas and Neleus be rulers of the same people at the same time if they were personal enemies? If to Neleus "a great debt was owing in goodly Elis. Four horses, prize-winners, with their chariots, had come to win prizes and were to run for a tripod; but these Augeas, lord of men, detained there, though he sent away the driver."Hom. Il. 11.698And if this is where Neleus lived, Nestor too must have lived there. How, pray, could the poet say of the Eleians and the Buprasians, "there were four rulers of them, and ten swift ships followed each man, and many Epeians embarked "Hom. Il. 2.618?And the country, too, was divided into four parts; yet Nestor ruled over no one of these, but over them "that dwelt in Pylus and in lovely Arene,"Hom. Il. 2.591and over the places that come after these as far as Messene. Again, how could the Epeians, who in their turn went forth to attack the Pylians, set out for the Alpheius and Thryum? And how, after the battle took place, after they were routed, could they flee towards Buprasium? And again, if it was the Messenian Pylus which Heracles had ravaged, how could a people so far distant as the Epeians act wantonly towards them, and how could the Epeians have been involved in numerous contracts with them and have defaulted these by cancelling them, so that the war resulted on that account? And how could Nestor, when he went forth to plunder the country, when he herded together booty consisting of both swine and cattle, none of which could travel fast or far, have accomplished a journey of more than one thousand stadia to that Pylus which is near Coryphasium? Yet on the third day they allThe Epeians. came to Thryoessa and the River Alpeius to besiege the stronghold! And how could these places belong to those who were in power in Messenia, when they were held by Cauconians and Triphylians and Pisatans? And as for Gerena, or Gerenia (for the word is spelled both ways), perhaps some people named it that to suit a purpose, though it is also possible that the place was by chance so named.See 8. 3. 7. And, in general, since Messenia was classifiedIn the Homeric Catalogue, Strabo means. See 8. 5. 8, and the Hom. Il. 2.581-586. as subject to Menalaüs, as was also the Laconian country (as will be clear from what I shall say later),8. 5. 8. and since the Pamisus and the Nedon flow through Messenia, whereas the Alpheius nowhere touches it (the Alpheius "that floweth in broad stream through the land of the Pylians,"Hom. Il. 5.545over which Nestor ruled), what plausibility could there be in an account which lands Nestor in a foreign realm and robs him of the cities that are attributed to him in the Catalogue,Hom. Il. 2.591-602 and thus makes everything subject to Menelaüs? + It remains for me to tell about Olympia, and how everything fell into the hands of the Eleians. The temple is in Pisatis, less than three hundred stadia distant from Elis. In front of the temple is situated a grove of wild olive trees, and the stadium is in this grove. Past the temple flows the Alpheius, which, rising in Arcadia, flows between the west and the south into the Triphylian Sea. At the outset the temple got fame on account of the oracle of the Olympian Zeus; and yet, after the oracle failed to respond, the glory of the temple persisted none the less, and it received all that increase of fame of which we know, on account both of the festal assembly and of the Olympian Games, in which the prize was a crown and which were regarded as sacred, the greatest games in the world. The temple was adorned by its numerous offerings, which were dedicated there from all parts of Greece. Among these was the Zeus of beaten gold dedicated by Cypselus the tyrant of Corinth. But the greatest of these was the image of Zeus made by Pheidias of Athens, son of Charmides; it was made of ivory, and it was so large that, although the temple was very large, the artist is thought to have missed the proper symmetry, for he showed Zeus seated but almost touching the roof with his head, thus making the impression that if Zeus arose and stood erect he would unroof the temple. Certain writers have recorded the measurements of the image, and Callimachus has set them forth in an iambic poem. Panaenus the painter, who was the nephew and collaborator of Pheidias, helped him greatly in decorating the image, particularly the garments, with colors. And many wonderful paintings, works of Panaenus, are also to be seen round the temple. It is related of Pheidias that, when Panaenus asked him after what model he was going to make the likeness of Zeus, he replied that he was going to make it after the likeness set forth by Homer in these words: "Cronion spoke, and nodded assent with his dark brows, and then the ambrosial locks flowed streaming from the lord's immortal head, and he caused great Olympus to quake."Hom. Il. 1.528A noble description indeed, as appears not only from the "brows" but from the other details in the passage, because the poet provokes our imagination to conceive the picture of a mighty personage and a mighty power worthy of a Zeus, just as he does in the case of Hera, at the same time preserving what is appropriate in each; for of Hera he says, "she shook herself upon the throne, and caused lofty Olympus to quake."Hom. Il. 8.199What in her case occurred when she moved her whole body, resulted in the case of Zeus when he merely "nodded with his brows," although his hair too was somewhat affected at the same time. This, too, is a graceful saying about the poet, that "he alone has seen, or else he alone has shown, the likenesses of the gods." The Eleians above all others are to be credited both with the magnificence of the temple and with the honor in which it was held. In the times of the Trojan war, it is true, or even before those times, they were not a prosperous people, since they had been humbled by the Pylians, and also, later on, by Heracles when Augeas their king was overthrown. The evidence is this: The Eleians sent only forty ships to Troy, whereas the Pylians and Nestor sent ninety. But later on, after the return of the Heracleidae, the contrary was the case, for the Aetolians, having returned with the Heracleidae under the leadership of Oxylus, and on the strength of ancient kinship having taken up their abode with the Epeians, enlarged Coele Elis, and not only seized much of Pisatis but also got Olympia under their power. What is more, the Olympian Games are an invention of theirs; and it was they who celebrated the first Olympiads, for one should disregard the ancient stories both of the founding of the temple and of the establishment of the games—some alleging that it was Heracles, one of the Idaean Dactyli,See 10. 3. 22. who was the originator of both, and others, that it was Heracles the son of Alcmene and Zeus, who also was the first to contend in the games and win the victory; for such stories are told in many ways, and not much faith is to be put in them. It is nearer the truth to say that from the first Olympiad, in which the Eleian Coroebus won the stadium-race, until the twenty.sixth Olympiad, the Eleians had charge both of the temple and of the games. But in the times of the Trojan War, either there were no games in which the prize was a crown or else they were not famous, neither the Olympian nor any other of those that are now famous.The Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian Games. In the first place, Homer does not mention any of these, though he mentions another kind—funeral games.Hom. Il. 23.255 ff And yet some think that he mentions the Olympian Games when he says that Augeas deprived the driver of "four horses, prize-winners, that had come to win prizes."See 8. 3. 29. And they say that the Pisatans took no part in the Trojan War because they were regarded as sacred to Zeus. But neither was the Pisatis in which Olympia is situated subject to Augeas at that time, but only the Eleian country, nor were the Olympian Games celebrated even once in Eleia, but always in Olympia. And the games which I have just cited from Homer clearly took place in Elis, where the debt was owing: "for a debt was owing to him in goodly Elis, four horses, prize-winners."Hom. Il. 11.698And these were not games in which the prize was a crown (for the horses were to run for a tripod), as was the case at Olympia. After the twenty-sixth Olympiad, when they had got back their homeland, the Pisatans themselves went to celebrating the games because they saw that these were held in high esteem. But in later times Pisatis again fell into the power of the Eleians, and thus again the direction of the games fell to them. The Lacedaemonians also, after the last defeat of the Messenians, cooperated with the Eleians, who had been their allies in battle, whereas the Arcadians and the descendants of Nestor had done the opposite, having joined with the Messenians in war. And the Lacedaemonians cooperated with them so effectually that the whole country as far as Messene came to be called Eleia, and the name has persisted to this day, whereas, of the Pisatans, the Triphylians, and the Cauconians, not even a name has survived. Further, the Eleians settled the inhabitants of "sandy Pylus" itself in Lepreum,So, according to Thuc. 5.34, the Lacedaemonians settled certain Helots in Lepreum in 421 B.C. to gratify the Lepreatans, who had been victorious in a war,Strabo seems to mean that the Lepreatans "had prevailed in a war" over the other Triphylian cities that had sided with the Pisatae in their war against the Eleians. Several of the editors (see critical note above, on this page), citing Paus. 6.22.4, emend the text to read, "had taken no part in the war," i.e., on the side of the Pisatae against the Eleians; C. Müller, citing Paus. 4.15.8, emends to read, "had taken the field with them (the Eleians) in the war." But neither emendation seems warranted by the citations, or by any other evidence yet found by the present translator. and they broke up many other settlements,For example, Macistus. According to Hdt. 4.148, this occurred "in my own time." But see Paus. 6.22.4, and Frazer's note thereon. and also exacted tribute of as many a they saw inclined to act independently. +Pisatis first became widely famous on account of its rulers, who were most powerful: they were Oenomaüs, and Pelops who succeeded him, and the numerous sons of the latter. And Salmoneus,Hom. Od. 11.236 too, is said to have reigned there; at any rate, one of the eight cities into which Pisatis is divided is called Salmone. So for these reasons, as well as on account of the temple at Olympia, the country has gained wide repute. But one should listen to the old accounts with reserve, knowing that they are not very commonly accepted; for the later writers hold new views about many things and even tell the opposite of the old accounts, as when they say that Augeas ruled over Pisatis, but Oenomaüs and Salmoneus over Eleia; and some writers combine the two tribes into one. But in general one should follow only what is commonly accepted. Indeed, the writers do not even agree as to the derivation of the name Pisatis; for some derive it from a city Pisa, which bears the same name as the spring; the spring, they say, was called "Pisa," the equivalent of "pistra," that is "potistra"; Both words mean "drinking trough." and they point out the site of the city on a lofty place between Ossa and Olympus, two mountains that bear the same name as those in Thessaly. But some say that there was no city by the name of Pisa (for if there had been, it would have been one of the eight cities), but only a spring, now called Pisa, near Cicysium, the largest of the eight cities; and Stesichorus, they explain, uses the term "city" for the territory called Pisa, just as Homer calls Lesbos the "city of Macar";Hom. Il. 24.544 so Euripides in his Ion, "there is Euboea, a neighboring city to Athens;"Eur. Ion. 294 and in his Rhadamanthys, "who hold the Euboean land, a neighboring city;"Eur. Rhadamanthys Fr. 658 (Nauck) and Sophocles in his Mysians,Soph. Fr. 377 (Nauck) "The whole country, stranger, is called Asia, but the city of the Mysians is called Mysia."Soph. Mysians Fr. 377 (Nauck) +Salmone is situated near the spring of that name from which flows the Enipeus River. The river empties into the Alpheius, and is now called the Barnichius.Meineke, following Kramer, ejects the words "and it . . . Barnichius" on the assumption that "barnichus" is a word of Slavic origin. It is said that Tyro fell in love with Enipeus: "She loved a river, the divine Enipeus."Hom. Od. 11.238Hom. Od. 11.238 For there, it is said, her father Salmoneus reigned, just as Euripides also says in his Aeolus.See Eur. Fr. 14 (Nauck), and the note. Some write the name of the river in Thessaly "Eniseus"; it flows from Mount Othrys, and receives the Apidanus, which flows down out of Pharsalus.In 9. 5. 6 Strabo spells the name of the river in Thessaly "Enipeus," not "Eniseus"; and says that "it flows from Mt. Othrys past Pharsalus, and then turns aside into the Apidanus." Hence some of the editors, including Meineke, regarding the two statements as contradictory, eject the words "The name . . . Pharsalus." But the two passages can easily be reconciled, for (1) "flows out of" (Pharsalus), as often, means "flows out of the territory of," which was true of the Apidanus; and (2) in 9. 5. 6 Strabo means that the Enipeus "flows past Old Pharsalus," which was true, and (3) the apparent conflict as to which of the two rivers was tributary is immaterial, since either might be so considered. Near Salmone is Heracleia, which is also one of the eight cities; it is about forty stadia distant from Olympia and is situated on the Cytherius River, where is the temple of the Ioniades Nymphs, who have been believed to cure diseases with their waters.According to Paus. 6.22.7, with the waters of a spring that flowed in to the Cytherus (note the spelling). Near Olympia is Arpina,On Arpina and its site, see Paus. 4.94 ff, and Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Harpina." also one of the eight cities, through whichStrabo means "through the territory of which." flows the River Parthenias, On the Parthenias (now the Bakireika), see Frazer, l.c. on the road that leads up to Pheraea. Pheraea is in Arcadia, and it is situated above Dymaea and Buprasium and Elis, that is, to the north of PisatisThe words "and it is situated . . . Pisatis" would seem to apply to the Achaean Pharae, not to some Arcadian city; and in that case, apparently, either Strabo has blundered or the words are an interpolation. Meineke ejects the words "Pheraea is . . . Pisatis" and emends "Pherea" to "Heraea"; but Polybius 4.77 mentions a "Pharaea"(note the spelling) in the same region to which Strabo refers, and obviously both writers have in mind the same city. The city is otherwise unknown and therefore the correct spelling is doubtful. See Bölte in Pauly-Wissowa (s.v. "Harpina", who, however, wrongly quotes "Pharaea" as the spelling found in the MSS. of Strabo. Here, too, is Cicysium, one of the eight cities; and also Dyspontium, which is situated in a plain and on the road that leads from Elis to Olympia; but it was destroyed, and most of its inhabitants emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia. Pholoe, an Arcadian mountain, is also situated above Olympia, and very close to it, so that its foothills are in Pisatis. Both the whole of Pisatis and most parts of Triphylia border on Arcadia; and on this account most of the Pylian districts mentioned in the CatalogueHom. Il. 2.591 are thought to be Arcadian; the well-informed, however, deny this, for they say that the Erymanthus, one of the rivers that empty into the Alpheius, forms a boundary of Arcadia and that the districts in question are situated outside that river.i.e., on the seaward side. +Ephorus says that Aetolus, after he had been driven by Salmoneus, the king of the Epeians and the Pisatans, out of Eleia into Aetolia, named the country after himself and also united the cities there under one metropolis; and Oxylus, a descendant of Aetolus and a friend of Temenus and the Heracleidae who accompanied him, acted as their guide on their way back to the Peloponnesus, and apportioned among them that part of the country which was hostile to them, and in general made suggestions regarding the conquest of the country; and in return for all this he received as a favor the permission to return to Eleia, his ancestral land; and he collected an army and returned from Aetolia to attack the Epeians who were in possession of Elis; but when the Epeians met them with arms,Cp. 8. 3. 30. and it was found that the two forces were evenly matched, Pyraechmes the Aetolian and Degmenus the Epeian, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Greeks, advanced to single combat. Degmenus was lightly armed with a bow, thinking that he would easily overcome a heavy-armed opponent at long range, but Pyraechmes armed himself with a sling and a bag of stones, after he had noticed his opponent's ruse (as it happened, the sling had only recently been invented by the Aetolians); and since the sling had longer range, Degmenus fell, and the Aetolians drove out the Epeians and took possession of the land; and they also assumed the superintendence, then in the hands of the Achaeans, of the temple at Olympia; and because of the friendship of Oxylus with the Heracleidae, a sworn agreement was promptly made by all that Eleia should be sacred to Zeus, and that whoever invaded that country with arms should he under a curse, and that whoever did not defend it to the extent of his power should be likewise under a curse; consequently those who later founded the city of the Eleians left it without a wall, and those who go through the country itself with an army give up their arms and then get them back again after they have passed out of its borders; and Iphitus celebrated According to Paus. 5.8.2 the games were discontinued after the reign of Oxylus and "renewed" by Iphitus. the Olympian Games, the Eleians now being a sacred people; for these reasons the people flourished, for whereas the other peoples were always at war with one another, the Eleians alone had profound peace, not only they, but their alien residents as well, and so for this reason their country became the most populous of all; but Pheidon the Argive, who was the tenth in descent from Temenus and surpassed all men of his time in ability (whereby he not only recovered the whole inheritance of Temenus, which had been broken up into several parts, but also invented the measures called "Pheidonian,"So Hdt. 6.127 and weights, and coinage struck from silver and other metals)—Pheidon, I say, in addition to all this, also attacked the cities that had been captured previously by Heracles, and claimed for himself the right to celebrate all the games that Heracles had instituted. And he said that the Olympian Games were among these; and so he invaded Eleia and celebrated the games himself, the Eleians, because of the Peace, having no arms wherewith to resist him, and all the others being under his domination; however, the Eleians did not record this celebration in their public register, but because of his action they also procured arms and began to defend themselves; and the Lacedaemonians cooperated with them, either because they envied them the prosperity which they had enjoyed on account of the peace, or because they thought that they would have them as allies in destroying the power of Pheidon, for he had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesus which they had formerly held; and the Eleians did help them to destroy the power of Pheidon, and the Lacedaemonians helped the Eleians to bring both Pisatis and Triphylia under their sway. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Eleia of today, not counting the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, twelve hundred stadia.The correct distance from Cape Araxus, which was in Eleia (8. 3. 4), to the Neda River is about 700 stadia. And C. Müller seems to be right in emending the 1200 to 670, since 670 corresponds closely to other measurements given by Strabo (8. 2. 1, 8. 3. 12, 21). See also Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. ii, p. 93. So much for Eleia.

- Messenia borders on Eleia; and for the most part it inclines round towards the south and the Libyan Sea. Now in the time of the Trojan War this country was classed as subject to Menelaüs, since it was a part of Laconia, and it was called Messene, but the city now named Messene whose acropolis was Ithome, had not yet been founded;The city was founded by Epameinondas in 369 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 15.66). but after the death of Menelaüs, when those who succeeded to the government of Laconia had become enfeebled, the Neleidae began to rule over Messenia. And indeed at the time of the return of the Heracleidae and of the division of the country which then took place, Melanthus was king of the Messenians, who were an autonomous people, although formerly they had been subject to Menelaüs. An indication of this is as follows: The seven cities which Agamemnon promised to give to Achilles were on the Messenian Gulf and the adjacent Asinaean Gulf, so called after the Messenian Asine;Now the city Koron, or Koroni. See Frazer's note on Paus. 2.36.4, 4.34.9 these cities were "Cardamyle and Enope and grassy Hire and sacred Pherae and deep-meadowed Antheia and beautiful Aepeia and vine-clad Pedasus;"Hom. Il. 9.150and surely Agamemnon would not have promised cities that belonged neither to himself nor to his brother. And the poet makes it clear that men from PheraeHom. Il. 2.582, where Homer's word is "Pharis." did accompany Menelaüs on the expedition; and in the Laconian Catalogue he includes Oetylus,Hom. Il. 2.585; now called Vitylo. which is situated on the Messenian Gulf. MesseneThe country Messenia is meant, not the city Messene. comes after Triphylia; and there is a cape which is common to both;In Strabo's time the Neda River was the boundary between Triphylia and Messenia (8. 3. 22), but in the present passage he must be referring to some cape on the "ancient boundary" (8. 3. 22). and after this cape come Cyparissia and Coryphasium. Above Coryphasium and the sea, at a distance of seven stadia, lies a mountain, Aegaleum. + Messenia borders on Eleia; and for the most part it inclines round towards the south and the Libyan Sea. Now in the time of the Trojan War this country was classed as subject to Menelaüs, since it was a part of Laconia, and it was called Messene, but the city now named Messene whose acropolis was Ithome, had not yet been founded;The city was founded by Epameinondas in 369 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 15.66). but after the death of Menelaüs, when those who succeeded to the government of Laconia had become enfeebled, the Neleidae began to rule over Messenia. And indeed at the time of the return of the Heracleidae and of the division of the country which then took place, Melanthus was king of the Messenians, who were an autonomous people, although formerly they had been subject to Menelaüs. An indication of this is as follows: The seven cities which Agamemnon promised to give to Achilles were on the Messenian Gulf and the adjacent Asinaean Gulf, so called after the Messenian Asine;Now the city Koron, or Koroni. See Frazer's note on Paus. 2.36.4, 4.34.9 these cities were "Cardamyle and Enope and grassy Hire and sacred Pherae and deep-meadowed Antheia and beautiful Aepeia and vine-clad Pedasus;"Hom. Il. 9.150and surely Agamemnon would not have promised cities that belonged neither to himself nor to his brother. And the poet makes it clear that men from PheraeHom. Il. 2.582, where Homer's word is "Pharis." did accompany Menelaüs on the expedition; and in the Laconian Catalogue he includes Oetylus,Hom. Il. 2.585; now called Vitylo. which is situated on the Messenian Gulf. MesseneThe country Messenia is meant, not the city Messene. comes after Triphylia; and there is a cape which is common to both;In Strabo's time the Neda River was the boundary between Triphylia and Messenia (8. 3. 22), but in the present passage he must be referring to some cape on the "ancient boundary" (8. 3. 22). and after this cape come Cyparissia and Coryphasium. Above Coryphasium and the sea, at a distance of seven stadia, lies a mountain, Aegaleum. Now the ancient Messenian Pylus was a city at the foot of Aegaleum; but after this city was torn down some of its inhabitants took up their abode on Cape Coryphasium; and when the Athenians under the leadership of Eurymedon and StratoclesBut according to Diod. Sic. 12.60 Stratocles was archon at the time of this expedition (425 B.C.); and according to Thuc. 4.3, it was Eurymedon and Sophocles who made the expedition. Hence some emend "and Stratocles" to "in the archonship of Stratocles," while others emend "Stratocles" to "Sophocles." It seems certain that Strabo wrote the word "Sophocles," for he was following the account of Thucydides, as his later specific quotation from that account shows; and therefore the present translator conjectures that Strabo wrote "Eurymedon and Sophocles, in the archonship of Stratocles," and that the intervening words were inadvertently omitted by the copyist. were sailing on the second expedition to Sicily, they reconstructed the city as a fortress against the Lacedaemonians. Here, too, is the Messenian Cyparissia, and the island called Prote, and the island called Sphagia that lies off the coast near Pylus (the same is also called Sphacteria), on which the Lacedaemonians lost by capture three hundred of their own men, who were besieged and forced to surrender by the Athenians.For a full account, see Thuc. 4.3 ff Opposite this seacoast of the Cyparissians, out in the high sea, lie two islands called Strophades; and they are distant, I should say, about four hundred stadia from the mainland, in the Libyan and Southern Sea. Thucydides4. 3. says that this Pylus was the naval station of the Messenians. It is four hundredThucydides says "about four hundred." stadia distant from Sparta. Next comes Methone. This, they say, is what the poet calls Pedasus,Hom. Il. 9.152, 294 So Paus. 4.35.1. one of the seven cities which Agamemnon promised to Achilles. It was here that Agrippa, during the war of Actium,31 B.C. after he had taken the place by an attack from the sea, put to death Bogus, the king of the Maurusians, who belonged to the faction of Antony. -Adjacent to MethoneStrabo means the territory of Methone (as often). is Acritas,Now Cape Gallo. which is the beginning of the Messenian Gulf. But this is also called the Asinaean Gulf, from Asine, which is the first town on the gulf and bears the same name as the Hermionic town.The Hermionic Asine was in Argolis, southeast of Nauplia (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Asine"). Asine, then, is the beginning of the gulf on the west, while the beginning on the east is formed by a place called Thyrides,See footnote on "Thyrides," 8. 5. 1. which borders on that part of the Laconia of today which is near Cynaethius and Taenarum.See Map IX in Curtius' Peloponnesos at the end of vol. ii. Between Asine and Thyrides, beginning at Thyrides, one comes to Oetylus (by some called Baetylus Or "Boetylus" (see critical note on opposite page.)); then to Leuctrum, a colony of the Leuctri in Boeotia; then to Cardamyle, which is situated on a rock fortified by nature; then to Pherae,Now Kalamata. which borders on Thuria and Gerena, the place from which Nestor got his epithet "Gerenian," it is said, because his life was saved there, as I have said before.8. 3. 28. In Gerenia is to be seen a temple of Triccaean Asclepius, a reproduction of the one in the Thessalian Tricca. It is said that Pelops, after he had given his sister Niobe in marriage to Amphion, founded Leuctrum, Charadra, and Thalami (now called Boeoti), bringing with him certain colonists from Boeotia. Near Pherae is the mouth of the Nedon River; it flows through Laconia and is a different river from the Neda. It"It" can hardly refer to Pherae, for Pausanias appears not to have seen, or known of, a temple of Athena there. Hence Strabo seems to mean that there was such a temple somewhere else, on the banks of the river Nedon (now River of Kalamata). The site of the temple is as yet unkown (see Curtius, Peloponnesos ii., p. 159). has a notable temple of Athena Nedusia. In Poeäessa,"Poeässsa" is otherwise unknown. Some of the MSS. spell the name "Poeëessa" in which case Strabo might be referring to the "Poeëessa" in the island of Ceos: "Near Poeëessa, between the temple" (of Sminthian Apollo) "and the ruins of Poeëessa, is the temple of Nedusian Athena, which was founded by Nestor when he was on his return from Troy" (10. 5. 6). But it seems more likely that the three places here mentioned as colonized by Teleclus were all somewhere in Messenia. also, there is a temple of Athena Nedusia, named after some place called Nedon, from which Teleclus is said to have colonized Poeäessa and EcheiaeOtherwise unknown. and Tragium. -Of the seven citiesFor their position see Map V in Curtius' Peloponnesos, end of vol. ii. which Agamemnon tendered to Achilles, I have already spoken about Cardamyle and Pherae and Pedasus. As for Enope,Hom. Il. 9.150 some say that it is Pellana,Also spelled Pellene; now Zugra. others that it is some place near Cardamyle, and others that it is Gerenia. As for Hire, it is pointed out near the mountain that is near Megalopolis in Arcadia, on the road that leads to Andania, the city which, as I have said,8. 3. 25. the poet called Oechalia; but others say that what is now Mesola,See 8. 4. 7. which extends to the gulf between Taÿgetus and Messenia, is called Hire. And Aepeia is now called Thuria, which, as I have said,8. 4. 4. borders on Pharae; it is situated on a lofty hill, and hence the name."Aepeia" being the feminine form of the Greek adjective "aepys," meaning "sheer," "lofty." From Thuria is derived the name of the Thuriates Gulf, on which there was but one city, RhiumSee 8. 4. 7. by name, opposite Taenarum. And as for Antheia, some say that it is Thuria itself, and that Aepeia is Methone; but others say that of all the Messenian cities the epithet "deep-meadowed""Deep-meadowed Antheia," Hom. Il. 9.151 was most appropriately applied to the intervening Asine, in whose territory on the sea is a city called Corone;Now Petalidi. Paus. 4.36.3 identifies Corone with Homer's Aepeia. moreover, according to some writers, it was Corone that the poet called Pedasus. "And all are close to the salt sea,"Hom. Il. 9.153Cardamyle on it, Pharae only five stadia distant (with an anchoring place in summer), while the others are at varying distances from the sea. +Adjacent to MethoneStrabo means the territory of Methone (as often). is Acritas,Now Cape Gallo. which is the beginning of the Messenian Gulf. But this is also called the Asinaean Gulf, from Asine, which is the first town on the gulf and bears the same name as the Hermionic town.The Hermionic Asine was in Argolis, southeast of Nauplia (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Asine"). Asine, then, is the beginning of the gulf on the west, while the beginning on the east is formed by a place called Thyrides,See footnote on "Thyrides," 8. 5. 1. which borders on that part of the Laconia of today which is near Cynaethius and Taenarum.See Map IX in Curtius' Peloponnesos at the end of vol. ii. Between Asine and Thyrides, beginning at Thyrides, one comes to Oetylus (by some called Baetylus Or "Boetylus" (see critical note on opposite page.)); then to Leuctrum, a colony of the Leuctri in Boeotia; then to Cardamyle, which is situated on a rock fortified by nature; then to Pherae,Now Kalamata. which borders on Thuria and Gerena, the place from which Nestor got his epithet "Gerenian," it is said, because his life was saved there, as I have said before.8. 3. 28. In Gerenia is to be seen a temple of Triccaean Asclepius, a reproduction of the one in the Thessalian Tricca. It is said that Pelops, after he had given his sister Niobe in marriage to Amphion, founded Leuctrum, Charadra, and Thalami (now called Boeoti), bringing with him certain colonists from Boeotia. Near Pherae is the mouth of the Nedon River; it flows through Laconia and is a different river from the Neda. It"It" can hardly refer to Pherae, for Pausanias appears not to have seen, or known of, a temple of Athena there. Hence Strabo seems to mean that there was such a temple somewhere else, on the banks of the river Nedon (now River of Kalamata). The site of the temple is as yet unkown (see Curtius, Peloponnesos ii., p. 159). has a notable temple of Athena Nedusia. In Poeäessa,"Poeässsa" is otherwise unknown. Some of the MSS. spell the name "Poeëessa" in which case Strabo might be referring to the "Poeëessa" in the island of Ceos: "Near Poeëessa, between the temple" (of Sminthian Apollo) "and the ruins of Poeëessa, is the temple of Nedusian Athena, which was founded by Nestor when he was on his return from Troy" (10. 5. 6). But it seems more likely that the three places here mentioned as colonized by Teleclus were all somewhere in Messenia. also, there is a temple of Athena Nedusia, named after some place called Nedon, from which Teleclus is said to have colonized Poeäessa and EcheiaeOtherwise unknown. and Tragium. +Of the seven citiesFor their position see Map V in Curtius' Peloponnesos, end of vol. ii. which Agamemnon tendered to Achilles, I have already spoken about Cardamyle and Pherae and Pedasus. As for Enope,Hom. Il. 9.150 some say that it is Pellana,Also spelled Pellene; now Zugra. others that it is some place near Cardamyle, and others that it is Gerenia. As for Hire, it is pointed out near the mountain that is near Megalopolis in Arcadia, on the road that leads to Andania, the city which, as I have said,8. 3. 25. the poet called Oechalia; but others say that what is now Mesola,See 8. 4. 7. which extends to the gulf between Taÿgetus and Messenia, is called Hire. And Aepeia is now called Thuria, which, as I have said,8. 4. 4. borders on Pharae; it is situated on a lofty hill, and hence the name."Aepeia" being the feminine form of the Greek adjective "aepys," meaning "sheer," "lofty." From Thuria is derived the name of the Thuriates Gulf, on which there was but one city, RhiumSee 8. 4. 7. by name, opposite Taenarum. And as for Antheia, some say that it is Thuria itself, and that Aepeia is Methone; but others say that of all the Messenian cities the epithet "deep-meadowed""Deep-meadowed Antheia," Hom. Il. 9.151 was most appropriately applied to the intervening Asine, in whose territory on the sea is a city called Corone;Now Petalidi. Paus. 4.36.3 identifies Corone with Homer's Aepeia. moreover, according to some writers, it was Corone that the poet called Pedasus. "And all are close to the salt sea,"Hom. Il. 9.153Cardamyle on it, Pharae only five stadia distant (with an anchoring place in summer), while the others are at varying distances from the sea. It is near Corone, at about the center of the gulf, that the river Pamisus empties. The river has on its right Corone and the cities that come in order after it (of these latter the farthermost towards the west are Pylus and Cyparissia, and between these is Erana, which some have wrongly thought to be the Arene of earlier time),See 8. 3. 23. and it has Thuria and Pharae on its left. It is the largest of the rivers inside the Isthmus, although it is no more than a hundred stadia in length from its sources, from which it flows with an abundance of water through the Messenian plain, that is, through Macaria, as it is called. The river stands at a distance of fiftyThe MSS. read "two hundred and fifty." stadia from the present city of the Messenians. There is also another Pamisus, a small torrential stream, which flows near the Laconian Leuctrum; and it was over Leuctrum that the Messenians got into a dispute with the Lacedaemonians in the time of Philip. Of the Pamisus which some called the Amathus I have already spoken.8. 3. 1. -According to Ephorus: When Cresphontes took Messenia, he divided it into five cities; and so, since Stenyclarus was situated in the center of this country, he designated it as a royal residence for himself, while as for the others—Pylus, Rhium, Mesola, and Hyameitis—he sent kings to them, after conferring on all the Messenians equal rights with the Dorians; but since this irritated the Dorians, he changed his mind, gave sanction to Stenyclarus alone as a city, and also gathered into it all the Dorians. -The city of the Messenians is similar to Corinth; for above either city lies a high and precipitous mountain that is enclosed by a commoni.e., common to the lower city and the acropolis. wall, so that it is used as an acropolis, the one mountain being called Ithome and the other Acrocorinthus. And so Demetrius of Pharos seems to have spoken aptly to PhilipPhilip V—reigned 220 to 178 B.C. the son of Demetrius when he advised him to lay hold of both these cities if he coveted the Peloponnesus,This same Demetrius was commissioned by Philip V to take Ithome but was killed in the attack (see Polybius 3.19, 7.11). "for if you hold both horns," he said, "you will hold down the cow," meaning by "horns" Ithome and Acrocorinthus, and by "cow" the Peloponnesus. And indeed it is because of their advantageous position that these cities have been objects of contention. Corinth was destroyed and rebuilt again by the Romans;Leucius Mummius (cp. 8. 6. 23) the consul captured Corinth and destroyed it by fire in 146 B.C.; but it was rebuilt again by Augustus. and Messene was destroyed by the Lacedaemonians but restored by the Thebans and afterward by Philip the son of Amyntas. The citadels, however, remained uninhabited. +According to Ephorus: When Cresphontes took Messenia, he divided it into five cities; and so, since Stenyclarus was situated in the center of this country, he designated it as a royal residence for himself, while as for the others—Pylus, Rhium, Mesola, and Hyameitis—he sent kings to them, after conferring on all the Messenians equal rights with the Dorians; but since this irritated the Dorians, he changed his mind, gave sanction to Stenyclarus alone as a city, and also gathered into it all the Dorians. +The city of the Messenians is similar to Corinth; for above either city lies a high and precipitous mountain that is enclosed by a commoni.e., common to the lower city and the acropolis. wall, so that it is used as an acropolis, the one mountain being called Ithome and the other Acrocorinthus. And so Demetrius of Pharos seems to have spoken aptly to PhilipPhilip V—reigned 220 to 178 B.C. the son of Demetrius when he advised him to lay hold of both these cities if he coveted the Peloponnesus,This same Demetrius was commissioned by Philip V to take Ithome but was killed in the attack (see Polybius 3.19, 7.11). "for if you hold both horns," he said, "you will hold down the cow," meaning by "horns" Ithome and Acrocorinthus, and by "cow" the Peloponnesus. And indeed it is because of their advantageous position that these cities have been objects of contention. Corinth was destroyed and rebuilt again by the Romans;Leucius Mummius (cp. 8. 6. 23) the consul captured Corinth and destroyed it by fire in 146 B.C.; but it was rebuilt again by Augustus. and Messene was destroyed by the Lacedaemonians but restored by the Thebans and afterward by Philip the son of Amyntas. The citadels, however, remained uninhabited. The temple of Artemis at Limnae, at which the Messenians are reputed to have outraged the maidens who had come to the sacrifice,Cp. 6. 1. 6. is on the boundaries between Laconia and Messenia, where both peoples held assemblies and offered sacrifice in common; and they say that it was after the outraging of the maidens, when the Messenians refused to give satisfaction for the act, that the war took place. And it is after this Limnae, also, that the Limnaeum, the temple of Artemis in Sparta, has been named. - Often, however, they went to war on account of the revolts of the Messenians. Tyrtaeus says in his poems that the first conquest of Messenia took place in the time of his fathers' fathers; the second, at the time when the Messenians chose the Argives, Eleians, Pisatans, and Arcadians as allies and revolted—the Arcadians furnishing AristocratesOn the perfidy of Aristocrates, see Paus. 4.17.4 the king of Orchomenus as general and the Pisatae furnishing Pantaleon the son of Omphalion; at this time, he says, he himself was the Lacedaemonian general in the war,Tyrt. Fr. 8 (Bergk) for in his elegy entitled Eunomia he says that he came from there: "For the son of Cronus, spouse of Hera of the beautiful crown, Zeus himself, hath given this city to the Heracleidae, in company with whom I left windy Erineus, and came to the broad island of Pelops."Tyrt. Fr. 2 (Bergk)Erineus was an important city in the district of Doris (see 9. 4. 10 and 10. 4. 6). Thuc. 1.107 calls Doris the "mother-city of the Lacedaemonians." Therefore either these verses of the elegy must be denied authority or we must discredit Philochorus,Among other works Philochorus was the author of an Atthis, a history of Attica in seventeen books from the earliest time to 261 B.C. Only fragments are extant. who says that Tyrtaeus was an Athenian from the deme of Aphidnae, and also Callisthenes and several other writers, who say that he came from Athens when the Lacedaemonians asked for him in accordance with an oracle which bade them to get a commander from the Athenians. So the second war was in the time of Tyrtaeus; but also a third and fourth war took place, they say, in which the Messenians were defeated.Diod. Sic. 15.66 mentions only three Messenian wars. The voyage round the coast of Messenia, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, about eight hundred stadia in length. + Often, however, they went to war on account of the revolts of the Messenians. Tyrtaeus says in his poems that the first conquest of Messenia took place in the time of his fathers' fathers; the second, at the time when the Messenians chose the Argives, Eleians, Pisatans, and Arcadians as allies and revolted—the Arcadians furnishing AristocratesOn the perfidy of Aristocrates, see Paus. 4.17.4 the king of Orchomenus as general and the Pisatae furnishing Pantaleon the son of Omphalion; at this time, he says, he himself was the Lacedaemonian general in the war,Tyrt. Fr. 8 (Bergk) for in his elegy entitled Eunomia he says that he came from there: "For the son of Cronus, spouse of Hera of the beautiful crown, Zeus himself, hath given this city to the Heracleidae, in company with whom I left windy Erineus, and came to the broad island of Pelops."Tyrt. Fr. 2 (Bergk)Erineus was an important city in the district of Doris (see 9. 4. 10 and 10. 4. 6). Thuc. 1.107 calls Doris the "mother-city of the Lacedaemonians." Therefore either these verses of the elegy must be denied authority or we must discredit Philochorus,Among other works Philochorus was the author of an Atthis, a history of Attica in seventeen books from the earliest time to 261 B.C. Only fragments are extant. who says that Tyrtaeus was an Athenian from the deme of Aphidnae, and also Callisthenes and several other writers, who say that he came from Athens when the Lacedaemonians asked for him in accordance with an oracle which bade them to get a commander from the Athenians. So the second war was in the time of Tyrtaeus; but also a third and fourth war took place, they say, in which the Messenians were defeated.Diod. Sic. 15.66 mentions only three Messenian wars. The voyage round the coast of Messenia, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, about eight hundred stadia in length. However, I am overstepping the bounds of moderation in recounting the numerous stories told about a country the most of which is now deserted; in fact, Laconia too is now short of population as compared with its large population in olden times, for outside of Sparta the remaining towns are only about thirty in number, whereas in olden times it was called, they say, "country of the hundred cities"; and it was on this account, they say, that they held annual festivals in which one hundred cattle were sacrificed.

-Be this as it may, after the Messenian Gulf comes the Laconian Gulf, lying between TaenarumNow Cape Matapan. and Maleae,Now Cape Malea. which bends slightly from the south towards the east; and Thyrides,Literally, "Windows"; now called Kavo Grosso, a peninsular promontory about six miles in circumference, with precipitous cliffs that are riddled with caverns (Frazer, Pausanias 3, p. 399, and Curtius, Peloponnesos 2, p. 281). a precipitous rock exposed to the currents of the sea, is in the Messenian Gulf at a distance of one hundred and thirty stadia from Taenarum. Above Thyrides lies Taÿgetus; it is a lofty and steep mountain, only a short distance from the sea, and it connects in its northerly parts with the foothills of the Arcadian mountains in such a way that a glen is left in between, where Messenia borders on Laconia. Below Taÿgetus, in the interior, lies Sparta, and also Amyclae, where is the temple of Apollo,For a description of this temple, see Paus. 3.18.9ff and Pharis. Now the site of Sparta is in a rather hollow district,Hence Homer's "Hollow Lacedaemon" (Hom. Od. 4.1). although it includes mountains within its limits; yet no part of it is marshy, though in olden times the suburban part was marshy, and this part they called Limnae;"Marshes." and the temple of Dionysus in LimnaeBölte (Mitteilungen d. Kaiserl. deutsch. Arch. Intst. Athen. Abt. vol. 34 p. 388 shows that Tozer (Selections, note on p. 212 was right in identifying this "temple of Dionysus in Limnae" with the Lenaeum at Athens, where the Lenaean festival was called the "festival in Limnae." stood on wet ground, though now its foundations rest on dry ground. In the bend of the seaboard one comes, first, to a headland that projects into the sea, Taenarum, with its temple of Poseidon situated in a grove; and secondly, near by, to the cavernThe "Taenarias fauces" of Vergil Georgics 4.467. through which, according to the myth writers, Cerberus was brought up from Hades by Heracles. From here the passage towards the south across the sea to Phycus,Now Ras-al-Razat. a cape in Cyrenaea, is three thousand stadia; and the passage towards the west to Pachynus,Now Cape Passero. the promontory of Sicily, is four thousand six hundred, though some say four thousand; and towards the east to Maleae, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, six hundred and seventy; and to Onugnathus,Literally, "Ass's-jaw"; now Cape Elaphonisi. a low-lying peninsula somewhat this side of Maleae, five hundred and twenty; off Onugnathus and opposite it, at a distance of forty stadia, lies Cythera, an island with a good harbor, containing a city of the same name, which Eurycles, the ruler of the Lacedaemonians in our times, seized as his private property; and round it lie several small islands, some near it and others slightly farther away; and to Corycus,To be identified with Cimarus (10. 4. 5); see Murray's Small Classical Atlas (1904, Map 11). The cape is now called Garabusa. a cape in Crete, the shortest voyage is seven hundred stadia.From Cape Taenarum. +Be this as it may, after the Messenian Gulf comes the Laconian Gulf, lying between TaenarumNow Cape Matapan. and Maleae,Now Cape Malea. which bends slightly from the south towards the east; and Thyrides,Literally, "Windows"; now called Kavo Grosso, a peninsular promontory about six miles in circumference, with precipitous cliffs that are riddled with caverns (Frazer, Pausanias 3, p. 399, and Curtius, Peloponnesos 2, p. 281). a precipitous rock exposed to the currents of the sea, is in the Messenian Gulf at a distance of one hundred and thirty stadia from Taenarum. Above Thyrides lies Taÿgetus; it is a lofty and steep mountain, only a short distance from the sea, and it connects in its northerly parts with the foothills of the Arcadian mountains in such a way that a glen is left in between, where Messenia borders on Laconia. Below Taÿgetus, in the interior, lies Sparta, and also Amyclae, where is the temple of Apollo,For a description of this temple, see Paus. 3.18.9ff and Pharis. Now the site of Sparta is in a rather hollow district,Hence Homer's "Hollow Lacedaemon" (Hom. Od. 4.1). although it includes mountains within its limits; yet no part of it is marshy, though in olden times the suburban part was marshy, and this part they called Limnae;"Marshes." and the temple of Dionysus in LimnaeBölte (Mitteilungen d. Kaiserl. deutsch. Arch. Intst. Athen. Abt. vol. 34 p. 388 shows that Tozer (Selections, note on p. 212 was right in identifying this "temple of Dionysus in Limnae" with the Lenaeum at Athens, where the Lenaean festival was called the "festival in Limnae." stood on wet ground, though now its foundations rest on dry ground. In the bend of the seaboard one comes, first, to a headland that projects into the sea, Taenarum, with its temple of Poseidon situated in a grove; and secondly, near by, to the cavernThe "Taenarias fauces" of Vergil Georgics 4.467. through which, according to the myth writers, Cerberus was brought up from Hades by Heracles. From here the passage towards the south across the sea to Phycus,Now Ras-al-Razat. a cape in Cyrenaea, is three thousand stadia; and the passage towards the west to Pachynus,Now Cape Passero. the promontory of Sicily, is four thousand six hundred, though some say four thousand; and towards the east to Maleae, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, six hundred and seventy; and to Onugnathus,Literally, "Ass's-jaw"; now Cape Elaphonisi. a low-lying peninsula somewhat this side of Maleae, five hundred and twenty; off Onugnathus and opposite it, at a distance of forty stadia, lies Cythera, an island with a good harbor, containing a city of the same name, which Eurycles, the ruler of the Lacedaemonians in our times, seized as his private property; and round it lie several small islands, some near it and others slightly farther away; and to Corycus,To be identified with Cimarus (10. 4. 5); see Murray's Small Classical Atlas (1904, Map 11). The cape is now called Garabusa. a cape in Crete, the shortest voyage is seven hundred stadia.From Cape Taenarum. After Taenarum, on the voyage to Onugnathus and Maleae, one comes to the city Psamathus; then to Asine, and to Gythium, the seaport of Sparta, situated at a distance of two hundred and forty stadia from Sparta. The roadstead of the seaport was dug by the hand of man, so it is said. Then one comes to the Eurotas, which empties between Gythium and Acraea. Now for a time the voyage is along the shore, for about two hundred and forty stadia; then comes a marshy district situated above the gulf, and also a village called Helus."Helus" means "Marsh." In earlier times Helus was a city, just as Homer says: "And they that held Amyclae, and Helus, a city by the sea."Hom. Il. 2.584It is said to have been founded by Helius, a son of Perseus. And one comes also to a plain called Leuce;This plain extends northeast from Cyparissia. then to a city Cyparissia, which is situated on a peninsula and has a harbor; then to Onugnathus, which has a harbor; then to the city Boea; and then to Maleae. And the distance from Onugnathus to Maleae is one hundred and fifty stadia; and there is also a city AsopusBetween Acraeae and Cyparissia. Now in ruins near Xyli. in Laconia. They say that one of the places mentioned in Homer's Catalogue,Hom. Il. 2.484-877 Messe, is nowhere to be seen; and that Messoa was not a part of the country but of Sparta, as was the case with Limnaeum,"Limnae or Limnaeum, Cynosura, Messoa, and Pitane, seem to have been the quarters or wards of Sparta, the inhabitants of each quarter forming a local tribe" (Frazer's Pausanias, note on Paus. 16.9). . . . Three or four Greek letters are missing. Meineke's conjecture yields "near Thornax," which, according to Stephanus Byzantinus, was a mountain in Laconia. But as yet such a mountain has not been identified, and on still other grounds the conjecture is doubtful (cp. the note on Paus. 10.8, "Thornax," in Frazer's Pausanias.). Kramer's tempting conjecture yields "according to the Thracian," i.e., Dionysius the Thracian, who wrote Commentaries on Homer; but it is doubtful whether Strabo would have referred to him merely by his surname (cp. the full name in 14. 2. 13). But some take "Messe" as an apocopated form of "Messene," for, as I have said,8. 3. 29, 8. 4. 1. Messene too was a part of Laconia. As examples of apocope from the poet himself, writers cite "kri," "do," and "maps,"For "krithe," "doma," "mapsidion," Aristot. Poet. 1458a quotes the same example. and also the passage "the heroes Automedon and Alcimus,"Hom. Il. 19.392for "Alcimedon"; then from Hesiod, who uses "bri" for "brithu" or "briaron"; and Sophocles and Ion, "rha" for "rhadion"; and Epicharmus, "li" for "lian," and "Syraco" for "Syracuse"; and in Empedocles,Aristotle (l.c.) quotes the same example. "ops" for "opsis": "the 'ops'"Vision." of both becomes one;"Empedocles Fr. 88 (Diels) and in Antimachus, "the sacred 'ops' of the Eleusinian Demeter,"Antimachus Fr. and "alphi" for "alphiton"; and Euphorion even uses "hel" for "helos"; and in Philetas, "eri" for "erion": "maidservants bring white 'eri'For "erion," "wool." and put it in baskets;"Euphorion Fr. and Aratus says "peda" for "pedalia": "the 'peda'"Rudders." towards the wind"; and Simmias, "Dodo" for "Dodona." As for the rest of the places listed by the poet, some have been destroyed; of others traces are still left; and of others the names have been changed, for example, AugeiaeHom. Il. 2.583 to Aegaeae;That is, the Laconian (not the Locrian) Augeiae, which was thirty stadia from Gytheium (Paus. 3.21.6), near the Limni of today. for the Augeiae in LocrisHom. Il. 2.532 no longer exists at all. As for Las, the story goes, the DioscuriCastor and Pollux. once captured it by siege, and it was from this fact that they got the appellation "Lapersae.""Sackers of Las." And Sophocles says, "by the two Lapersae, I swear, by Eurotas third, by the gods in Argos and about Sparta."Soph. Fr. 871 (Nauck) According to Ephorus: Eurysthenes and Procles, the Heracleidae, took possession of Laconia,Tradition places the Dorian Conquest as far back as 1104 B.C. divided the country into six parts, and founded cities;Cp. 8. 5. 5. now one of the divisions, Amyclae, they selected and gave to the manPhilonomus (section 5 following). who had betrayed Laconia to them and who had persuaded the ruler who was in possession of it to accept their terms and emigrate with the Achaeans to Ionia; Sparta they designated as a royal residence for themselves; to the other divisions they sent kings, and because of the sparsity of the population gave them permission to receive as fellow inhabitants any strangers who wished the privilege; and they used Las as a naval station because of its good harbor, and AegysAegys was situated in northwestern Laconia near the source of the Eurotas. as a base of operations against their enemies (for its territoryIts territory included Carystus (10. 1. 6.) bordered on those of the surrounding peoples) and Pharis as a treasury, because it afforded security against outsiders; . . . but though the neighboring peoples, one and all, were subject to the Spartiatae, still they had equal rights, sharing both in the rights of citizenship and in the offices of state, and they were called Helots;Meineke and Forbiger transfer "and they were called Helots" to a position after "Helus" (following). but Agis, the son of Eurysthenes, deprived them of the equality of rights and ordered them to pay tribute to Sparta; now all obeyed except the Heleians, the occupants of Helus, who, because they revolted, were forcibly reduced in a war, and were condemned to slavery, with the express reservation that no slaveholder should be permitted either to set them free or to sell them outside the borders of the country; and this war was called the War against the Helots. One may almost say that it was Agis and his associates who introduced the whole system of Helot-slavery that persisted until the supremacy of the Romans; for the Lacedaemonians held the Helots as state slaves in a way, having assigned to them certain settlements to live in and special services to perform. -Concerning the government of the Laconians and the changes that took place among them, one might omit most things as well known, but there are certain things which it is perhaps worthwhile to mention. For instance, they say that the Achaeans of Phthiotis came down with Pelops into the Peloponnesus, took up their abode in Laconia, and so far excelled in bravery that the Peloponnesus, which now for many ages had been called Argos, came to be called Achaean Argos, and the name was applied not only in a general way to the Peloponnesus, but also in a specific way to Laconia; at any rate, the words of the poet, "Where was Menelaüs?"Hom. Od. 3.249or was he not in Achaean Argos?"Hom. Od. 3.351are interpreted by some thus: "or was he not in Laconia?" And at the time of the return of the Heracleidae, when Philonomus betrayed the country to the Dorians, the Achaeans emigrated from Laconia to the country of the Ionians, the country that still today is called Achaea. But I shall speak of them in my description of Achaea.8. 7. 1. Now the new possessors of Laconia restrained themselves at first, but after they turned over the government to Lycurgus they so far surpassed the rest that they alone of the Greeks ruled over both land and sea, and they continued ruling the Greeks until they were deprived of their hegemony, first by the Thebans, and immediately after them by the Macedonians. However, they did not wholly yield even to the Macedonians, but, preserving their autonomy, always kept up a struggle for the primacy both with the rest of the Greeks and with the kings of the Macedonians. And when the Macedonians had been overthrown by the Romans, the Lacedaemonians committed some slight offences against the praetors who were sent by the Romans, because at that time they were under the rule of tyrants and had a wretched government; but when they had recovered themselves, they were held in particular honor, and remained free, contributing to Rome nothing else but friendly services. But recently Eurycles has stirred up trouble among them, having apparently abused the friendship of Caesar unduly in order to maintain his authority over his subjects; but the troubleEurycles likewise abused the friendship of Herod the Great and others (Josephus Antiq. Jud. 16.10 and Josephus Bell. Jud. 1.26.1-5). quickly came to an end, Eurycles retiring to his fate,Others interpret the clause to mean simply "he died," but the Greek certainly alludes to his banishment by Caesar (Josephus Bell. Jud. 1.26.4 and Plut. Apophth. 208a), after which nothing further is known of him (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Eurykles"). and his sonGaius Julius, apparently named after Julius Caesar. In an inscription found on Cape Taenarum by Falconer he was extolled as the special benefactor of the Eleuthero-Lacones. being averse to any friendship of this kind.i.e., disloyalty to Caesar. And it also came to pass that the Eleuthero-LaconesThat is, "Free Laconians." Augustus released them from their subjection to the Lacedaemonians, and hence the name. At first they had twenty-four cities, but in the time of Pausanias only eighteen. For the names see Paus. 3.21.6 got a kind of republican constitution, since the Perioeci"Perioeci" means literally "people living round (a town)," but it came to be the regular word for a class of dependent neighbors. They were not citizens, though not state slaves as were the Helots. and also the Helots, at the time when Sparta was under the rule of tyrants, were the first to attach themselves to the Romans. Now Hellanicus says that Eurysthenes and Procles drew up the constitution;Strabo now means the Spartan constitution. but Ephorus censures Hellanicus, saying that he has nowhere mentioned Lycurgus and that he ascribes the work of Lycurgus to persons who had nothing to do with it. At any rate, Ephorus continues, it is to Lycurgus alone that a temple has been erected and that annual sacrifices are offered, whereas Eurysthenes and Procles, although they were the founders, have not even been accorded the honor of having their respective descendants called Eurysthenidae and Procleidae; instead, the respective descendants are called Agidae, after Agis the son of Eurysthenes, and Eurypontidae, after Eurypon the son of Procles; for Agis and Eurypon reigned in an honorable way, whereas Eurysthenes and Procles welcomed foreigners and through these maintained their overlordship; and hence they were not even honored with the title of "archegetae,"i.e., the original, or independent, founders of a new race or state. an honor which is always paid to founders; and further, Pausanias,A member of the house of the Agidae, and king of Sparta, 408-394 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 13.75 and 14.89). after he was banished because of the hatred of the Eurypontidae, the other royal house, and when he was in exile, prepared a discourse on the laws of Lycurgus, who belonged to the house that banished him,He was the sixth in descent from Procles (10. 4. 18). in which he also tells the oracles that were given out to Lycurgus concerning most of the laws. +Concerning the government of the Laconians and the changes that took place among them, one might omit most things as well known, but there are certain things which it is perhaps worthwhile to mention. For instance, they say that the Achaeans of Phthiotis came down with Pelops into the Peloponnesus, took up their abode in Laconia, and so far excelled in bravery that the Peloponnesus, which now for many ages had been called Argos, came to be called Achaean Argos, and the name was applied not only in a general way to the Peloponnesus, but also in a specific way to Laconia; at any rate, the words of the poet, "Where was Menelaüs?"Hom. Od. 3.249or was he not in Achaean Argos?"Hom. Od. 3.351are interpreted by some thus: "or was he not in Laconia?" And at the time of the return of the Heracleidae, when Philonomus betrayed the country to the Dorians, the Achaeans emigrated from Laconia to the country of the Ionians, the country that still today is called Achaea. But I shall speak of them in my description of Achaea.8. 7. 1. Now the new possessors of Laconia restrained themselves at first, but after they turned over the government to Lycurgus they so far surpassed the rest that they alone of the Greeks ruled over both land and sea, and they continued ruling the Greeks until they were deprived of their hegemony, first by the Thebans, and immediately after them by the Macedonians. However, they did not wholly yield even to the Macedonians, but, preserving their autonomy, always kept up a struggle for the primacy both with the rest of the Greeks and with the kings of the Macedonians. And when the Macedonians had been overthrown by the Romans, the Lacedaemonians committed some slight offences against the praetors who were sent by the Romans, because at that time they were under the rule of tyrants and had a wretched government; but when they had recovered themselves, they were held in particular honor, and remained free, contributing to Rome nothing else but friendly services. But recently Eurycles has stirred up trouble among them, having apparently abused the friendship of Caesar unduly in order to maintain his authority over his subjects; but the troubleEurycles likewise abused the friendship of Herod the Great and others (Josephus Antiq. Jud. 16.10 and Josephus Bell. Jud. 1.26.1-5). quickly came to an end, Eurycles retiring to his fate,Others interpret the clause to mean simply "he died," but the Greek certainly alludes to his banishment by Caesar (Josephus Bell. Jud. 1.26.4 and Plut. Apophth. 208a), after which nothing further is known of him (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Eurykles"). and his sonGaius Julius, apparently named after Julius Caesar. In an inscription found on Cape Taenarum by Falconer he was extolled as the special benefactor of the Eleuthero-Lacones. being averse to any friendship of this kind.i.e., disloyalty to Caesar. And it also came to pass that the Eleuthero-LaconesThat is, "Free Laconians." Augustus released them from their subjection to the Lacedaemonians, and hence the name. At first they had twenty-four cities, but in the time of Pausanias only eighteen. For the names see Paus. 3.21.6 got a kind of republican constitution, since the Perioeci"Perioeci" means literally "people living round (a town)," but it came to be the regular word for a class of dependent neighbors. They were not citizens, though not state slaves as were the Helots. and also the Helots, at the time when Sparta was under the rule of tyrants, were the first to attach themselves to the Romans. Now Hellanicus says that Eurysthenes and Procles drew up the constitution;Strabo now means the Spartan constitution. but Ephorus censures Hellanicus, saying that he has nowhere mentioned Lycurgus and that he ascribes the work of Lycurgus to persons who had nothing to do with it. At any rate, Ephorus continues, it is to Lycurgus alone that a temple has been erected and that annual sacrifices are offered, whereas Eurysthenes and Procles, although they were the founders, have not even been accorded the honor of having their respective descendants called Eurysthenidae and Procleidae; instead, the respective descendants are called Agidae, after Agis the son of Eurysthenes, and Eurypontidae, after Eurypon the son of Procles; for Agis and Eurypon reigned in an honorable way, whereas Eurysthenes and Procles welcomed foreigners and through these maintained their overlordship; and hence they were not even honored with the title of "archegetae,"i.e., the original, or independent, founders of a new race or state. an honor which is always paid to founders; and further, Pausanias,A member of the house of the Agidae, and king of Sparta, 408-394 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 13.75 and 14.89). after he was banished because of the hatred of the Eurypontidae, the other royal house, and when he was in exile, prepared a discourse on the laws of Lycurgus, who belonged to the house that banished him,He was the sixth in descent from Procles (10. 4. 18). in which he also tells the oracles that were given out to Lycurgus concerning most of the laws. Concerning the nature of the regions, both Laconia and Messenia, one should accept what Euripides says in the following passages: He says that Laconia has "much arable land but is not easy to cultivate, for it is hollow,I.e., "low-lying." Cp. Homer's "Hollow Lacedaemon" (Hom. Il. 2.581). surrounded by mountains, rugged, and difficult for enemies to invade;" and that Messenia is "a land of fair fruitage and watered by innumerable streams, abounding in pasturage for cattle and sheep, being neither very wintry in the blasts of winter nor yet made too hot by the chariot of Helios;"Eur. Fr. 1083 (Nauck)and a little below, in speaking of the lots which the Heracleidae cast for the country, he says that the first lot conferred "lordships over the land of Laconia, a poor country,"Eur. Fr. 1083 (Nauck) and the second over Messenia, "whose fertility is greater than words can express;"Eur. Fr. 1083 (Nauck) and Tyrtaeus speaks of it in the same manner. But one should not admit that the boundary between Laconia and Messenia is formed, as Euripides says, "by the Pamisus, which rushes into the sea,"Eur. Fr. 1083 (Nauck) for it flows through the middle of Messenia, nowhere touching the present Laconia. Neither is he right when he says that to mariners Messenia is far away, for Messenia like Laconia lies on the sea; and he does not give the right boundary of Elis either, "and far away, after one crosses the river, lies Elis, the neighbor of Zeus;"Eur. Fr. 1083 (Nauck)for if, on the one hand, he means the present Eleian country, which borders on Messenia, the Pamisus does not touch this country, any more than it does Laconia, for, as I have said, it flows through the middle of Messenia; or if, on the other hand, he means the old Coele Elis,See 8. 3. 2. he deviates much further from the truth; for after one crosses the Pamisus there is still a large part of Messenia to traverse, and then the whole of the territories of the Lepreatae and the Macistii, which they used to call Triphylia; and then come Pisatis and Olympia, and then, three hundred stadia farther on, Elis. -Since some critics writei.e., in Homer's text, Hom. Il. 2.581 and Hom. Od. 4. 1 Lacedaemon "Ketoessan" and others "Kaietaessan," the question is asked, how should we interpret "Ketoessa," whether as derived from "Kete,"The usual meaning of Kete is "deep-sea monsters," or more specifically the "cetaceans," but Strabo obviously speaks of the word in the sense of "ravines" or "clefts" (see Buttman, Lexilogus, and Goebel, Lexilougus). or as meaning "large,"The meaning given to the word in the scholia to Homer, and one which seems more closely associated with the usual meaning, "deep-sea monster." which seems to be more plausible. And as for "Kaietaessan," some interpret it as meaning "Kalaminthode,"i.e., "abounding in mint." whereas others say that the clefts caused by earthquakes are called "Kaietoi," and that from "Kaietoi" is derived "Kaietas," the word among the Lacedaemonians for their "prison," which is a sort of cavern. But some prefer to call such cavernous places "Kooi," and whence, they add, comes the expression "'oreskoioi' monsters."Hom. Il. 1.268Here Homer refers to the Centaurs, which, according to the above interpretation, are "monsters that live in mountain-caverns." Laconia is subject to earthquakes, and in fact some writers record that certain peaks of Taÿgetus have been broken away. And there are quarries of very costly marble—the old quarries of Taenarian marble on Taenarum; and recently some men have opened a large quarry in Taÿgetus, being supported in their undertaking by the extravagance of the Romans. - Homer makes it clear that both the country and the city are called by the same name, Lacedaemon (and when I say "country" I include Messenia with Laconia). For in speaking of the bows, when he says, "beautiful gifts which a friend had given him when he met him in Lacedaemon, even Iphitus the son of Eurytus,"Hom. Od. 21.13and then adds, "these twain met one another in Messene in the home of Ortilochus,"Hom. Od. 21.15Homer means the country of which Messenia was a part. Accordingly it made no difference to him whether he said "a friend had given him when he met him in Lacedaemon" or "these twain met in Messene." For, that Pherae is the home of Ortilochus, is clear from this passage: "and they" (Telemachus and Peisistratus) "went to Pherae, the home of Diocles, son of Ortilochus;"and Pherae is in Messenia. But when Homer says that, after Telemachus and his companions set out from Pherae, they shook the yoke all day long,Hom. Od. 3.486 and then adds, "and the sun set, and they came to Hollow Lacedaemon 'Ketoessan,' and then drove to the palace of Menelaüs,"Hom. Od. 3.497; 4.1fwe must interpret him as meaning the city; otherwise it will be obvious that the poet speaks of their arrival at Lacedaemon from Lacedaemon! And, besides, it is not probable that the residence of Menelaüs was not at Sparta, nor yet, if it were not there, that Telemachus would say, "for I would go both to Sparta and to Pylus."Hom. Od. 2.359But the fact that Homer uses the epithets of the countryIn Hom. Od. 4.1, and Hom. Il. 2.581 (Catalogue of Ships. But the epithets are omitted in Hom. Od. 21.13 is in disagreement with this viewi.e., that Homer's country of Lacedaemon includes Messenia. unless, indeed, one is willing to attribute this to poetic license—as one should do, for it were better for Messene to be included with Laconia or with the Pylus that was subject to Nestor, and not to be set off by itself in the Calalogue as not even having a part in the expedition. +Since some critics writei.e., in Homer's text, Hom. Il. 2.581 and Hom. Od. 4. 1 Lacedaemon "Ketoessan" and others "Kaietaessan," the question is asked, how should we interpret "Ketoessa," whether as derived from "Kete,"The usual meaning of Kete is "deep-sea monsters," or more specifically the "cetaceans," but Strabo obviously speaks of the word in the sense of "ravines" or "clefts" (see Buttman, Lexilogus, and Goebel, Lexilougus). or as meaning "large,"The meaning given to the word in the scholia to Homer, and one which seems more closely associated with the usual meaning, "deep-sea monster." which seems to be more plausible. And as for "Kaietaessan," some interpret it as meaning "Kalaminthode,"i.e., "abounding in mint." whereas others say that the clefts caused by earthquakes are called "Kaietoi," and that from "Kaietoi" is derived "Kaietas," the word among the Lacedaemonians for their "prison," which is a sort of cavern. But some prefer to call such cavernous places "Kooi," and whence, they add, comes the expression "'oreskoioi' monsters."Hom. Il. 1.268Here Homer refers to the Centaurs, which, according to the above interpretation, are "monsters that live in mountain-caverns." Laconia is subject to earthquakes, and in fact some writers record that certain peaks of Taÿgetus have been broken away. And there are quarries of very costly marble—the old quarries of Taenarian marble on Taenarum; and recently some men have opened a large quarry in Taÿgetus, being supported in their undertaking by the extravagance of the Romans. + Homer makes it clear that both the country and the city are called by the same name, Lacedaemon (and when I say "country" I include Messenia with Laconia). For in speaking of the bows, when he says, "beautiful gifts which a friend had given him when he met him in Lacedaemon, even Iphitus the son of Eurytus,"Hom. Od. 21.13and then adds, "these twain met one another in Messene in the home of Ortilochus,"Hom. Od. 21.15Homer means the country of which Messenia was a part. Accordingly it made no difference to him whether he said "a friend had given him when he met him in Lacedaemon" or "these twain met in Messene." For, that Pherae is the home of Ortilochus, is clear from this passage: "and they" (Telemachus and Peisistratus) "went to Pherae, the home of Diocles, son of Ortilochus;"and Pherae is in Messenia. But when Homer says that, after Telemachus and his companions set out from Pherae, they shook the yoke all day long,Hom. Od. 3.486 and then adds, "and the sun set, and they came to Hollow Lacedaemon 'Ketoessan,' and then drove to the palace of Menelaüs,"Hom. Od. 3.497; 4.1fwe must interpret him as meaning the city; otherwise it will be obvious that the poet speaks of their arrival at Lacedaemon from Lacedaemon! And, besides, it is not probable that the residence of Menelaüs was not at Sparta, nor yet, if it were not there, that Telemachus would say, "for I would go both to Sparta and to Pylus."Hom. Od. 2.359But the fact that Homer uses the epithets of the countryIn Hom. Od. 4.1, and Hom. Il. 2.581 (Catalogue of Ships. But the epithets are omitted in Hom. Od. 21.13 is in disagreement with this viewi.e., that Homer's country of Lacedaemon includes Messenia. unless, indeed, one is willing to attribute this to poetic license—as one should do, for it were better for Messene to be included with Laconia or with the Pylus that was subject to Nestor, and not to be set off by itself in the Calalogue as not even having a part in the expedition.

@@ -391,24 +391,24 @@ Then comes the Saronic Gulf; but some call it a sea and others a strait; and because of this it is also called the Saronic Sea. Saronic Gulf is the name given to the whole of the strait, stretching from the Hermionic Sea and from the sea that is at the Isthmus, that connects with both the Myrtoan and Cretan Seas. To the Saronic Gulf belong both Epidaurus and the island of Aegina that lies off Epidaurus; then Cenchreae, the easterly naval station of the Corinthians; then, after sailing forty-five stadia, one comes to Schoenus,Now Kalamaki. a harbor. From Maleae thither the total distance is about eighteen hundred stadia. Near Schoenus is the "Diolcus,"See 8. 2. 1, and footnote. the narrowest part of the Isthmus, where is the temple of the Isthmian Poseidon. However, let us for the present postpone the discussion of these places, for they lie outside of Argeia, and let us resume again our description of those in Argeia. And in the first place let me mention in how many ways the term "Argos" is used by the poet, not only by itself but also with epithets, when he calls Argos "Achaean," or "Iasian," or "hippian,"But this epithet (i(/ppion, "land of horses") is not applied to Argos anywhere in the Iliad or the Odyssey. Pindar so uses it once, in Pind. I. 7.17 or "Pelasgian," or "horse-pasturing."e.g., Hom. Il. 2.287 For, in the first place, the city is called Argos: "Argos and Sparta,"Hom. Il. 4.52"and those who held Argos and Tiryns."Hom. Il. 2.559And, secondly, the Peloponnesus: "in our home in Argos,"Hom. Il. 1.30for the city of Argos was not hisAgamemnon's. home. And, thirdly, Greece as a whole; at any rate, he calls all Greeks Argives, just as he calls them Danaans and Achaeans. However, he differentiates identical names by epithets, calling Thessaly "Pelasgian Argos": "Now all, moreover, who dwelt in Pelasgian Argos;"Hom. Il. 2.681Hom. Il. 2.681 and calling the Peloponnesus "Achaean Argos." "And if we should come to Achaean Argos,"Hom. Il. 9.141"Or was he not in Achaean Argos?"3.251And here he signifies that under a different designation the Peloponnesians were also called Achaeans in a special sense. And he calls the Peloponnesus "Iasian Argos": "If all the Achaeans throughout Iasian Argos could see"Source unknown Penelope, she would have still more wooers; for it is not probable that he meant the Greeks from all Greece, but only those that were near. But the epithets "horse-pasturing" and "hippian" he uses in a general sense. But critics are in dispute in regard to the terms "Hellas," "Hellenes," and "Panhellenes." For ThucydidesThuc. 1.3. says that the poet nowhere speaks of barbarians, "because the Hellenes had not as yet been designated by a common distinctive name opposed to that of the barbarians." And Apollodorus says that only the Greeks in Thessaly were called Hellenes: "and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes." He says, however, that Hesiod and Archilochus already knew that all the Greeks were called, not only Hellenes, but also Panhellenes, for Hesiod, in speaking of the daughters of Proteus, says that the Panhellenes wooed them, and Archilochus says that "the woes of the Panhellenes centered upon Thasos."Archilochus Fr. 52 (Edwards But others oppose this view, saying that the poet also speaks of barbarians, since he speaks of the Carians as men of barbarous speech,Hom. Il. 2.867 and of all the Greeks as Hellenes, "the man whose fame is wide throughout Hellas and mid-Agros,"Hom. Od. 1.344and again, "If thou wishest to journey throughout Hellas and mid-Agros."Hom. Od. 15.80 -Now the city of the ArgivesArgos. is for the most part situated in a plain, but it has for a citadel the place called Larisa, a hill that is fairly well fortified and contains a temple of Zeus. And near the city flows the Inachus, a torrential river that has its sources in Lyrceius, the mountain that is near Cynuria in Arcadia.It is Mt. Lycaeus, not Lyrceius, that is "near Cynuria in Arcadia." But Lycaeus (now Diophorti) is on the confines of Messenia and Arcadia. See critical note. But concerning the sources of which mythology tells us, they are fabrications of poets, as I have already said.6. 2. 4. And "waterless Argos" is also a fabrication, ("but the gods made Argos well watered "),The authorship of these words is unknown. since the country lies in a hollow, and is traversed by rivers, and contains marshes and lakes, and since the city is well supplied with waters of many wells whose water level reaches the surface. So critics find the cause of the mistake in this verse: "And in utter shame would I return to poludi/yioni.e., "very thirsty," though Strabo and Athenaeus 444e give the word a different interpretation. Argos."Hom. Il. 4.171poludi/yion either is used for polupo/qhton, i.e., "much longed for." or, omitting the d, for polui/+yion, i.e., "very destructive." in the sense of polu/fqoron,The word means either "very destructive" or "ruined by the deaths of many"—clearly the latter in the phrase here cited from the Soph. El. 10 as in the phrase of Sophocles, "and the polu/fqoron home of the Pelopidae there;"Soph. El. 10 for the words proi+a/yai and i)a/yai , and i)/yasqai signify a kind of destruction or affliction: "Now he is merely making trial, but soon he will afflicti)/yetai, the primary meaning of which is "press hard," "oppress." the sons of the Achaeans;"Hom. Il. 2.193"mari)/ayh|. Primary meaning, "send on" or "drive on." her fair flesh; "Hom. Od. 2.376"untimely sentproi+/ayen. to Hades."Hom. Il. 1.3And besides, Homer does not mean the city of Argos (for it was not thither that Agamemnon was about to return), but the Peloponnesus, which certainly is not a "thirsty" land either. Moreover some critics, retaining the d, interpret the word by the figure hyperbaton and as a case of synaloepha with the connective de/,i.e., they take poludi/yion as an error for polu\ d' i)/yion, and explain the error as due to the transposition (hyperbaton) of the de in *)/argosde and to the contraction into one word through the elision of the vowel e (synaloepha). so that the verse would read thus: "And in utter shame would I return polu\ d' i)/yion *)/argos," that is to say, "would I return polui/yion *)/argosde," where *)/argosde stands for ei)s *)/argos. -Now one of the rivers that flows through Argeia is the Inachus, but there is another river in Argeia, the Erasinus. The latter has its source in Stymphalus in Arcadia, that is, in the lake there which is called the Stymphalian Lake, which mythology makes the home of the birds that were driven out by the arrows and drums of Heracles; and the birds themselves are called Stymphalides. And they say that the Erasinus sinks beneath the ground and then issues forth in Argeia and waters the plain. The Erasinus is also called the Arsinus. And another river of the same name flows from Arcadia to the coast near Bura; and there is another Erasinus in the territory of Eretria, and still another in Attica near Brauron. And a spring Amymone is also pointed out near Lerne. And Lake Lerne, the scene of the story of the Hydra, lies in Argeia and the Mycenaean territory; and on account of the cleansings that take place in it there arose a proverb, "A Lerne of ills." Now writers agree that the county has plenty of water, and that, although the city itself lies in a waterless district, it has an abundance of wells. These wells they ascribe to the daughters of Danaüs, believing that they discovered them; and hence the utterance of this verse, "The daughters of Danaüs rendered Argos, which was waterless, Argos the well watered;"Hes. Fr. 24 (Rzach)but they add that four of the wells not only were designated as sacred but are especially revered, thus introducing the false notion that there is a lack of water where there is an abundance of it. -The acropolis of the Argives is said to have been founded by Danaüs, who is reputed to have surpassed so much those who reigned in this region before him that, according to Euripides,"throughout Greece he laid down a law that all people hitherto named Pelasgians should be called Danaans."Eur. Fr. 228.7 (Nauck)Cp.5. 2. 4. Moreover, his tomb is in the center of the marketplace of the Argives; and it is called Palinthus. And I think that it was the fame of this city that prepared the way, not only for the Pelasgians and the Danaans, as well as the Argives, to be named after it, but also for the rest of the Greeks; and so, too, the more recent writers speak of "Iasidae," "Iasian Argos," "Apia," and "Apidones"; but Homer does not mention the "Apidones," though he uses the word "apia,"Hom. Il. 1.270, quoted by Strabo in 1. 1. 16 rather of a "distant" land. To prove that by Argos the poet means the Peloponnesus, we can add the following examples: "Argive Helen,"Hom. Od. 4.296and "There is a city Ephyra in the inmost part of Argos,"Hom. Il. 6.152and "mid Argos,"Hom. Od. 1.344and "and that over many islands and all Argos he should be lord."Hom. Il. 2.108And in the more recent writers the plain, too, is called Argos, but not once in Homer. Yet they think that this is more especially a Macedonian or Thessalian usage. -After the descendants of Danaüs succeeded to the reign in Argos, and the Amythaonides, who were emigrants from Pisatis and Triphylia, became associated with these, one should not be surprised if, being kindred, they at first so divided the country into two kingdoms that the two cities in them which held the hegemony were designated as the capitals, though situated near one another, at a distance of less than fifty stadia, I mean Argos and Mycenae, and that the HeraeumFor a full account of the remarkable excavations at the Heraeum by the American School of Classical Studies, see Waldstein's The Argive Heraeum, 1902, 2 vols near Mycenae was a temple common to both. In this templeThe old temple was destroyed by fire in 423 B.C. (Thuc. 4.133, Paus. 2.17) and the new one was built about 420 B.C. (Waldstein, op. cit., p. 39). are the images made by Polycleitus,In particular the colossal image of Hera, which "is seated on a throne, is made of gold and ivory, and is a work of Polycleitus" (Paus. 2.17). According to E. L. Tilton's restoration (in Waldstein, op. cit., Fig. 64, p. 127), the total height of the image including base and top of the throne was about 8 meters and the seated figure of the goddess about 5 1/3. in execution the most beautiful in the world, but in costliness and size inferior to those by Pheidias. Now at the outset Argos was the more powerful, but later Mycenae waxed more powerful on account of the removal thereto of the Pelopidae; for, when everything fell to the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon, being the elder, assumed the supreme power, and by a combination of good fortune and valor acquired much of the country in addition to the possessions he already had; and indeed he also added Laconia to the territory of Mycenae. Now Menelaüs came into possession of Laconia, but Agamemnon received Mycenae and the regions as far as Corinth and Sicyon and the country which at that time was called the country of the Ionians and Aegialians but later the country of the Achaeans. But after the Trojan times, when the empire of Agememnon had been broken up, it came to pass that Mycenae was reduced, and particularly after the return of the Heracleidae; for when these had taken possession of the Peloponnesus they expelled its former masters, so that those who held Argos also held Mycenae as a component part of one whole. But in later times Mycenae was razed to the ground by the Argives, so that today not even a trace of the city of the Mycenaeans is to be found. And since Mycenae has suffered such a fate, one should not be surprised if also some of the cities which are catalogued as subject to Argos have now disappeared. Now the Catalogue contains the following: "And those who held Argos, and Tiryns of the great walls, and Hermione and Asine that occupy a deep gulf, and Troezen and Eiones and vine-clad Epidaurus, and the youths of the Achaeans who held Aegina and Mases."Hom. Il. 2.559But of the cities just named I have already discussed Argos, and now I must discuss the others. -Now it seems that Tiryns was used as a base of operations by Proetus, and was walled by him through the aid of the Cyclopes, who were seven in number, and were called "Bellyhands" because they got their food from their handicraft, and they came by invitation from Lycia. And perhaps the caverns near Nauplia and the works therein are named after them.Cp. 8. 6. 2 (end). The acropolis, Licymna, is named after Licymnius, and it is about twelve stadia distant from Nauplia; but it is deserted, and so is the neighboring Midea, which is different from the Boeotian Midea; for the former is Mídea,i.e., accented on the first syllable. like Prónia,The place and the name are still preserved in the modern Pronia near Nauplia. while the latter is Midéa, like Tegéa. And bordering on Midea is Prosymna, . . .The text is corrupt (see critical note); and scholars, including Waldstein (op. cit., p. 14, are still in doubt whether Strabo here refers to the same temple of Hera ("the common temple," "the Heraeum") previously mentioned or to an entirely different one. But the part of the clause that is unquestionably sound, together with other evidence, seems to prove that he is not referring to the Heraeum: (1) He says "a temple of Hera" and not "the temple" or "the Heraeum." (2) According to Paus. 2.17 Prosymna was the name of "the country below the Heraeum"; and therefore it did not include the Heraeum. (3) According to Stephanus Byzantinus, Prosymna was "a part of Argos," and its "founder" was "Prosymnaeus," which clearly indicates that it was an inhabited country. And since Strabo is now discussing only cities or towns (see last clause of section 10), one may infer that the country of Prosym (Waldstein, op. cit., p. 13, footnote 1), perhaps even including "the site of such modern villages as Chonica, Anaphi, and Pasia" (ibid., p. 14; see also map on p. 7). And one might further infer that the country even contained a town named Prosymna. In short, there seems to be no ground whatever for trying to identify the temple last mentioned with the Heraeum, though it is entirely possible that Strabo refers to some Prosyma, otherwise unknown, which had no connection with the Prosymna "below the Heraeum." this having a temple of Hera. But the Argives laid waste to most of the cities because of their disobedience; and of the inhabitants those from Tiryns migrated to Epidaurus, and those from . . .Either Hermione or Midea (see critical note), but the latter seems correct. to Halïeis, as it is called; but those from Asine (this is a village in Argeia near Nauplia) were transferred by the Lacedaemonians to Messenia, where is a town that bears the same name as the Argolic Asine; for the Lacedaemonians, says Theopompos, took possession of much territory that belonged to other peoples and settled there all who fled to them and were taken in. And the inhabitants of Nauplia also withdrew to Messenia. -Hermione is one of the important cities; and its seaboard is held by the Halïeis,"Fishermen." as they are called, men who busy themselves on the sea. And it is commonly reported that the descent to Hades in the country of the Hermionians is a short cut; and this is why they do not put passage money in the mouths of their dead. -It is said that Asine tooi.e., as well as Hermione. was a habitation of the Dryopians—whether, being inhabitants of the regions of the Spercheius, they were settled here by the Arcadian Dryops,A fragment otherwise unknown. as Aristotle has said, or whether they were driven by Heracles out of the part of Doris that is near Parnassus. As for the Scyllaeum in Hermione, they say that it was named after Scylla, the daughter of Nisus, who, they say, out of love for Minos betrayed Nisaea to him and was drowned in the sea by him, and was here cast ashore by the waves and buried. Eiones was a village, which was depopulated by the Mycenaeans and made into a naval station, but later it disappeared from sight and now is not even a naval station. -Troezen is sacred to Poseidon, after whom it was once called Poseidonia. It is situated fifteen stadia above the sea, and it too is an important city. Off its harbor, Pogon by name, lies Calauria, an isle with a circuit of about one hundred and thirty stadia. Here was an asylum sacred to Poseidon; and they say that this god made an exchange with Leto, giving her Delos for Calauria, and also with Apollo, giving him PythoDelphi. for Taenarum. And Ephorus goes on to tell the oracle: "For thee it is the same thing to possess Delos or Calauria, most holy Pytho or windy Taenarum."And there was also a kind of Amphictyonic League connected with this temple, a league of seven cities which shared in the sacrifice; they were Hermion,The same as Hermione. Epidaurus, Aegina, Athens, Prasïeis, Nauplïeis, and Orchomenus Minyeius; however, the Argives paid dues for the Nauplians, and the Lacedaemonians for the Prasians. The worship of this god was so prevalent among the Greeks that even the Macedonians, whose power already extended as far as the temple, in a way preserved its inviolability, and were afraid to drag away the suppliants who fled for refuge to Calauria; indeed Archias, with soldiers, did not venture to do violence even to Demosthenes, although he had been ordered by Antipater to bring him alive, both him and all the other orators he could find that were under similar charges, but tried to persuade him; he could not persuade him, however, and Demosthenes forestalled him by suiciding with poison. Now Troezen and Pittheus, the sons of Pelops, came originally from Pisatis; and the former left behind him the city which was named after him, and the latter succeeded him and reigned as king. But Anthes, who previously had possession of the place, set sail and founded Halicarnassus; but concerning this I shall speak in my description of Caria and Troy.14. 2. 16. +Now the city of the ArgivesArgos. is for the most part situated in a plain, but it has for a citadel the place called Larisa, a hill that is fairly well fortified and contains a temple of Zeus. And near the city flows the Inachus, a torrential river that has its sources in Lyrceius, the mountain that is near Cynuria in Arcadia.It is Mt. Lycaeus, not Lyrceius, that is "near Cynuria in Arcadia." But Lycaeus (now Diophorti) is on the confines of Messenia and Arcadia. See critical note. But concerning the sources of which mythology tells us, they are fabrications of poets, as I have already said.6. 2. 4. And "waterless Argos" is also a fabrication, ("but the gods made Argos well watered "),The authorship of these words is unknown. since the country lies in a hollow, and is traversed by rivers, and contains marshes and lakes, and since the city is well supplied with waters of many wells whose water level reaches the surface. So critics find the cause of the mistake in this verse: "And in utter shame would I return to poludi/yioni.e., "very thirsty," though Strabo and Athenaeus 444e give the word a different interpretation. Argos."Hom. Il. 4.171poludi/yion either is used for polupo/qhton, i.e., "much longed for." or, omitting the d, for polui/+yion, i.e., "very destructive." in the sense of polu/fqoron,The word means either "very destructive" or "ruined by the deaths of many"—clearly the latter in the phrase here cited from the Soph. El. 10 as in the phrase of Sophocles, "and the polu/fqoron home of the Pelopidae there;"Soph. El. 10 for the words proi+a/yai and i)a/yai , and i)/yasqai signify a kind of destruction or affliction: "Now he is merely making trial, but soon he will afflicti)/yetai, the primary meaning of which is "press hard," "oppress." the sons of the Achaeans;"Hom. Il. 2.193"mari)/ayh|. Primary meaning, "send on" or "drive on." her fair flesh; "Hom. Od. 2.376"untimely sentproi+/ayen. to Hades."Hom. Il. 1.3And besides, Homer does not mean the city of Argos (for it was not thither that Agamemnon was about to return), but the Peloponnesus, which certainly is not a "thirsty" land either. Moreover some critics, retaining the d, interpret the word by the figure hyperbaton and as a case of synaloepha with the connective de/,i.e., they take poludi/yion as an error for polu\ d' i)/yion, and explain the error as due to the transposition (hyperbaton) of the de in *)/argosde and to the contraction into one word through the elision of the vowel e (synaloepha). so that the verse would read thus: "And in utter shame would I return polu\ d' i)/yion *)/argos," that is to say, "would I return polui/yion *)/argosde," where *)/argosde stands for ei)s *)/argos. +Now one of the rivers that flows through Argeia is the Inachus, but there is another river in Argeia, the Erasinus. The latter has its source in Stymphalus in Arcadia, that is, in the lake there which is called the Stymphalian Lake, which mythology makes the home of the birds that were driven out by the arrows and drums of Heracles; and the birds themselves are called Stymphalides. And they say that the Erasinus sinks beneath the ground and then issues forth in Argeia and waters the plain. The Erasinus is also called the Arsinus. And another river of the same name flows from Arcadia to the coast near Bura; and there is another Erasinus in the territory of Eretria, and still another in Attica near Brauron. And a spring Amymone is also pointed out near Lerne. And Lake Lerne, the scene of the story of the Hydra, lies in Argeia and the Mycenaean territory; and on account of the cleansings that take place in it there arose a proverb, "A Lerne of ills." Now writers agree that the county has plenty of water, and that, although the city itself lies in a waterless district, it has an abundance of wells. These wells they ascribe to the daughters of Danaüs, believing that they discovered them; and hence the utterance of this verse, "The daughters of Danaüs rendered Argos, which was waterless, Argos the well watered;"Hes. Fr. 24 (Rzach)but they add that four of the wells not only were designated as sacred but are especially revered, thus introducing the false notion that there is a lack of water where there is an abundance of it. +The acropolis of the Argives is said to have been founded by Danaüs, who is reputed to have surpassed so much those who reigned in this region before him that, according to Euripides,"throughout Greece he laid down a law that all people hitherto named Pelasgians should be called Danaans."Eur. Fr. 228.7 (Nauck)Cp.5. 2. 4. Moreover, his tomb is in the center of the marketplace of the Argives; and it is called Palinthus. And I think that it was the fame of this city that prepared the way, not only for the Pelasgians and the Danaans, as well as the Argives, to be named after it, but also for the rest of the Greeks; and so, too, the more recent writers speak of "Iasidae," "Iasian Argos," "Apia," and "Apidones"; but Homer does not mention the "Apidones," though he uses the word "apia,"Hom. Il. 1.270, quoted by Strabo in 1. 1. 16 rather of a "distant" land. To prove that by Argos the poet means the Peloponnesus, we can add the following examples: "Argive Helen,"Hom. Od. 4.296and "There is a city Ephyra in the inmost part of Argos,"Hom. Il. 6.152and "mid Argos,"Hom. Od. 1.344and "and that over many islands and all Argos he should be lord."Hom. Il. 2.108And in the more recent writers the plain, too, is called Argos, but not once in Homer. Yet they think that this is more especially a Macedonian or Thessalian usage. +After the descendants of Danaüs succeeded to the reign in Argos, and the Amythaonides, who were emigrants from Pisatis and Triphylia, became associated with these, one should not be surprised if, being kindred, they at first so divided the country into two kingdoms that the two cities in them which held the hegemony were designated as the capitals, though situated near one another, at a distance of less than fifty stadia, I mean Argos and Mycenae, and that the HeraeumFor a full account of the remarkable excavations at the Heraeum by the American School of Classical Studies, see Waldstein's The Argive Heraeum, 1902, 2 vols near Mycenae was a temple common to both. In this templeThe old temple was destroyed by fire in 423 B.C. (Thuc. 4.133, Paus. 2.17) and the new one was built about 420 B.C. (Waldstein, op. cit., p. 39). are the images made by Polycleitus,In particular the colossal image of Hera, which "is seated on a throne, is made of gold and ivory, and is a work of Polycleitus" (Paus. 2.17). According to E. L. Tilton's restoration (in Waldstein, op. cit., Fig. 64, p. 127), the total height of the image including base and top of the throne was about 8 meters and the seated figure of the goddess about 5 1/3. in execution the most beautiful in the world, but in costliness and size inferior to those by Pheidias. Now at the outset Argos was the more powerful, but later Mycenae waxed more powerful on account of the removal thereto of the Pelopidae; for, when everything fell to the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon, being the elder, assumed the supreme power, and by a combination of good fortune and valor acquired much of the country in addition to the possessions he already had; and indeed he also added Laconia to the territory of Mycenae. Now Menelaüs came into possession of Laconia, but Agamemnon received Mycenae and the regions as far as Corinth and Sicyon and the country which at that time was called the country of the Ionians and Aegialians but later the country of the Achaeans. But after the Trojan times, when the empire of Agememnon had been broken up, it came to pass that Mycenae was reduced, and particularly after the return of the Heracleidae; for when these had taken possession of the Peloponnesus they expelled its former masters, so that those who held Argos also held Mycenae as a component part of one whole. But in later times Mycenae was razed to the ground by the Argives, so that today not even a trace of the city of the Mycenaeans is to be found. And since Mycenae has suffered such a fate, one should not be surprised if also some of the cities which are catalogued as subject to Argos have now disappeared. Now the Catalogue contains the following: "And those who held Argos, and Tiryns of the great walls, and Hermione and Asine that occupy a deep gulf, and Troezen and Eiones and vine-clad Epidaurus, and the youths of the Achaeans who held Aegina and Mases."Hom. Il. 2.559But of the cities just named I have already discussed Argos, and now I must discuss the others. +Now it seems that Tiryns was used as a base of operations by Proetus, and was walled by him through the aid of the Cyclopes, who were seven in number, and were called "Bellyhands" because they got their food from their handicraft, and they came by invitation from Lycia. And perhaps the caverns near Nauplia and the works therein are named after them.Cp. 8. 6. 2 (end). The acropolis, Licymna, is named after Licymnius, and it is about twelve stadia distant from Nauplia; but it is deserted, and so is the neighboring Midea, which is different from the Boeotian Midea; for the former is Mídea,i.e., accented on the first syllable. like Prónia,The place and the name are still preserved in the modern Pronia near Nauplia. while the latter is Midéa, like Tegéa. And bordering on Midea is Prosymna, . . .The text is corrupt (see critical note); and scholars, including Waldstein (op. cit., p. 14, are still in doubt whether Strabo here refers to the same temple of Hera ("the common temple," "the Heraeum") previously mentioned or to an entirely different one. But the part of the clause that is unquestionably sound, together with other evidence, seems to prove that he is not referring to the Heraeum: (1) He says "a temple of Hera" and not "the temple" or "the Heraeum." (2) According to Paus. 2.17 Prosymna was the name of "the country below the Heraeum"; and therefore it did not include the Heraeum. (3) According to Stephanus Byzantinus, Prosymna was "a part of Argos," and its "founder" was "Prosymnaeus," which clearly indicates that it was an inhabited country. And since Strabo is now discussing only cities or towns (see last clause of section 10), one may infer that the country of Prosym (Waldstein, op. cit., p. 13, footnote 1), perhaps even including "the site of such modern villages as Chonica, Anaphi, and Pasia" (ibid., p. 14; see also map on p. 7). And one might further infer that the country even contained a town named Prosymna. In short, there seems to be no ground whatever for trying to identify the temple last mentioned with the Heraeum, though it is entirely possible that Strabo refers to some Prosyma, otherwise unknown, which had no connection with the Prosymna "below the Heraeum." this having a temple of Hera. But the Argives laid waste to most of the cities because of their disobedience; and of the inhabitants those from Tiryns migrated to Epidaurus, and those from . . .Either Hermione or Midea (see critical note), but the latter seems correct. to Halïeis, as it is called; but those from Asine (this is a village in Argeia near Nauplia) were transferred by the Lacedaemonians to Messenia, where is a town that bears the same name as the Argolic Asine; for the Lacedaemonians, says Theopompos, took possession of much territory that belonged to other peoples and settled there all who fled to them and were taken in. And the inhabitants of Nauplia also withdrew to Messenia. +Hermione is one of the important cities; and its seaboard is held by the Halïeis,"Fishermen." as they are called, men who busy themselves on the sea. And it is commonly reported that the descent to Hades in the country of the Hermionians is a short cut; and this is why they do not put passage money in the mouths of their dead. +It is said that Asine tooi.e., as well as Hermione. was a habitation of the Dryopians—whether, being inhabitants of the regions of the Spercheius, they were settled here by the Arcadian Dryops,A fragment otherwise unknown. as Aristotle has said, or whether they were driven by Heracles out of the part of Doris that is near Parnassus. As for the Scyllaeum in Hermione, they say that it was named after Scylla, the daughter of Nisus, who, they say, out of love for Minos betrayed Nisaea to him and was drowned in the sea by him, and was here cast ashore by the waves and buried. Eiones was a village, which was depopulated by the Mycenaeans and made into a naval station, but later it disappeared from sight and now is not even a naval station. +Troezen is sacred to Poseidon, after whom it was once called Poseidonia. It is situated fifteen stadia above the sea, and it too is an important city. Off its harbor, Pogon by name, lies Calauria, an isle with a circuit of about one hundred and thirty stadia. Here was an asylum sacred to Poseidon; and they say that this god made an exchange with Leto, giving her Delos for Calauria, and also with Apollo, giving him PythoDelphi. for Taenarum. And Ephorus goes on to tell the oracle: "For thee it is the same thing to possess Delos or Calauria, most holy Pytho or windy Taenarum."And there was also a kind of Amphictyonic League connected with this temple, a league of seven cities which shared in the sacrifice; they were Hermion,The same as Hermione. Epidaurus, Aegina, Athens, Prasïeis, Nauplïeis, and Orchomenus Minyeius; however, the Argives paid dues for the Nauplians, and the Lacedaemonians for the Prasians. The worship of this god was so prevalent among the Greeks that even the Macedonians, whose power already extended as far as the temple, in a way preserved its inviolability, and were afraid to drag away the suppliants who fled for refuge to Calauria; indeed Archias, with soldiers, did not venture to do violence even to Demosthenes, although he had been ordered by Antipater to bring him alive, both him and all the other orators he could find that were under similar charges, but tried to persuade him; he could not persuade him, however, and Demosthenes forestalled him by suiciding with poison. Now Troezen and Pittheus, the sons of Pelops, came originally from Pisatis; and the former left behind him the city which was named after him, and the latter succeeded him and reigned as king. But Anthes, who previously had possession of the place, set sail and founded Halicarnassus; but concerning this I shall speak in my description of Caria and Troy.14. 2. 16. Epidaurus used to be called Epicarus, for Aristotle says that Carians took possession of it, as also of Hermione, but that after the return of the Heracleidae the Ionians who had accompanied the Heracleidae from the Attic Tetrapolis"Four-city," i.e., the northern part of Attica containing the four demes Marathon, Oenoe, Probalinthus and Tricorythus. to Argos took up their abode with these Carians.A fragment otherwise unknown. Epidaurus, too, is an important city, and particularly because of the fame of Asclepius, who is believed to cure diseases of every kind and always has his temple full of the sick, and also of the votive tablets on which the treatments are recorded, just as at Cos and Tricce. The city lies in the recess of the Saronic Gulf, has a circular coast of fifteen stadia, and faces the summer risings of the sun.Northeast. It is enclosed by high mountains which reach as far as the sea, so that on all sides it is naturally fitted for a stronghold. Between Troezen and Epidaurus there was a strong hold called Methana, and also a peninsula of the same name. In some copies of Thucydides the name is spelled "Methone," the same as the Macedonian city in which Philip, in the siege, had his eye knocked out. And it is on this account, in the opinion of Demetrius of Scepsis, that some writers, being deceived, suppose that it was the Methone in the territory of Troezen against which the men sent by Agamemnon to collect sailors are said to have uttered the imprecation that its citizens might never cease from their wall-building, since, in his opinion, it was not these citizens that refused, but those of the Macedonian city, as Theopompus says; and it is not likely, he adds, that these citizens who were near to Agamemnon disobeyed him. -Aegina is the name of a place in Epidauria; and it is also the name of an island lying off this part of the mainland—the Aegina of which the poet means to speak in the verses just cited;Section 10. and it is on this account that some write "the island Aegina" instead of "who held Aegina,"Hom. Il. 2.562 thus distinguishing between places of the same name. Now what need have I to say that the island is one of the most famous? for it is said that both Aeacus and his subjects were from there. And this is the island that was once actually mistress of the sea and disputed with the Athenians for the prize of valor in the sea fight at Salamis at the time of the Persian War. The island is said to be one hundred and eighty stadia in circuit; and it has a city of the same name that faces southwest; and it is surrounded by Attica, Megaris, and the Peloponnesus as far is Epidaurus, being distant about one hundred stadia from each; and its eastern and southern sides are washed by the Myrtoan and Cretan Seas; and around it lie small islands, many of them near the mainland, though Belbina extends to the high sea. The country of Aegina is fertile at a depth below the surface, but rocky on the surface, and particularly the level part; and therefore the whole country is bare, although it is fairly productive of barley. It is said that the Aeginetans were called Myrmidons,—not as the myth has it, because, when a great famine occurred, the antsThe transliterated Greek word for "ants" is "myrmeces." became human beings in answer to a prayer of Aeacus, but because they excavated the earth after the manner of ants and spread the soil over the rocks, so as to have ground to till, and because they lived in the dugouts, refraining from the use of soil for bricks. Long ago Aegina was called Oenone, the same name as that of two demesOn the demes and their number see 9. 1. 16 ff. in Attica, one near Eleutherae, "to inhabit the plains that border on Oenone and Eleutherae;"The authorship of these words is unknown. and another, one of the demes of the Marathonian Tetrapolis,See footnote on 8. 6. 15. to which is applied the proverb, "To Oenone —the torrent."The whole passage, "the same name . . . torrent," is believed to be spurious, for "Oenone" is well attested as a former name of Aegina, while the name of the two Attic demes was "Oenoe," not Oenone." Moreover, the proverb referred to "Oenoe," not "Oenone." The inhabitants of Oenoe diverted the torrent "Charadra" for the purpose of irrigation. Much damage was the result, and hence the proverb came to be applied to people who were the authors of their own misfortunes. Aegina was colonized successively by the Argives, the Cretans, the Epidaurians, and the Dorians; but later the Athenians divided it by lot among settlers of their own; and then the Lacedaemonians took the island away from the Athenians and gave it back to its ancient settlers. And colonists were sent forth by the Aeginetans both to Cydonia in Crete and to the country of the Ombrici.See 5. 2. 10. Ephorus says that silver was first coined in Aegina, by Pheidon; for the island, he adds, became a merchant center, since, on account of the poverty of the soil, the people employed themselves at sea as merchants, and hence, he adds, petty wares were called "Aeginetan merchandise." +Aegina is the name of a place in Epidauria; and it is also the name of an island lying off this part of the mainland—the Aegina of which the poet means to speak in the verses just cited;Section 10. and it is on this account that some write "the island Aegina" instead of "who held Aegina,"Hom. Il. 2.562 thus distinguishing between places of the same name. Now what need have I to say that the island is one of the most famous? for it is said that both Aeacus and his subjects were from there. And this is the island that was once actually mistress of the sea and disputed with the Athenians for the prize of valor in the sea fight at Salamis at the time of the Persian War. The island is said to be one hundred and eighty stadia in circuit; and it has a city of the same name that faces southwest; and it is surrounded by Attica, Megaris, and the Peloponnesus as far is Epidaurus, being distant about one hundred stadia from each; and its eastern and southern sides are washed by the Myrtoan and Cretan Seas; and around it lie small islands, many of them near the mainland, though Belbina extends to the high sea. The country of Aegina is fertile at a depth below the surface, but rocky on the surface, and particularly the level part; and therefore the whole country is bare, although it is fairly productive of barley. It is said that the Aeginetans were called Myrmidons,—not as the myth has it, because, when a great famine occurred, the antsThe transliterated Greek word for "ants" is "myrmeces." became human beings in answer to a prayer of Aeacus, but because they excavated the earth after the manner of ants and spread the soil over the rocks, so as to have ground to till, and because they lived in the dugouts, refraining from the use of soil for bricks. Long ago Aegina was called Oenone, the same name as that of two demesOn the demes and their number see 9. 1. 16 ff. in Attica, one near Eleutherae, "to inhabit the plains that border on Oenone and Eleutherae;"The authorship of these words is unknown. and another, one of the demes of the Marathonian Tetrapolis,See footnote on 8. 6. 15. to which is applied the proverb, "To Oenone —the torrent."The whole passage, "the same name . . . torrent," is believed to be spurious, for "Oenone" is well attested as a former name of Aegina, while the name of the two Attic demes was "Oenoe," not Oenone." Moreover, the proverb referred to "Oenoe," not "Oenone." The inhabitants of Oenoe diverted the torrent "Charadra" for the purpose of irrigation. Much damage was the result, and hence the proverb came to be applied to people who were the authors of their own misfortunes. Aegina was colonized successively by the Argives, the Cretans, the Epidaurians, and the Dorians; but later the Athenians divided it by lot among settlers of their own; and then the Lacedaemonians took the island away from the Athenians and gave it back to its ancient settlers. And colonists were sent forth by the Aeginetans both to Cydonia in Crete and to the country of the Ombrici.See 5. 2. 10. Ephorus says that silver was first coined in Aegina, by Pheidon; for the island, he adds, became a merchant center, since, on account of the poverty of the soil, the people employed themselves at sea as merchants, and hence, he adds, petty wares were called "Aeginetan merchandise." The poet mentions some places in the order in which they are actually situated; "and these dwelt in Hyria and Aulis,"Hom. Il. 2.496"and those who held Argos and Tiryns, Hermione and Asine, Troezen and Eiones;"Hom. Il. 2.559but at other times not in their actual order: "Schoenus and Scolus, Thespeia and Graea;"Hom. Il. 2.497and he mentions the places on the mainland at the same time with the islands: "those who held Ithaca and dwelt in Crocyleia,"Hom. Il. 2.632for Crocyleia is in the country of the Acarnanians. And so, also, he hereHom. Il. 2.562 connects Mases with Aegina, although it is in Argolis on the mainland. Homer does not name Thyreae, although the others often speak of it; and it was concerning Thyreae that a contest arose between the Argives and the Lacedaemonians, three hundred against three hundred;So Hdt. 1.82 but the Lacedaemonians under the generalship of Othryadas won the victory. Thucydides says that this place is in Cynuria on the common border of Argeia and Laconia. And there are also Hysiae, a well-known place in Argolis, and Cenchreae, which lies on the road that leads from Tegea to Argos through Mt. PartheniusSo Paus. 8.6 and Creopolus,See critical note. but Homer does not know them. Nor yet does he know LyrceiumSee critical note. nor Orneae, which are villages in Argeia, the former bearing the same name as the mountain near it and the latter the same as the Orneae which is situated between Corinth and Sicyon. So then, of the cities in the Peloponnesus, Argos and Sparta prove to have been, and still are, the most famous; and, since they are much spoken of, there is all the less need for me to describe them at length, for if I did so I should seem to be repeating what has been said by all writers. Now in early times Argos was the more famous, but later and ever afterwards the Lacedaemonians excelled, and persisted in preserving their autonomy, except perhaps when they chanced to make some slight blunder.For example, against the Roman praetors (see 8. 5. 5). Now the Argives did not, indeed, admit Pyrrhus into their city (in fact, he fell before the walls, when a certain old woman, as it seems, dropped a tile upon his head), but they became subject to other kings; and after they had joined the Achaean League they came, along with the Achaeans, under the dominion of Rome; and their city persists to this day second in rank after Sparta. - But let me speak next of the places which are named in the Catalogue of Ships as subject to Mycenae and Menelaüs. The words of the poet are as follows: "And those who held Mycenae, well-built fortress, and wealthy Corinth and well-built Cleonae, and dwelt in Orneiae and lovely Araethyree and Sicyon, wherein Adrastus was king at the first; and those who held Hyperesie and steep Gonoessa and Pellene, and dwelt about Aegium and through all the Aegialus"Shore-land." and about broad Helice."Hom. Il. 2.569ffNow Mycenae is no longer in existence, but it was founded by Perseus, and Perseus was succeeded by Sthenelus, and Sthenelus by Eurystheus; and the same men ruled over Argos also. Now Eurystheus made an expedition to Marathon against Iolaüs and the sons of Heracles, with the aid of the Athenians, as the story goes, and fell in the battle, and his body was buried at Gargettus, except his head, which was cut off by Iolaüs, and was buried separately at Tricorynthus near the spring Marcaria below the wagon road. And the place is called "Eurystheus' Head." Then Mycenae fell to the Pelopidae who had set out from Pisatis, and then to the Heracleidae, who also held Argos. But after the naval battle at Salamis the Argives, along with the Cleonaeans and Tegeatans, came over and utterly destroyed Mycenae, and divided the country among themselves. Because of the nearness of the two cities to one another the writers of tragedy speak of them synonymously as though they were one city; and Euripides, even in the same drama, calls the same city, at one time Mycenae, at another Argos, as, for example, in his IphigeneiaEur. IT 508, 510ff and his Orestes.Eur. Orest. 98, 101, 1246 Cleonae is a town situated by the road that leads from Argos to Corinth, on a hill which is surrounded by dwellings on all sides and is well fortified, so that in my opinion Homer's words, "well-built Cleonae," were appropriate. And here too, between Cleonae and Phlius, are Nemea and the sacred precinct in which the Argives are wont to celebrate the Nemean Games, and the scene of the myth of the Nemean lion, and the village Bembina. Cleonae is one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Argos, and eighty from Corinth. I myself have beheld the settlement from Acrocorinthus. + But let me speak next of the places which are named in the Catalogue of Ships as subject to Mycenae and Menelaüs. The words of the poet are as follows: "And those who held Mycenae, well-built fortress, and wealthy Corinth and well-built Cleonae, and dwelt in Orneiae and lovely Araethyree and Sicyon, wherein Adrastus was king at the first; and those who held Hyperesie and steep Gonoessa and Pellene, and dwelt about Aegium and through all the Aegialus"Shore-land." and about broad Helice."Hom. Il. 2.569ffNow Mycenae is no longer in existence, but it was founded by Perseus, and Perseus was succeeded by Sthenelus, and Sthenelus by Eurystheus; and the same men ruled over Argos also. Now Eurystheus made an expedition to Marathon against Iolaüs and the sons of Heracles, with the aid of the Athenians, as the story goes, and fell in the battle, and his body was buried at Gargettus, except his head, which was cut off by Iolaüs, and was buried separately at Tricorynthus near the spring Marcaria below the wagon road. And the place is called "Eurystheus' Head." Then Mycenae fell to the Pelopidae who had set out from Pisatis, and then to the Heracleidae, who also held Argos. But after the naval battle at Salamis the Argives, along with the Cleonaeans and Tegeatans, came over and utterly destroyed Mycenae, and divided the country among themselves. Because of the nearness of the two cities to one another the writers of tragedy speak of them synonymously as though they were one city; and Euripides, even in the same drama, calls the same city, at one time Mycenae, at another Argos, as, for example, in his IphigeneiaEur. IT 508, 510ff and his Orestes.Eur. Orest. 98, 101, 1246 Cleonae is a town situated by the road that leads from Argos to Corinth, on a hill which is surrounded by dwellings on all sides and is well fortified, so that in my opinion Homer's words, "well-built Cleonae," were appropriate. And here too, between Cleonae and Phlius, are Nemea and the sacred precinct in which the Argives are wont to celebrate the Nemean Games, and the scene of the myth of the Nemean lion, and the village Bembina. Cleonae is one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Argos, and eighty from Corinth. I myself have beheld the settlement from Acrocorinthus. Corinth is called "wealthy" because of its commerce, since it is situated on the Isthmus and is master of two harbors, of which the one leads straight to Asia, and the other to Italy; and it makes easy the exchange of merchandise from both countries that are so far distant from each other. And just as in early times the Strait of Sicily was not easy to navigate, so also the high seas, and particularly the sea beyond Maleae, were not, on account of the contrary winds; and hence the proverb, "But when you double Maleae, forget your home."Source unknown At any rate, it was a welcome alternative, for the merchants both from Italy and from Asia, to avoid the voyage to Maleae and to land their cargoes here. And also the duties on what by land was exported from the Peloponnesus and what was imported to it fell to those who held the keys. And to later times this remained ever so. But to the Corinthians of later times still greater advantages were added, for also the Isthmian Games, which were celebrated there, were wont to draw crowds of people. And the Bacchiadae, a rich and numerous and illustrious family, became tyrants of Corinth, and held their empire for nearly two hundred years, and without disturbance reaped the fruits of the commerce; and when Cypselus overthrew these, he himself became tyrant, and his house endured for three generations; and an evidence of the wealth of this house is the offering which Cypselus dedicated at Olympia, a huge statue of beaten gold.Also mentioned in 8. 3. 30. Again, Demaratus, one of the men who had been in power at Corinth, fleeing from the seditions there, carried with him so much wealth from his home to Tyrrhenia that not only he himself became the ruler of the cityTarquinii. that admitted him, but his son was made king of the Romans.Tarquinius Priscus (see 5. 2. 2). And the temple of Aphrodite was so rich that it owned more than a thousand temple slaves, courtesans, whom both men and women had dedicated to the goddess. And therefore it was also on account of these women that the city was crowded with people and grew rich; for instance, the ship captains freely squandered their money, and hence the proverb, "Not for every man is the voyage to Corinth."Source unknown Moreover, it is recorded that a certain courtesan said to the woman who reproached her with the charge that she did not like to work or touch wool: "Yet, such as I am, in this short time I have taken down three webs."That is, "finished three webs." But there is a word play in kaqei=lon i(stou/s which cannot be reproduced in English. The words may also mean "lowered three masts," that is, "debauched three ship captains." -The situation of the city, as described by HieronymusApparently Hieronymus of Rhodes (see 14. 2. 13), who lived about 290-230 B.C. and EudoxusEudoxus of Cnidus, the famous mathematician and astronomer, who flourished about 365 B.C. and others, and from what I myself saw after the recent restoration of the city by the Romans,Cp. 8. 4. 8. is about as follows: A lofty mountain with a perpendicular height of three stadia and one half, and an ascent of as much as thirty stadia, ends in a sharp peak; it is called Acrocorinthus, and its northern side is the steepest; and beneath it lies the city in a level, trapezium-shaped place"This level is 200 feet above the plain, which lies between it and the Corinthian Gulf" (Tozer, Selections, p. 217). close to the very base of the Acrocorinthus. Now the circuit of the city itself used to be as much as forty stadia, and all of it that was unprotected by the mountain was enclosed by a wall; and even the mountain itself, the Acrocorinthus, used to be comprehended within the circuit of this wall wherever wall-building was possible, and when I went up the mountain the ruins of the encircling wall were plainly visible. And so the whole perimeter amounted to about eighty-five stadia. On its other sides the mountain is less steep, though here too it rises to a considerable height and is conspicuous all round. Now the summit has a small temple of Aphrodite; and below the summit is the spring Peirene, which, although it has no overflow, is always full of transparent, potable water. And they say that the spring at the base of the mountain is the joint result of pressure from this and other subterranean veins of water—a spring which flows out into the city in such quantity that it affords a fairly large supply of water. And there is a good supply of wells throughout the city, as also, they say, on the Acrocorinthus; but I myself did not see the latter wells. At any rate, when Euripides says, "I am come, having left Acrocorinthus that is washed on all sides, the sacred hill-city of Aphrodite,"Eur. Fr. 1084 (Nauck)one should take "washed on all sides" as meaning in the depths of the mountain, since wells and subterranean pools extend through it, or else should assume that in early times Peirene was wont to rise over the surface and flow down the sides of the mountain.The Greek word peri/kluston is translated above in its usual sense and as Strabo interpreted it, but Euripides obviously used it in the sense of "washed on both sides," that is, by the Corinthian and Saronic Gulfs (cf. Horace's "bimaris Corinthi," Horace C. 1.7.2). And here, they say, Pegasus, a winged horse which sprang from the neck of the Gorgon Medusa when her head was cut off, was caught while drinking by Bellerophon. And the same horse, it is said, caused Hippu-creneAlso spelled "Hippocrene," i.e., "Horses Spring." to spring up on Helicon when he struck with his hoof the rock that lay below that mountain. And at the foot of Peirene is the Sisypheium, which preserves no inconsiderable ruins of a certain temple, or royal palace, made of white marble. And from the summit, looking towards the north, one can view Parnassus and Helicon—lofty, snow-clad mountains—and the Crisaean Gulf, which lies at the foot of the two mountains and is surrounded by Phocis, Boeotia, and Megaris, and by the parts of Corinthia and Sicyonia which lie across the gulf opposite to Phocis, that is, towards the west.From Acrocorinthus. And above all these countriesi.e., towards the east. lie the Oneian Mountains,"Ass Mountains," but as Tozer (Selections, p. 219 remarks, Strabo confuses these (they are southeast of Corinth) with Gerania, which lay on the confines of the territories of Corinth and Megara. as they are called, which extend as far as Boeotia and Cithaeron from the Sceironian Rocks,On the Sceironian road between Megara and Corinth, see Paus. 1.44.10 that is, from the road that leads along these rocks towards Attica. +The situation of the city, as described by HieronymusApparently Hieronymus of Rhodes (see 14. 2. 13), who lived about 290-230 B.C. and EudoxusEudoxus of Cnidus, the famous mathematician and astronomer, who flourished about 365 B.C. and others, and from what I myself saw after the recent restoration of the city by the Romans,Cp. 8. 4. 8. is about as follows: A lofty mountain with a perpendicular height of three stadia and one half, and an ascent of as much as thirty stadia, ends in a sharp peak; it is called Acrocorinthus, and its northern side is the steepest; and beneath it lies the city in a level, trapezium-shaped place"This level is 200 feet above the plain, which lies between it and the Corinthian Gulf" (Tozer, Selections, p. 217). close to the very base of the Acrocorinthus. Now the circuit of the city itself used to be as much as forty stadia, and all of it that was unprotected by the mountain was enclosed by a wall; and even the mountain itself, the Acrocorinthus, used to be comprehended within the circuit of this wall wherever wall-building was possible, and when I went up the mountain the ruins of the encircling wall were plainly visible. And so the whole perimeter amounted to about eighty-five stadia. On its other sides the mountain is less steep, though here too it rises to a considerable height and is conspicuous all round. Now the summit has a small temple of Aphrodite; and below the summit is the spring Peirene, which, although it has no overflow, is always full of transparent, potable water. And they say that the spring at the base of the mountain is the joint result of pressure from this and other subterranean veins of water—a spring which flows out into the city in such quantity that it affords a fairly large supply of water. And there is a good supply of wells throughout the city, as also, they say, on the Acrocorinthus; but I myself did not see the latter wells. At any rate, when Euripides says, "I am come, having left Acrocorinthus that is washed on all sides, the sacred hill-city of Aphrodite,"Eur. Fr. 1084 (Nauck)one should take "washed on all sides" as meaning in the depths of the mountain, since wells and subterranean pools extend through it, or else should assume that in early times Peirene was wont to rise over the surface and flow down the sides of the mountain.The Greek word peri/kluston is translated above in its usual sense and as Strabo interpreted it, but Euripides obviously used it in the sense of "washed on both sides," that is, by the Corinthian and Saronic Gulfs (cf. Horace's "bimaris Corinthi," Horace C. 1.7.2). And here, they say, Pegasus, a winged horse which sprang from the neck of the Gorgon Medusa when her head was cut off, was caught while drinking by Bellerophon. And the same horse, it is said, caused Hippu-creneAlso spelled "Hippocrene," i.e., "Horses Spring." to spring up on Helicon when he struck with his hoof the rock that lay below that mountain. And at the foot of Peirene is the Sisypheium, which preserves no inconsiderable ruins of a certain temple, or royal palace, made of white marble. And from the summit, looking towards the north, one can view Parnassus and Helicon—lofty, snow-clad mountains—and the Crisaean Gulf, which lies at the foot of the two mountains and is surrounded by Phocis, Boeotia, and Megaris, and by the parts of Corinthia and Sicyonia which lie across the gulf opposite to Phocis, that is, towards the west.From Acrocorinthus. And above all these countriesi.e., towards the east. lie the Oneian Mountains,"Ass Mountains," but as Tozer (Selections, p. 219 remarks, Strabo confuses these (they are southeast of Corinth) with Gerania, which lay on the confines of the territories of Corinth and Megara. as they are called, which extend as far as Boeotia and Cithaeron from the Sceironian Rocks,On the Sceironian road between Megara and Corinth, see Paus. 1.44.10 that is, from the road that leads along these rocks towards Attica. The beginning of the seaboard on the two sides is, on the one side, Lechaeum, and, on the other, Cenchreae, a village and a harbor distant about seventy stadia from Corinth. Now this latter they use for the trade from Asia, but Lechaeum for that from Italy. Lechaeum lies beneath the city, and does not contain many residences; but long walls about twelve stadia in length have been built on both sides of the road that leads to Lechaeum. The shore that extends from here to Pagae in Megaris is washed by the Corinthian Gulf; it is concave, and with the shore on the other side, at Schoenus, which is near Cenchreae, it forms the "Diolcus."See 8. 2. 1 and footnote, and cp. 8. 6. 4. In the interval between Lechaeum and Pagae there used to be, in early times, the oracle of the Acraean Hera; and here, too, is Olmiae, the promontory that forms the gulf in which are situated Oenoe and Pagae, the latter a stronghold of the Megarians and Oenoe of the Corinthians. From Cenchreae one comes to Schoenus, where is the narrow part of the isthmus, I mean the "Diolcus"; and then one comes to Crommyonia. Off this shore lie the Saronic and Eleusinian Gulfs, which in a way are the same, and border on the Hermionic Gulf. On the Isthmus is also the temple of the Isthmian Poseidon, in the shade of a grove of pinetrees, where the Corinthians used to celebrate the Isthmian Games. Crommyon is a village in Corinthia, though in earlier times it was in Megaris; and in it is laid the scene of the myth of the Crommyonian sow, which, it is said, was the mother of the Caledonian boar; and, according to tradition, the destruction of this sow was one of the labors of Theseus. Tenea, also, is in Corinthia, and in it is a temple of the Teneatan Apollo; and it is said that most of the colonists who accompanied Archias, the leader of the colonists to Syracuse, set out from there, and that afterwards Tenea prospered more than the other settlements, and finally even had a government of its own, and, revolting from the Corinthians, joined the Romans, and endured after the destruction of Corinth. And mention is also made of an oracle that was given to a certain man from Asia,This might be the country of Asia or the city of Asea (in Arcadia), the name of which, according to Herodian 2.479, was also spelled "Asia." who enquired whether it was better to change his home to Corinth: "Blest is Corinth, but Tenea for me." But in ignorance some pervert this as follows: "but Tegea for me!" And it is said that Polybus reared Oedipus here. And it seems, also, that there is a kinship between the peoples of Tenedos and Tenea, through TennesFor the story of King Tennes of Tenedos, see Paus. 10.14.1 and Diod. Sic. 5.83 the son of Cycnus, as Aristotle says;The quotation is a fragment otherwise unknown. and the similarity in the worship of Apollo among the two peoples affords strong indications of such kinship. The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius;Cf. 8. 4. 8 and footnote. and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sicyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides,According to Pliny Nat. Hist. 35.39, Aristeides of Thebes (fl. about 360 B.C.) was by some believed to be the inventor of painting in wax and in encaustic. See also Pliny N.H. 35.98 f to which, according to some writers, the saying, "Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus," referred;i.e., in speaking of the paintings of other artists. But the more natural meaning of the saying is, "That has nothing to do with Dionysus"; and it appears, originally at least, to have been a protest of spectators against the omission of Dionysus and his satyrs, or of merely the dithyrambs, from a dramatic performance (see Tozer, Selections, p. 221). and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the temple of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned,31 B.C. the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magnanimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked.According to Vell. Pat. 1.13.4, Mummius told the men who were entrusted with taking these pictures and statues to Rome that, if they lost them, they would have to replace them with new ones! And when Leucullus built the Temple of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the temple with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time,From 146 to 44 B.C. it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian "mortuaries," for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sicyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth "beetling," and use the proverb, "Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows."Source unknown -Orneae is named after the river that flows past it. It is deserted now, although formerly it was well peopled, and had a temple of Priapus that was held in honor; and it was from Orneae that the EuphroniusThe Alexandrian grammarian, who live in the third century B.C. who composed the Priapeia calls the god "Priapus the Orneatan." Orneae is situated above the plain of the Sicyonians, but the country was possessed by the Argives. Araethyrea is the country which is now called Phliasia; and near the mountain CelossaBy Xen. Hell. 4.7.7 spelled "Celusa." it had a city of the same name as the country; but the inhabitants later emigrated from here, and at a distance of thirty stadia founded a city which they called Phlius. A part of the mountain Celossa is Mt. Carneates, whence the Asopus takes its beginning—the river that flows past Sicyonia, and forms the Asopian country, which is a part of Sicyonia. There is also an Asopus that flows past Thebes and Plataea and Tanagra, and there is another in the Trachinian Heracleia that flows past a village which they call Parasopii, and there is a fourth in Paros. Phlius is situated in the center of a circle formed by Sicyonia, Argeia, Cleonae and Stymphalus. In Phlius and Sicyon the temple of Dia is held in honor; and Dia is their name for Hebe. +Orneae is named after the river that flows past it. It is deserted now, although formerly it was well peopled, and had a temple of Priapus that was held in honor; and it was from Orneae that the EuphroniusThe Alexandrian grammarian, who live in the third century B.C. who composed the Priapeia calls the god "Priapus the Orneatan." Orneae is situated above the plain of the Sicyonians, but the country was possessed by the Argives. Araethyrea is the country which is now called Phliasia; and near the mountain CelossaBy Xen. Hell. 4.7.7 spelled "Celusa." it had a city of the same name as the country; but the inhabitants later emigrated from here, and at a distance of thirty stadia founded a city which they called Phlius. A part of the mountain Celossa is Mt. Carneates, whence the Asopus takes its beginning—the river that flows past Sicyonia, and forms the Asopian country, which is a part of Sicyonia. There is also an Asopus that flows past Thebes and Plataea and Tanagra, and there is another in the Trachinian Heracleia that flows past a village which they call Parasopii, and there is a fourth in Paros. Phlius is situated in the center of a circle formed by Sicyonia, Argeia, Cleonae and Stymphalus. In Phlius and Sicyon the temple of Dia is held in honor; and Dia is their name for Hebe. In earlier times Sicyon was called Mecone, and in still earlier times Aegiali,Spelled "Aegialeia," by Paus. 2.7 but Demetrius rebuilt it upon a hill strongly fortified by nature about twenty stadia (others say twelve) from the sea;"The city built by Aegialeus on the plain was demolished by Demetrius the son of Antigonus (Poliorcetes), who founded the city of today near what was once the ancient acropolis" (Paus. 2.7. and the old settlement, which has a harbor, is a naval station. The River Nemea forms the boundary between Sicyonia and Corinthia. Sicyon was ruled by tyrants most of the time, but its tyrants were always reasonable men, among whom the most illustrious was Aratus,Cf. Polybius, 4.8 who not only set the city free,251 B.C. but also ruled over the Achaeans, who voluntarily gave him the authority,Strabo refers to the Achaean League (see 8. 7. 3). and he increased the league by adding to it both his native Sicyon and the other cities near it. But Hyperesia and the cities that come in their order after it, which the poet mentions,See 8. 7. 4 and the references. and the Aegialus as far as Dyme and the boundaries of Eleia already belonged to the Achaeans.Again the Achaean League.

@@ -418,59 +418,59 @@ For the sea was raised by an earthquake and it submerged Helice, and also the temple of the Heliconian Poseidon, whom the IoniansIn Asia Minor. worship even to this day, offering thereAt Panionium, on the promontory called Mycale, according to Hdt. 1.148; "in a desert place in the neighborhood of what is called Mycale," according to Diod. Sic. 15.49 the Pan-Ionian sacrifices. And, as some suppose, Homer recalls this sacrifice when he says: "but he breathed out his spirit and bellowed, as when a dragged bull bellows round the altar of the Heliconian lord."Hom. Il. 20.403And they infer that the poet lived after the Ionian colonization, since he mentions the Pan-Ionian sacrifice, which the Ionians perform in honor of the Heliconian Poseidon in the country of the Prienians; for the Prienians themselves are also said to be from Helice; and indeed as king for this sacrifice they appoint a Prienian young man to superintend the sacred rites. But still more they base the supposition in question on what the poet says about the bull; for the lonians believe that they obtain omens in connection with this sacrifice only when the bull bellows while being sacrificed. But the opponents of the supposition apply the above-mentioned inferences concerning the bull and the sacrifice to Helice, on the ground that these were customary there and that the poet was merely comparing the rites that were celebrated there. Helice was submerged by the sea two years before the battle at Leuctra. And Eratosthenes says that he himself saw the place, and that the ferrymen say that there was a bronze Poseidon in the strait, standing erect, holding a hippo-campus in his hand, which was perilous for those who fished with nets. And HeracleidesHeracleides of Pontus (see Dictionary, Vol. I.). says that the submersion took place by night in his time, and, although the city was twelve stadia distant from the sea, this whole district together with the city was hidden from sight; and two thousand men who had been sent by the Achaeans were unable to recover the dead bodies; and they divided the territory of Helice among the neighbors; and the submersion was the result of the anger of Poseidon, for the lonians who had been driven out of Helice sent men to ask the inhabitants of Helice particularly for the statue of Poseidon, or, if not that, for the model of the temple; and when the inhabitants refused to give either, the Ionians sent word to the general council of the Achaeans; but although the assembly voted favorably, yet even so the inhabitants of Helice refused to obey; and the submersion resulted the following winter; but the Achaeans later gave the model of the temple to the lonians. HesiodHes. Sh. 381 mentions still another Helice, in Thessaly. Now for twentyPolybius 2.43 says twenty-five. years the Achaeans continued to have a general secretary and two generals, elected annually; and with them a common council was convened at one place (it was called Amarium),Amarium was the name of the sacred precinct of Zeus Amarius near Aegium, again mentioned in 8. 7. 5. in which these, as did the Ionians before them, dealt with affairs of common interest; then they decided to elect only one general. And when Aratus was general he took the Acrocorinthus away from AntigonusAntigonus Gonatas. and added the city of Corinth to the Achaean League, just as he had added his native city; and he also took over the Megarians; and breaking up the tyrannies in the several cities he made the peoples who were thus set free members of the Achaean League. And he set the Peloponnesus free from its tyrannies, so that Argos, Hermion, Phlius, and Megalopolis, the largest city in Arcadia, were added to the League; and it was at this time that the League reached the height of its power. It was the time when the Romans, after their expulsion of the Carthaginians from Sicily,241 B.C. made their expedition against the Galatae224 B.C. who lived in the region of the Padus River. But although the Achaean League persisted rather firmly until the time of the generalship of Philopoemen, yet it was gradually dissolved, since by this time the Romans were in possession of the whole of Greece, and they did not deal with the several states in the same way, but wished to preserve some and to destroy others. Then heSee critical note. tells the cause of his enlarging upon the subject of the Achaeans, saying that, although they increased in power to the point of surpassing even the Lacedaemonians, they are not as well known as they deserve to be. The order of the places in which the Achaeans settled, after dividing the country into twelve parts, is as follows:Cp. the names and their order in Hdt. 1.145, Polybius 2.41 and Paus. 7.6. First after Sicyon lies Pellene; then, second, Aegeira; third, Aegae, which has a temple of Poseidon; fourth, Bura; after Bura, Helice, whither the Ionians fled for refuge after they were conquered in battle by the Achaeans, and whence at last they were expelled; and, after Helice, Aegium and Rhypes and PatraeThe Greek has "Patreis" ("the Patraeans"). and Pharae;The Greek has "Phareis" ("the Pharaeans"). then Olenus, past which flows the Peirus, a large river; then Dyme and Tritaea.The Greek has "Tritaeeis" ("the Tritaeans"). Now the Ionians lived in villages, but the Achaeans founded cities; and to certain of these they later united others, transferring them from the other divisions, as, for example, Aegae to Aegeira (the inhabitants, however, were called Aegaeans), and Olenus to Dyme. Traces of the old settlement of the Olenians are shown between Patrae and Dyme; and here, too, is the notable temple of Asclepius, which is forty stadia distant from Dyme and eighty from Patrae. Of the same name as this Aegae is the Aegae in Euboea; and of the same name as Olenus is the settlement in Aetolia, this too preserving only traces of its former self. Now the poet does not mention the Olenus in Achaea, just as he does not mention several other inhabited places in the region of the Aegialus, although he speaks of them in a rather general way: "And through all the Aegialus and about broad Helice."Hom. Il. 2.575But he mentions the Aetolian Olenus, when he says: "those who dwelt in Pleuron and Olenus."Hom. Il. 2.639And he speaks of both places called Aegae: the Achaean Aegae, when he says, "yet they bring up gifts for thee into both Helice and Aegae"Hom. Il. 8.203but when he says, "Aegae, where is his famous palace in the deeps of the mere,"Hom. Il. 13.21"where Poseidon halted his horses,"Hom. Il. 13.34it is better to take him as meaning the Aegae in Euboea, from which it is probable that also the Aegean Sea got its name; and here too the poet has placed the activities of Poseidon in connection with the Trojan War. Close to the Achaean Aegae flows the Crathis River, which is increased by the waters of two other rivers; and it gets its name from the fact that it is a mixture,Cp.*kra=qis and kraqh=nai. as does also the Crathis in Italy. -Each of the twelve divisions consisted of seven or eight communities, so populous was the country. Pellene is situated sixty stadia above the sea, and it is a strong fortress. But there is also a village Pellene, from which come the Pellenic cloaks, which they were also wont to set up as prizes at the games; it lies between Aegium and Pellene. But Pellana is different from these two; it is a Laconian place, and its territory inclines, approximately, towards the territory of Megalopolis. Aegeira is situated on a hill. Bura, which was swallowed up in an, earthquake, is situated above the sea at a distance of about forty stadia; and they say that it was from the spring Sybaris in Bura that the riverSee 6. 1. 12-13. in Italy got its name. Aega (for Aegae is also called thus) is now uninhabited, and the cityOthers emend "city" to "country," but Strabo often speaks of cities thus, whether inhabited or not; and in giving the name of a city he often means to include all the surrounding territory which it possesses. is in the possession of the people of Aegium. But Aegium has a considerable population. The story is told that Zeus was nursed by a goat there, just as Aratus says: "Sacred goat, which, in story, didst hold thy breast o'er Zeus;"Aratus Phaenomena 163and he goes on to say that "the interpreters call her the Olenian goat of Zeus,"Aratus Phaenomena 164thus clearly indicating that the place is near Olene. Here too is Ceraunia,Ceraunia is almost certainly an error for "Ceryneia," the city mentioned by Polybius 2.41, Paus. 7.6, and others. which is situated on a high rock. These places belong to the people of Aegium, and so does Helice, and the Amarium, where the Achaeans met to deliberate on affairs of common interest. And the Selinus River flows through the territory of Aegium; it bears the same name as the river that flows in Ephesus past the Artemisium, and also the river in the Eleia of todaySee 8. 3. l. that flows past the plot of land which Xenophon says he bought for Artemis in accordance with an oracle.Xen. Anab. 5.3.8 And there is another Selinus; it flows past the territory of the Hyblaean Megarians,Megara Hyblaea was on the eastern coast of Sicily, to the north of Syracuse. whom the Carthaginians forced to migrate. As for the remaining cities, or divisions, of the Achaeans, one of them, Rhypes, is uninhabited, and the territory called Rhypis was held by the people of Aegium and the people of Pharae. Aeschylus, too, says somewhere: "Sacred Bura and thunder-smitten Rhypes."Aesch. Fr. 403 (Nauck)Myscellus, the founder of Croton, was from Rhypes. And Leuctrum too, a deme of Rhypes, belonged to the district of Rhypis. After Rhypes comes Patrae, a noteworthy city; between the two, however, is Rhium (also Antirrhium),See critical note. which is forty stadia distant from Patrae. And recently the Romans, after their victory at Actium, settled a considerable part of the army at Patrae; and it is exceptionally populous at present, since it is a Roman colony; and it has a fairly good anchoring-place. Next comes Dyme, a city without a harbor, the farthest of all towards the west, a fact from which it takes its name.du/ein "to set," du/smh "setting," "west." But in earlier times it was called Stratos. The boundary between it and the Eleian country, Buprasium, is formed by the Larisus River, which flows from a mountain. Some writers call this mountain Scollis, but Homer calls it the Olenian Rock. When Antimachus calls Dyme "Cauconian," some interpret "Cauconian" as an epithet derived from the Cauconians, since the Cauconians extended as far as Dyme, as I have already said above,8. 3. 11, 17. but others as derived from a River Caucon, just as Thebes is called "Dircaean" and "Asopian," Argos "Inacheian," and Troy "Simuntian." But shortly before my time Dyme received as colonists a mixed group of people whom Pompey still had left over from the crowd of pirates, after he broke up all piracy and settled some of the pirates at Soli in Cilicia and others in other places—and in particular at Dyme. Phara borders on the territory of Dyme. The people of this Phara are called Phareis, but those of the Messenian city Pharaeatae; and in the territory of Phara is a spring Dirce which bears the same name as the spring at Thebes. But Olenus is deserted; it lies between Patrae and Dyme; and its territory is held by the people of Dyme. Then comes Araxus, the promontory of the Eleian country, one thousand and thirty stadia from the isthmus. +Each of the twelve divisions consisted of seven or eight communities, so populous was the country. Pellene is situated sixty stadia above the sea, and it is a strong fortress. But there is also a village Pellene, from which come the Pellenic cloaks, which they were also wont to set up as prizes at the games; it lies between Aegium and Pellene. But Pellana is different from these two; it is a Laconian place, and its territory inclines, approximately, towards the territory of Megalopolis. Aegeira is situated on a hill. Bura, which was swallowed up in an, earthquake, is situated above the sea at a distance of about forty stadia; and they say that it was from the spring Sybaris in Bura that the riverSee 6. 1. 12-13. in Italy got its name. Aega (for Aegae is also called thus) is now uninhabited, and the cityOthers emend "city" to "country," but Strabo often speaks of cities thus, whether inhabited or not; and in giving the name of a city he often means to include all the surrounding territory which it possesses. is in the possession of the people of Aegium. But Aegium has a considerable population. The story is told that Zeus was nursed by a goat there, just as Aratus says: "Sacred goat, which, in story, didst hold thy breast o'er Zeus;"Aratus Phaenomena 163and he goes on to say that "the interpreters call her the Olenian goat of Zeus,"Aratus Phaenomena 164thus clearly indicating that the place is near Olene. Here too is Ceraunia,Ceraunia is almost certainly an error for "Ceryneia," the city mentioned by Polybius 2.41, Paus. 7.6, and others. which is situated on a high rock. These places belong to the people of Aegium, and so does Helice, and the Amarium, where the Achaeans met to deliberate on affairs of common interest. And the Selinus River flows through the territory of Aegium; it bears the same name as the river that flows in Ephesus past the Artemisium, and also the river in the Eleia of todaySee 8. 3. l. that flows past the plot of land which Xenophon says he bought for Artemis in accordance with an oracle.Xen. Anab. 5.3.8 And there is another Selinus; it flows past the territory of the Hyblaean Megarians,Megara Hyblaea was on the eastern coast of Sicily, to the north of Syracuse. whom the Carthaginians forced to migrate. As for the remaining cities, or divisions, of the Achaeans, one of them, Rhypes, is uninhabited, and the territory called Rhypis was held by the people of Aegium and the people of Pharae. Aeschylus, too, says somewhere: "Sacred Bura and thunder-smitten Rhypes."Aesch. Fr. 403 (Nauck)Myscellus, the founder of Croton, was from Rhypes. And Leuctrum too, a deme of Rhypes, belonged to the district of Rhypis. After Rhypes comes Patrae, a noteworthy city; between the two, however, is Rhium (also Antirrhium),See critical note. which is forty stadia distant from Patrae. And recently the Romans, after their victory at Actium, settled a considerable part of the army at Patrae; and it is exceptionally populous at present, since it is a Roman colony; and it has a fairly good anchoring-place. Next comes Dyme, a city without a harbor, the farthest of all towards the west, a fact from which it takes its name.du/ein "to set," du/smh "setting," "west." But in earlier times it was called Stratos. The boundary between it and the Eleian country, Buprasium, is formed by the Larisus River, which flows from a mountain. Some writers call this mountain Scollis, but Homer calls it the Olenian Rock. When Antimachus calls Dyme "Cauconian," some interpret "Cauconian" as an epithet derived from the Cauconians, since the Cauconians extended as far as Dyme, as I have already said above,8. 3. 11, 17. but others as derived from a River Caucon, just as Thebes is called "Dircaean" and "Asopian," Argos "Inacheian," and Troy "Simuntian." But shortly before my time Dyme received as colonists a mixed group of people whom Pompey still had left over from the crowd of pirates, after he broke up all piracy and settled some of the pirates at Soli in Cilicia and others in other places—and in particular at Dyme. Phara borders on the territory of Dyme. The people of this Phara are called Phareis, but those of the Messenian city Pharaeatae; and in the territory of Phara is a spring Dirce which bears the same name as the spring at Thebes. But Olenus is deserted; it lies between Patrae and Dyme; and its territory is held by the people of Dyme. Then comes Araxus, the promontory of the Eleian country, one thousand and thirty stadia from the isthmus.

-Arcadia lies in the middle of the Peloponnesus; and most of the country which it includes is mountainous. The greatest mountain in it is Cyllene; at any rate some say that its perpendicular height is twenty stadia, though others say about fifteen. The Arcadian tribes—the Azanes, the Parrhasians, and other such peoples—are reputed to be the most ancient tribes of the Greeks. But on account of the complete devastation of the country it would be inappropriate to speak at length about these tribes; for the cities, which in earlier times had become famous, were wiped out by the continuous wars, and the tillers of the soil have been disappearing even since the times when most of the cities were united into what was called the "Great City."Megalopolis. But now the Great City itself has suffered the fate described by the comic poet: "The Great City is a great desert."Source unknown.But there are ample pastures for cattle, particularly for horses and asses that are used as stallions. And the Arcadian breed of horses, like the Argolic and the Epidaurian, is most excellent. And the deserted lands of the Aetolians and Acarnanians are also well adapted to horse-raising—no less so than Thessaly. +Arcadia lies in the middle of the Peloponnesus; and most of the country which it includes is mountainous. The greatest mountain in it is Cyllene; at any rate some say that its perpendicular height is twenty stadia, though others say about fifteen. The Arcadian tribes—the Azanes, the Parrhasians, and other such peoples—are reputed to be the most ancient tribes of the Greeks. But on account of the complete devastation of the country it would be inappropriate to speak at length about these tribes; for the cities, which in earlier times had become famous, were wiped out by the continuous wars, and the tillers of the soil have been disappearing even since the times when most of the cities were united into what was called the "Great City."Megalopolis. But now the Great City itself has suffered the fate described by the comic poet: "The Great City is a great desert."Source unknown.But there are ample pastures for cattle, particularly for horses and asses that are used as stallions. And the Arcadian breed of horses, like the Argolic and the Epidaurian, is most excellent. And the deserted lands of the Aetolians and Acarnanians are also well adapted to horse-raising—no less so than Thessaly. Now Mantineia was made famous by Epameinondas, who conquered the Lacedaemonians in the second battle, in which he himself lost his life. But Mantineia itself, as also Orchomenus, Heraea, Cleitor, Pheneus, Stymphalus, Maenalus, Methydrium, Caphyeis, and Cynaetha, no longer exist; or else traces or signs of them are scarcely to be seen. But Tegea still endures fairly well, and so does the temple of the Alean Athene; and the temple of Zeus Lycaeus situated near Mt. Lycaeum is also honored to a slight extent. But three of the cities mentioned by the poet, "Rhipe and Stratie, and windy Enispe,"Hom. Il. 2.606are not only hard to find, but are of no use to any who find them, because they are deserted. Famous mountains, in addition to Cyllene, are Pholoe, Lycaeum, Maenalus, and the Parthenium, as it is called, which extends from the territory of Tegea down to the Argive country. -I have already mentioned the marvellous circumstances pertaining to the Alpeius and the Eurotas,6. 2. 9. and also to the Erasinus, which now flows underground from the Stymphalian Lake,i.e., "through a subterranean channel." and issues forth into the Argive country, although in earlier times it had no outlet, since the "berethra,""Pits." which the Arcadians call "zerethra," were stopped up and did not admit of the waters being carried off so that the city of the StymphaliansStymphalus. is now fifty stadiaIt is incredible that Strabo wrote "fifty" here. Leake (Morea, III. 146, quoted approvingly by Tozer (Selections, 224, says that "five" must be right, which is "about the number of stades between the site of Stymphalus and the margin of the lake, on the average of the seasons." Palaeographically, however, it is far more likely that Strabo wrote "four" (see critical note). distant from the lake, although then it was situated on the lake. But the contrary was the case with the Ladon, since its stream was once checked because of the blocking up of its sources; for the "berethra" near Pheneus, through which it flowed, fell in as the result of an earthquake and checked the stream as far down into the depths of the earth as the veins which supplied its source. Thus some writers tell it. But Eratosthenes says that near Pheneus the river Anias,The river formed by the confluence of the Aroanius and the Olbius, according to Frazer (note on Paus. 8.4.13). as it is called, makes a lake of the region in front of the city and flows down into sink-holes, which are called "zerethra"; and when these are stopped up the water sometimes overflows into the plains, and when they are again opened up it rushes out of the plains all at once and empties into the Ladon and the Alpheius, so that even at Olympia the land around the temple was once inundated, while the lake was reduced; and the Erasinus, which flows past Stympllalus, sinks and flows beneath the mountainApparently Mt. Chaon (see Paus. 2.24). and reappears in the Argive land; and it was on this account, also, that Iphicrates, when he was besieging Stymphalus and accomplishing nothing, tried to block up the sink with a large quantity of sponges with which he had supplied himself, but desisted when Zeus sent an omen from the sky. And near Pheneus is also the water of the Styx, as it is called—a small stream of deadly water which is held to be sacred. So much may be said concerning Arcadia. -PolybiusPolybius 34 Fr. 12. states that the distance from Maleae towards the north as far as the Ister is about ten thousand stadia, but Artemidorus corrects the statement in an appropriate manner by saying that from Maleae to Aegium is a journey of fourteen hundred stadia, and thence to Cyrrha a voyage of two hundred, and thence through Heracleia to Thaumaci a journey of five hundred, and then to Larisa and the Peneius three hundred and forty, and then through Tempe to the outlets of the Peneius two hundred and forty, and then to Thessaloniceia six hundred and sixty, and thence through Eidomene and Stobi and Dardanii to the Ister three thousand two hundred. According to Artemidorus, therefore, the distance from the Ister to Maleae amounts to six thousand five hundred and forty stadia. The cause of this excessi.e., in the estimate of Polybius, apparently, rather than in that of Artemidorus. is that he does not give the measurement of the shortest route, but of the chance route which one of the generals took. And it is not out of place, perhaps, to add also the colonizers, mentioned by Ephorus, of the peoples who settled in the Peloponnesus after the return of the Heracleidae: Aletes, the colonizer of Corinth, Phalces of Sicyon, Tisamenus of Achaea, Oxylus of Elis, Cresphontes of Messene, Eurysthenes and Procles of Lacedaemon, Temenus and Cissus of Argos, and Agaeus and Deïphontes of the region about Acte.The eastern coast of Argolis was called "Acte" ("Coast").

+I have already mentioned the marvellous circumstances pertaining to the Alpeius and the Eurotas,6. 2. 9. and also to the Erasinus, which now flows underground from the Stymphalian Lake,i.e., "through a subterranean channel." and issues forth into the Argive country, although in earlier times it had no outlet, since the "berethra,""Pits." which the Arcadians call "zerethra," were stopped up and did not admit of the waters being carried off so that the city of the StymphaliansStymphalus. is now fifty stadiaIt is incredible that Strabo wrote "fifty" here. Leake (Morea, III. 146, quoted approvingly by Tozer (Selections, 224, says that "five" must be right, which is "about the number of stades between the site of Stymphalus and the margin of the lake, on the average of the seasons." Palaeographically, however, it is far more likely that Strabo wrote "four" (see critical note). distant from the lake, although then it was situated on the lake. But the contrary was the case with the Ladon, since its stream was once checked because of the blocking up of its sources; for the "berethra" near Pheneus, through which it flowed, fell in as the result of an earthquake and checked the stream as far down into the depths of the earth as the veins which supplied its source. Thus some writers tell it. But Eratosthenes says that near Pheneus the river Anias,The river formed by the confluence of the Aroanius and the Olbius, according to Frazer (note on Paus. 8.4.13). as it is called, makes a lake of the region in front of the city and flows down into sink-holes, which are called "zerethra"; and when these are stopped up the water sometimes overflows into the plains, and when they are again opened up it rushes out of the plains all at once and empties into the Ladon and the Alpheius, so that even at Olympia the land around the temple was once inundated, while the lake was reduced; and the Erasinus, which flows past Stympllalus, sinks and flows beneath the mountainApparently Mt. Chaon (see Paus. 2.24). and reappears in the Argive land; and it was on this account, also, that Iphicrates, when he was besieging Stymphalus and accomplishing nothing, tried to block up the sink with a large quantity of sponges with which he had supplied himself, but desisted when Zeus sent an omen from the sky. And near Pheneus is also the water of the Styx, as it is called—a small stream of deadly water which is held to be sacred. So much may be said concerning Arcadia. +PolybiusPolybius 34 Fr. 12. states that the distance from Maleae towards the north as far as the Ister is about ten thousand stadia, but Artemidorus corrects the statement in an appropriate manner by saying that from Maleae to Aegium is a journey of fourteen hundred stadia, and thence to Cyrrha a voyage of two hundred, and thence through Heracleia to Thaumaci a journey of five hundred, and then to Larisa and the Peneius three hundred and forty, and then through Tempe to the outlets of the Peneius two hundred and forty, and then to Thessaloniceia six hundred and sixty, and thence through Eidomene and Stobi and Dardanii to the Ister three thousand two hundred. According to Artemidorus, therefore, the distance from the Ister to Maleae amounts to six thousand five hundred and forty stadia. The cause of this excessi.e., in the estimate of Polybius, apparently, rather than in that of Artemidorus. is that he does not give the measurement of the shortest route, but of the chance route which one of the generals took. And it is not out of place, perhaps, to add also the colonizers, mentioned by Ephorus, of the peoples who settled in the Peloponnesus after the return of the Heracleidae: Aletes, the colonizer of Corinth, Phalces of Sicyon, Tisamenus of Achaea, Oxylus of Elis, Cresphontes of Messene, Eurysthenes and Procles of Lacedaemon, Temenus and Cissus of Argos, and Agaeus and Deïphontes of the region about Acte.The eastern coast of Argolis was called "Acte" ("Coast").

Now that I have completed my circuit of the Peloponnesus, which, as I have said,8. 1. 3. was the first and the smallest of the peninsulas of which Greece consists, it will be next in order to traverse those that are continuous with it. The second peninsula is the one that adds Megaris to the Peloponnesus,And therefore comprises both. The first peninsula includes the Isthmus, Crommyon being the first place beyond it, in Megaris. so that Crommyon belongs to the Megarians and not to the Corinthians; the third is the one which, in addition to the second, comprises Attica and Boeotia and a part of Phocis and of the Epicnemidian Locrians. I must therefore describe these two. EudoxusEudoxus of Cnidus (fl. 350 B.C.). says that if one should imagine a straight line drawn in an easterly direction from the Ceraunian Mountains to Sunium, the promontory of Attica, it would leave on the right, towards the south, the whole of the Peloponnesus, and on the left, towards the north, the continuous coastline from the Ceraunian Mountains to the Crisaean Gulf and Megaris, and the coastline of all Attica. And he believes that the shore which extends from Sunium to the Isthmus would not be so concave as to have a great bend, if to this shore were not added the districts continuous with the Isthmus which form the Hermionic Gulf and Acte; and, in the same way, he believes that the shore which extends from the Ceraunian Mountains to the Corinthian Gulf would not, viewed by itself alone, have so great a bend as to be concave like a gulf if Rhium and Antirrhium did not draw closely together and afford this appearance; and the same is true of the shoresIncluding the shore of the Isthmus. that surround the recess of the gulf, where the sea in this regionThat is, the Corinthian Gulf, which Eudoxus and Strabo consider a part of the sea that extends eastward from the Sicilian Sea (cf. 8. 1. 3). Others, however, understand that Strabo refers to the recess of the Crisaean Gulf in the restricted sense, that is, the Gulf of Salona. comes to an end. -Since this is the description given by Eudoxus, a mathematician and an expert both in geometrical figures and in "climata,"For the meaning of "climata" see vol. i, p. 22, footnote 2. and acquainted with these places, one must conceive of this side of Attica together with Megaris—the side extending from Sunium to the Isthmus—as concave, though only slightly so. Now here, at about the center of the aforesaid line, is the Peiraeus, the seaport of Athens. It is distant from Schoenus, at the Isthmus, about three hundred and fifty stadia, and from Sunium three hundred and thirty. The distance from the Peiraeus to Pagae also is nearly the same as to Schoenus, though the former is said to exceed the latter by ten stadia. After doubling Sunium one's voyage is towards the north, but with an inclination towards the west. -ActeThat is, Attica; not to be confused with the Acte in Argolis, mentioned in 9. l. 1. is washed by two seas; it is narrow at first, and then it widens out into the interior,i.e., the interior plain of Attica. though none the less it takes a crescent-like bend towards Oropus in Boeotia, with the convex side towards the sea; and this is the second, the eastern side of Attica. Then comes the remaining side, which faces the north and extends from the Oropian country towards the west as far as Megaris—I mean the mountainous part of Attica, which has many names and separates Boeotia from Attica; so that, as I have said before,9. 1. 1, 8. 1. 3. Boeotia, since it has a sea on either side, becomes an isthmus of the third peninsula above-mentioned, an isthmus comprising within it the parts that lie towards the Peloponnesus, that is, Megaris and Attica. And it is on this account, they say, that the country which is now, by a slight change of letters, called Attica, was in ancient times called Acte and Actice,i.e., Shoreland. because the greatest part of it lies below the mountains, stretches flat along the sea, is narrow, and has considerable length, projecting as far as Sunium. I shall therefore describe these sides, resuming again at that point of the seaboard where I left off. +Since this is the description given by Eudoxus, a mathematician and an expert both in geometrical figures and in "climata,"For the meaning of "climata" see vol. i, p. 22, footnote 2. and acquainted with these places, one must conceive of this side of Attica together with Megaris—the side extending from Sunium to the Isthmus—as concave, though only slightly so. Now here, at about the center of the aforesaid line, is the Peiraeus, the seaport of Athens. It is distant from Schoenus, at the Isthmus, about three hundred and fifty stadia, and from Sunium three hundred and thirty. The distance from the Peiraeus to Pagae also is nearly the same as to Schoenus, though the former is said to exceed the latter by ten stadia. After doubling Sunium one's voyage is towards the north, but with an inclination towards the west. +ActeThat is, Attica; not to be confused with the Acte in Argolis, mentioned in 9. l. 1. is washed by two seas; it is narrow at first, and then it widens out into the interior,i.e., the interior plain of Attica. though none the less it takes a crescent-like bend towards Oropus in Boeotia, with the convex side towards the sea; and this is the second, the eastern side of Attica. Then comes the remaining side, which faces the north and extends from the Oropian country towards the west as far as Megaris—I mean the mountainous part of Attica, which has many names and separates Boeotia from Attica; so that, as I have said before,9. 1. 1, 8. 1. 3. Boeotia, since it has a sea on either side, becomes an isthmus of the third peninsula above-mentioned, an isthmus comprising within it the parts that lie towards the Peloponnesus, that is, Megaris and Attica. And it is on this account, they say, that the country which is now, by a slight change of letters, called Attica, was in ancient times called Acte and Actice,i.e., Shoreland. because the greatest part of it lies below the mountains, stretches flat along the sea, is narrow, and has considerable length, projecting as far as Sunium. I shall therefore describe these sides, resuming again at that point of the seaboard where I left off. After Crommyon, and situated above Attica, are the Sceironian Rocks. They leave no room for a road along the sea, but the road from the Isthmus to Megara and Attica passes above them. However, the road approaches so close to the rocks that in many places it passes along the edge of precipices, because the mountain situated above them is both lofty and impracticable for roads. Here is the setting of the myth about Sceiron and the Pityocamptes,"Pine-bender." His name was Sinis. For the story, see Paus. 2.1.3 the robbers who infested the above-mentioned mountainous country and were killed by Theseus. And the Athenians have given the name Sceiron to the Argestes, the violent wind that blows down on the travellers leftThat is, to one travelling from the Isthmus to Megaris and Attica. from the heights of this mountainous country. After the Sceironian Rocks one comes to Cape Minoa, which projects into the sea and forms the harbor at Nisaea. Nisaea is the naval station of the Megarians; it is eighteen stadia distant from the city and is joined to it on both sides by walls. The naval station, too, used to be called Minoa. In early times this country was held by the same Ionians who held Attica. Megara, however, had not yet been founded; and therefore the poet does not specifically mention this region, but when he calls all the people of Attica Athenians he includes these too under the general name, considering them Athenians. Thus, when he says in the Catalogue, "And those who held Athens, well-built city,"Hom. Il. 2.546we must interpret him as meaning the people now called Megarians as well, and assume that these also had a part in the expedition. And the following is proof: In early times Attica was called Ionia and Ias; and when the poet says, "There the Boeotians and the Iaonians,"Hom. Il. 13.685he means the Athenians; and Megaris was a part of this Ionia. Furthermore, since the Peloponnesians and Ionians were having frequent disputes about their boundaries, on which, among other places, Crommyonia was situated, they made an agreement and erected a pillar in the place agreed upon, near the Isthmus itself, with an inscription on the side facing the Peloponnesus reading: "This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia," and on the side facing Megara, "This is not Peloponnesus, but Ionia." And though the writers of the histories of The Land of Atthis are at variance on many things, they all agree on this (at least all writers who are worth mentioning), that Pandion had four sons, Aegeus, Lycus, Pallas, and the fourth, Nisus, and that when Attica was divided into four parts, Nisus obtained Megaris as his portion and founded Nisaea. Now, according to Philochorus,Philochorus the Athenian (fl. about 300 B.C.) wrote a work entitled Atthis, in seventeen books. Only fragments remain. his rule extended from the Isthmus to the Pythium,To what Pythium Philochorus refers is uncertain, but he seems to mean the temple of Pythian Apollo in the deme of Oenoe, about twelve miles northwest of Eleusis; or possibly the temple of Apollo which was situated between Eleusis and Athens on the site of the present monastery of Daphne. but according to Andron,See footnote on 10. 4. 6. only as far as Eleusis and the Thriasian Plain. Although different writers have stated the division into four parts in different ways, it suffices to take the following from Sophocles: Aegeus says that his father ordered him to depart to the shorelands, assigning to him as the eldest the best portion of this land; then to Lycus "he assigns Euboea's garden that lies side by side therewith; and for Nisus he selects the neighboring land of Sceiron's shore; and the southerly part of the land fell to this rugged Pallas, breeder of giants."Soph. Fr. 872 (Nauck)These, then, are the proofs which writers use to show that Megaris was a part of Attica. -But after the return of the Heracleidae and the partitioning of the country, it came to pass that many of the former inhabitants were driven out of their homelands into Attica by the Heracleidae and the Dorians who came back with them. Among these was Melanthus, the king of Messene. And he reigned also over the Athenians, by their consent, after his victory in single combat over Xanthus, the king of the Boeotians. But since Attica was now populous on account of the exiles, the Heracleidae became frightened, and at the instigation chiefly of the people of Corinth and the people of Messene—of the former because of their proximity and of the latter because Codrus, the son of Melanthus, was at that time king of Attica—they made an expedition against Attica. But being defeated in battle they retired from the whole of the land except the Megarian territory; this they occupied and not only founded the city MegaraCf. 8. 1. 2. but also made its population Dorians instead of Ionians. And they also destroyed the pillar which was the boundary between the Ionians and the Peloponnesians. -The city of the Megarians has experienced many changes, but nevertheless it has endured until the present time. It once even had schools of philosophers who were called the Megarian sect, these being the successors of Eucleides, the Socratic philosopher, a Megarian by birth, just as the Eleian sect, to which Pyrrhon belonged, were the successors of Phaedon the Eleian, who was also a Socratic philosopher, and just as the Eretrian sect were the successors of Menedemus the Eretrian. The country of the Megarians, like Attica, has rather poor soil, and the greater part of it is occupied by the Oneian Mountains, as they are called—a kind of ridge, which extends from the Sceironian Rocks to Boeotia and Cithaeron, and separates the sea at Nisaea from the Alcyonian Sea, as it is called, at Pagae. -On the voyage from Nisaea to Attica one comes to five small islands. Then to Salamis, which is about seventy stadia in length, though some say eighty. It contains a city of the same name; the ancient city, now deserted, faces towards Aegina and the south wind (just as Aeschylus has said, "And Aegina here lies towards the blasts of the south wind"Aesch. Fr. 404), but the city of today is situated on a gulf, on a peninsula-like place which borders on Attica. In early times it was called by different names, for example, "Sciras" and "Cychreia," after certain heroes. It is from oneScirus. of these heroes that Athena is called "Sciras," and that a place in Attica is called "Scira," and that a certain sacred rite is performed in honor of "Scirus,"Scirus founded the ancient sanctuary of Athena Sciras at Phalerum. After his death the Eleusinians buried him between Athens and Eleusis at a place which in his honor they called "Scira," or, according to Paus. 1.36.4 and others, "Scirum." and that one of the months is called "Scirophorion." And it is from the other hero that the serpent "Cychreides" took its name—the serpent which, according to Hesiod, was fostered by Cychreus and driven out by Eurylochus because it was damaging the island, and was welcomed to Eleusis by Demeter and made her attendant. And the island was also called Pityussa, from the tree."Pitys," "pine-tree." But the fame of the island is due to the Aiacidae, who ruled over it, and particularly to Aias, the son of Telamon, and also to the fact that near this island Xerxes was defeated by the Greeks in a naval battle and fled to his homeland. And the Aeginetans also shared in the glory of this struggle, since they were neighbors and furnished a considerable fleet. And there is in Salamis a river Bocarus, which is now called Bocalia. -At the present time the island is held by the Athenians, although in early times there was strife between them and the Megarians for its possession. Some say that it was Peisistratus, others Solon, who inserted in the Catalogue of Ships immediately after the verse, "and Aias brought twelve ships from Salamis,"Hom. Il. 2.557the verse, "and, bringing them, halted them where the battalions of the Athenians were stationed,"Hom. Il. 2.558 and then used the poet as a witness that the island had belonged to the Athenians from the beginning. But the critics do not accept this interpretation, because many of the verses bear witness to the contrary. For why is Aias found in the last place in the ship-camp, not with the Athenians, but with the Thessalians under Protesilaüs? "Here were the ships of Aias and Protesilaüs."Hom. Il. 13.681And in the Visitation of the troops, Agamemnon "found Menestheus the charioteer, son of Peteos, standing still; and about him were the Athenians, masters of the battle-cry. And near by stood Odysseus of many wiles, and about him, at his side, the ranks of the Cephallenians."Hom. Il. 4.327And back again to Aias and the Salaminians, "he came to the Aïantes,"Hom. Il. 4.273and near them, "Idomeneus on the other side,"Hom. Il. 3.230not Menestheus. The Athenians, then, are reputed to have cited alleged testimony of this kind from Homer, and the Megarians to have replied with the following parody: "Aias brought ships from Salamis, from Polichne, from Aegeirussa, from Nisaea, and from Tripodes"; these four are Megarian places, and, of these, Tripodes is called Tripodiscium, near which the present marketplace of the Megarians is situated. -Some say that Salamis is foreign to Attica, citing the fact that the priestess of Athena Polias does not touch the fresh cheese made in Attica, but eats only that which is brought from a foreign country, yet uses, among others, that from Salamis. Wrongly, for she eats cheese brought from the other islands that are admittedly attached to Attica, since those who began this custom considered as "foreign" any cheese that was imported by sea. But it seems that in early times the present Salamis was a separate state, and that Megara was a part of Attica. And it is on the seaboard opposite Salamis that the boundaries between the Megarian country and AtthisAttica. are situated—two mountains which are called Cerata."Horns." Two horn-shaped peaks of a south-western spur of Cithaeron, and still called Kerata-Pyrgos or Keratopiko (Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie, iii. 631, note 97). +But after the return of the Heracleidae and the partitioning of the country, it came to pass that many of the former inhabitants were driven out of their homelands into Attica by the Heracleidae and the Dorians who came back with them. Among these was Melanthus, the king of Messene. And he reigned also over the Athenians, by their consent, after his victory in single combat over Xanthus, the king of the Boeotians. But since Attica was now populous on account of the exiles, the Heracleidae became frightened, and at the instigation chiefly of the people of Corinth and the people of Messene—of the former because of their proximity and of the latter because Codrus, the son of Melanthus, was at that time king of Attica—they made an expedition against Attica. But being defeated in battle they retired from the whole of the land except the Megarian territory; this they occupied and not only founded the city MegaraCf. 8. 1. 2. but also made its population Dorians instead of Ionians. And they also destroyed the pillar which was the boundary between the Ionians and the Peloponnesians. +The city of the Megarians has experienced many changes, but nevertheless it has endured until the present time. It once even had schools of philosophers who were called the Megarian sect, these being the successors of Eucleides, the Socratic philosopher, a Megarian by birth, just as the Eleian sect, to which Pyrrhon belonged, were the successors of Phaedon the Eleian, who was also a Socratic philosopher, and just as the Eretrian sect were the successors of Menedemus the Eretrian. The country of the Megarians, like Attica, has rather poor soil, and the greater part of it is occupied by the Oneian Mountains, as they are called—a kind of ridge, which extends from the Sceironian Rocks to Boeotia and Cithaeron, and separates the sea at Nisaea from the Alcyonian Sea, as it is called, at Pagae. +On the voyage from Nisaea to Attica one comes to five small islands. Then to Salamis, which is about seventy stadia in length, though some say eighty. It contains a city of the same name; the ancient city, now deserted, faces towards Aegina and the south wind (just as Aeschylus has said, "And Aegina here lies towards the blasts of the south wind"Aesch. Fr. 404), but the city of today is situated on a gulf, on a peninsula-like place which borders on Attica. In early times it was called by different names, for example, "Sciras" and "Cychreia," after certain heroes. It is from oneScirus. of these heroes that Athena is called "Sciras," and that a place in Attica is called "Scira," and that a certain sacred rite is performed in honor of "Scirus,"Scirus founded the ancient sanctuary of Athena Sciras at Phalerum. After his death the Eleusinians buried him between Athens and Eleusis at a place which in his honor they called "Scira," or, according to Paus. 1.36.4 and others, "Scirum." and that one of the months is called "Scirophorion." And it is from the other hero that the serpent "Cychreides" took its name—the serpent which, according to Hesiod, was fostered by Cychreus and driven out by Eurylochus because it was damaging the island, and was welcomed to Eleusis by Demeter and made her attendant. And the island was also called Pityussa, from the tree."Pitys," "pine-tree." But the fame of the island is due to the Aiacidae, who ruled over it, and particularly to Aias, the son of Telamon, and also to the fact that near this island Xerxes was defeated by the Greeks in a naval battle and fled to his homeland. And the Aeginetans also shared in the glory of this struggle, since they were neighbors and furnished a considerable fleet. And there is in Salamis a river Bocarus, which is now called Bocalia. +At the present time the island is held by the Athenians, although in early times there was strife between them and the Megarians for its possession. Some say that it was Peisistratus, others Solon, who inserted in the Catalogue of Ships immediately after the verse, "and Aias brought twelve ships from Salamis,"Hom. Il. 2.557the verse, "and, bringing them, halted them where the battalions of the Athenians were stationed,"Hom. Il. 2.558 and then used the poet as a witness that the island had belonged to the Athenians from the beginning. But the critics do not accept this interpretation, because many of the verses bear witness to the contrary. For why is Aias found in the last place in the ship-camp, not with the Athenians, but with the Thessalians under Protesilaüs? "Here were the ships of Aias and Protesilaüs."Hom. Il. 13.681And in the Visitation of the troops, Agamemnon "found Menestheus the charioteer, son of Peteos, standing still; and about him were the Athenians, masters of the battle-cry. And near by stood Odysseus of many wiles, and about him, at his side, the ranks of the Cephallenians."Hom. Il. 4.327And back again to Aias and the Salaminians, "he came to the Aïantes,"Hom. Il. 4.273and near them, "Idomeneus on the other side,"Hom. Il. 3.230not Menestheus. The Athenians, then, are reputed to have cited alleged testimony of this kind from Homer, and the Megarians to have replied with the following parody: "Aias brought ships from Salamis, from Polichne, from Aegeirussa, from Nisaea, and from Tripodes"; these four are Megarian places, and, of these, Tripodes is called Tripodiscium, near which the present marketplace of the Megarians is situated. +Some say that Salamis is foreign to Attica, citing the fact that the priestess of Athena Polias does not touch the fresh cheese made in Attica, but eats only that which is brought from a foreign country, yet uses, among others, that from Salamis. Wrongly, for she eats cheese brought from the other islands that are admittedly attached to Attica, since those who began this custom considered as "foreign" any cheese that was imported by sea. But it seems that in early times the present Salamis was a separate state, and that Megara was a part of Attica. And it is on the seaboard opposite Salamis that the boundaries between the Megarian country and AtthisAttica. are situated—two mountains which are called Cerata."Horns." Two horn-shaped peaks of a south-western spur of Cithaeron, and still called Kerata-Pyrgos or Keratopiko (Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie, iii. 631, note 97). Then one comes to the city Eleusis, in which is the temple of the Eleusinian Demeter, and the mystic chapel which was built by Ictinus, a chapel which is large enough to admit a crowd of spectators. This Ictinus also built the Parthenon on the Acropolis in honor of Athena, Pericles superintending the work. Eleusis is numbered among the demes. Then one comes to the Thriasian Plain, and the shore and deme bearing the same name. Then to Cape Amphiale and the quarry that lies above it, and to the passage to Salamis, about two stadia wide, across which Xerxes attempted to build a mole,So Ctesias Persica 26, but in the account of Hdt. 8.97 it was after the naval battle that "he attempted to build a mole." In either case it is very improbable that he made a serious attempt to do so. See Smith and Laird, Herodotus, Books vii and viii, p.381 (American Book Co.), note on xw=ma. but was forestalled by the naval battle and the flight of the Persians. Here, too, are the Pharmacussae, two small islands, on the larger of which is to be seen the tomb of Circe. -Above this shore is the mountain called Corydallus, and also the deme Corydalleis. Then one comes to the harbor Phoron, and to Psyttalia,Now called Lipsokutáli (see Frazer, note on Paus. 1.36.2). a small, deserted, rocky island, which some have called the eyesore of the Peiraeus. And near by, too, is Atalanta, which bears the same name as the island near Euboea and the Locrians, and another island similar to Psyttalia. Then one comes to the Peiraeus, which also is classed among the demes, and to Munychia. +Above this shore is the mountain called Corydallus, and also the deme Corydalleis. Then one comes to the harbor Phoron, and to Psyttalia,Now called Lipsokutáli (see Frazer, note on Paus. 1.36.2). a small, deserted, rocky island, which some have called the eyesore of the Peiraeus. And near by, too, is Atalanta, which bears the same name as the island near Euboea and the Locrians, and another island similar to Psyttalia. Then one comes to the Peiraeus, which also is classed among the demes, and to Munychia. Munychia is a hill which forms a peninsula; and it is hollowed out and undermined"Probably in part the result of quarrying, for numerous traces of quarries are visible on these hills at the present day" (Tozer, Selections, p. 228). in many places, partly by nature and partly by the purpose of man, so that it admits of dwellings; and the entrance to it is by means of a narrow openingi.e., the entrance by way of the narrow isthmus. And beneath the hill lie three harbors. Now in early times Munychia was walled, and covered with habitations in a manner similar to the city of the Rhodians,"With broad straight streets, the houses of which rose one above another like the seats of a theater. Under the auspices of Pericles, Peiraeus was laid out by the famous architect, Hippodamus of Miletus who afterwards built the city of Rhodes" (Tozer, l.c.). including within the circuit of its walls both the Peiraeus and the harbors, which were full of ship-houses, among which was the arsenal, the work of Philon. And the naval station was sufficient for the four hundred ships, for no fewer than this the Athenians were wont to despatch on expeditions. With this wall were connected the "legs" that stretched down from the city; these were the long walls, forty stadia in length, which connected the city with the Peiraeus. But the numerous wars caused the ruin of the wall and of the fortress of Munychia, and reduced the Peiraeus to a small settlement, round the harbors and the temple of Zeus Soter. The small roofed colonnades of the temple have admirable paintings, the works of famous artists; and its open court has statues. The long walls, also, are torn down, having been destroyed at first by the Lacedaemonians, and later by the Romans, when Sulla took both the Peiraeus and the city by siege.86 B.C. The city itself is a rock situated in a plain and surrounded by dwellings. On the rock is the sacred precinct of Athena, comprising both the old temple of Athena Polias,The Erechtheium (see D'Ooge, Acropolis of Athens, Appendix iii). in which is the lamp that is never quenched,Cp. Paus. l.26.7 and the Parthenon built by Ictinus, in which is the work in ivory by Pheidias, the Athena. However, if I once began to describe the multitude of things in this city that are lauded and proclaimed far and wide, I fear that I should go too far, and that my work would depart from the purpose I have in view. For the words of HegesiasHegesias of Magnesia (fl. about 250 B.C.) wrote a History of Alexander the Great. Only fragments remain. occur to me: "I see the acropolis, and the mark of the huge tridentIn the rock of the well in the Erechtheium. there. I see Eleusis, and I have become an initiate into its sacred mysteries; yonder is the Leocorium, here is the Theseium; I am unable to point them all out one by one; for Attica is the possession of the gods, who seized it as a sanctuary for themselves, and of the ancestral heroes." So this writer mentioned only one of the significant things on the acropolis; but Polemon the PeriegeteA "Periegete" was a "Describer" of geographical and topographical details. wrote four books on the dedicatory offerings on the acropolis alone. Hegesias is proportionately brief in referring to the other parts of the city and to the country; and though he mentions Eleusis, one of the one hundred and seventy demes (or one hundred and seventy-four, as the number is given), he names none of the others. -Most of the demes, if not all, have numerous stories of a character both mythical and historical connected with them; Aphidna, for example, has the rape of Helen by Theseus, the sacking of the place by the Dioscuri and their recovery of their sister; Marathon has the Persian battle; Rhamnus has the statue of Nemesis, which by some is called the work of Diodotus and by others of Agoracritus the Parian, a work which both in grandeur and in beauty is a great success and rivals the works of Pheidias; and so with Deceleia, the base of operations of the Peloponnesians in the Deceleian War; and Phyle, whence Thrasybulus brought the popular party back to the Peiraeus and then to the city. And so, also, in the case of several other demes there are many historical incidents to tell; and, further, the Leocorium and the Theseium have myths connected with them, and so has the Lyceium, and the Olympicum (the Olympium is the same thing), which the kingAntiochus Epiphanes, of the Seleucid Dynasty (reigned 175—164 B.C.). See Frazer, note on Paus. 1.18.6 who dedicated it left half finished at his death. And in like manner also the Academia, and the gardens of the philosophers, and the Odeium, and the colonnade called "Poecile,""Varicolored." The painting was done by Polygnotus, about the middle of the fifth century B.C. and the temples in the city containing very many marvellous works of different artists. -The account would be much longer if one should pass in review the early founders of the settlement, beginning with Cecrops; for all writers do not agree about them, as is shown even by the names. For instance, Actice, they say, was derived from Actaeon; and Atthis and Attica from Atthis, the son of Cranaüs, after whom the inhabitants were also called Cranaï; and Mopsopia from Mopsopus; and Ionia from Ion, the son of Xuthus; and Poseidonia and Athens from the gods after whom they were named. And, as has already been said,5. 2. 4. the race of the Pelasgi clearly sojourned here too, and on account of their wanderings were called "Pelargi."i.e., "Storks" (see 5. 2. 4). +Most of the demes, if not all, have numerous stories of a character both mythical and historical connected with them; Aphidna, for example, has the rape of Helen by Theseus, the sacking of the place by the Dioscuri and their recovery of their sister; Marathon has the Persian battle; Rhamnus has the statue of Nemesis, which by some is called the work of Diodotus and by others of Agoracritus the Parian, a work which both in grandeur and in beauty is a great success and rivals the works of Pheidias; and so with Deceleia, the base of operations of the Peloponnesians in the Deceleian War; and Phyle, whence Thrasybulus brought the popular party back to the Peiraeus and then to the city. And so, also, in the case of several other demes there are many historical incidents to tell; and, further, the Leocorium and the Theseium have myths connected with them, and so has the Lyceium, and the Olympicum (the Olympium is the same thing), which the kingAntiochus Epiphanes, of the Seleucid Dynasty (reigned 175—164 B.C.). See Frazer, note on Paus. 1.18.6 who dedicated it left half finished at his death. And in like manner also the Academia, and the gardens of the philosophers, and the Odeium, and the colonnade called "Poecile,""Varicolored." The painting was done by Polygnotus, about the middle of the fifth century B.C. and the temples in the city containing very many marvellous works of different artists. +The account would be much longer if one should pass in review the early founders of the settlement, beginning with Cecrops; for all writers do not agree about them, as is shown even by the names. For instance, Actice, they say, was derived from Actaeon; and Atthis and Attica from Atthis, the son of Cranaüs, after whom the inhabitants were also called Cranaï; and Mopsopia from Mopsopus; and Ionia from Ion, the son of Xuthus; and Poseidonia and Athens from the gods after whom they were named. And, as has already been said,5. 2. 4. the race of the Pelasgi clearly sojourned here too, and on account of their wanderings were called "Pelargi."i.e., "Storks" (see 5. 2. 4). The greater men's fondness for learning about things that are famous and the greater the number of men who have talked about them, the greater the censure, if one is not master of the historical facts. For example, in his Collection of the Rivers, Callimachus says that it makes him laugh if anyone makes bold to write that the Athenian virgins "draw pure liquid from the Eridanus,"Authorship unknown (see Callimachus Fr. 100e (Schneider) from which even cattle would hold aloof. Its sources are indeed existent now, with pure and potable water, as they say, outside the Gates of Diochares, as they are called, near the Lyceium;On the different views as to the position and course of the Eridanus at Athens, see Frazer, note on Paus. 1.19.5 but in earlier times there was also a fountain near by which was constructed by man, with abundant and excellent water; and even if the water is not so now, why should it be a thing to wonder at, if in early times the water was abundant and pure, and therefore also potable, but in later times underwent a change? However, it is not permitted me to linger over details, since they are so numerous, nor yet, on the other hand, to pass by them all in silence without even mentioning one or another of them in a summary way. It suffices, then, to add thus much: According to Philochorus, when the country was being devastated, both from the sea by the Carians, and from the land by the Boeotians, who were called Aonians, Cecrops first settled the multitude in twelve cities, the names of which were Cecropia, Tetrapolis, Epacria, Deceleia, Eleusis, Aphidna (also called Aphidnae, in the plural), Thoricus, Brauron, Cytherus, Sphettus, Cephisia.Thus only eleven names are given in the most important MSS., though "Phalerus" appears after "Cephisia" in some (see critical note on opposite page). But it seems best to assume that Strabo either actually included Athens in his list or left us to infer that he meant Athens as one of the twelve. And at a later time Theseus is said to have united the twelve into one city, that of today. Now in earlier times the Athenians were ruled by kings; and then they changed to a democracy; but tyrants assailed them, Peisistratus and his sons; and later an oligarchy arose, not only that of the four hundred, but also that of the thirty tyrants, who were set over them by the Lacedaemonians; of these they easily rid themselves, and preserved the democracy until the Roman conquest. For even though they were molested for a short time by the Macedonian kings, and were even forced to obey them, they at least kept the general type of their government the same. And some say that they were actually best governed at that time, during the ten years when Cassander reigned over the Macedonians. For although this man is reputed to have been rather tyrannical in his dealings with all others, yet he was kindly disposed towards the Athenians, once he had reduced the city to subjection; for he placed over the citizens Demetrius of Phalerum, one of the disciples of Theophrastus the philosopher, who not only did not destroy the democracy but even improved it, as is made clear in the Memoirs which Demetrius wrote concerning this government. But the envy and hatred felt for oligarchy was so strong that, after the death of Cassander, Demetrius was forced to flee to Egypt; and the statues of him, more than three hundred, were pulled down by the insurgents and melted, and some writers go on to say that they were made into chamber pots. Be that as it may, the Romans, seeing that the Athenians had a democratic government when they took them over, preserved their autonomy and liberty. But when the Mithridatic War came on, tyrants were placed over them, whomever the king wished. The most powerful of these, Aristion, who violently oppressed the city, was punished by Sulla the Roman commander when he took this city by siege, though he pardoned the city itself; and to this day it is free and held in honor among the Romans. After the Peiraeus comes the deme Phalereis, on the seaboard next to it; then Halimusii, Aexoneis, Alaeeis, Aexonici, and Anagyrasii. Then Thoreis, Lamptreis, Aegilieis, Anaphlystii, Ateneis. These are the demes as far as the cape of Sunium. Between the aforesaid demes is a long cape, the first cape after Aexoneis, Zoster; then another after Thoreis, I mean Astypalaea; off the former of these lies the island Phabra and off the latter the island Eleussa; and also opposite Aexonieis is Hydrussa. And in the neighborhood of Anaphlystus is also the shrine of Pan, and the temple of Aphrodite Colias, at which place, they say, were cast forth by the waves the last wreckage of the ships after the Persian naval battle near Salamis, the wreckage concerning which Apollo predicted "the women of Colias will cook food with the oars." Off these places, too, is the island Belbina, at no great distance, and also the palisade of Patroclus. But most of these islands are uninhabited. -On doubling the cape of Sunium one comes to Sunium, a noteworthy deme; then to Thoricus; then to a deme called Potamus, whose inhabitants are called Potamii; then to Prasia, to Steiria, to Brauron, where is the temple of the Artemis Brauronia, to Halae Araphenides, where is the temple of Artemis Tauropolus, to Myrrinus, to Probalinthus, and to Marathon, where Miltiades utterly destroyed the forces under Datis the Persian, without waiting for the Lacedaemonians, who came too late because they wanted the full moon. Here, too, is the scene of the myth of the Marathonian bull, which was slain by Theseus. After Marathon one comes to Tricorynthus; then to Rhamnus, the sanctuary of Nemesis; then to Psaphis, the land of the Oropians. In the neighborhood of Psaphis is the Amphiaraeium, an oracle once held in honor, where in his flight Amphiaraüs, as Sophocles says, "with four-horse chariot, armour and all, was received by a cleft that was madeBy a thunderbolt of Zeus, to save the pious prophet from being slain. in the Theban dust."Soph. Fr. 873 (Nauck) Oropus has often been disputed territory; for it is situated on the common boundary of Attica and Boeotia. Off this coast are islands: off Thoricus and Sunium lies the island Helene; it is rugged and deserted, and in its length of about sixty stadia extends parallel to the coast. This island, they say, is mentioned by the poet where AlexanderParis. says to Helen: "Not even when first I snatched thee from lovely Lacedaemon and sailed with thee on the seafaring ships, and in the island Cranaë joined with thee in love and couch";Hom. Il. 3.443 for he calls Cranaë"Rough." the island now called Helene from the fact that the intercourse took place there. And after Helene comes Euboea, which lies off the next stretch of coast; it likewise is narrow and long and in length lies parallel to the mainland, like Helene. The voyage from Sunium to the southerly promontory of Euboea, which is called Leuce Acte, is three hundred stadia. However, I shall discuss Euboea later ;10. 1. but as for the demes in the interior of Attica, it would be tedious to recount them because of their great number. +On doubling the cape of Sunium one comes to Sunium, a noteworthy deme; then to Thoricus; then to a deme called Potamus, whose inhabitants are called Potamii; then to Prasia, to Steiria, to Brauron, where is the temple of the Artemis Brauronia, to Halae Araphenides, where is the temple of Artemis Tauropolus, to Myrrinus, to Probalinthus, and to Marathon, where Miltiades utterly destroyed the forces under Datis the Persian, without waiting for the Lacedaemonians, who came too late because they wanted the full moon. Here, too, is the scene of the myth of the Marathonian bull, which was slain by Theseus. After Marathon one comes to Tricorynthus; then to Rhamnus, the sanctuary of Nemesis; then to Psaphis, the land of the Oropians. In the neighborhood of Psaphis is the Amphiaraeium, an oracle once held in honor, where in his flight Amphiaraüs, as Sophocles says, "with four-horse chariot, armour and all, was received by a cleft that was madeBy a thunderbolt of Zeus, to save the pious prophet from being slain. in the Theban dust."Soph. Fr. 873 (Nauck) Oropus has often been disputed territory; for it is situated on the common boundary of Attica and Boeotia. Off this coast are islands: off Thoricus and Sunium lies the island Helene; it is rugged and deserted, and in its length of about sixty stadia extends parallel to the coast. This island, they say, is mentioned by the poet where AlexanderParis. says to Helen: "Not even when first I snatched thee from lovely Lacedaemon and sailed with thee on the seafaring ships, and in the island Cranaë joined with thee in love and couch";Hom. Il. 3.443 for he calls Cranaë"Rough." the island now called Helene from the fact that the intercourse took place there. And after Helene comes Euboea, which lies off the next stretch of coast; it likewise is narrow and long and in length lies parallel to the mainland, like Helene. The voyage from Sunium to the southerly promontory of Euboea, which is called Leuce Acte, is three hundred stadia. However, I shall discuss Euboea later ;10. 1. but as for the demes in the interior of Attica, it would be tedious to recount them because of their great number. Of the mountains, those which are most famous are Hymettus, Brilessus, and Lycabettus; and also Parnes and Corydallus. Near the city are most excellent quarries of marble, the Hymettian and Pentelic. Hymettus also produces the best honey. The silver mines in Attica were originally valuable, but now they have failed. Moreover, those who worked them, when the mining yielded only meager returns, melted again the old refuse, or dross, and were still able to extract from it pure silver, since the workmen of earlier times had been unskillful in heating the ore in furnaces. But though the Attic honey is the best in the world, that in the country of the silver mines is said to be much the best of all, the kind which is called acapniston,"Unsmoked," i.e., the honey was taken from the hive without the use of smoke. from the mode of its preparation. The rivers of Attica are the Cephissus, which has its source in the deme Trinemeis; it flows through the plain (hence the allusions to the "bridge" and the "bridge-railleries "Literally, the "gephyra" ("bridge") and "gephyrismi" ("bridge-isms"). It appears that on this bridge the Initiated, on their procession to Eleusis, engaged in mutual raillery of a wanton character (but see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. *gefurismoi/).) and then through the legs of the walls which extend from the city to the Peiraeus; it empties into the Phaleric Gulf, being a torrential stream most of the time, although in summer it decreases and entirely gives out. And such is still more the case with the Ilissus, which flows from the other part of the city into the same coast, from the region above AgraA suburb in the deme of Agryle. and the Lyceium, and from the fountain which is lauded by Plato in the Phaedrus.229 A.D. So much for Attica.

-Next in order is Boeotia; and when I discuss this country and the tribes that are continuous with it, I must, for the sake of clearness, call to mind what I have said before.2. 5. 21, 7. 7. 4, and 9. 1. 2. As I have said, the seaboard from Sunium to Thessaloniceia extends towards the north, slightly inclining towards the west and keeping the sea on the east; and that the parts above this seaboard lie towards the west—ribbon-like stretches of country extending parallel to one another through the whole country. The first of these parts is Attica together with Megaris—a ribbon-like stretch of country, having as its eastern side the seaboard from Sunium to Oropus and Boeotia, and as its western side the Isthmus and the Alcyonian Sea, which extends from Pagae to the boundaries of Boeotia near Creusa, and as its remaining two sides, the seaboard from Sunium to the Isthmus and the mountainous country approximately parallel thereto which separates Attica from Boeotia. The second of these parts is Boeotia, extending ribbon-like from the east towards the west, from the Euboean Sea to the sea at the Crisaean Gulf; and it is about equal in length to Attica or perhaps less; in the fertility of its soil, however, it is far superior. +Next in order is Boeotia; and when I discuss this country and the tribes that are continuous with it, I must, for the sake of clearness, call to mind what I have said before.2. 5. 21, 7. 7. 4, and 9. 1. 2. As I have said, the seaboard from Sunium to Thessaloniceia extends towards the north, slightly inclining towards the west and keeping the sea on the east; and that the parts above this seaboard lie towards the west—ribbon-like stretches of country extending parallel to one another through the whole country. The first of these parts is Attica together with Megaris—a ribbon-like stretch of country, having as its eastern side the seaboard from Sunium to Oropus and Boeotia, and as its western side the Isthmus and the Alcyonian Sea, which extends from Pagae to the boundaries of Boeotia near Creusa, and as its remaining two sides, the seaboard from Sunium to the Isthmus and the mountainous country approximately parallel thereto which separates Attica from Boeotia. The second of these parts is Boeotia, extending ribbon-like from the east towards the west, from the Euboean Sea to the sea at the Crisaean Gulf; and it is about equal in length to Attica or perhaps less; in the fertility of its soil, however, it is far superior. Ephorus declares that Boeotia is superior to the countries of the bordering tribes, not only in fertility of soil, but also because it alone has three seas and has a greater number of good harbors; in the Crisaean and Corinthian Gulfs it receives the products of Italy and Sicily and Libya, while in the part which faces Euboea, since its seaboard branches off on either side of the Euripus, on one side towards Aulis and the territory of Tanagra and on the other towards Salganeus and Anthedon, the sea stretches unbrokeni.e., unbroken by an isthmus or other obstacle. in the one direction towards Egypt and Cyprus and the islands, and in the other direction towards Macedonia and the regions of the Propontis and the Hellespont. And he adds that Euboea has, in a way, been made a part of Boeotia by the Euripus, since the Euripus is so narrow and is spanned by a bridge to Euripus only two plethra202 English feet. long. Now he praises the country on account of these things; and he says that it is naturally well suited to hegemony, but that those who were from time to time its leaders neglected careful training and education, and therefore, although they at times achieved success, they maintained it only for a short time, as is shown in the case of Epameinondas; for after he died the Thebans immediately lost the hegemony, having had only a taste of it; and that the cause of this was the fact that they belittled the value of learning and of intercourse with mankind, and cared for the military virtues alone. Ephorus should have added that these things are particularly useful in dealing with Greeks, although force is stronger than reason in dealing with the barbarians. And the Romans too, in ancient times, when carrying on war with savage tribes, needed no training of this kind, but from the time that they began to have dealings with more civilized tribes and races, they applied themselves to this training also, and so established themselves as lords of all. Be that as it may, Boeotia in earlier times was inhabited by barbarians, the Aones and the Temmices, who wandered thither from Sunium, and by the Leleges and the Hyantes. Then the Phoenicians occupied it, I mean the Phoenicians with Cadmus, the man who fortified the Cadmeia The acropolis of Thebes. and left the dominion to his descendants. Those Phoenicians founded Thebes in addition to the Cadmeia, and preserved their dominion, commanding most of the Boeotians until the expedition of the Epigoni. On this occasion they left Thebes for a short time, but came back again. And, in the same way, when they were ejected by the Thracians and the Pelasgians, they established their government in Thessaly along with the Arnaei for a long time, so that they were all called Boeotians. Then they returned to the homeland, at the time when the Aeolian fleet, near Aulis in Boeotia, was now ready to set sail, I mean the fleet which the sons of Orestes were despatching to Asia. After adding the Orchomenian country to Boeotia (for in earlier times the Orchomenians were not a part of the Boeotian community, nor did Homer enumerate them with the Boeotians, but as a separate people, for he called them MinyaeHom. Il. 2.511), they, with the Orchomenians, drove out the Pelasgians to Athens (it was after these that a part of the city was named "Pelasgicon," though they took up their abode below Hymettus), and the Thracians to Parnassus; and the Hyantes founded a city Hyas in Phocis. -Ephorus says that the Thracians, after making a treaty with the Boeotians, attacked them by night when they, thinking that peace had been made, were encamping rather carelessly; and when the Boeotians frustrated the Thracians, at the same time making the charge that they were breaking the treaty, the Thracians asserted that they had not broken it, for the treaty said "by day," whereas they had made the attack by night; whence arose the proverb, "Thracian pretense"; and the Pelasgians, when the war was still going on, went to consult the oracle, as did also the Boeotians. Now Ephorus is unable, he says, to tell the oracular response that was given to the Pelasgians, but the prophetess replied to the Boeotians that they would prosper if they committed sacrilege; and the messengers who were sent to consult the oracle, suspecting that the prophetess responded thus out of favor to the Pelasgians, because of her kinship with them (indeed, the temple also was from the beginning Pelasgian), seized the woman and threw her upon a burning pile, for they considered that, whether she had acted falsely or had not, they were right in either case, since, if she uttered a false oracle, she had her punishment, whereas, if she did not act falsely, they had only obeyed the order of the oracle. Now those in charge of the temple, he says, did not approve of putting to death without trial—and that too in the temple—the men who did this, and therefore they brought them to trial, and summoned them before the priestesses, who were also the prophetesses, being the two survivors of the three; but when the Boeotians said that it was nowhere lawful for women to act as judges, they chose an equal number of men in addition to the women. Now the men, he says, voted for acquittal, but the women for conviction, and since the votes cast were equal, those for acquittal prevailed; and in consequence of this prophecies are uttered at Dodona by men to Boeotians only; the prophetesses, however, explain the oracle to mean that the god ordered the Boeotians to steal the tripodsi.e., steal the dedicated tripods, thus committing sacrilege. and take one of them to Dodona every year; and they actually do this, for they alwaysi.e., every year. take down one of the dedicated tripods by night and cover it up with garments, and secretly, as it were, carry it to Dodona. +Ephorus says that the Thracians, after making a treaty with the Boeotians, attacked them by night when they, thinking that peace had been made, were encamping rather carelessly; and when the Boeotians frustrated the Thracians, at the same time making the charge that they were breaking the treaty, the Thracians asserted that they had not broken it, for the treaty said "by day," whereas they had made the attack by night; whence arose the proverb, "Thracian pretense"; and the Pelasgians, when the war was still going on, went to consult the oracle, as did also the Boeotians. Now Ephorus is unable, he says, to tell the oracular response that was given to the Pelasgians, but the prophetess replied to the Boeotians that they would prosper if they committed sacrilege; and the messengers who were sent to consult the oracle, suspecting that the prophetess responded thus out of favor to the Pelasgians, because of her kinship with them (indeed, the temple also was from the beginning Pelasgian), seized the woman and threw her upon a burning pile, for they considered that, whether she had acted falsely or had not, they were right in either case, since, if she uttered a false oracle, she had her punishment, whereas, if she did not act falsely, they had only obeyed the order of the oracle. Now those in charge of the temple, he says, did not approve of putting to death without trial—and that too in the temple—the men who did this, and therefore they brought them to trial, and summoned them before the priestesses, who were also the prophetesses, being the two survivors of the three; but when the Boeotians said that it was nowhere lawful for women to act as judges, they chose an equal number of men in addition to the women. Now the men, he says, voted for acquittal, but the women for conviction, and since the votes cast were equal, those for acquittal prevailed; and in consequence of this prophecies are uttered at Dodona by men to Boeotians only; the prophetesses, however, explain the oracle to mean that the god ordered the Boeotians to steal the tripodsi.e., steal the dedicated tripods, thus committing sacrilege. and take one of them to Dodona every year; and they actually do this, for they alwaysi.e., every year. take down one of the dedicated tripods by night and cover it up with garments, and secretly, as it were, carry it to Dodona. After this the Boeotians cooperated with PenthilusSee 13. 1. 3. and his followers in forming the Aeolian colony, sending with him most of their own people, so that it was also called a Boeotian colony. A long time afterwards the country was thoroughly devastated by the Persian war that took place near Plataeae. Then they recovered themselves to such an extent that the Thebans, having conquered the Lacedaemonians in two battles, laid claim to supremacy over the Greeks. But Epameinondas fell in the battle, and consequently they were disappointed in this hope; but still they went to war on behalf of the Greeks against the Phocians, who had robbed their common temple. And after suffering loss from this war, as also from the Macedonians when these attacked the Greeks,At the battle of Chaeroneia (338 B.C.). they lost their city,335 B.C. which was razed to the ground by these same people, and then received it back from them when rebuilt.By Cassander (316 B.C.). From that time on the Thebans have fared worse and worse down to our own time, and Thebes today does not preserve the character even of a respectable village; and the like is true of other Boeotian cities, except Tanagra and Thespiae, which, as compared with Thebes, have held out fairly well. Next in order I must make a circuit of the country, beginning at that part of the coastline opposite Euboea which joins Attica. The beginning is Oropus, and the Sacred Harbor, which is called Delphinium, opposite which is the ancient Eretria in Euboea, the distance across being sixty stadia. After Delphinium, at a distance of twenty stadia, is Oropus; and opposite Oropus is the present Eretria, and to it the passage across the strait is forty stadia. Then one comes to Delium, the sanctuary of Apollo, which is a reproduction of that in Delos. It is a small town of the Tanagraeans, thirty stadia distant from Aulis. It was to this place that the Athenians, after their defeat in battle, made their headlong flight; and in the flight Socrates the philosopher, who was serving on foot, since his horse had got away from him, saw Xenophon the son of Gryllus lying on the ground, having fallen from his horse, and took him up on his shoulders and carried him in safety for many stadia, until the flight ceased. -Then one comes to a large harbor, which is called Bathys Limen;Deep Harbor. then to Aulis, a rocky place and a village of the Tanagraeans. Its harbor is large enough for only fifty boats; and therefore it is reasonable to suppose that the naval station of the Greeks was in the large harbor. And near by, also, is the Euripus at Chalcis, to which the distance from Sunium is six hundred and seventy stadia; and over it is a bridge two plethra long,In 411 B.C. Chalcis was joined to the mainland by a bridge. Moles were thrown out into the Euripus from each shore, high towers were built at the ends of the two moles, leaving a passage through for a single ship, and "wooden bridges were set over the channels" (Diod. Sic. 13.47). The plurals "bridges" and "channels" may be explained by the fact that there was a small rocky island in the middle of the strait between the two channels. In 334 B.C. they fortified the bridge with towers and gates and a wall, and included the Boeotian Mt. Canethus (Karababa?) as a bridgehead within the circuit of the city of Chalchis (Strabo 10. 1. 8). Chalcis was still joined to the continent by a bridge in 200 B.C. (Livy 28.6), and Aemilius Paulus went to see it about 167 B.C. (Livy 45.27). And there was still a bridge there in the time of Livy himself, although the tower mentioned by him (28. 6) was no longer there (note the tense of claudebat). Strabo's "two plethra" (202 feet) is accurate enough for the entire stretch across the strait, and he must have included the moles in his term "bridge." Today the western channel is entirely closed, while the eastern is spanned by a swing-bridge about 85 feet long. as I have said;9. 2. 2 and a tower stands on each side, one on the side of Chalcis, and the other on the side of Boeotia; and tube-like passages have been constructed into the towers.The usual interpretation of this clause, "a canal (su=rigc) has been constructed between (ei)s) the towers" seems impossible. The literal translation is "a tube has been constructed across into them" (the towers). Bréquigny (quoted in the French trans., vol. iii, Eclaircissemens x, appears to be on the right track: "On y a pratique des su=rigc (souterrains) pour y communiquer" ("they have constructed subterranean passages so as to communicate with the towers"). Livy 28.6 says: "The city has two fortresses, one threatening the sea, and the other in the middle of the city. Thence by a cuniculum (literally, "rabbit-hole," and hence a" tube-like passageway") "a road leads to the sea, and this road used to be shut off from the sea by a tower of five stories, a remarkable bulwark." Certainly su=rigc should mean an underground passage or else a roofed gallery of some sort above the ground (cf. the use of the word in Polybius 9. 41.9 concerning the investment of Echinus by Philip, and in 15. 39. 6); and Strabo probably means that there was a protected passage across to the towers from both sides. See Leake's Travels in Northern Greece, II, 259; Grote's Greece, VIII, ch. 63; and the discussion by the French translators (l. c.), who believe that there were two passages for ships, one on each side of the strait. Concerning the refluent currents of the Euripus it is enough to say only thus much, that they are said to change seven times each day and night;"They take place, not seven times in the twenty-four hours, as Strabo says, but at irregular intervals" (Tozer, Selections, p. 234). See the explanation of Admiral Mansell in Murray's Greece, pp. 387-388. but the cause of the changes must be investigated elsewhere. -Near the Euripus, upon a height, is situated a place called Salganeus. It is named after Salganeus, a Boeotian, who was buried there—the man who guided the Persians when they sailed into this channel from the Maliac Gulf. It is said that he was put to death before they reached the Euripus by Megabates, the commander of the fleet, because he was considered a villain, on the ground that he had deceitfully rushed the fleet into a blind alley of the sea, but that the barbarian, when he perceived that he himself was mistaken, not only repented, but deemed worthy of burial the man who had been put to death without cause. -Near Oropus is a place called Graea, and also the temple of Amphiaraüs, and the monument of Narcissus the Eretrian, which is called "Sigelus's,"i.e., "Silent's" (monument). because people pass it in silence. For love of the indifferent Narcissus Echo died of a broken heart. Nemesis punished him by causing him to fall desperately in love with his own image which he saw in a fountain. He pined away and was changed to the flower which bears his name. Some say that Graea is the same as Tanagra. The Poemandrian territory is the same as the Tanagraean;"The people of Tanagra say that their founder was Poemander" (Paus. 9.10). and the Tanagraeans are also called Gephyraeans. The temple of Amphiaraüs was transferred hither in accordance with an oracle from the Theban Cnopia. -Also Mycalessus, a village, is in the Tanagraean territory. It is situated on the road that leads from Thebes to Chalcis; and in the Boeotian dialect it is called Mycalettus. And Harma is likewise in the Tanagraean territory; it is a deserted village near Mycalettus, and received its name from the chariot of Amphiaraüs, and is a different place from the Harma in Attica, which is near Phylë, a deme of Attica bordering on Tanagra.Strabo means the Tanagraean territory. Here originated the proverb, "when the lightning flashes through Harma"; for those who are called the Pythaistae look in the general direction of Harma, in accordance with an oracle, and note any flash of lightning in that direction, and then, when they see the lightning flash, take the offering to Delphi.See Dittenberger 611, note 3. They would keep watch for three months, for three days and nights each month, from the altar of Zeus Astrapaeus;"Wielder of Lightning." this altar is within the walls Of Athens. between the Pythium and the Olympium.The temples of Pythian Apollo and Olympian Zeus. In regard to the Harma in Boeotia, some say that Amphiaraus fell in the battle out of his chariot"Harma." near the place where his temple now is, and that the chariot was drawn empty to the place which bears the same name; others say that the chariot of Adrastus, when he was in flight, was smashed to pieces there, but that Adrastus safely escaped on Areion."The fleet horse of Adrastus, of divine descent" (Hom. Il. 23.346). But PhilochorusSee footnote on 9. 1. 6. says that Adrastus was saved by the inhabitants of the village, and that on this account they obtained equal rights of citizenship from the Argives. -To anyone returning from Thebes to Argos,If Strabo wrote "Argos," which is doubtful (see critical note), he must have been thinking of the route taken by Amphiaraüs, or Adrastus, back to the Peloponnesus. Tanagra is on the left; andSee critical note. . . . is situated on the right. And Hyria,The place mentioned in Hom. Il. 2.496 also, belongs to the Tanagraean territory now, though in earlier times it belonged to the Theban territory. Hyria is the scene of the myth of Hyrieus, and of the birth of Orion, of which Pindar speaks in his dithyrambs;Pind. Fr. 73 (Bergk) it is situated near Aulis. Some say that Hysiae is called Hyria, belonging to the Parasopian countryi.e., the country along the Asopus River. below Cithaeron, near Erythrae, in the interior, and that it is a colony of the Hyrieans and was founded by Nycteus, the father of Antiope. There is also a Hysiae in the Argive territory, a village; and its inhabitants are called Hysiatae. The Erythrae in Ionia is a colony of this Erythrae. And Heleon, also, is a village belonging to Tanagra, having been so named from the "hele.""Marshes." +Then one comes to a large harbor, which is called Bathys Limen;Deep Harbor. then to Aulis, a rocky place and a village of the Tanagraeans. Its harbor is large enough for only fifty boats; and therefore it is reasonable to suppose that the naval station of the Greeks was in the large harbor. And near by, also, is the Euripus at Chalcis, to which the distance from Sunium is six hundred and seventy stadia; and over it is a bridge two plethra long,In 411 B.C. Chalcis was joined to the mainland by a bridge. Moles were thrown out into the Euripus from each shore, high towers were built at the ends of the two moles, leaving a passage through for a single ship, and "wooden bridges were set over the channels" (Diod. Sic. 13.47). The plurals "bridges" and "channels" may be explained by the fact that there was a small rocky island in the middle of the strait between the two channels. In 334 B.C. they fortified the bridge with towers and gates and a wall, and included the Boeotian Mt. Canethus (Karababa?) as a bridgehead within the circuit of the city of Chalchis (Strabo 10. 1. 8). Chalcis was still joined to the continent by a bridge in 200 B.C. (Livy 28.6), and Aemilius Paulus went to see it about 167 B.C. (Livy 45.27). And there was still a bridge there in the time of Livy himself, although the tower mentioned by him (28. 6) was no longer there (note the tense of claudebat). Strabo's "two plethra" (202 feet) is accurate enough for the entire stretch across the strait, and he must have included the moles in his term "bridge." Today the western channel is entirely closed, while the eastern is spanned by a swing-bridge about 85 feet long. as I have said;9. 2. 2 and a tower stands on each side, one on the side of Chalcis, and the other on the side of Boeotia; and tube-like passages have been constructed into the towers.The usual interpretation of this clause, "a canal (su=rigc) has been constructed between (ei)s) the towers" seems impossible. The literal translation is "a tube has been constructed across into them" (the towers). Bréquigny (quoted in the French trans., vol. iii, Eclaircissemens x, appears to be on the right track: "On y a pratique des su=rigc (souterrains) pour y communiquer" ("they have constructed subterranean passages so as to communicate with the towers"). Livy 28.6 says: "The city has two fortresses, one threatening the sea, and the other in the middle of the city. Thence by a cuniculum (literally, "rabbit-hole," and hence a" tube-like passageway") "a road leads to the sea, and this road used to be shut off from the sea by a tower of five stories, a remarkable bulwark." Certainly su=rigc should mean an underground passage or else a roofed gallery of some sort above the ground (cf. the use of the word in Polybius 9. 41.9 concerning the investment of Echinus by Philip, and in 15. 39. 6); and Strabo probably means that there was a protected passage across to the towers from both sides. See Leake's Travels in Northern Greece, II, 259; Grote's Greece, VIII, ch. 63; and the discussion by the French translators (l. c.), who believe that there were two passages for ships, one on each side of the strait. Concerning the refluent currents of the Euripus it is enough to say only thus much, that they are said to change seven times each day and night;"They take place, not seven times in the twenty-four hours, as Strabo says, but at irregular intervals" (Tozer, Selections, p. 234). See the explanation of Admiral Mansell in Murray's Greece, pp. 387-388. but the cause of the changes must be investigated elsewhere. +Near the Euripus, upon a height, is situated a place called Salganeus. It is named after Salganeus, a Boeotian, who was buried there—the man who guided the Persians when they sailed into this channel from the Maliac Gulf. It is said that he was put to death before they reached the Euripus by Megabates, the commander of the fleet, because he was considered a villain, on the ground that he had deceitfully rushed the fleet into a blind alley of the sea, but that the barbarian, when he perceived that he himself was mistaken, not only repented, but deemed worthy of burial the man who had been put to death without cause. +Near Oropus is a place called Graea, and also the temple of Amphiaraüs, and the monument of Narcissus the Eretrian, which is called "Sigelus's,"i.e., "Silent's" (monument). because people pass it in silence. For love of the indifferent Narcissus Echo died of a broken heart. Nemesis punished him by causing him to fall desperately in love with his own image which he saw in a fountain. He pined away and was changed to the flower which bears his name. Some say that Graea is the same as Tanagra. The Poemandrian territory is the same as the Tanagraean;"The people of Tanagra say that their founder was Poemander" (Paus. 9.10). and the Tanagraeans are also called Gephyraeans. The temple of Amphiaraüs was transferred hither in accordance with an oracle from the Theban Cnopia. +Also Mycalessus, a village, is in the Tanagraean territory. It is situated on the road that leads from Thebes to Chalcis; and in the Boeotian dialect it is called Mycalettus. And Harma is likewise in the Tanagraean territory; it is a deserted village near Mycalettus, and received its name from the chariot of Amphiaraüs, and is a different place from the Harma in Attica, which is near Phylë, a deme of Attica bordering on Tanagra.Strabo means the Tanagraean territory. Here originated the proverb, "when the lightning flashes through Harma"; for those who are called the Pythaistae look in the general direction of Harma, in accordance with an oracle, and note any flash of lightning in that direction, and then, when they see the lightning flash, take the offering to Delphi.See Dittenberger 611, note 3. They would keep watch for three months, for three days and nights each month, from the altar of Zeus Astrapaeus;"Wielder of Lightning." this altar is within the walls Of Athens. between the Pythium and the Olympium.The temples of Pythian Apollo and Olympian Zeus. In regard to the Harma in Boeotia, some say that Amphiaraus fell in the battle out of his chariot"Harma." near the place where his temple now is, and that the chariot was drawn empty to the place which bears the same name; others say that the chariot of Adrastus, when he was in flight, was smashed to pieces there, but that Adrastus safely escaped on Areion."The fleet horse of Adrastus, of divine descent" (Hom. Il. 23.346). But PhilochorusSee footnote on 9. 1. 6. says that Adrastus was saved by the inhabitants of the village, and that on this account they obtained equal rights of citizenship from the Argives. +To anyone returning from Thebes to Argos,If Strabo wrote "Argos," which is doubtful (see critical note), he must have been thinking of the route taken by Amphiaraüs, or Adrastus, back to the Peloponnesus. Tanagra is on the left; andSee critical note. . . . is situated on the right. And Hyria,The place mentioned in Hom. Il. 2.496 also, belongs to the Tanagraean territory now, though in earlier times it belonged to the Theban territory. Hyria is the scene of the myth of Hyrieus, and of the birth of Orion, of which Pindar speaks in his dithyrambs;Pind. Fr. 73 (Bergk) it is situated near Aulis. Some say that Hysiae is called Hyria, belonging to the Parasopian countryi.e., the country along the Asopus River. below Cithaeron, near Erythrae, in the interior, and that it is a colony of the Hyrieans and was founded by Nycteus, the father of Antiope. There is also a Hysiae in the Argive territory, a village; and its inhabitants are called Hysiatae. The Erythrae in Ionia is a colony of this Erythrae. And Heleon, also, is a village belonging to Tanagra, having been so named from the "hele.""Marshes." After Salganeus one comes to Anthedon, a city with a harbor; and it is the last city on that part of the Boeotian seaboard which is opposite to Euboea, as the poet says, "Anthedon at the extremity."Hom. Il. 2.508 As one proceeds a little farther, however, there are still two small towns belonging to the Boeotians: Larymna, near which the Cephissus empties, and, still farther on, Halae, which bears the same name as the Attic demes.i.e. Halae Aexonides and Halae Araphenides. Opposite this seaboard is situated, it is said, the AegaeSee Hom. Il. 13.21, Hom. Od. 5.381. Aegae was on the site of the modern Limni, or else a little to the south of it (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Aigai." in Euboea, in which is the temple of the Aegaean Poseidon, which I have mentioned before.8. 7. 4. The distance across the strait from Anthedon to Aegae is one hundred and twenty stadia, but from the other places it is much less. The temple is situated on a high mountain, where there was once a city. And OrobiaeDestroyed by a tidal wave 426 B.C. (Thuc. 3.89). also is near Aegae. In the Anthedonian territory is Mount Messapius,The modern Ktypa. named after Messapus, who, when he came into Iapygia, called the country Messapia.See 6. 3. l. Here, too, is the scene of the myth of Glaucus, the Anthedonian, who is said to have changed into a sea-monster.On the change of Glaucus to a sea deity, cf. Paus. 9.22 and Plat. Rep. 611. Near Anthedon, and belonging to Boeotia, is a place that is esteemed sacred, and contains traces of a city, Isus, as it is called, with the first syllable pronounced short. Some, however, think that the verse should be written, "sacred Isus and Anthedon at the extremity,"Hom. Il. 2.508 lengthening the first syllable by poetic licence on account of the meter,i.e., they make the letter "I" long, and so indicate by using the circumflex accent instead of the acute; or he might mean that they lengthen the syllable by pronouncing the "s" as a double "s." instead of "sacred Nisa,"The "i" in Nisa is long by nature. for Nisa is nowhere to be seen in Boeotia, as Apollodorus says in his work On Ships;see 1. 2. 24. so that Nisa could not be the correct reading, unless by "Nisa" the poet means "Isus"; for there was a city Nisa bearing the same name in the territory of Megara, whose inhabitants emigrated to the foothills of Cithaeron, but it has now disappeared. Some, however, think that we should write "sacred Creusa," taking the poet to mean the Creusa of today, the naval station of the Thespians, which is situated in the Crisaean Gulf; but others think that we should read "sacred Pharae." Pharae is one of the "Four United Villages" in the neighborhood of Tanagra, which are: Heleon, Harma, Mycalessus, and Pharae. And still others write as follows: "sacred Nysa." And Nysa is a village in Helicon.The range of mountains in Boeotia between Lake Copais and the Corinthian Gulf. Such, then, is the seaboard facing Euboea. The plains in the interior, which come next in order, are hollows, and are surrounded everywhere on the remaining sidesi.e., except the eastern side, on the Euboean Sea. by mountains; by the mountains of Attica on the south, and on the north by the mountains of Phocis; and, on the west, Cithaeron inclines, obliquely, a little above the Crisaean Sea; it begins contiguous with the mountains of Megara and Attica, and then bends into the plains, terminating in the neighborhood of Thebes. @@ -478,7 +478,7 @@ One of two things has taken place: either the cities have remained unremoved, when the increase in the waters has been insufficient to overflow the dwellings because of their elevation, or else they have been abandoned and rebuilt elsewhere, when, being oftentimes endangered by their nearness to the lake, they have relieved themselves from fear by changing to districts farther away or higher up. And it follows that the cities thus rebuilt which have kept the same name, though at first called by names truly applying to them, derived from local circumstances, have names which no longer truly apply to them; for instance, it is probable that "Plataeae" was so called from the "blade"In Greek, "plate." of the oars, and "Plataeans" were those who made their living from rowing; but now, since they live far away from the lake, the name can no longer truly apply to them. Helos and Heleon and Heilesium were so called because they were situated near marshes;Helos ("marsh"), Hele ("marshes"). but now the case is different with these places, since they have been rebuilt elsewhere, or else the lake has been greatly reduced because of outflows that later took place; for this is possible. This is best shown by the Cephissus, which fills lake Copais; for when the lake had increased so much that CopaeIn Greek, "oars." was in danger of being swallowed up (Copae is named by the poet,Hom. Il. 2.502 and from it the lake took its name), a rent in the earth, which was formed by the lake near Copae, opened up a subterranean channelSee Tozer, Selections, p. 236, note 2. about thirty stadia in length and admitted the river; and then the river burst forth to the surface near Larymna in Locris; I mean the Upper Larymna, for there is another Larymna, which I have already mentioned,9. 2. 13. the Boeotian LarymnaLower Larymna. on the sea, to which the Romans annexed the Upper Larymna.According to Paus. 9.23.4, "Lower Larymna anciently belonged to Opus," the Locrian city, but later "joined the Boeotian confederacy." For a complete account of the two Larymnas see Frazer, note on Paus. 9.23.7 The place is called Anchoe;"Outflow" (*a)gxo/h). and there is also a lake of the same name. And when it leaves this lake the Cephissus at last flows out to the sea. Now at that time, when the flooding of the lake ceased, there was also a cessation of danger to those who lived near it, except in the case of the cities which had already been swallowed up. And though the subterranean channels filled up again, Crates the mining engineer of Chalcis ceased clearing away the obstructionsThere seems to be an omission here. We should expect, "Crates . . . began to clear away the obstructions but ceased." because of party strife among the Boeotians, although, as he himself says in the letter to Alexander, many places had already been drained. Among these places, some writers suppose, was the ancient site of Orchomenus, and others, those of Eleusis and Athens on the Triton River.On the Triton River, see Paus. 9.33.5 These cities, it is said, were founded by Cecrops, when he ruled over Boeotia, then called Ogygia, but were later wiped out by inundations. And it is said that a fissure in the earth opened up near Orchomenus, also, and that it admitted the Melas River, which flowed through the territory of HiliartusHow could this be when the Melas lay on the northern side of the lake and Haliartus on the southern (Tozer, op. cit., p.237)? and formed there the marsh which produces the reed that is used for flutes.So Pliny 16.66 But this river has completely disappeared, either because it is dispersed by the fissure into invisible channels or because it is used up beforehand by the marshes and lakes in the neighborhood of Haliartus, from which the poet calls the place "grassy," when he says, "and grassy Haliartus."Hom. Il. 2.503 Now these rivers flow down from the Phocian mountains, and among them the Cephissus, which takes its beginning at Lilaea, a Phocian city, as Homer says: "And those who held Lilaea, at the sources of Cephissus."Hom. Il. 2.523 And flowing through Elateia, the largest of the cities of Phocis, and through Parapotamii and Phanoteus,The usual spelling is "Panopeus." which are likewise Phocian towns, it goes on into Chaeroneia in Boeotia, and then through the territories of Orchomenus and Coroneia, and discharges into Lake Copais. And also the Permessus and the Olmeius, flowing from Helicon, meet one another and fall into the same Lake Copais near Haliartus; and also other streams empty into it. Now it is a large lake, having a circuit of three hundred and eighty stadia, but its outlets are nowhere to be seen, except for the fissure which admits the Cephissus, and for the marshes. -Among the neighboring lakes are Lake TrephiaOtherwise unknown. and the Cephissian Lake, which is also mentioned by the poet: "Who dwelt in Hyle, strongly intent upon wealth, on the shore of the Cephissian Lake."Hom. Il. 5.708 For he does not mean Lake Copais, as some think, but lake Hylice (accented on the last syllable like lyricé), which is named after the village near by that is called Hyle (accented like lyra and thyra), not Hyde, as some write, "who dwelt in Hyde." For Hyde is in Lydia, "below snowy Tmolus in the fertile land of Hyde,"Hom. Il. 20.385 whereas Hyle is in Boeotia; at any rate, the poet appends to the words, "on the shore of the Cephissian lake," the words, "and near him dwelt the rest of the Boeotians." For Lake Copais is large, and not in the territory of Thebes; whereas the other is small, and is filled from lake Copais through subterranean channels; and it is situated between Thebes and Anthedon. Homer, however, uses the word in the singular number, at one time making the first syllable long, as in the Catalogue, "and Hyle and Peteön,Hom. Il. 2.500 by poetic licence, and at another making it short, "who dwelt in Hyle," and "Tychius . . . , by far the best of leatherworkers, who had his home in Hyle."Hom. Il. 7.221 And certain critics are not correct in writing Hyde here, either; for Aias was not sending to fetch his shield from Lydia. +Among the neighboring lakes are Lake TrephiaOtherwise unknown. and the Cephissian Lake, which is also mentioned by the poet: "Who dwelt in Hyle, strongly intent upon wealth, on the shore of the Cephissian Lake."Hom. Il. 5.708 For he does not mean Lake Copais, as some think, but lake Hylice (accented on the last syllable like lyricé), which is named after the village near by that is called Hyle (accented like lyra and thyra), not Hyde, as some write, "who dwelt in Hyde." For Hyde is in Lydia, "below snowy Tmolus in the fertile land of Hyde,"Hom. Il. 20.385 whereas Hyle is in Boeotia; at any rate, the poet appends to the words, "on the shore of the Cephissian lake," the words, "and near him dwelt the rest of the Boeotians." For Lake Copais is large, and not in the territory of Thebes; whereas the other is small, and is filled from lake Copais through subterranean channels; and it is situated between Thebes and Anthedon. Homer, however, uses the word in the singular number, at one time making the first syllable long, as in the Catalogue, "and Hyle and Peteön,Hom. Il. 2.500 by poetic licence, and at another making it short, "who dwelt in Hyle," and "Tychius . . . , by far the best of leatherworkers, who had his home in Hyle."Hom. Il. 7.221 And certain critics are not correct in writing Hyde here, either; for Aias was not sending to fetch his shield from Lydia. These lakes suggest the order of the places that come next after them, so that nominally their positions are clearly determined, because the poet observes no order in naming the places, whether those that are worthy of mention or those that are not. But it is difficult, in naming so many places, most of them insignificant and situated in the interior, to avoid error in every case in the matter of their order. The seaboard, however, has a certain advantage with regard to this: the places there are better known; and, too, the sea more readily suggests the order of places. Therefore I, too, shall try to take my beginnings from the seaboard, although at present I shall disregard this intention, and following the poet shall make my enumeration of the places, adding everything taken from other writers, but omitted by him, that may be useful to us. He begins at Hyria and Aulis, concerning which I have already spoken.9. 2. 8 and 9. 2. 12. SchoenusHom. Il. 2.497 is a district of the Theban territory on the road that leads from Thebes to Anthedon, and is about fifty stadia distant from Thebes; and there is also a river Schoenus which flows through it. Scolus is a village in the Parasopiani.e., along the Asopus River. country at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, a place that is rugged and hardly habitable; whence the proverb, "neither go to Scolus thyself nor follow another thither." And this is also said to be the place from which Pentheus was brought when he was torn to pieces.i.e., by the Bacchic women. And there was another Scolus among the cities in the neighborhood of Olynthus bearing the same name as this village. And, as I have already said,8. 6. 24. there is also in the Trachinian Heracleia a village called Parasopii, past which flows a River Asopus; and in Sicyonia there is another Asopus River, and also the country Asopia, through which that Asopus flows; and there are also other rivers which bear this name. @@ -487,12 +487,12 @@ After Thespiae Homer names Graea and Mycalessus, concerning which I have already spoken.9. 2. 10, 11. He likewise says concerning the rest:9. 2. 11, 12, 17, 20. "And those who lived about Harma and Heilesium and Erythrae, and those who held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon."Hom. Il. 2.499 Peteon is a village in the Theban territory near the road to Anthedon. Ocalee is midway between Haliartus and Alalcomenium, thirty stadia distant from each; and a river bearing the same name flows past it. The Phocian Medeon is on the Crisaean Gulf, at a distance of one hundred and sixty stadia from Boeotia, whereas the Boeotian Medeon, which was named after it, is near Onchestus at the base of the mountain Phoenicius; and from this fact its name has been changed to Phoenicis. This mountain is also called a part of the Theban territory; but by some both Medeon and Ocalea are called a part of the territory of Haliartus. Homer then goes on to say: "Copae, and Eutresis, and Thisbe abounding in doves."Hom. Il. 2.502 Concerning Copae I have already spoken.9. 2. 18. It lies towards the north on Lake Copais; and the others around the lake are these: Acraephiae, Phoenicis, Onchestus, Haliartus, Ocalea, Alalcomenae, Tilphusium, Coroneia. In early times, at least, the lake had no common name, but was called by different names corresponding to the several settlements lying on it, as, for instance, Copais from Copae, Haliartis from Haliartus, and so in the case of the rest of the settlements; but later the whole lake was called Copais, this name prevailing over all others; for the region of Copae forms the deepest recess of the lake. Pindar calls this lake Cephissis;Cp. 9. 2. 20. at any rate, he places near it the spring Tilphossa, which flows at the foot of Mount Tilphossius near Haliartus and Alalcomenae, near which latter is the tomb of Teiresias; and here, too, is the temple of the Tilphossian Apollo. Next in order after Copae Homer names Eutresis, a small village of the Thespians, where Zethus and Amphion are said to have lived before they reigned over Thebes. Thisbe is now called Thisbae; the place is inhabited and is situated slightly above the sea, bordering on the territory of the Thespians and on that of Coroneia; and it, too, lies at the foot of Helicon on the south; and it has a seaport situated on a rocky place, which abounds in doves, in reference to which the poet says, "Thisbe abounding in doves." From here to Sicyon is a voyage of one hundred and sixty stadia. -Next Homer names Coroneia, Haliartus, Plataeae, and Glissas. Now Coroneia is situated on a height near Helicon. The Boeotians took possession of it on their return from the Thessalian Arne after the Trojan War, at which time they also occupied Orchomenus. And when they got the mastery of Coroneia, they built in the plain before the city the temple of the Itonian Athena, bearing the same name as the Thessalian temple; and they called the river which flowed past it Cuarius, giving it the same name as the Thessalian river. But Alcaeus calls it Coralius, when he says, "Athena, warrior queen, who dost keep watch o'er the cornfields of Coroneia before thy temple on the banks of the Coralius River." Here, too, the Pamboeotian Festival used to be celebrated. And for some mystic reason, as they say, a statue of HadesP. Foucart (see Bulletin de Ia Correspondance Hellénique, 1885, ix. 433), on the basis of a Boeotian inscription, conjectures that "Hades" should be corrected to "Ares." was dedicated along with that of Athena. Now the people in Coroneia are called Coronii, whereas those in the Messenian Coroneia are called Coronaeis. +Next Homer names Coroneia, Haliartus, Plataeae, and Glissas. Now Coroneia is situated on a height near Helicon. The Boeotians took possession of it on their return from the Thessalian Arne after the Trojan War, at which time they also occupied Orchomenus. And when they got the mastery of Coroneia, they built in the plain before the city the temple of the Itonian Athena, bearing the same name as the Thessalian temple; and they called the river which flowed past it Cuarius, giving it the same name as the Thessalian river. But Alcaeus calls it Coralius, when he says, "Athena, warrior queen, who dost keep watch o'er the cornfields of Coroneia before thy temple on the banks of the Coralius River." Here, too, the Pamboeotian Festival used to be celebrated. And for some mystic reason, as they say, a statue of HadesP. Foucart (see Bulletin de Ia Correspondance Hellénique, 1885, ix. 433), on the basis of a Boeotian inscription, conjectures that "Hades" should be corrected to "Ares." was dedicated along with that of Athena. Now the people in Coroneia are called Coronii, whereas those in the Messenian Coroneia are called Coronaeis. Haliartus is no longer in existence, having been razed to the ground in the war against Perseus; and the country is held by the Athenians, a gift from the Romans. It was situated in a narrow place, between the mountain situated above it and Lake Copais, near the Permessus and Olmeius Rivers and the marsh that produces the flute reed. Plataeae, which HomerHom. Il. 2.504 speaks of in the singular number, is at the foot of Cithaeron, between it and Thebes, along the road that leads to Athens and Megara, on the confines of Attica and Megaris; for Eleutherae is near by, which some say belongs to Attica, others to Boeotia. I have already said8. 6. 24. that the Asopus flows past Plataeae. Here it was that the forces of the Greeks completely wiped out Mardonius and his three hundred thousand Persians; and they built a temple of Zeus Eleutherius, and instituted the athletic games in which the victor received a crown, calling them the Eleutheria. And tombs of those who died in the battle, erected at public expense, are still to be seen. In Sicyonia, also, there is a deme called Plataeae, the home of Mnasalces the poet:Of his works only sixteen epigrams are now extant. "The tomb of Mnasalces the Plataean."Mnasalces Fr.Homer speaks of Glissas, a settlement in the mountain Hypatus, which is in the Theban country near Teumessus and Cadmeia. The hillocks below which lies the Aonian Plain, as it is called, which extends from the Hypatus mountain to Thebes, are called "Dria."i.e., "Thickets." In these words of the poet, "and those who held Hypothebes," Hom. Il. 2.505 some take him to mean some little city called Hypothebes, others Potniae; for Thebes, the latter say, was deserted because of the expedition of the Epigoni and had no part in the Trojan War. The former, however, say that the Thebans indeed had a part in the war, but that they were living in the level districts below CadmeiaThe acropolis of Thebes. at that time, since they were unable to rebuild Cadmeia; and since Cadmeia was called Thebes, they add, the poet called the Thebans of that time "Hypothebans" instead of "people who live below Cadmeia." Onchestus is where the Amphictyonic Council used to convene, in the territory of Haliartus near Lake Copais and the Teneric Plain; it is situated on a height, is bare of trees, and has a sacred Precinct of Poseidon, which is also bare of trees. But the poets embellish things, calling all sacred precincts "sacred groves," even if they are bare of trees. Such, also, is the saying of Pindar concerning Apollo: "stirred, he traversed both land and sea, and halted on great lookouts above mountains, and whirled great stones, laying foundations of sacred groves."Pind. Fr. 101 (Bergk)i.e., foundations of temples. This fragment from Pindar is otherwise unknown (see Pind. Fr. 101 (Bergk)). But Alcaeus is wrong, for just as he perverted the name of the River Cuarius, so he falsified the position of Onchestus, placing it near the extremities of Helicon, although it is at quite a distance from this mountain. -The Teneric Plain is named after Tenerus. In myth he was the son of Apollo by Melia, and was a prophet of the oracle on the Ptoüs Mountain, which the same poet calls three-peaked: "and once he took possession of the three-peaked hollow of Ptoüs."Pind. Fr. 102 (Bergk)And he calls Tenerus "temple minister, prophet, called by the same name as the plains."Pind. Fr. 102 (Bergk)The Ptoüs lies above the Teneric Plain and Lake Copais near Acraephium. Both the oracle and the mountain belonged to the Thebans. And Acraephium itself also lies on a height. They say that this is called Arne by the poet, the same name as the Thessalian city. +The Teneric Plain is named after Tenerus. In myth he was the son of Apollo by Melia, and was a prophet of the oracle on the Ptoüs Mountain, which the same poet calls three-peaked: "and once he took possession of the three-peaked hollow of Ptoüs."Pind. Fr. 102 (Bergk)And he calls Tenerus "temple minister, prophet, called by the same name as the plains."Pind. Fr. 102 (Bergk)The Ptoüs lies above the Teneric Plain and Lake Copais near Acraephium. Both the oracle and the mountain belonged to the Thebans. And Acraephium itself also lies on a height. They say that this is called Arne by the poet, the same name as the Thessalian city. Some say that Arne too was swallowed up by the lake, as well as Mideia.Cf. 1. 3. 18. Zenodotus, who writes "and those who possessed Ascrei.e., Zenodotus emended Homer's "Arne" (Hom. Il. 2.507) to Ascre." rich in vineyards,"Hom. Il. 2.507 seems not to have read the statements of Hesiod concerning his native land, nor those of Eudoxus, who says much worse things concerning Ascre. For how could anyone believe that such a place was called "rich in vineyards" by the poet? Wrong, also, are those who write "Tarne" instead of "Arne"; for not a single place named Tarne is pointed out among the Boeotians, though there is one among the Lydians, and this the poet mentions: "Idomeneus then slew Phaestus, son of Borus the Maeonian, who came from fertile Tarne."Hom. Il. 5.43 The remaining Boeotian cities concerning which it is worthwhile to make mention are: of those situated round the lake, Alalcomenae and Tilphossium, and, of the rest, Chaeroneia, Lebadeia, and Leuctra. Now as for Alalcomenae, the poet mentions it, but not in the Catalogue: "Argive Hera and Alalcomenian Athena."Hom. Il. 4.8It has an ancient temple of Athena which is held in great honor; and they say, at least, that the goddess was born there, just as Hera was born in Argos, and that it was because of this that the poet named them both in this way, as natives of these places. And it was because of this, perhaps, that he did not mention in the Catalogue the men of Alalcomenae, since, being sacred, they were excused from the expedition. And in fact the city always continued unravaged, although it was neither large nor situated in a secure position, but in a plain. But all peoples, since they revered the goddess, held aloof from any violence towards the inhabitants, so that when the Thebans, at the time of the expedition of the Epigonoi, left their city, they are said to have fled for refuge to Alalcomenae, and to Tilphossius, the mountain, a natural stronghold that lies above it; and at the base of this mountain is a spring called Tilphossa, and the monument of Teiresias, who died there at the time of the flight. Chaeroneia is near Orchomenus. It was here that Philip the son of Amyntas conquered the Athenians, Boeotians, and Corinthians in a great battle,338 B.C. and set himself up as lord of Greece. And here, too, are to be seen tombs of those who fell in the battle, tombs erected at public expense. And it was in the same region that the Romans so completely defeated the forces of Mithridates, many tens of thousands in number, that only a few escaped in safety to the sea and fled in their ships, whereas the rest either perished or were taken captive. @@ -505,18 +505,18 @@

-After Boeotia and Orchomenus one comes to Phocis; it stretches towards the north alongside Boeotia, nearly from sea to sea; it did so in early times, at least, for in those times Daphnus belonged to Phocis, splitting Locris into two parts and being placed by geographers midway between the Opuntian Gulf and the coast of the Epicnemidians. The country now belongs to the Locrians (the town has been razed to the ground), so that even here Phocis no longer extends as far as the Euboean Sea, though it does border on the Crisaean Gulf. For Crisa itself belongs to Phocis, being situated by the sea itself and so do Cirrha and Anticyra and the places which lie in the interior and contiguous to them near Parnassus—I mean Delphi, Cirphis, and Daulis—and Parnassus itself which belongs to Phocis and forms its boundary on its western side. In the same way as Phocis lies alongside Boeotia, so also Locris lies alongside Phocis on either side; for Locris is double, being divided into two parts by Parnassus, the part on the western side lying alongside Parnassus and occupying a part of it, and extending to the Crisaean Gulf, whereas the part on the side towards the east ends at the Euboean Sea. The WesternersIn Greek, the "Hesperioi." are called Locrians and Ozolae; and they have the star Hesperus engraved on their public seal. The other division of inhabitants is itself also divided, in a way, into two parts: the Opuntians, named after their metropolis, whose territory borders on Phocis and Boeotia, and the Epicnemidians, named after a mountain called Cnemis, who are next to the Oetaeans and Malians. In the middle between both, I mean the Westerners and the other division, is Parnassus, extending lengthwise into the northerly part of the country, from the region of Delphi as far as the junction of the Oetaean and the Aetolian mountains, and the country of the Dorians which lies in the middle between them. For again, just as Locris, being double, lies alongside Phocis, so also the country of the Oetaeans together with Aetolia and with certain places of the Dorian Tetrapolis, which lie in the middle between them, lie alongside either part of Locris and alongside Parnassus and the country of the Dorians. Immediately above these are the Thessalians, the northerly Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and some of the Epeirote and Macedonian tribes. As I was saying before,9. 2. 1. one should think of the aforementioned countries as ribbon-like stretches, so to speak, extending parallel to one another from the west towards the east. The whole of Parnassus is esteemed as sacred, since it has caves and other places that are held in honor and deemed holy. Of these the best known and most beautiful is Corycium, a cave of the nymphs bearing the same name as that in Cilicia. Of the sides of Parnassus, the western is occupied by the Ozolian Locrians and by some of the Dorians and by the Aetolians who live near the Aetolian mountain called Corax; whereas the other side is occupied by Phocians and by the majority of the Dorians, who occupy the Tetrapolis, which in a general way lies round Parnassus, but widens out in its parts that face the east. Now the long sides of each of the aforementioned countries and ribbon-like stretches are all parallel, one side being towards the north and the other towards the south; but as for the remaining sides, the western are not parallel to the eastern; neither are the two coastlines, where the countries of these tribes end, I mean that of the Crisaean Gulf as far as Actium and that facing Euboea as far as Thessaloniceia, parallel to one another. But one should conceive of the geometrical figures of these regions as though several lines were drawn in a triangle parallel to the base, for the figures thus marked off will be parallel to one another, and they will have their opposite long sides parallel, but as for the short sides this is no longer the case. This, then, is my rough sketch of the country that remains to be traversed and is next in order. Let me now describe each separate part in order, beginning with Phocis. +After Boeotia and Orchomenus one comes to Phocis; it stretches towards the north alongside Boeotia, nearly from sea to sea; it did so in early times, at least, for in those times Daphnus belonged to Phocis, splitting Locris into two parts and being placed by geographers midway between the Opuntian Gulf and the coast of the Epicnemidians. The country now belongs to the Locrians (the town has been razed to the ground), so that even here Phocis no longer extends as far as the Euboean Sea, though it does border on the Crisaean Gulf. For Crisa itself belongs to Phocis, being situated by the sea itself and so do Cirrha and Anticyra and the places which lie in the interior and contiguous to them near Parnassus—I mean Delphi, Cirphis, and Daulis—and Parnassus itself which belongs to Phocis and forms its boundary on its western side. In the same way as Phocis lies alongside Boeotia, so also Locris lies alongside Phocis on either side; for Locris is double, being divided into two parts by Parnassus, the part on the western side lying alongside Parnassus and occupying a part of it, and extending to the Crisaean Gulf, whereas the part on the side towards the east ends at the Euboean Sea. The WesternersIn Greek, the "Hesperioi." are called Locrians and Ozolae; and they have the star Hesperus engraved on their public seal. The other division of inhabitants is itself also divided, in a way, into two parts: the Opuntians, named after their metropolis, whose territory borders on Phocis and Boeotia, and the Epicnemidians, named after a mountain called Cnemis, who are next to the Oetaeans and Malians. In the middle between both, I mean the Westerners and the other division, is Parnassus, extending lengthwise into the northerly part of the country, from the region of Delphi as far as the junction of the Oetaean and the Aetolian mountains, and the country of the Dorians which lies in the middle between them. For again, just as Locris, being double, lies alongside Phocis, so also the country of the Oetaeans together with Aetolia and with certain places of the Dorian Tetrapolis, which lie in the middle between them, lie alongside either part of Locris and alongside Parnassus and the country of the Dorians. Immediately above these are the Thessalians, the northerly Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and some of the Epeirote and Macedonian tribes. As I was saying before,9. 2. 1. one should think of the aforementioned countries as ribbon-like stretches, so to speak, extending parallel to one another from the west towards the east. The whole of Parnassus is esteemed as sacred, since it has caves and other places that are held in honor and deemed holy. Of these the best known and most beautiful is Corycium, a cave of the nymphs bearing the same name as that in Cilicia. Of the sides of Parnassus, the western is occupied by the Ozolian Locrians and by some of the Dorians and by the Aetolians who live near the Aetolian mountain called Corax; whereas the other side is occupied by Phocians and by the majority of the Dorians, who occupy the Tetrapolis, which in a general way lies round Parnassus, but widens out in its parts that face the east. Now the long sides of each of the aforementioned countries and ribbon-like stretches are all parallel, one side being towards the north and the other towards the south; but as for the remaining sides, the western are not parallel to the eastern; neither are the two coastlines, where the countries of these tribes end, I mean that of the Crisaean Gulf as far as Actium and that facing Euboea as far as Thessaloniceia, parallel to one another. But one should conceive of the geometrical figures of these regions as though several lines were drawn in a triangle parallel to the base, for the figures thus marked off will be parallel to one another, and they will have their opposite long sides parallel, but as for the short sides this is no longer the case. This, then, is my rough sketch of the country that remains to be traversed and is next in order. Let me now describe each separate part in order, beginning with Phocis. Of Phocis two cities are the most famous, Delphi and Elateia. Delphi, because of the temple of the Pythian Apollo, and because of the oracle, which is ancient, since Agamemnon is said by the poet to have had an oracle given him from there; for the minstrel is introduced as singing "the quarrel of Odysseus and Achilles, son of Peleus, how once they strove . . ., and Agamemnon, lord of men, rejoiced at heart . . ., for thus Phoebus Apollo, in giving response to him at Pytho, had told him that it should be."Hom. Od. 8.75Delphi, I say, is famous because of these things, but Elateia, because it is the largest of all the cities there, and has the most advantageous position, because it is situated in the narrow passes and because he who holds this city holds the passes leading into Phocis and Boeotia. For, first, there are the Oetaean Mountains; and then those of the Locrians and Phocians, which are not everywhere passable to invaders from Thessaly, but have passes, both narrow and separated from one another, which are guarded by the adjacent cities; and the result is, that when these cities are captured, their captors master the passes also. But since the fame of the temple at Delphi has the priority of age, and since at the same time the position of its places suggests a natural beginning (for these are the most westerly parts of Phocis), I should begin my description there. As I have already said, Parnassus is situated on the western boundaries of Phocis. Of this mountain, then, the side towards the west is occupied by the Ozolian Locrians, whereas the southern is occupied by Delphi, a rocky place, theatre-like, having the oracle and the city on its summit, and filling a circuit of sixteen stadia. Situated above Delphi is Lycoreia, on which place, above the temple, the Delphians were established in earlier times. But now they live close to the temple, round the Castalian fountain. Situated in front of the city, toward the south, is Cirphis, a precipitous mountain, which leaves in the intervening space a ravine, through which flows the Pleistus River. Below Cirphis lies Cirrha, an ancient city, situated by the sea; and from it there is an ascent to Delphi of about eighty stadia. It is situated opposite Sicyon. In front of Cirrha lies the fertile Crisaean Plain; for again one comes next in order to another city, Crisa, from which the Crisaean Gulf is named. Then to Anticyra, bearing the same name as the city on the Maliac Gulf near Oeta. And, in truth, they say that it is in the latter region that the hellebore of fine quality is produced, though that produced in the former is better prepared, and on this account many people resort thither to be purged and cured; for in the Phocian Anticyra, they add, grows a sesame-like medicinal plant with which the Oetaean hellebore is prepared. Now Anticyra still endures, but Cirrha and Crisa have been destroyed, the former earlier, by the Crisaeans, and Crisa itself later, by Eurylochus the Thessalian, at the time of the Crisaean War.About 595 B.C. For the Crisaeans, already prosperous because of the duties levied on importations from Sicily and Italy, proceeded to impose harsh taxes on those who came to visit the temple,Of Appolo at Delphi. even contrary to the decrees of the Amphictyons. And the same thing also happened in the case of the Amphissians, who belonged to the Ozolian Locrians. For these too, coming over, not only restored Crisa and proceeded to put under cultivation again the plain which had been consecrated by the Amphictyons, but were worse in their dealings with foreigners than the Crisaeans of old had been. Accordingly, the Amphictyons punished these too, and gave the territory back to the god: The temple, too, has been much neglected, though in earlier times it was held in exceedingly great honor. Clear proofs of this are the treasure houses, built both by peoples and by potentates, in which they deposited not only money which they had dedicated to the god, but also works of the best artists; and also the Pythian Games, and the great number of the recorded oracles. -They say that the seat of the oracle is a cave that is hollowed out deep down in the earth, with a rather narrow mouth, from which arises breath that inspires a divine frenzy; and that over the mouth is placed a high tripod, mounting which the Pythian priestess receives the breath and then utters oracles in both verse and prose, though the latter too are put into verse by poets who are in the service of the temple. They say that the first to become Pythian priestess was Phemonoe; and that both the prophetess and the city were so calledi.e., "Pythia" and "Pytho." from the word pythésthai,""To inquire of the oracle." Other mythologers more plausibly derived the two names from the verb pythesthai, "to rot" (note the length of the vowel), because the serpent Python, slain by Apollo, "rotted" at the place. though the first syllable was lengthened, as in athanatos, akamatos, and diakonos.But in "diakonos" it is the second syllable that is long; and Homer does not use the word. For his uses of the first two with long a see (e.g.) Hom. Il. 6.108, 5.4 Now the following is the idea which leads to the founding of cities and to the holding of common sanctuaries in high esteem: men came together by cities and by tribes, because they naturally tend to hold things in common, and at the same time because of their need of one another; and they met at the sacred places that were common to them for the same reasons, holding festivals and general assemblies; for everything of this kind tends to friendship, beginning with eating at the same table, drinking libations together, and lodging under the same roof; and the greater the number of the sojourners and the greater the number of the places whence they came, the greater was thought to be the use of their coming together. +They say that the seat of the oracle is a cave that is hollowed out deep down in the earth, with a rather narrow mouth, from which arises breath that inspires a divine frenzy; and that over the mouth is placed a high tripod, mounting which the Pythian priestess receives the breath and then utters oracles in both verse and prose, though the latter too are put into verse by poets who are in the service of the temple. They say that the first to become Pythian priestess was Phemonoe; and that both the prophetess and the city were so calledi.e., "Pythia" and "Pytho." from the word pythésthai,""To inquire of the oracle." Other mythologers more plausibly derived the two names from the verb pythesthai, "to rot" (note the length of the vowel), because the serpent Python, slain by Apollo, "rotted" at the place. though the first syllable was lengthened, as in athanatos, akamatos, and diakonos.But in "diakonos" it is the second syllable that is long; and Homer does not use the word. For his uses of the first two with long a see (e.g.) Hom. Il. 6.108, 5.4 Now the following is the idea which leads to the founding of cities and to the holding of common sanctuaries in high esteem: men came together by cities and by tribes, because they naturally tend to hold things in common, and at the same time because of their need of one another; and they met at the sacred places that were common to them for the same reasons, holding festivals and general assemblies; for everything of this kind tends to friendship, beginning with eating at the same table, drinking libations together, and lodging under the same roof; and the greater the number of the sojourners and the greater the number of the places whence they came, the greater was thought to be the use of their coming together. Now although the greatest share of honor was paid to this temple because of its oracle, since of all oracles in the world it had the repute of being the most truthful, yet the position of the place added something. For it is almost in the center of Greece taken as a whole, between the country inside the Isthmus and that outside it; and it was also believed to be in the center of the inhabited world, and people called it the navel of the earth, in addition fabricating a myth, which is told by Pindar, that the two eagles (some say crows) which had been set free by Zeus met there, one coming from the west and the other from the east. There is also a kind of navel to be seen in the temple; it is draped with fillets, and on it are the two likenesses of the birds of the myth. -Such being the advantages of the site of Delphi, the people easily came together there, and especially those who lived near it. And indeed the Amphictyonic League was organized from the latter, both to deliberate concerning common affairs and to keep the superintendence of the temple more in common, because much money and many votive offerings were deposited there, requiring great vigilance and holiness. Now the facts of olden times are unknown, but among the names recorded Acrisius is reputed to have been the first to administer the Amphictyony and to determine the cities that were to have a part in the council and to give a vote to each city, to one city separately or to another jointly with a second or with several, and also to proclaim the Amphictyonic Rights—all the rights that cities have in their dealings with cities. Later there were several other administrations, until this organization, like that of the Achaeans,See 8. 7. 3. was dissolved. Now the first cities which came together are said to have been twelve, and each sent a Pylagoras,i.e., Pylae—assemblyman. the assembly convening twice a year, in spring and in late autumn; but later still more cities were added. They called the assembly Pylaea, both that of spring and that of late autumn, since they convened at Pylae, which is also called Thermopylae; and the Pylagorae sacrificed to Demeter. Now although at the outset only the people who lived near by had a share both in these things and in the oracle, later the people living at a distance also came and consulted the oracle and sent gifts and built treasure houses, as, for instance, Croesus, and his father Alyattes, and some of the Italiotes, Greeks living in Italy. and the Sicilians. -But wealth inspires envy, and is therefore difficult to guard, even if it is sacred. At present, certainly, the temple at Delphi is very poor, at least so far as money is concerned; but as for the votive offerings, although some of them have been carried off, most of them still remain. In earlier times the temple was very wealthy, as Homer states: "nor yet all the things which the stone threshold of the archer Phoebus Apollo enclosed in rocky Pytho."Hom. Il. 9.404The treasure houses clearly indicate its wealth, and also the plundering done by the Phocians, which kindled the Phocian War, or Sacred War, as it is called. Now this plundering took place in the time of Philip, the son of Amyntas, although writers have a notion of another and earlier plundering, in ancient times, in which the wealth mentioned by Homer was carried out of the temple. For, they add, not so much as a trace of it was saved down to those later times in which Onomarchus and his army, and Phaÿllus and his army,352 B.C. Both were Phocian generals. For an account of their robberies see Diod. Sic. 16. 31-61 robbed the temple; but the wealth then carried away was more recent than that mentioned by Homer; for there were deposited in treasure houses offerings dedicated from spoils of war, preserving inscriptions on which were included the names of those who dedicated them; for instance, Gyges, Croesus, the Sybarites, and the SpinetaeSee 5. 1. 7. who lived near the Adriatic, and so with the rest. And it would not be reasonable to suppose that the treasures of olden times were mixed up with these, as indeed is clearly indicated by other places that were ransacked by these men. Some, however, taking "aphetor"The Greek word translated "archer" in the above citation from Homer. to mean "treasure-house," and "threshold of the aphetor" to mean "underground repository of the treasure-house," say that that wealth was buried in the temple, and that Onomarchus and his army attempted to dig it up by night, but since great earthquakes took place they fled outside the temple and stopped their digging, and that their experience inspired all others with fear of making a similar attempt. +Such being the advantages of the site of Delphi, the people easily came together there, and especially those who lived near it. And indeed the Amphictyonic League was organized from the latter, both to deliberate concerning common affairs and to keep the superintendence of the temple more in common, because much money and many votive offerings were deposited there, requiring great vigilance and holiness. Now the facts of olden times are unknown, but among the names recorded Acrisius is reputed to have been the first to administer the Amphictyony and to determine the cities that were to have a part in the council and to give a vote to each city, to one city separately or to another jointly with a second or with several, and also to proclaim the Amphictyonic Rights—all the rights that cities have in their dealings with cities. Later there were several other administrations, until this organization, like that of the Achaeans,See 8. 7. 3. was dissolved. Now the first cities which came together are said to have been twelve, and each sent a Pylagoras,i.e., Pylae—assemblyman. the assembly convening twice a year, in spring and in late autumn; but later still more cities were added. They called the assembly Pylaea, both that of spring and that of late autumn, since they convened at Pylae, which is also called Thermopylae; and the Pylagorae sacrificed to Demeter. Now although at the outset only the people who lived near by had a share both in these things and in the oracle, later the people living at a distance also came and consulted the oracle and sent gifts and built treasure houses, as, for instance, Croesus, and his father Alyattes, and some of the Italiotes, Greeks living in Italy. and the Sicilians. +But wealth inspires envy, and is therefore difficult to guard, even if it is sacred. At present, certainly, the temple at Delphi is very poor, at least so far as money is concerned; but as for the votive offerings, although some of them have been carried off, most of them still remain. In earlier times the temple was very wealthy, as Homer states: "nor yet all the things which the stone threshold of the archer Phoebus Apollo enclosed in rocky Pytho."Hom. Il. 9.404The treasure houses clearly indicate its wealth, and also the plundering done by the Phocians, which kindled the Phocian War, or Sacred War, as it is called. Now this plundering took place in the time of Philip, the son of Amyntas, although writers have a notion of another and earlier plundering, in ancient times, in which the wealth mentioned by Homer was carried out of the temple. For, they add, not so much as a trace of it was saved down to those later times in which Onomarchus and his army, and Phaÿllus and his army,352 B.C. Both were Phocian generals. For an account of their robberies see Diod. Sic. 16. 31-61 robbed the temple; but the wealth then carried away was more recent than that mentioned by Homer; for there were deposited in treasure houses offerings dedicated from spoils of war, preserving inscriptions on which were included the names of those who dedicated them; for instance, Gyges, Croesus, the Sybarites, and the SpinetaeSee 5. 1. 7. who lived near the Adriatic, and so with the rest. And it would not be reasonable to suppose that the treasures of olden times were mixed up with these, as indeed is clearly indicated by other places that were ransacked by these men. Some, however, taking "aphetor"The Greek word translated "archer" in the above citation from Homer. to mean "treasure-house," and "threshold of the aphetor" to mean "underground repository of the treasure-house," say that that wealth was buried in the temple, and that Onomarchus and his army attempted to dig it up by night, but since great earthquakes took place they fled outside the temple and stopped their digging, and that their experience inspired all others with fear of making a similar attempt. Of the temples, the one "with wings" must be placed among the myths; the second is said to be the work of Trophonius and Agamedes; and the present temple was built by the Amphictyons. In the sacred precinct is to be seen the tomb of Neoptolemus, which was made in accordance with an oracle, Machaereus, a Delphian, having slain him because, according to the myth, he was asking the god for redress for the murder of his father;Achilles. but according to all probability it was because he had attacked the temple. Branchus, who presided over the temple at Didyma, is called a descendant of Machaereus. -As for the contests at Delphi, there was one in early times between citharoedes, who sang a paean in honor of the god; it was instituted by the Delphians. But after the Crisaean war, in the time of Eurylochus,On the time, compare 9. 3. 4 and footnote. the Amphictyons instituted equestrian and gymnastic contests in which the prize was a crown, and called them Pythian Games. And to the citharoedesThe citharoedes sang to the accompaniment of the cithara, and their contests must have had no connection with those of the fluteplayers and the citharists, whose performance (of the Pythian Nome) was a purely instrumental affair. they added both fluteplayers and citharists who played without singing, who were to render a certain melody which is called the Pythian Nome. There are five parts of it: angkrousis, ampeira, katakeleusmos, iambi and dactyli, and syringes. Now the melody was composed by Timosthenes, the admiral of the second Ptolemy, who also compiled The Harbours, a work in ten books;If the text of this sentence is correct, Strabo must be referring to the melody played as the Pythian Nome in his own time or in that of some authority whom he is quoting, earlier compositions perhaps having been superseded by that of Timosthenes (fl. about 270 B.C.). But since the invention of the Pythian Nome has been ascribed to Sacadas (Pollux 4.77), who was victorious with the flute at the Pythian Games about three hundred years before the time of Timosthenes (Paus. 6.14.9, 10.7.4), Guhrauer (Jahrb. für Class. Philol., Suppl. 8, 1875-1876, pp. 311—351 makes a strong argument for a lacuna in the Greek text, and for making Strabo say that the melody was composed by Sacadas and later merely described by Timosthenes in one of his numerous works. Cp. also H. Riemann, Handb. der Musikgeschichte 1919, vol. i, pp. 63-65. and through this melody he means to celebrate the contest between Apollo and the dragon, setting forth the prelude as anakrousis, the first onset of the contest as ampeira, the contest itself as katakeleusmos, the triumph following the victory as iambus and dactylus, the rhythms being in two measures, one of which, the dactyl, is appropriate to hymns of praise, whereas the other, the iamb, is suited to reproaches (compare the word "iambize"), and the expiration of the dragon as syringes, since with syringes"Pipes." players imitated the dragon as breathing its last in hissings."Pipings." +As for the contests at Delphi, there was one in early times between citharoedes, who sang a paean in honor of the god; it was instituted by the Delphians. But after the Crisaean war, in the time of Eurylochus,On the time, compare 9. 3. 4 and footnote. the Amphictyons instituted equestrian and gymnastic contests in which the prize was a crown, and called them Pythian Games. And to the citharoedesThe citharoedes sang to the accompaniment of the cithara, and their contests must have had no connection with those of the fluteplayers and the citharists, whose performance (of the Pythian Nome) was a purely instrumental affair. they added both fluteplayers and citharists who played without singing, who were to render a certain melody which is called the Pythian Nome. There are five parts of it: angkrousis, ampeira, katakeleusmos, iambi and dactyli, and syringes. Now the melody was composed by Timosthenes, the admiral of the second Ptolemy, who also compiled The Harbours, a work in ten books;If the text of this sentence is correct, Strabo must be referring to the melody played as the Pythian Nome in his own time or in that of some authority whom he is quoting, earlier compositions perhaps having been superseded by that of Timosthenes (fl. about 270 B.C.). But since the invention of the Pythian Nome has been ascribed to Sacadas (Pollux 4.77), who was victorious with the flute at the Pythian Games about three hundred years before the time of Timosthenes (Paus. 6.14.9, 10.7.4), Guhrauer (Jahrb. für Class. Philol., Suppl. 8, 1875-1876, pp. 311—351 makes a strong argument for a lacuna in the Greek text, and for making Strabo say that the melody was composed by Sacadas and later merely described by Timosthenes in one of his numerous works. Cp. also H. Riemann, Handb. der Musikgeschichte 1919, vol. i, pp. 63-65. and through this melody he means to celebrate the contest between Apollo and the dragon, setting forth the prelude as anakrousis, the first onset of the contest as ampeira, the contest itself as katakeleusmos, the triumph following the victory as iambus and dactylus, the rhythms being in two measures, one of which, the dactyl, is appropriate to hymns of praise, whereas the other, the iamb, is suited to reproaches (compare the word "iambize"), and the expiration of the dragon as syringes, since with syringes"Pipes." players imitated the dragon as breathing its last in hissings."Pipings." Ephorus, whom I am using more than any other authority because, as Polybius, a noteworthy writer, testifies, he exercises great care in such matters, seems to me sometimes to do the opposite of what he intended, and at the outset promised, to do. At any rate, after censuring those who love to insert myths in the text of their histories, and after praising the truth, he adds to his account of this oracle a kind of solemn promise, saying that he regards the truth as best in all cases, but particularly on this subject; for it is absurd, he says, if we always follow such a method in dealing with every other subject, and yet, when speaking of the oracle which is the most truthful of all, go on to use the accounts that are so untrustworthy and false. Yet, though he says this, he adds forthwith that historians take it for granted that Apollo, with Themis, devised the oracle because he wished to help our race; and then, speaking of the helpfulness of it, he says that Apollo challenged men to gentleness and inculcated self control by giving out oracles to some, commanding them to do certain things and forbidding them to do other things, and by absolutely refusing admittance to other consultants. Men believe that Apollo directs all this, he says, some believing that the god himself assumes a bodily form, others that he transmits to human beings a knowledge of his own will. -A little further on, when discussing who the Delphians were, he says that in olden times certain Parnassians who were called indigenous inhabited Parnassus; and that at this time Apollo, visiting the land, civilized the people by introducing cultivated fruits and cultured modes of life; and that when he set out from Athens to Delphi he went by the road which the Athenians now take when they conduct the Pythias;A sacred mission despatched from Athens to Pytho (Delphi). See 9. 2. 11. and that when he arrived at the land of the Panopaeans he destroyed Tityus, a violent and lawless man who ruled there; and that the Parnassians joined him and informed him of another cruel man named Python and known as the Dragon, and that when Apollo shot at him with his arrows the Parnassians shouted "Hie Paean"A shout addressed to Apollo in his capacity as Paean (Healer). to encourage him (the origin, Ephorus adds, of the singing of the Paean which has been handed down as a custom for armies just before the clash of battle); and that the tent of Python was burnt by the Delphians at that time, just as they still burn it to this day in remembrance of what took place at that time. But what could be more mythical than Apollo shooting with arrows and punishing Tityuses and Pythons, and travelling from Athens to Delphi and visiting the whole earth? But if Ephorus did not take these stories for myths, by what right did he call the mythological Themis a woman, and the mythological Dragon a human being—unless he wished to confound the two types, history and myth? Similar to these statements are also those concerning the Aetolians; for after saying that from all time their country had been unravaged, he at one time says that Aeolians took up their abode there, having ejected the barbarians who were in possession of it, and at another time that Aetolus together with the Epeii from Elis took up their abode there, but that these were destroyed by the Aeolians, and that these latter were destroyed by Alcmaeon and Diomedes. But I return to the Phocians. +A little further on, when discussing who the Delphians were, he says that in olden times certain Parnassians who were called indigenous inhabited Parnassus; and that at this time Apollo, visiting the land, civilized the people by introducing cultivated fruits and cultured modes of life; and that when he set out from Athens to Delphi he went by the road which the Athenians now take when they conduct the Pythias;A sacred mission despatched from Athens to Pytho (Delphi). See 9. 2. 11. and that when he arrived at the land of the Panopaeans he destroyed Tityus, a violent and lawless man who ruled there; and that the Parnassians joined him and informed him of another cruel man named Python and known as the Dragon, and that when Apollo shot at him with his arrows the Parnassians shouted "Hie Paean"A shout addressed to Apollo in his capacity as Paean (Healer). to encourage him (the origin, Ephorus adds, of the singing of the Paean which has been handed down as a custom for armies just before the clash of battle); and that the tent of Python was burnt by the Delphians at that time, just as they still burn it to this day in remembrance of what took place at that time. But what could be more mythical than Apollo shooting with arrows and punishing Tityuses and Pythons, and travelling from Athens to Delphi and visiting the whole earth? But if Ephorus did not take these stories for myths, by what right did he call the mythological Themis a woman, and the mythological Dragon a human being—unless he wished to confound the two types, history and myth? Similar to these statements are also those concerning the Aetolians; for after saying that from all time their country had been unravaged, he at one time says that Aeolians took up their abode there, having ejected the barbarians who were in possession of it, and at another time that Aetolus together with the Epeii from Elis took up their abode there, but that these were destroyed by the Aeolians, and that these latter were destroyed by Alcmaeon and Diomedes. But I return to the Phocians. On the seacoast after Anticyra, one comes first to a town called Opisthomarathus; then to a cape called Pharygium, where there is an anchoring-place; then to the harbor that is last, which, from the fact in the case, is called Mychus;Inmost recess. and it lies below Helicon and Ascre. And the oracle of Abae is not far from this region, nor Ambrysus, nor Medeon,On the site of Medeon see Frazer's Pausanias, note on Paus. 36.6 which bears the same name as the Boeotian Medeon. Still farther in the interior, after Delphi, approximately towards the east, is a town Daulis, where Tereus the Thracian is said to have held sway (the scene of the mythical story of Philomela and Procne is laid there, though ThucydidesBut Thuc. 2.29 says: In that country (Daulia) Itys suffered at the hands of Philomela and Procne." Eustathius ad Iliad 2.520 repeats without correction Strabo's erroneous reference. says at Megara). The place got its name from the thickets, for they call thickets "dauli." Now Homer called it Daulis, but later writers call it Daulia. And "Cyparissus," in the words "held Cyparissus,"Hom. Il. 2.519is interpreted by writers in two ways, by some as bearing the same name as the tree,Cyparissus is the word for cypress tree. and by others, by a slight change in the spelling, as a village below Lycoreia.As the text stands, the meaning is obscure. The scholiast on Ven. A, Hom. Il. 2.519, says that Cyparissus was named after Cyparissus the brother of Orchomenus, or after the cypress trees that grew in it; and the scholiast on Ven. B ibid., "Cyparissus, the present Apollonias, named after Cyparissus." Paus. 10.36.3 says: "In earlier times the name of the city was Cyparissus, and Homer, in his list of the Phocians, purposely used this name, though the city was even then called Anticyra" (see Frazer, note ad loc.). On the position of Lycoreia, see 9. 3. 3. Panopeus, the Phanoteus of today, borders on the region of Lebadeia, and is the native land of Epeius. And the scene of the myth of Tityus is laid here. Homer says that the Phaeacians "led" Rhadamanthys into Euboea "to see Tityus, son of the Earth."Hom. Od. 7.324 And a cave called Elarium is to be seen in the island, named after Elara the mother of Tityus; and also a hero-temple of Tityus, and certain honors which are paid to him. Near Lebadeia, also, is Trachin, a Phocian town, which bears the same name as the Oetaean city; and its inhabitants are called Trachinians. Anemoreia"Wind-swept." has been named from a circumstance connected with it: squalls of wind sweep down upon it from Catopterius,"The Look-out." as it is called, a beetling cliff extending from Parnassus. This place was a boundary between Delphi and the Phocians when the Lacedaemonians caused the Delphians to revolt from the common organization of the Phocians,About 457 B.C. (see Thuc. 1.107-108). and permitted them to form a separate State of their own. Some, however, call the place Anemoleia. And then one comes to Hyampolis (later called Hya by some), to which, as I have said,9. 2. 3. Cf. 10. 3. 4. the Hyantes were banished from Boeotia. This city is very far inland, near Parapotamii, and is not the same as Hyampeia on Parnassus; also far inland is Elateia, the largest city of the Phocians, which is unknown by Homer, for it is more recent than the Homeric age, and it is advantageously situated in that it commands the passes from Thessaly. DemosthenesDem. 18.168 clearly indicates the natural advantage of its position when he speaks of the commotion that suddenly took place at Athens when a messenger came to the Prytanes with the report that Elateia had been captured.By Philip in 338 B.C. @@ -527,18 +527,18 @@

Locris comes next in order, and therefore I must describe this country. It is divided into two parts: one part is that which is inhabited by the Locrians and faces Euboea; and, as I was saying, it was once split into two parts, one on either side of Daphnus. The Opuntians were named after their metropolis,Opus. and the Epicnemidians after a mountain called Cnemis. The rest of Locris is inhabited by the Western Locrians, who are also called Ozolian Locrians. They are separated from the Opuntians and the Epicnemidians by Parnassus, which is situated between them, and by the Tetrapolis of the Dorians. But I must begin with the Opuntians. -Next, then, after Halae,See 9. 2. 13. where that part of the Boeotian coast which faces Euboea terminates, lies the Opuntian Gulf. Opus is the metropolis, as is clearly indicated by the inscription on the first of the five pillars in the neighborhood of Thermopylae, near the Polyandrium:A polyandrium is a place where many heroes are buried. "Opöeis, metropolis of the Locrians of righteous laws, mourns for these who perished in defence of Greece against the Medes." It is about fifteen stadia distant from the sea, and sixty from the seaport. Cynus is the seaport, a cape which forms the end of the Opuntian Gulf, the gulf being about forty stadia in extent. Between Opus and Cynus is a fertile plain; and Cynus lies opposite Aedepsus in Euboea, where are the hot waters of Heracles, and is separated from it by a strait one hundred and sixty stadiaAn error. The actual distance is about half this. wide. Deucalion is said to have lived in Cynus; and the grave of Pyrrha is to be seen there, though that of Deucalion is to be seen at Athens. Cynus is about fifty stadia distant from Mount Cnemis. The island Atalanta is also situated opposite Opus, and bears the same name as the island in front of Attica. It is said that a certain people in Eleia are also called Opuntians, but it is not worth while to mention them, except to say that they are reviving a kinship which exists between them and the Opuntians. Now Homer says that Patroclus was from Opus,Hom. Il. 23.85 and that after committing an involuntary murder he fled to Peleus, but that his father Menoetius remained in his native land; for thither Achilles says that he promised Menoetius to bring back Patroclus when Patroclus should return from the expedition. However, Menoetius was not king of the Opuntians, but Aias the Locrian, whose native land, as they say, was Narycus. They call the man who was slain by Patroclus "Aeanes"; and both a sacred precinct, the Aeaneium, and a spring, Aeanis, named after him, are to be seen. +Next, then, after Halae,See 9. 2. 13. where that part of the Boeotian coast which faces Euboea terminates, lies the Opuntian Gulf. Opus is the metropolis, as is clearly indicated by the inscription on the first of the five pillars in the neighborhood of Thermopylae, near the Polyandrium:A polyandrium is a place where many heroes are buried. "Opöeis, metropolis of the Locrians of righteous laws, mourns for these who perished in defence of Greece against the Medes." It is about fifteen stadia distant from the sea, and sixty from the seaport. Cynus is the seaport, a cape which forms the end of the Opuntian Gulf, the gulf being about forty stadia in extent. Between Opus and Cynus is a fertile plain; and Cynus lies opposite Aedepsus in Euboea, where are the hot waters of Heracles, and is separated from it by a strait one hundred and sixty stadiaAn error. The actual distance is about half this. wide. Deucalion is said to have lived in Cynus; and the grave of Pyrrha is to be seen there, though that of Deucalion is to be seen at Athens. Cynus is about fifty stadia distant from Mount Cnemis. The island Atalanta is also situated opposite Opus, and bears the same name as the island in front of Attica. It is said that a certain people in Eleia are also called Opuntians, but it is not worth while to mention them, except to say that they are reviving a kinship which exists between them and the Opuntians. Now Homer says that Patroclus was from Opus,Hom. Il. 23.85 and that after committing an involuntary murder he fled to Peleus, but that his father Menoetius remained in his native land; for thither Achilles says that he promised Menoetius to bring back Patroclus when Patroclus should return from the expedition. However, Menoetius was not king of the Opuntians, but Aias the Locrian, whose native land, as they say, was Narycus. They call the man who was slain by Patroclus "Aeanes"; and both a sacred precinct, the Aeaneium, and a spring, Aeanis, named after him, are to be seen. Next after Cynus, one comes to Alope and to Daphnus, which latter, as I said, is razed to the ground;9. 3. 1. and here there is a harbor which is about ninety stadia distant from Cynus, and one hundred and twenty stadia from Elateia, for one going on foot into the interior. We have now reached the Maliac Gulf, which is continuous with the Opuntian Gulf. After Daphnus one comes to Cnemides, a natural stronghold, about twenty stadia by sea; and opposite it, in Euboea, lies Cenaeum, a cape facing the west and the Maliac Gulf, and separated from it by a strait about twenty stadia in width. At this point we have now reached the territory of the Epicnemidian Locrians. Here, too, lying off the coast, are the three Lichades Islands, as they are called, named after Lichas; and there are also other islands along the coast, but I am purposely omitting them. After twenty stadia from Cnemides one comes to a harbor, above which, at an equal distance in the interior, lies Thronium. Then one comes to the Boagrius River, which flows past Thronium and empties into the sea. They also call it Manes. It is a winter stream, so that at times one can cross it dry-shod, though at other times it has a breadth of two plethra. After this one comes to Scarpheia, which is situated ten stadia above the sea, thirty stadia distant from Thronium, and slightly less from the harbor itself. Then one comes to Nicaea and Thermopylae. -As for the remaining cities, it is not worthwhile to mention any of them except those which are mentioned by Homer. Calliarus is no longer inhabited, but is now a beautifully-tilled plain, and they so call it from what is the fact in the case.i.e., from kalo/s (beautiful) and a)ro/w (till). Eustathius (Eustatius ad Iliad 2.531) says: "Calliarus, they say, was named after Calliarus, son Hodoedocus and Laonome: others say that it was named Calliara, in the nueter gender, because the land there was beautifully tilled." Bessa, too, does not exist; it is a wooded place. Neither does Augeiae, whose territory is held by the Scarphians. Now this Bessa should be written with a double s (for it is named from its being a wooded place, being spelled the same way—like NapeBoth "bessa" and nape mean "wooded glen." in the plain of Methymne, which Hellanicus ignorantly names Lape), whereas the deme in Attica, whose inhabitants are accordingly called Besaeeis, should be written with one s. +As for the remaining cities, it is not worthwhile to mention any of them except those which are mentioned by Homer. Calliarus is no longer inhabited, but is now a beautifully-tilled plain, and they so call it from what is the fact in the case.i.e., from kalo/s (beautiful) and a)ro/w (till). Eustathius (Eustatius ad Iliad 2.531) says: "Calliarus, they say, was named after Calliarus, son Hodoedocus and Laonome: others say that it was named Calliara, in the nueter gender, because the land there was beautifully tilled." Bessa, too, does not exist; it is a wooded place. Neither does Augeiae, whose territory is held by the Scarphians. Now this Bessa should be written with a double s (for it is named from its being a wooded place, being spelled the same way—like NapeBoth "bessa" and nape mean "wooded glen." in the plain of Methymne, which Hellanicus ignorantly names Lape), whereas the deme in Attica, whose inhabitants are accordingly called Besaeeis, should be written with one s. Tarphe is situated on a height, at a distance of twenty stadia from Thronium; its territory is both fruitful and well-wooded, for alreadyi.e., in the time of Homer, who names Tarphe (cp. "tarphos," "thicket") and Thronium together, Hom. Il. 2.533 this place had been named from its being thickly wooded. But it is now called Pharygae; and here is situated a temple of Pharygaean Hera, so called from the Hera in the Argive Pharygae; and, indeed, they say that they are colonists of the Argives. However, Homer does not mention the Western Locrians, or at least not in express words, but only in that he seems by contrast to distinguish these from those other Locrians of whom I have already spoken, when he says, "of the Locrians who dwell opposite sacred Euboea,"Hom. Il. 2.535 implying that there was a different set of Locrians. But they have not been much talked about by many others either. The cities they held were Amphissa and Naupactus; of these, Naupactus survives, near Antirrhium, and it was named from the shipbuilding"Naus" (ship" and "pactos" (put together, built), the Doric spelling of the verbal phkto/s. that was once carried on there, whether it was because the Heracleidae built their fleet there, or (as Ephorus says) because the Locrians had built ships there even before that time. It now belongs to the Aetolians, having been adjudged to them by Philip. Here, also, is Chalcis, which the poet mentions in the Aetolian Catalogue;Hom. Il. 2.640 it is below Calydon. Here, also, is the hill Taphiassus, on which are the tombs of Nessus and the other Centaurs, from whose putrefied bodies, they say, flows forth at the base of the hill the water which is malodorous and clotted; and it is on this account, they add, that the tribe is also called Ozolian.i.e., Ozolian Locrians, as well as Western (see 9. 4. 1). The authorities quote by Strabo derive "Ozolian" from "ozein" (to smell). Molycreia, an Aetolian town, is also near Antirrhium. The site of Amphissa is on the edge of the Crisaean Plain; it was razed to the ground by the Amphictyons, as I have said.9. 3. 4. And both Oeantheia and Eupalium belong to the Locrians. The whole voyage along the Locrian coast slightly exceeds two hundred stadia in length. There is a place named Alope, not only here and among the Epicnemidian Locrians, but also in Phthiotis. Now theseHe means, apparently, the Ozolian Locrians. are colonists of the Epicnemidian Locrians, but the Epizephyrian Locrians are colonists of these.Again he appears to mean the Ozolian Locrians. The Aetolians border on the western Locrians; and the Aenianians who inhabit Mount Oeta border on the Epicnemidian Locrians; and in the middle between them are Dorians.See 9. 3. 1. Now these Dorians are the people who inhabited the Tetrapolis, which, they say, was the metropolis of all the Dorians; and the cities they held were Erineus, Boeum, Pindus and Cytinium. Pindus is situated above Erineus; and a river bearing the same name flows past it, emptying into the Cephissus not very far from Lilaea. By some, however, Pindus is called Acyphas. The king of these Dorians was Aegimius, who was driven from his throne, but was brought back again, as the story goes, by Heracles; accordingly, Aegimius requited the favor to Heracles after the latter's death on Oeta; for he adopted Hyllus, the eldest of the sons of Heracles; and Hyllus and his descendants became his successors on the throne. From here it was that the Heracleidae set out on their return to the Peloponnesus. -Now for a time the cities in question were held in respect, although they were small and had poor soil, but afterwards they were lightly esteemed. During the Phocian War and the domination of the Macedonians, Aetolians, and Athamanians—it is marvellous that even a trace of them passed to the Romans. And the Aenianians had the same experience, for they too were destroyed by the Aetolians and the Athamanians: by the Aetolians, when they waged war in conjunction with the Acarnanians, and were very powerful, and by the Athamanians, when they attained to distinction (the last of the Epeirotes to do so, the other peoples having by this time been worn out) and under their king Amynander had acquired power. These Athamanians kept possession of Oeta. +Now for a time the cities in question were held in respect, although they were small and had poor soil, but afterwards they were lightly esteemed. During the Phocian War and the domination of the Macedonians, Aetolians, and Athamanians—it is marvellous that even a trace of them passed to the Romans. And the Aenianians had the same experience, for they too were destroyed by the Aetolians and the Athamanians: by the Aetolians, when they waged war in conjunction with the Acarnanians, and were very powerful, and by the Athamanians, when they attained to distinction (the last of the Epeirotes to do so, the other peoples having by this time been worn out) and under their king Amynander had acquired power. These Athamanians kept possession of Oeta. This mountain extends from Thermopylae in the east to the Ambracian Gulf in the west; and, in a way, it cuts at right angles the mountainous country which extends from Parnassus to Pindus and to the barbarians who are situated beyond Pindus. Of this mountain, the part which verges towards Thermopylae is called Oeta; its length is two hundred stadia, and it is rugged and high; but it is highest at Thermopylae, for there it rises into a peak, and ends at the sea in sharp and abrupt precipices, though it leaves a narrow pass for invasions from Thessaly into the country of the Locrians. -Now the pass is called not only "Pylae" and "Narrows," but also "Thermopylae,""Hot-gates." for there are hot waters near it that are held in honor as sacred to Heracles; and the mountain that lies above it is called Callidromus, but by some the remaining part of the mountain, which extends through Aetolia and Acarnania to the Ambracian Gulf, is also called Callidromus. Near Thermopylae, inside the narrows, are forts—Nicaea, towards the sea of the Locrians, and above it, Teichius and Heracleia, the latter in earlier times having been called Trachin, a settlement of Lacedaemonians. Heracleia is about six stadia distant from the old Trachin. Next one comes to Rhoduntia, a natural stronghold. +Now the pass is called not only "Pylae" and "Narrows," but also "Thermopylae,""Hot-gates." for there are hot waters near it that are held in honor as sacred to Heracles; and the mountain that lies above it is called Callidromus, but by some the remaining part of the mountain, which extends through Aetolia and Acarnania to the Ambracian Gulf, is also called Callidromus. Near Thermopylae, inside the narrows, are forts—Nicaea, towards the sea of the Locrians, and above it, Teichius and Heracleia, the latter in earlier times having been called Trachin, a settlement of Lacedaemonians. Heracleia is about six stadia distant from the old Trachin. Next one comes to Rhoduntia, a natural stronghold. These places are rendered difficult of access both by the ruggedness of the country and by the number of streams of water which here form ravines through which they flow. For besides the Spercheius, which flows past Anticyra, there is the Dyras River, which, they say, tried to quench the funeral pyre of Heralces, and also another See Book 7, Fr. 52. Melas, which is five stadia distant from Trachin. To the south of Trachin, according to Herodotus,7. 198, 200. there is a deep gorge through which the Asopus, bearing the same name as the aforesaid Asopus Rivers,8. 6. 24 and 9. 2. 23. empties into the sea outside Pylae after receiving the Phoenix River, which meets it from the south and bears the name of the hero Phoenix, whose tomb is to be seen near it. The distance from the Asopus to Thermopylae is fifteen stadia. Now at that time these places were at the height of their fame when they held the mastery over the keys of the Narrows, and when there were struggles for the primacy between the peoples outside the Narrows and those inside them; for instance, Philip used to call Chalcis and Corinth "the fetters of Greece," having Macedonia in view as his base of operations;i.e., by holding these places he could control Greece even from distant Macedonia. and the men of later times called, not only these, but also the city Demetrias "shackles," for Demetrias commanded the passes round Tempe, since it held both Pelion and Ossa. But later, now that all peoples have been brought into subjection to a single power, everything is free from toll and open to all mankind. It was at these Narrows that Leonidas and his men, with a few who came from the neighborhood thereof, held out against all those forces of the Persians, until the barbarians, coming around the mountains through by-paths, cut them down. And today their PolyandriumSee 9. 4. 2 and footnote. is to be seen, and pillars, and the oft-quoted inscription on the pillar of the Lacedaemonians, which is as follows: "Stranger, report to the Lacedaemonians that we lie here in obedience to their laws." @@ -549,41 +549,41 @@

Thessaly comprises, first, on the sea, the coast which extends from Thermopylae to the outlet of the Peneius RiverCf. Book 7 Fr. 12. and the extremities of Pelion, and faces the east and the northern extremities of Euboea. The parts that are near Euboea and Thermopylae are held by the Malians and the Achaean Phthiotae, and the parts near Pelion by the Magnetans. Let this side of Thessaly, then, be called the eastern or coastal side. As for the two sidesi.e., the northern and southern boundaries. of Thessaly: on one side, beginning at Pelion and the Peneius,The mouth of the Peneius. Macedonia stretches towards the interior as far as Paeonia and the Epeirote tribes, and on the other side, beginning at Thermopylae, the Oetaean and Aetolian mountains lie parallel to Macedonia, bordering on the country of the Dorians and on Parnassus.On the boundaries of Macedonia, see Fr. 10, 11, 12a and 13. Let the former side, which borders on Macedonia, be called the northern side, and the latter the southern side. There remains the western side, which is surrounded by the Aetolians and Acarnanians and Amphilochians, and, of the Epeirotes, the Athamanians and Molossians and what was once called the land of the Aethices, or, in a word, the land about Pindus.In 7. 7. 1 and 7. 7. 8 Strabo classes the Amphilochians as Epeirotes. The land of Thessaly, as a whole, is a plain, except Pelion and Ossa. These mountains rise to a considerable height; they do not, however, enclose much territory in their circuits, but end in the plains. -These plains are the middle parts of Thessaly, a country most blest, except so much of it as is subject to inundations by rivers. For the Peneius, which flows through the middle of it and receives many rivers, often overflows; and in olden times the plain formed a lake, according to report, being hemmed in by mountains on all sides except in the region of the seacoast; and there too the region was more elevated than the plains. But when a cleft was made by earthquakes at Tempe, as it is now called, and split off Ossa from Olympus, the Peneius poured out through it towards the sea and drained the country in question. But there remains, nevertheless, Lake Nessonis, which is a large lake, and Lake Boebeïs, which is smaller than the former and nearer to the seacoast. -Such being its nature, Thessaly was divided into four parts. One part was called Phthiotis, another Hestiaeotis,"Hestiaeotis" is the Attic spelling, and "Histiaeotis" the Ionic and Doric spelling, according to Stephanus Byzantinus, s.v. *i(sti/aian. another Thessaliotis, and another Pelasgiotis. Phthiotis occupies the southern parts which extend alongside Oeta from the Maliac, or Pylaïc, Gulf as far as Dolopia and Pindus, and widen out as far as Pharsalus and the Thessalian plains. Hestiaeotis occupies the western parts and the parts between Pindus and Upper Macedonia.See Fr. 12. The remaining parts of Thessaly are held, first, by the people who live in the plains below Hestiaeotis (they are called Pelasgiotae and their country borders on Lower Macedonia), and, secondly, by the Thessaliotae next in order, who fill out the districts extending as far as the Magnetan seacoast. Here, too, there will be an enumeration of famous names of cities, and especially because of the poetry of Homer; only a few of the cities preserve their ancient dignity, but Larisa most of all. - The poet, after dividing into ten parts, or dynasties,The dynasties of Achilles, Protesilaüs, Eumelus, Philoctetes, Podaleirus, Eurypylus, Polypoetes, Guneus, Prothoüs, and Phoenix, all of whom are mentioned in Hom. Il. 2.685-756, except Phoenix, who in Hom. Il. 9.484 is "lord over the Dolopians" and in Hom. Il. 16.196 is "ruler of the fourth company" of the Myrmidons. the whole of the country which we now call Thessaly, and after adding certain parts both of the Oetaean and the Locrian countries, and likewise certain parts of the country now classed under Macedonia, intimates a fact which is common to, and true of, all countries, that whole regions and their several parts undergo changes in proportion to the power of those who hold sway. +These plains are the middle parts of Thessaly, a country most blest, except so much of it as is subject to inundations by rivers. For the Peneius, which flows through the middle of it and receives many rivers, often overflows; and in olden times the plain formed a lake, according to report, being hemmed in by mountains on all sides except in the region of the seacoast; and there too the region was more elevated than the plains. But when a cleft was made by earthquakes at Tempe, as it is now called, and split off Ossa from Olympus, the Peneius poured out through it towards the sea and drained the country in question. But there remains, nevertheless, Lake Nessonis, which is a large lake, and Lake Boebeïs, which is smaller than the former and nearer to the seacoast. +Such being its nature, Thessaly was divided into four parts. One part was called Phthiotis, another Hestiaeotis,"Hestiaeotis" is the Attic spelling, and "Histiaeotis" the Ionic and Doric spelling, according to Stephanus Byzantinus, s.v. *i(sti/aian. another Thessaliotis, and another Pelasgiotis. Phthiotis occupies the southern parts which extend alongside Oeta from the Maliac, or Pylaïc, Gulf as far as Dolopia and Pindus, and widen out as far as Pharsalus and the Thessalian plains. Hestiaeotis occupies the western parts and the parts between Pindus and Upper Macedonia.See Fr. 12. The remaining parts of Thessaly are held, first, by the people who live in the plains below Hestiaeotis (they are called Pelasgiotae and their country borders on Lower Macedonia), and, secondly, by the Thessaliotae next in order, who fill out the districts extending as far as the Magnetan seacoast. Here, too, there will be an enumeration of famous names of cities, and especially because of the poetry of Homer; only a few of the cities preserve their ancient dignity, but Larisa most of all. + The poet, after dividing into ten parts, or dynasties,The dynasties of Achilles, Protesilaüs, Eumelus, Philoctetes, Podaleirus, Eurypylus, Polypoetes, Guneus, Prothoüs, and Phoenix, all of whom are mentioned in Hom. Il. 2.685-756, except Phoenix, who in Hom. Il. 9.484 is "lord over the Dolopians" and in Hom. Il. 16.196 is "ruler of the fourth company" of the Myrmidons. the whole of the country which we now call Thessaly, and after adding certain parts both of the Oetaean and the Locrian countries, and likewise certain parts of the country now classed under Macedonia, intimates a fact which is common to, and true of, all countries, that whole regions and their several parts undergo changes in proportion to the power of those who hold sway. Now the first peoples he names in the Catalogue are those under Achilles, who occupied the southern side and were situated alongside Oeta and the Epicnemidian Locrians, "all who dwelt in the Pelasgian Argos and those who inhabited Alus and Alope and Trachin, and those who held Phthia and also Hellas the land of fair women, and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes and Achaeans."Hom. Il. 2.681with these he joins also the subjects of Phoenix, and makes the expedition common to both leaders. It is true that the poet nowhere mentions the Dolopian army in connection with the battles round Ilium, for he does not represent their leader Phoenix as going forth into the perils of battle either, any more than he does Nestor; yet others so state, as Pindar, for instance, who mentions Phoenix and then says, "who held a throng of Dolopians, bold in the use of the sling and bringing aid to the missiles of the Danaans, tamers of horses."Pind. Fr. 183 (BergkkThis, in fact, is the interpretation which we must give to the Homeric passage according to the principle of silence, as the grammarians are wont to call it, for it would be ridiculous if the king Phoenix shared in the expedition ("I dwelt in the farthermost part of Phthia, being lord over the Dolopians")Hom. Il. 9.484Possibly an interpolation. without his subjects being present; for if they were not present, he would not have been regarded as sharing in the expedition with Achilles, but only as following him in the capacity of a chief over a few men and as a speaker, perhaps as a counsellor. Homer's versesi.e., concerning Phoenix. on this subject mean also to make this clear, for such is the import of the words, "to be a speaker of words and a doer of deeds."Hom. Il. 9.443Clearly, therefore, he means, as I have already said, that the forces under Achilles and Phoenix are the same. But the aforesaid statements concerning the places subject to Achilles are themselves under controversy. Some take the Pelasgian Argos as a Thessalian city once situated in the neighborhood of Larisa but now no longer existent; but others take it, not as a city, but as the plain of the Thessalians, which is referred to by this name because Abas, who brought a colony there from Argos, so named it. -As for Phthia, some say that it is the same as Hellas and Achaea, and that these constitute the other, the southern, of the two parts into which Thessaly as a whole was divided; but others distinguish between Hellas and Achaea. The poet seems to make Phthia and Hellas two different things when he says, "and those who held Phthia and Hellas,"Hom. Il. 2.683as though there were two, and when he says, "And then (I fled) far away through spacious Hellas, and I came to Phthia,"Hom. Il. 9.478and, "There are many Achaean women throughout Hellas and Phthia."Hom. Il. 9.395So the poet makes them two, but he does not make it plain whether they are cities or countries. As for later authorities, some, speaking of Hellas as a country, say that it stretches from PalaepharsalusOld Pharsalus. to Phthiotic Thebes. In this country also is the Thetideium,Temple of Thetis, mother of Achilles. near both Pharsaluses, both the old and the new; and they infer from the Thetideium that this country too is a part of that which was subject to Achilles. As for those, however, who speak of Hellas as a city, the Pharsalians point out at a distance of sixty stadia from their own city a city in ruins which they believe to be Hellas, and also two springs near it, Messeïs and Hypereia, whereas the Melitaeans say that Hellas was situated about ten stadia distant from themselves on the other side of the Enipeus, at the time when their own city was named Pyrrha, and that it was from Hellas, which was situated in a low-lying district, that the Hellenes migrated to their own city; and they cite as bearing witness to this the tomb of Hellen, son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, situated in their marketplace. For it is related that Deucalion ruled over Phthia, and, in a word, over ThessaIy. The Enipeus, flowing from Othrys past Pharsalus, turns aside into the Apidanus, and the latter into the Peneius. Thus much, then, concerning the Hellenes. - "Phthians" is the name given to those who were subject to Achilles and Protesilaüs and Philoctetes. And the poet is witness to this, for after mentioning in the Catalogue those who were subject to Achilles "and those who held Phthia,"Hom. Il. 2.683he represents these, in the battle at the ships, as staying behind with Achilles in their ships and as being inactive, but those who were subject to Philoctetes as taking part in the battle, having Medon as "marshal,"Hom. Il. 2.727 and those who were subject to Protesilaüs as "marshalled by Podarces."Hom. Il. 2.704 Concerning these, speaking in a general way, he says, "And there the Boeotians and Ionians with trailing tunics, the Locrians and Phthians and illustrious Epeians;"Hom. Il. 13.685and, in a specific way, "and in front of the Phthians was Medon, and also Podarces steadfast in war. These in their armour, in front of the great-hearted Phthians, were fighting along with the Boeotians in defence of the ships."Hom. Il. 13.693, 699Perhaps the men with Eurypylus also were called Phthians, since their country indeed bordered on Phthia. Now, however, historians regard as belonging to Magnesia, not only the region round Ormenium, which belonged to the country that was subject to Eurypylus, but also the whole of the country that was subject to Philoctetes; but they regard the country that was subject to Protesilaüs as a part of Phthia, extending from Dolopia and Pindus as far as the Magnetan Sea; whereas the land subject to Peleus and Achilles, beginning at the Trachinian and Oetaean countries, is defined as extending in breadth as far as Antron, the city subject to Protesilaüs, the name of which is now spelled in the plural number. And the Maliac Gulf has about the same length. -But as regards Halus and Alope, historians are thoroughly in doubt, suspecting that the poet does not mean the places so named which now are classed in the Phthiotic domain, but those among the Locrians, since the dominion of Achilles extended thus far, just as it also extended as far as Trachin and the Oetaean country; for there is both a Halus and a Halius on the seaboard of the Locrians, just as there is also an Alope. Some substitute Halius for Alope and write as follows: "and those who dwelt in Halus and in Halius and in Trachin."Hom. Il. 2.682The Phthiotic Halus is situated below the end of Othrys, a mountain situated to the north of Phthiotis, bordering on Mount Typhrestus and the country of the Dolopians, and extending from there to the region of the Maliac Gulf. Halus (either feminine or masculine, for the name is used in both genders) is about sixty stadia distant from Itonus.On Halus, see Rawlinson's note on "Alus," Hdt. 7.173 It was Athamas who founded Halus, but in later times, after it had been wiped out, the Pharsalians colonized the place. It is situated above the Crocian Plain; and the Amphrysus River flows close to its walls. Below the Crocian Plain lies Phthiotic Thebes. Halus is called both Phthiotic and Achaean Halus, and it borders on the country of the Malians, as do also the spurs of Othrys Mountain. And just as the Phylace, which was subject to Protesilaüs, is in that part of Phthiotis which lies next to the country of the Malians, so also is Halus; it is about one hundred stadia distant from Thebes, and it is midway between Pharsalus and the Phthiotae. However, Philip took it away from the Phthiotae and assigned it to the Pharsalians. And so it comes to pass, as I have said before,9. 5. 4. Cf. 3. 4. 19, 4. 1. 1, and 8. 3. 10. that the boundaries and the political organizations of tribes and places are always undergoing changes. So, also, Sophocles speaks of Trachinia as belonging to Phthiotis. And Artemidorus places Halus on the seaboard, as situated outside the Maliac Gulf, indeed, but as belonging to Phthiotis; for proceeding thence in the direction of the Peneius, he places Pteleum after Antron, and then Halus at a distance of one hundred and ten stadia from Pteleum. As for Trachin, I have already described it,9. 4. 13 ff. and the poet mentions it by name. +As for Phthia, some say that it is the same as Hellas and Achaea, and that these constitute the other, the southern, of the two parts into which Thessaly as a whole was divided; but others distinguish between Hellas and Achaea. The poet seems to make Phthia and Hellas two different things when he says, "and those who held Phthia and Hellas,"Hom. Il. 2.683as though there were two, and when he says, "And then (I fled) far away through spacious Hellas, and I came to Phthia,"Hom. Il. 9.478and, "There are many Achaean women throughout Hellas and Phthia."Hom. Il. 9.395So the poet makes them two, but he does not make it plain whether they are cities or countries. As for later authorities, some, speaking of Hellas as a country, say that it stretches from PalaepharsalusOld Pharsalus. to Phthiotic Thebes. In this country also is the Thetideium,Temple of Thetis, mother of Achilles. near both Pharsaluses, both the old and the new; and they infer from the Thetideium that this country too is a part of that which was subject to Achilles. As for those, however, who speak of Hellas as a city, the Pharsalians point out at a distance of sixty stadia from their own city a city in ruins which they believe to be Hellas, and also two springs near it, Messeïs and Hypereia, whereas the Melitaeans say that Hellas was situated about ten stadia distant from themselves on the other side of the Enipeus, at the time when their own city was named Pyrrha, and that it was from Hellas, which was situated in a low-lying district, that the Hellenes migrated to their own city; and they cite as bearing witness to this the tomb of Hellen, son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, situated in their marketplace. For it is related that Deucalion ruled over Phthia, and, in a word, over ThessaIy. The Enipeus, flowing from Othrys past Pharsalus, turns aside into the Apidanus, and the latter into the Peneius. Thus much, then, concerning the Hellenes. + "Phthians" is the name given to those who were subject to Achilles and Protesilaüs and Philoctetes. And the poet is witness to this, for after mentioning in the Catalogue those who were subject to Achilles "and those who held Phthia,"Hom. Il. 2.683he represents these, in the battle at the ships, as staying behind with Achilles in their ships and as being inactive, but those who were subject to Philoctetes as taking part in the battle, having Medon as "marshal,"Hom. Il. 2.727 and those who were subject to Protesilaüs as "marshalled by Podarces."Hom. Il. 2.704 Concerning these, speaking in a general way, he says, "And there the Boeotians and Ionians with trailing tunics, the Locrians and Phthians and illustrious Epeians;"Hom. Il. 13.685and, in a specific way, "and in front of the Phthians was Medon, and also Podarces steadfast in war. These in their armour, in front of the great-hearted Phthians, were fighting along with the Boeotians in defence of the ships."Hom. Il. 13.693, 699Perhaps the men with Eurypylus also were called Phthians, since their country indeed bordered on Phthia. Now, however, historians regard as belonging to Magnesia, not only the region round Ormenium, which belonged to the country that was subject to Eurypylus, but also the whole of the country that was subject to Philoctetes; but they regard the country that was subject to Protesilaüs as a part of Phthia, extending from Dolopia and Pindus as far as the Magnetan Sea; whereas the land subject to Peleus and Achilles, beginning at the Trachinian and Oetaean countries, is defined as extending in breadth as far as Antron, the city subject to Protesilaüs, the name of which is now spelled in the plural number. And the Maliac Gulf has about the same length. +But as regards Halus and Alope, historians are thoroughly in doubt, suspecting that the poet does not mean the places so named which now are classed in the Phthiotic domain, but those among the Locrians, since the dominion of Achilles extended thus far, just as it also extended as far as Trachin and the Oetaean country; for there is both a Halus and a Halius on the seaboard of the Locrians, just as there is also an Alope. Some substitute Halius for Alope and write as follows: "and those who dwelt in Halus and in Halius and in Trachin."Hom. Il. 2.682The Phthiotic Halus is situated below the end of Othrys, a mountain situated to the north of Phthiotis, bordering on Mount Typhrestus and the country of the Dolopians, and extending from there to the region of the Maliac Gulf. Halus (either feminine or masculine, for the name is used in both genders) is about sixty stadia distant from Itonus.On Halus, see Rawlinson's note on "Alus," Hdt. 7.173 It was Athamas who founded Halus, but in later times, after it had been wiped out, the Pharsalians colonized the place. It is situated above the Crocian Plain; and the Amphrysus River flows close to its walls. Below the Crocian Plain lies Phthiotic Thebes. Halus is called both Phthiotic and Achaean Halus, and it borders on the country of the Malians, as do also the spurs of Othrys Mountain. And just as the Phylace, which was subject to Protesilaüs, is in that part of Phthiotis which lies next to the country of the Malians, so also is Halus; it is about one hundred stadia distant from Thebes, and it is midway between Pharsalus and the Phthiotae. However, Philip took it away from the Phthiotae and assigned it to the Pharsalians. And so it comes to pass, as I have said before,9. 5. 4. Cf. 3. 4. 19, 4. 1. 1, and 8. 3. 10. that the boundaries and the political organizations of tribes and places are always undergoing changes. So, also, Sophocles speaks of Trachinia as belonging to Phthiotis. And Artemidorus places Halus on the seaboard, as situated outside the Maliac Gulf, indeed, but as belonging to Phthiotis; for proceeding thence in the direction of the Peneius, he places Pteleum after Antron, and then Halus at a distance of one hundred and ten stadia from Pteleum. As for Trachin, I have already described it,9. 4. 13 ff. and the poet mentions it by name. Since the poet oftenThree times only, Hom. Il. 16.174, 176; 23.144 mentions the Spercheius as a river of this country,i.e., of Achilles' domain. and since it has its sources in Typhrestus, the Dryopian mountain which in earlier times was called . . .,See critical note. and empties near Thermopylae and between it and Lamia, he plainly indicates that both the region inside the Gates, I mean in so far as it belonged to the Maliac Gulf, and the region outside the Gates, were subject to Achilles. The Spercheius is about thirty stadia distant from Lamia, which is situated above a certain plain that extends down to the Maliac Gulf. And he plainly indicates that the Spercheius was a river of this country, not only by the assertion of Achilles that he "fostered the growth of his hair as an offering to Spercheius,"Hom. Il. 23.142 but also by the fact that Menesthius, one of his commanders, was called the son of Spercheius and the sister of Achilles.Hom. Il. 16.173-175 And it is reasonable to suppose that all the people, the subjects of Achilles and Patroclus, who had accompanied Peleus in his flight from Aegina, were called Myrmidons. And all the Phthiotae were called Achaeans. -Historians enumerate the settlements in the Phthiotic domain that was subject to Achilles, and they begin with the Malians. They name several, and among them Phthiotic Thebes, Echinus, Lamia (near which the Lamian War arose between the Macedonians, under Antipater, and the Athenians, and in this war Leosthenes, a general of the Athenians, fell, and also Leonnatus, the comrade of king Alexander), and also Narthacium, Erineus, Coroneia (bearing the same name as the Boeotian city), Melitaea, Thaumaci, Proerna, Pharsalus, Eretria (bearing the same name as the Euboean city), and Paracheloïtae (this, too, bearing the same name as the Aetolian city), for here too, near Lamia, is a river Acheloüs, on whose banks live the Paracheloïtae. This country bordered, in its stretch towards the north, on the country of the most westerly of the Asclepiadae, and on the country of Eurypylus, and also on that of Protesilaüs, these countries inclining towards the east; and in its stretch towards the south, on the Oetaean country, which was divided into fourteen demes, and also Heracleia and Dryopis,The Trachinian Heracleia (see 9. 4. 13 and 9. 2. 23) was in the Oetaean country (9. 3. 14), and, in the above passage, the same appears to have been true of Dryopis. But something seems to have fallen out of the MSS. after "demes"; and it is not clear whether Strabo means to include Heracleia and Dryopis in the fourteen demes or to name them as additional parts of the Oetaean country. Dryopis having at one time been a tetrapolis, like Doris,See 9. 3. 1 and 9. 4. 10. and regarded as the metropolis of the Dryopians who lived in the Peloponnesus. To the Oetaean country belong also Acyphas,The city Pindus (9. 4. 10). Parasopias,The same as Parasopii (9. 2. 23). Oeneiadae, and Anticyra, which bears the same name as the city among the Western Locrians. But I am speaking of these divisions of the country, not as having always remained the same, but as having undergone various changes. However, only the most significant divisions are particularly worthy of mention. +Historians enumerate the settlements in the Phthiotic domain that was subject to Achilles, and they begin with the Malians. They name several, and among them Phthiotic Thebes, Echinus, Lamia (near which the Lamian War arose between the Macedonians, under Antipater, and the Athenians, and in this war Leosthenes, a general of the Athenians, fell, and also Leonnatus, the comrade of king Alexander), and also Narthacium, Erineus, Coroneia (bearing the same name as the Boeotian city), Melitaea, Thaumaci, Proerna, Pharsalus, Eretria (bearing the same name as the Euboean city), and Paracheloïtae (this, too, bearing the same name as the Aetolian city), for here too, near Lamia, is a river Acheloüs, on whose banks live the Paracheloïtae. This country bordered, in its stretch towards the north, on the country of the most westerly of the Asclepiadae, and on the country of Eurypylus, and also on that of Protesilaüs, these countries inclining towards the east; and in its stretch towards the south, on the Oetaean country, which was divided into fourteen demes, and also Heracleia and Dryopis,The Trachinian Heracleia (see 9. 4. 13 and 9. 2. 23) was in the Oetaean country (9. 3. 14), and, in the above passage, the same appears to have been true of Dryopis. But something seems to have fallen out of the MSS. after "demes"; and it is not clear whether Strabo means to include Heracleia and Dryopis in the fourteen demes or to name them as additional parts of the Oetaean country. Dryopis having at one time been a tetrapolis, like Doris,See 9. 3. 1 and 9. 4. 10. and regarded as the metropolis of the Dryopians who lived in the Peloponnesus. To the Oetaean country belong also Acyphas,The city Pindus (9. 4. 10). Parasopias,The same as Parasopii (9. 2. 23). Oeneiadae, and Anticyra, which bears the same name as the city among the Western Locrians. But I am speaking of these divisions of the country, not as having always remained the same, but as having undergone various changes. However, only the most significant divisions are particularly worthy of mention. As for the Dolopians, the poet himself says clearly enough that they were situated in the farthermost parts of Phthia, and that both these and the Phthiotae were under the same leader, Peleus; for "I dwelt," he says, "in the farthermost part of Phthia, being lord over the Dolopians, whom Peleus gave me."Hom. Il. 9.483-484 (Phoenix speaking). The country borders on Pindus, and on the region round Pindus, most of which belongs to the Thessalians. For both on account of the fame and of the predominance of the Thessalians and the Macedonians, the countries of those Epeirotes who were their nearest neighbors were made, some willingly and the others unwillingly, parts of Thessaly or Macedonia; for instance, the Athamanes, the Aethices, and the Talares were made parts of Thessaly, and the Orestae, the Pelagonians, and the Elimiotae of Macedonia. -The Pindus Mountain is large, having the country of the Macedonians on the north, the Perrhaebian immigrants on the west, the Dolopians on the south, and HestiaeotisSee 9. 5. 2 and note on "Hestiaeotis." on the east; and this last is a part of Thessaly. The Talares, a Molossian tribe, a branch of those who lived in the neighborhood of Mount Tomarus, lived on Mount Pindus itself, as did also the Aethices, amongst whom, the poet says, the Centaurs were drivenFrom Pelion (Hom. Il. 2.744). by Peirithoüs; but history now tells us that they are "extinct." The term "extinct" is to be taken in one of two meanings; either the people vanished and their country has become utterly deserted, or else merely their ethnic name no longer exists and their political organization no longer remains what it was. When, therefore, any present political organization that survives from an earlier time is utterly insignificant, I hold that it is not worth mentioning, either itself or the new name it has taken; but when it affords a fair pretext for being mentioned, I must needs give an account of the change. +The Pindus Mountain is large, having the country of the Macedonians on the north, the Perrhaebian immigrants on the west, the Dolopians on the south, and HestiaeotisSee 9. 5. 2 and note on "Hestiaeotis." on the east; and this last is a part of Thessaly. The Talares, a Molossian tribe, a branch of those who lived in the neighborhood of Mount Tomarus, lived on Mount Pindus itself, as did also the Aethices, amongst whom, the poet says, the Centaurs were drivenFrom Pelion (Hom. Il. 2.744). by Peirithoüs; but history now tells us that they are "extinct." The term "extinct" is to be taken in one of two meanings; either the people vanished and their country has become utterly deserted, or else merely their ethnic name no longer exists and their political organization no longer remains what it was. When, therefore, any present political organization that survives from an earlier time is utterly insignificant, I hold that it is not worth mentioning, either itself or the new name it has taken; but when it affords a fair pretext for being mentioned, I must needs give an account of the change. It remains for me to tell the order of the places on the coast that were subject to Achilles, beginning at Thermopylae; for I have already spoken of the Locrian and the Oetaean countries. Thermopylae, then, is separated from Cenaeum by a strait seventy stadia wide; but, to one sailing along the coast beyond Pylae, it is about tenSee critical note. stadia from the Spercheius; and thence to Phalara twenty stadia; and above Phalara, fifty stadia from the sea, is situated the city of the Lamians; and then next, after sailing fifty stadia along the coast, one comes to Echinus, which is situated above the sea; and in the interior from the next stretch of coast, twenty stadia distant from it, is Larisa Cremaste (it is also called Larisa Pelasgia). -Then one comes to Myonnesus, a small island; and then to Antron, which was subject to Protesilaüs. So much, then, for the portion that was subject to Achilles. But since the poet, through naming both the leaders and the cities subject to them, has divided Thessaly into numerous well-known parts and arranged in order the whole circuit of it, I, following him again, as above, shall go on to complete the remainder of my geographical description of the country. Now he enumerates next in order after those who were subject to Achilles those who were subject to Protesilaüs; and these are also the people who come next in order after the stretch of coast which was subject to Achilles as far as Antron. Therefore, the territory that was subject to Protesilaüs is in the boundaries of the country that comes next in order, that is, it lies outside the Maliac Gulf, but still inside Phthiotis, though not inside the part of PhthiotisCf. 9. 5. 10. that was subject to Achilles. Now Phylace is near Phthiotic Thebes, which itself is subject to Protesilaüs. And Halus, also, and Larisa Cremaste, and Demetrium, are subject to him, all being situated to the east of the Othrys Mountain. Demetrium he speaks of as "sacred precinct of Demeter,"Hom. Il. 2.696 and calls it "Pyrasus." Pyrasus was a city with a good harbor; at a distance of two stadia it had a sacred precinct and a holy temple, and was twenty stadia distant from Thebes. Thebes is situated above Pyrasus, but the Crocian Plain is situated in the interior back of Thebes near the end of Othrys; and it is through this plain that the Amphrysus flows. Above this river are the Itonus, where is the temple of the Itonian,i.e., Itonian Athena. after which the temple in Boeotia is named, and the Cuarius Rivers. But I have already spoken of this river and of Arne in my description of Boeotia.9. 2. 3, 29, 33, 34. These places are in Thessaliotis, one of the four portions of all Thessaly, in which were not only the regions that were subject to Eurypylus, but also Phyllus, where is the temple of Phyllian Apollo, and Ichnae, where the Ichnaean Themis is held in honor. Cierus, also, was tributary to it, and so was the rest of that region as far as Athamania. Near Antron, in the Euboean strait, is a submarine reef called "Ass of Antron"; and then one comes to Pteleum and Halus; and then to the temple of Demeter; and to Pyrasus, which has been razed to the ground; and, above it, to Thebes; and then to Cape Pyrrha, and to two isles near it, one of which is called Pyrrha and the other Deucalion. And it is somewhere here that Phthiotis ends. -Next the poet enumerates the peoples that were subject to Eumelus, that is, the adjacent seacoast, which from this point on belongs to Magnesia and the land of Pelasgiotis. Now Pherae is at the end of the Pelasgian plains on the side towards Magnesia; and these plains extend as far as Pelion, one hundred and sixty stadia. The seaport of Pherae is Pagasae, which is ninety stadia distant from Pherae and twenty from Iolcus. Iolcus has indeed been razed to the ground from early times, but it was from there that Pelias despatched Jason and the Argo. It was from the construction here of the shipThe Greek word is a compound of "nau(s)" ("ship") and "pagia" ("construction"), "pagia" being the Doric spelling. Argo, according to mythology, that the place was called Pagasae, though some believe, more plausibly, that this name was given the place from its fountains,In Greek (Doric spelling), "pagae." which are both numerous and of abundant flow. Nearby is Aphetae also, so named as being the "apheterium"i.e., "starting-place." of the Argonauts. Iolcus is situated above the sea seven stadia from Demetrias. Demetrias, which is on the sea between Nelia and Pagasae, was founded by Demetrius Poliorcetes, who named it after himself, settling in it the inhabitants of the nearby towns, Nelia and Pagasae and Ormenium, and also Rhizus, Sepias, Olizon, Boebe, and Iolcus, which are now villages belonging to Demetrias. Furthermore, for a long time this was both a naval station and a royal residence for the kings of the Macedonians; and it held the mastery over both Tempe and the two mountains, Pelion and Ossa, as I have already said.9. 4. 15. At present it is reduced in power, but still it surpasses all the cities in Magnesia. Lake Boebeïs is near Pherae, and also borders on the foothills of Pelion and the frontiers of Magnesia; and Boebe is a place situated on the lake. Just as seditions and tyrannies destroyed Iolcus after its power had been greatly increased, so they reduced Pherae also, which had once been raised to greatness by its tyrants and was then destroyed along with them. Near Demetrias flows the Anaurus River; and the adjoining shore is also called Iolcus. Here, too, they used to hold the Pylaic Festal Assembly.No other reference to a "Pyliac" Assembly in Iolcus has been found. It could hardly be identified with the "Pylaean (Amphictyonic) Assembly" (9. 3. 7). Groskurd emends "Pyliac" to "Peliac" (i.e., held in honor of Pelias), which is probably right. Artemidorus places the Pagasitic Gulf in the region subject to Philoctetes,farther away from Demetrias; and he says that the island Cicynethos and a town bearing the same name are in the gulf. +Then one comes to Myonnesus, a small island; and then to Antron, which was subject to Protesilaüs. So much, then, for the portion that was subject to Achilles. But since the poet, through naming both the leaders and the cities subject to them, has divided Thessaly into numerous well-known parts and arranged in order the whole circuit of it, I, following him again, as above, shall go on to complete the remainder of my geographical description of the country. Now he enumerates next in order after those who were subject to Achilles those who were subject to Protesilaüs; and these are also the people who come next in order after the stretch of coast which was subject to Achilles as far as Antron. Therefore, the territory that was subject to Protesilaüs is in the boundaries of the country that comes next in order, that is, it lies outside the Maliac Gulf, but still inside Phthiotis, though not inside the part of PhthiotisCf. 9. 5. 10. that was subject to Achilles. Now Phylace is near Phthiotic Thebes, which itself is subject to Protesilaüs. And Halus, also, and Larisa Cremaste, and Demetrium, are subject to him, all being situated to the east of the Othrys Mountain. Demetrium he speaks of as "sacred precinct of Demeter,"Hom. Il. 2.696 and calls it "Pyrasus." Pyrasus was a city with a good harbor; at a distance of two stadia it had a sacred precinct and a holy temple, and was twenty stadia distant from Thebes. Thebes is situated above Pyrasus, but the Crocian Plain is situated in the interior back of Thebes near the end of Othrys; and it is through this plain that the Amphrysus flows. Above this river are the Itonus, where is the temple of the Itonian,i.e., Itonian Athena. after which the temple in Boeotia is named, and the Cuarius Rivers. But I have already spoken of this river and of Arne in my description of Boeotia.9. 2. 3, 29, 33, 34. These places are in Thessaliotis, one of the four portions of all Thessaly, in which were not only the regions that were subject to Eurypylus, but also Phyllus, where is the temple of Phyllian Apollo, and Ichnae, where the Ichnaean Themis is held in honor. Cierus, also, was tributary to it, and so was the rest of that region as far as Athamania. Near Antron, in the Euboean strait, is a submarine reef called "Ass of Antron"; and then one comes to Pteleum and Halus; and then to the temple of Demeter; and to Pyrasus, which has been razed to the ground; and, above it, to Thebes; and then to Cape Pyrrha, and to two isles near it, one of which is called Pyrrha and the other Deucalion. And it is somewhere here that Phthiotis ends. +Next the poet enumerates the peoples that were subject to Eumelus, that is, the adjacent seacoast, which from this point on belongs to Magnesia and the land of Pelasgiotis. Now Pherae is at the end of the Pelasgian plains on the side towards Magnesia; and these plains extend as far as Pelion, one hundred and sixty stadia. The seaport of Pherae is Pagasae, which is ninety stadia distant from Pherae and twenty from Iolcus. Iolcus has indeed been razed to the ground from early times, but it was from there that Pelias despatched Jason and the Argo. It was from the construction here of the shipThe Greek word is a compound of "nau(s)" ("ship") and "pagia" ("construction"), "pagia" being the Doric spelling. Argo, according to mythology, that the place was called Pagasae, though some believe, more plausibly, that this name was given the place from its fountains,In Greek (Doric spelling), "pagae." which are both numerous and of abundant flow. Nearby is Aphetae also, so named as being the "apheterium"i.e., "starting-place." of the Argonauts. Iolcus is situated above the sea seven stadia from Demetrias. Demetrias, which is on the sea between Nelia and Pagasae, was founded by Demetrius Poliorcetes, who named it after himself, settling in it the inhabitants of the nearby towns, Nelia and Pagasae and Ormenium, and also Rhizus, Sepias, Olizon, Boebe, and Iolcus, which are now villages belonging to Demetrias. Furthermore, for a long time this was both a naval station and a royal residence for the kings of the Macedonians; and it held the mastery over both Tempe and the two mountains, Pelion and Ossa, as I have already said.9. 4. 15. At present it is reduced in power, but still it surpasses all the cities in Magnesia. Lake Boebeïs is near Pherae, and also borders on the foothills of Pelion and the frontiers of Magnesia; and Boebe is a place situated on the lake. Just as seditions and tyrannies destroyed Iolcus after its power had been greatly increased, so they reduced Pherae also, which had once been raised to greatness by its tyrants and was then destroyed along with them. Near Demetrias flows the Anaurus River; and the adjoining shore is also called Iolcus. Here, too, they used to hold the Pylaic Festal Assembly.No other reference to a "Pyliac" Assembly in Iolcus has been found. It could hardly be identified with the "Pylaean (Amphictyonic) Assembly" (9. 3. 7). Groskurd emends "Pyliac" to "Peliac" (i.e., held in honor of Pelias), which is probably right. Artemidorus places the Pagasitic Gulf in the region subject to Philoctetes,farther away from Demetrias; and he says that the island Cicynethos and a town bearing the same name are in the gulf. The poet next enumerates the cities subject to Philoctetes. Now Methone is different from the Thracian Methone, which was razed to the ground by Philip. I have mentioned heretofore the change of the names of these places, and of certain places in the Peloponnesus. See 8. 4. 3-4, 8. 5. 3 and 8. 6. 15. And the other places enumerated by the poet are Thaumacia and Olizon and Meliboea, which are on the next stretch of seacoast. Off the country of the Magnetans lie numerous islands, but the only notable ones are Sciathos, Peparethos, and Icos, and also Halonnesos and Scyros, all having cities of the same name. But Scyros is the most notable, because of the family relation between Lycomedes and Achilles, and of the birth and nurture there of Neoptolemus the son of Achilles. In later times, when Philip had waxed powerful and saw that the Athenians dominated the sea and ruled over the islands, both these and the rest, he caused the islands that were near him to be most famous; for, since he was fighting for the hegemony, he always attacked those places which were close to him, and, just as he added to Macedonia most parts of the Magnetan country and of Thrace and of the rest of the land all round, so he also seized the islands off Magnesia and made those which were previously well-known to nobody objects of contention and hence well-known. Now Scyros is chiefly commended by the place it occupies in the ancient legends, but there are other things which cause it to be widely mentioned, as, for instance, the excellence of the Scyrian goats, and the quarries of the Scyrian variegated marble, which is comparable to the Carystian marble,See 10. 1. 6. and to the Docimaean or Synnadic,See 12. 8. 14. and to the Hierapolitic.See 13. 4. 14. For at Rome are to be seen monolithic columns and great slabs of the variegated marble; and with this marble the city is being adorned both at public and at private expense; and it has caused the quarries of white marbleBut the Greek might mean, instead of "quarries of white marble," simply "white marble" in general. to be of little worth. However, the poet, after proceeding thus far on the Magnetan seacoast, returns to Upper Thessaly; for, beginning at Dolopia and Pindus, he recounts the parts that stretch alongside Phthiotis, as far as Lower Thessaly: "And those who held Tricce and rocky Ithome."Hom. Il. 2.729These places belong in fact to Histiaeotis,See 9. 5. 3 and footnote. though in earlier times Histiaeotis was called Doris, as they say; but when the Perrhaebians took possession of it, who had already subdued Histiaeotis in Euboea and had forced its inhabitants to migrate to the mainland, they called the country Histiaeotis after these Histiaeans, because of the large number of these people who settled there. They call Histiaeotis and Dolopia Upper Thessaly, which is in a straight line with Upper Macedonia, as is Lower Thessaly with Lower Macedonia. Now Tricce, where is the earliest and most famous temple of Asclepius, borders on the country of the Dolopians and the regions round Pindus. Ithome, which is called by the same name as the Messenian city, ought not, they say, to be pronounced in this way, but without the first syllable;i.e., Thome. for thus, they add, it was called in earlier times, though now its name has been changed to Ithome. It is a stronghold and is in reality a heap of stones;"Thomos" means "heap of stones." and it is situated between four strongholds, which lie in a square, as it were: Tricce, Metropolis, Pelinnaeum, and Gomphi. But Ithome belongs to the territory of the Metropolitans. Metropolis in earlier times was a joint settlement composed of three insignificant towns; but later several others were added to it, among which was Ithome. Now Callimachus, in his Iambics, says that, "of all the Aphrodites (for there was not merely one goddess of this name), Aphrodite Castnietis surpasses all in wisdom, since she alone accepts the sacrifice of swine."Callimachus Fr. 82b (Schneider) And surely he was very learned, if any other man was, and all his life, as he himself states, wished to recount these things.The text is probably corrupt. We should expect either "wished to tell the truth about matters of this sort," or, as Professor Capps suggests, "preferred this branch of learning." But the writers of later times have discovered that not merely one Aphrodite, but several, have accepted this rite; and that among these was the Aphrodite at Metropolis, and that one of the cities included in the settlement transmitted to it the Onthurian rite."Onthurium" was a "Thessalian city near Arne" (Stehpanus Byzantinus, s.v.). Pharcadon, also, is in Histiaeotis; and the Peneius and the Curalius flow through its territory. Of these rivers, the Curalius flows past the temple of the Itonian Athena and empties into the Peneius; but the Peneius itself rises in Pindus, as I have already said,Fr. 14, 15, 15a. and after leaving Tricce and Pelinnaeum and Pharcadon on the left flows past both Atrax and Larisa, and after receiving the rivers in Thessaliotis flows on through Tempe to its outlet. Historians place the Oechalia which is called the "city of Eurytus "Hom. Il. 2.596 not only in this region, but also in Euboea and in Arcadia; and they give its name in different ways, as I have already said in my description of the Peloponnesus.See 9. 5. 16 and footnote. They inquire concerning these, and particularly in regard to what Oechalia it was that was captured by Heracles,Cf. 10. 1. 10. and concerning what Oechalia was meant by the poet who wrote The Capture of OechaliaSee 14. 1. 18. These places, then, were classed by Homer as subject to the Asclepiadae. -Next he speaks of the country subject to Eurypylus: "and those who held the fountain Hypereia, and those who held Asterium and the white summits of Titanus."Hom. Il. 2.734Now at the present time Ormenium is called Orminium; it is a village situated at the foot of Pelion near the Pagasitic Gulf, one of the cities included in the settlement of Demetrias, as I have said.9. 5. 15. And Lake Boebeïs, also, must be near, since Boebe, as well as Ormenium itself, was one of the dependencies of Demetrias. Now Ormenium is distant by land twenty-seven stadia from Demetrias, whereas the site of Iolcus, which is situated on the road, is distant seven stadia from Demetrias and the remaining twenty stadia from Ormenium. The ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. says that Phoenix was from Ormenium, and that he fled thence from his father Amyntor the son of Ormenus into Phthia to Peleus the king; for this place, he adds, was founded by Ormenus the son of Cercaphus the son of Aeolus; and he says that both Amyntor and Euaemon were sons of Ormenus, and that Phoenix was son of the former and Eurypylus of the latter, but that the succession to the throne, to which both had equal right, was kept for Eurypylus, inasmuch as Phoenix had gone away from his homeland. Furthermore, the Scepsian writes thus, "as when first I left Ormenium rich in flocks,"Demetrius of Scepsis Fr. instead of "I left Hellas, land of fair women."Hom. Il. 9.447But Crates makes Phoenix a Phocian, judging this from the helmet of Meges, which Odysseus used at the time of his night spying, concerning which the poet says, "Autolycus filched it from Eleon, from Amyntor the son of Ormenus, having broken into his close-built home."Hom. Il. 10.266For Eleon, he says, is a town of Parnassus; and Amyntor, son of Ormenus, means no other than the father of Phoenix; and Autolycus, who lived on Parnassus, must have broken into the house of a neighbor (as is the way of any housebreaker), and not into that of people far away. But the Scepsian says that there is no place called Eleon to be seen on Parnassus, though there is a place called Neon, founded in fact after the Trojan War, and also that housebreakings are not confined to neighbors only. And there are other arguments which one might give, but I hesitate to spend further time on this subject. Others write "from Heleon,"Instead of "from Eleon." but Heleon is a place in Tanagria, and this reading would increase the absurdity of the statement, "Then I fled afar off through Hellas and came to Phthia."Hom. Il. 9.478The fountain Hypereia is in the middle of the city of the Pheraeans, which belonged to Eumelus. It is absurd, therefore, to assign the fountain to Eurypylus. Titanus"White earth." was named from the fact in the case there; for the region near Arne and Aphetae has white soil. Asterium, also, is not far from these. -Continuous with this portion of Thessaly is the country of those who are called the subjects of Polypoetes: "And those who held Argissa and dwelt in Gyrtone, Orthe, and Elone and the white city Oloosson."Hom. Il. 2.738In earlier times the Perrhaebians inhabited this country, dwelling in the part near the sea and near the Peneius, extending as far as its outlet and Gyrton, a Perrhaebian city. Then the Lapiths humbled the Perrhaebians and thrust them back into the river country in the interior, and seized their country—I mean the Lapiths Ixion and his son Peirithoüs, the latter of whom also took possession of Pelion, forcing out the Centaurs, a wild folk, who had seized it. Now these "he thrust from Pelion and made them draw near to the Aethices,"Hom. Il. 2.744and he gave over the plains to the Lapiths, though the Perrhaebians kept possession of some of them, those near Olympus, and also in some places lived completely intermingled with the Lapiths. Now Argissa, the present Argura, is situated on the Peneius; and forty stadia above it lies Atrax, which also is close to the river; and the Perrhaebians held the river country between the two places. Some have called Orthe the acropolis of the Phalannaeans; and Phalanna is a Perrhaebian city close to the Peneius near Tempe. Now the Perrhaebians, being overpowered by the Lapiths, for the most part emigrated to the mountainous country about Pindus and to the countries of the Athamaniam and Dolopians, but their country and all Perrhaebians who were left behind there were seized by the Larisaeans, who lived near the Peneius and were their neighbors and dwelt in the most fertile parts of the plains, though not in the very low region near the lake called Nessonis, into which the river, when it overflowed, would carry away a portion of the arable soil belonging to the Larisaeans. Later, however, they corrected this by means of embankments. The Larisaeans, then, kept possession of Perrhaebia and exacted tribute until Philip established himself as lord over the region. Larisa is also the name of a place on Ossa; another is Larisa Cremaste, by some called Pelasgia;See 9. 5. 13. and in Crete is a city Larisa, now joined to Hierapytna, whence the plain that lies below is now called Larisian Plain; and, in the Peloponnesus both Larisa, the citadel of the Argives, and the Larisus River, which is the boundary between the Eleian country and Dyme. Theopompus speaks of another city Larisa situated on the same common boundary; and in Asia is a Larisa Phryconis near Cyme; and also the Larisa near Hamaxitis in the Troad; and there is the Ephesian Larisa, and the Larisa in Syria; and there are Larisaean Rocks fifty stadia from Mitylene on the road to Methymne; and there is a Larisa in Attica; and a village Larisa thirty stadia distant from Tralleis, above the city, on the road which runs through Mesogis towards the Caÿster Plain near the temple of the Isodromian Mother,i.e., Cybele which in its topographical position and its goodly attributes is like Larisa Cremaste, for it has an abundance of water and of vineyards; and perhaps the Larisaean Zeus received his epithet from this place; and also on the left of the Pontus is a village called Larisa, between Naulochus and. . .,"Odessa" seems to be the lost word. near the end of Mount Haemus. And Oloosson, called "white" from the fact that its soil is a white clay, and Elone, and Gonnus are Perrhaebian cities. But Elone changed its name to Leimone, and is now in ruins. Both are situated below Olympus, not very far from the Europus River, which the poet calls the Titaresius.Hom. Il. 2.751 -The poet next mentions both Titaresius and the Perrhaebians, when he says, "And Guneus led from Cyphus twenty-two ships. And there followed him the Enienians,The Homeric spelling of "Aenianians" (9. 4. 11). and the Perrhaebians steadfast in war, who had established their homes round wintry Dodona,The Thessalian Dodona mentioned in Fr. 1, 1a, 1b, 1c. and dwelt in the fields about lovely Titaresius."Hom. Il. 2.748Now he speaks of these places as belonging to the Perrhaebians, places which fell into their possession as a part of Hestiaeotis.The Perrhaebians had seized Hestiaeotis (9. 5. 17). And also the cities subject to Polypoetes were in part Perrhaebian. However, he assigned them to the Lapiths because the two peoples lived intermingled with one another,See 9. 5. 19. and also because, although the Lapiths held possession of the plains and the Perrhaebian element there were for the most part subject to the Lapiths, the Perrhaebians held possession of the more mountainous parts near Olympus and Tempe, as, for example, Cyphus, and Dodona, and the region about the Titaresius; this river rises in the Titarius Mountain, which connects with Olympus, and flows into the territory of Perrhaebia which is near Tempe, and somewhere in that neighborhood unites with the Peneius. Now the water of the Peneius is pure, but that of the Titaresius is oily, because of some substance or other, so that it does not mingle with that of the Peneius, "but runs over it on the top like oil."Hom. Il. 2.754Because of the fact that the two peoples lived intermingled, Simonides uses the terms Perrhaebians and Lapiths of all the Pelasgiotes who occupy the region about Gyrton and the outlets of the Peneius and Mount Ossa and Mount Pelion, and the region about Demetrias, and the region in the plain, I mean Larisa, Crannon, Scotussa, Mopsium, Atrax, and the region about Lake Nessonis and Lake Boebeïs. Of these places the poet mentions only a few, because the rest of them had not yet been settled, or else were only wretched settlements, on account of the inundations which took place at various times. Indeed, he does not mention Lake Nessonis either, but Lake Boebeïs only (though it is much smaller), because the latter alone persisted, whereas the former, in all probability, was at times filled at irregular intervals and at times gave out altogether. Scotussa I have already mentioned in my account of Dodona and of the oracle in Thessaly, saying that originally it was near this place.7. 7. 12. In the territory of Scotussa there is a place called Cynoscephalae,"Dogs' Heads," a low range of hills. near which Titus QuintiusTitus Quintius Flamininus. and the Romans, along with the Aetolians, in a great battle197 B.C. conquered Philip the son of Demetrius, king of the Macedonians. -Magnetis, also, has been treated by Homer in about the same way. For although he has already enumerated many of the places in Magnetis, none of these are called Magnetan by him except those two places, and even these are designated by him in a dim and indistinct way:Homer nowhere specifically names either the Magnetans or their country except in Hom. Il. 2.756,, where he says, "Prothoüs, son of Tenthredon, was the leader of the Magnetans." "who dwelt about Peneius and Pelion with its shaking foliage."Hom. Il. 2.757Assuredly, however, about the Peneius and Pelion lived those who held Gyrton, whom he had already named, Hom. Il. 2.738 as also those who held Ormenium,Hom. Il. 2.734 and several other Perrhaebian peoples; and yet farther away from Pelion there were still Magnetans, beginning with those subject to Eumelus, at least according to the writers of later times. These writers, however, on account of the continual migrations, changes of political administrations, and intermixture of tribes, seem to have confused both the names and the tribes, so that they sometimes present difficult questions for the writers of today. For example, this has proved true, in the first place, in the case of Crannon and Gyrton; for in earlier times the Gyrtonians were called "Phlegyae," from Phlegyas, the brother of Ixion, and the Crannonians "Ephyri," so that it is a difficult question who can be meant by the poet when he says, "Verily these twain, going forth from Thrace, arm themselves to pursue the Ephyri, or to pursue the great-hearted Phlegyae."Hom. Il. 2.301Some modern scholars question the authenticity of this passage. See Leaf's note ad loc. -Again, the same thing is true in the case of the Perrhaebians and Aenianians. For HomerHom. Il. 2.749 connected the two, as living near one another; and in fact we are told by the writers of later times that for a long time the habitation of the Aenianians was in the Dotian Plain. This plain is near the Perrhaebia just mentioned above, and Ossa and Lake Boebeïs; and while it is situated in the middle of Thessaly, yet it is enclosed all round by hills of its own. Concerning this plain Hesiod has spoken thus: "Or as the unwedded virginCoronis, mother of Asclepius. who, dwelling on the holy Didyman Hills, in the Dotian Plain, in front of Amyrus, bathed her foot in Lake Boebeïs."Hes. Fr. 122 (Rzach)Again quoted in 14. 1. 40. Now as for the Aenianians, most of them were driven into Oeta by the Lapiths; and there too they became predominant, having taken away certain parts of the country from the Dorians and the Malians as far as Heracleia and Echinus, although some remained in the neighborhood of Cyphus, a Perrhaebian mountain which had a settlement of the same name. As for the Perrhaebians, some of them drew together round the western parts of Olympus and stayed there, being neighbors to the Macedonians, but the greater part of them were driven out of their country into the mountains round Athamania and Pindus. But today little or no trace of them is preserved. At any rate, the Magnetans mentioned last by the poet in the Thessalian Catalogue should be regarded as those inside Tempe, extending from the Peneius and Ossa as far as Pelion, and bordering on the Pieriotae in Macedonia, who held the country on the far side of the Peneius as far as the sea. Now Homolium, or Homole (for it is spelled both ways), should be assigned to the Magnetans; as I have said in my description of Macedonia,Fr. 16b (see also 16c). it is close to Ossa, situated where the Peneius begins to discharge its waters through Tempe. And if one were to proceed as far as the seacoast nearest to Homolium, there is reason for assigning to them Rhizus and Erymnae, which were situated on that part of the seacoast which was subject to Philoctetes and on that which was subject to Eumelus. However, let this question remain undecided. And also the order of the places next thereafter as far as the Peneius is not plainly told by the poet; but since these places are without repute, neither should I myself regard the matter as of great importance. Cape Sepias, however, was afterwards celebrated both in tragedies and in hymns on account of the total destruction there of the Persian fleet. Sepias itself is a rocky cape, but between it and Casthanaea, a village situated at the foot of Pelion, is a beach where the fleet of Xerxes was lying in wait when, a violent east wind bursting forth, some of the ships were immediately driven high and dry on the beach and broken to pieces on the spot, and the others were carried along the coast to Ipni, one of the rugged places in the region of Pelion, or to Meliboea, or to Casthanaea, and destroyed. The whole voyage along the coast of Pelion is rough, a distance of about eighty stadia; and that along the coast of Ossa is equally long and rough. Between the two mountains is a gulf more than two hundred stadia in circuit, on which is Meliboea. The whole voyage along the coast from Demetrias to the Peneius, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, is more than one thousand stadia in length, and from the Sperchius eight hundred more, and from the Euripus two thousand three hundred and fifty. HieronymusApparently Hieronymus of Rhodes (see note on 8. 6. 21). declares that the plain country of Thessaly and Magnetis is three thousand stadia in circuit, and that it was inhabited by Pelasgians, and that these were driven out of their country by the Lapiths, and that the present Pelasgian Plain, as it is called, is that in which are situated Larisa, Gyrtone, Pherae, Mopsium, Boebeïs, Ossa, Homole, Pelion, and Magnetis. Mopsium is named, not after Mopsus, the son of Manto the daughter of Teiresias, but after Mopsus the Lapith who sailed with the Argonauts. But Mopsopus, after whom the Attic Mopsopia is named, is a different person.See 9. 1. 18. +Next he speaks of the country subject to Eurypylus: "and those who held the fountain Hypereia, and those who held Asterium and the white summits of Titanus."Hom. Il. 2.734Now at the present time Ormenium is called Orminium; it is a village situated at the foot of Pelion near the Pagasitic Gulf, one of the cities included in the settlement of Demetrias, as I have said.9. 5. 15. And Lake Boebeïs, also, must be near, since Boebe, as well as Ormenium itself, was one of the dependencies of Demetrias. Now Ormenium is distant by land twenty-seven stadia from Demetrias, whereas the site of Iolcus, which is situated on the road, is distant seven stadia from Demetrias and the remaining twenty stadia from Ormenium. The ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. says that Phoenix was from Ormenium, and that he fled thence from his father Amyntor the son of Ormenus into Phthia to Peleus the king; for this place, he adds, was founded by Ormenus the son of Cercaphus the son of Aeolus; and he says that both Amyntor and Euaemon were sons of Ormenus, and that Phoenix was son of the former and Eurypylus of the latter, but that the succession to the throne, to which both had equal right, was kept for Eurypylus, inasmuch as Phoenix had gone away from his homeland. Furthermore, the Scepsian writes thus, "as when first I left Ormenium rich in flocks,"Demetrius of Scepsis Fr. instead of "I left Hellas, land of fair women."Hom. Il. 9.447But Crates makes Phoenix a Phocian, judging this from the helmet of Meges, which Odysseus used at the time of his night spying, concerning which the poet says, "Autolycus filched it from Eleon, from Amyntor the son of Ormenus, having broken into his close-built home."Hom. Il. 10.266For Eleon, he says, is a town of Parnassus; and Amyntor, son of Ormenus, means no other than the father of Phoenix; and Autolycus, who lived on Parnassus, must have broken into the house of a neighbor (as is the way of any housebreaker), and not into that of people far away. But the Scepsian says that there is no place called Eleon to be seen on Parnassus, though there is a place called Neon, founded in fact after the Trojan War, and also that housebreakings are not confined to neighbors only. And there are other arguments which one might give, but I hesitate to spend further time on this subject. Others write "from Heleon,"Instead of "from Eleon." but Heleon is a place in Tanagria, and this reading would increase the absurdity of the statement, "Then I fled afar off through Hellas and came to Phthia."Hom. Il. 9.478The fountain Hypereia is in the middle of the city of the Pheraeans, which belonged to Eumelus. It is absurd, therefore, to assign the fountain to Eurypylus. Titanus"White earth." was named from the fact in the case there; for the region near Arne and Aphetae has white soil. Asterium, also, is not far from these. +Continuous with this portion of Thessaly is the country of those who are called the subjects of Polypoetes: "And those who held Argissa and dwelt in Gyrtone, Orthe, and Elone and the white city Oloosson."Hom. Il. 2.738In earlier times the Perrhaebians inhabited this country, dwelling in the part near the sea and near the Peneius, extending as far as its outlet and Gyrton, a Perrhaebian city. Then the Lapiths humbled the Perrhaebians and thrust them back into the river country in the interior, and seized their country—I mean the Lapiths Ixion and his son Peirithoüs, the latter of whom also took possession of Pelion, forcing out the Centaurs, a wild folk, who had seized it. Now these "he thrust from Pelion and made them draw near to the Aethices,"Hom. Il. 2.744and he gave over the plains to the Lapiths, though the Perrhaebians kept possession of some of them, those near Olympus, and also in some places lived completely intermingled with the Lapiths. Now Argissa, the present Argura, is situated on the Peneius; and forty stadia above it lies Atrax, which also is close to the river; and the Perrhaebians held the river country between the two places. Some have called Orthe the acropolis of the Phalannaeans; and Phalanna is a Perrhaebian city close to the Peneius near Tempe. Now the Perrhaebians, being overpowered by the Lapiths, for the most part emigrated to the mountainous country about Pindus and to the countries of the Athamaniam and Dolopians, but their country and all Perrhaebians who were left behind there were seized by the Larisaeans, who lived near the Peneius and were their neighbors and dwelt in the most fertile parts of the plains, though not in the very low region near the lake called Nessonis, into which the river, when it overflowed, would carry away a portion of the arable soil belonging to the Larisaeans. Later, however, they corrected this by means of embankments. The Larisaeans, then, kept possession of Perrhaebia and exacted tribute until Philip established himself as lord over the region. Larisa is also the name of a place on Ossa; another is Larisa Cremaste, by some called Pelasgia;See 9. 5. 13. and in Crete is a city Larisa, now joined to Hierapytna, whence the plain that lies below is now called Larisian Plain; and, in the Peloponnesus both Larisa, the citadel of the Argives, and the Larisus River, which is the boundary between the Eleian country and Dyme. Theopompus speaks of another city Larisa situated on the same common boundary; and in Asia is a Larisa Phryconis near Cyme; and also the Larisa near Hamaxitis in the Troad; and there is the Ephesian Larisa, and the Larisa in Syria; and there are Larisaean Rocks fifty stadia from Mitylene on the road to Methymne; and there is a Larisa in Attica; and a village Larisa thirty stadia distant from Tralleis, above the city, on the road which runs through Mesogis towards the Caÿster Plain near the temple of the Isodromian Mother,i.e., Cybele which in its topographical position and its goodly attributes is like Larisa Cremaste, for it has an abundance of water and of vineyards; and perhaps the Larisaean Zeus received his epithet from this place; and also on the left of the Pontus is a village called Larisa, between Naulochus and. . .,"Odessa" seems to be the lost word. near the end of Mount Haemus. And Oloosson, called "white" from the fact that its soil is a white clay, and Elone, and Gonnus are Perrhaebian cities. But Elone changed its name to Leimone, and is now in ruins. Both are situated below Olympus, not very far from the Europus River, which the poet calls the Titaresius.Hom. Il. 2.751 +The poet next mentions both Titaresius and the Perrhaebians, when he says, "And Guneus led from Cyphus twenty-two ships. And there followed him the Enienians,The Homeric spelling of "Aenianians" (9. 4. 11). and the Perrhaebians steadfast in war, who had established their homes round wintry Dodona,The Thessalian Dodona mentioned in Fr. 1, 1a, 1b, 1c. and dwelt in the fields about lovely Titaresius."Hom. Il. 2.748Now he speaks of these places as belonging to the Perrhaebians, places which fell into their possession as a part of Hestiaeotis.The Perrhaebians had seized Hestiaeotis (9. 5. 17). And also the cities subject to Polypoetes were in part Perrhaebian. However, he assigned them to the Lapiths because the two peoples lived intermingled with one another,See 9. 5. 19. and also because, although the Lapiths held possession of the plains and the Perrhaebian element there were for the most part subject to the Lapiths, the Perrhaebians held possession of the more mountainous parts near Olympus and Tempe, as, for example, Cyphus, and Dodona, and the region about the Titaresius; this river rises in the Titarius Mountain, which connects with Olympus, and flows into the territory of Perrhaebia which is near Tempe, and somewhere in that neighborhood unites with the Peneius. Now the water of the Peneius is pure, but that of the Titaresius is oily, because of some substance or other, so that it does not mingle with that of the Peneius, "but runs over it on the top like oil."Hom. Il. 2.754Because of the fact that the two peoples lived intermingled, Simonides uses the terms Perrhaebians and Lapiths of all the Pelasgiotes who occupy the region about Gyrton and the outlets of the Peneius and Mount Ossa and Mount Pelion, and the region about Demetrias, and the region in the plain, I mean Larisa, Crannon, Scotussa, Mopsium, Atrax, and the region about Lake Nessonis and Lake Boebeïs. Of these places the poet mentions only a few, because the rest of them had not yet been settled, or else were only wretched settlements, on account of the inundations which took place at various times. Indeed, he does not mention Lake Nessonis either, but Lake Boebeïs only (though it is much smaller), because the latter alone persisted, whereas the former, in all probability, was at times filled at irregular intervals and at times gave out altogether. Scotussa I have already mentioned in my account of Dodona and of the oracle in Thessaly, saying that originally it was near this place.7. 7. 12. In the territory of Scotussa there is a place called Cynoscephalae,"Dogs' Heads," a low range of hills. near which Titus QuintiusTitus Quintius Flamininus. and the Romans, along with the Aetolians, in a great battle197 B.C. conquered Philip the son of Demetrius, king of the Macedonians. +Magnetis, also, has been treated by Homer in about the same way. For although he has already enumerated many of the places in Magnetis, none of these are called Magnetan by him except those two places, and even these are designated by him in a dim and indistinct way:Homer nowhere specifically names either the Magnetans or their country except in Hom. Il. 2.756,, where he says, "Prothoüs, son of Tenthredon, was the leader of the Magnetans." "who dwelt about Peneius and Pelion with its shaking foliage."Hom. Il. 2.757Assuredly, however, about the Peneius and Pelion lived those who held Gyrton, whom he had already named, Hom. Il. 2.738 as also those who held Ormenium,Hom. Il. 2.734 and several other Perrhaebian peoples; and yet farther away from Pelion there were still Magnetans, beginning with those subject to Eumelus, at least according to the writers of later times. These writers, however, on account of the continual migrations, changes of political administrations, and intermixture of tribes, seem to have confused both the names and the tribes, so that they sometimes present difficult questions for the writers of today. For example, this has proved true, in the first place, in the case of Crannon and Gyrton; for in earlier times the Gyrtonians were called "Phlegyae," from Phlegyas, the brother of Ixion, and the Crannonians "Ephyri," so that it is a difficult question who can be meant by the poet when he says, "Verily these twain, going forth from Thrace, arm themselves to pursue the Ephyri, or to pursue the great-hearted Phlegyae."Hom. Il. 2.301Some modern scholars question the authenticity of this passage. See Leaf's note ad loc. +Again, the same thing is true in the case of the Perrhaebians and Aenianians. For HomerHom. Il. 2.749 connected the two, as living near one another; and in fact we are told by the writers of later times that for a long time the habitation of the Aenianians was in the Dotian Plain. This plain is near the Perrhaebia just mentioned above, and Ossa and Lake Boebeïs; and while it is situated in the middle of Thessaly, yet it is enclosed all round by hills of its own. Concerning this plain Hesiod has spoken thus: "Or as the unwedded virginCoronis, mother of Asclepius. who, dwelling on the holy Didyman Hills, in the Dotian Plain, in front of Amyrus, bathed her foot in Lake Boebeïs."Hes. Fr. 122 (Rzach)Again quoted in 14. 1. 40. Now as for the Aenianians, most of them were driven into Oeta by the Lapiths; and there too they became predominant, having taken away certain parts of the country from the Dorians and the Malians as far as Heracleia and Echinus, although some remained in the neighborhood of Cyphus, a Perrhaebian mountain which had a settlement of the same name. As for the Perrhaebians, some of them drew together round the western parts of Olympus and stayed there, being neighbors to the Macedonians, but the greater part of them were driven out of their country into the mountains round Athamania and Pindus. But today little or no trace of them is preserved. At any rate, the Magnetans mentioned last by the poet in the Thessalian Catalogue should be regarded as those inside Tempe, extending from the Peneius and Ossa as far as Pelion, and bordering on the Pieriotae in Macedonia, who held the country on the far side of the Peneius as far as the sea. Now Homolium, or Homole (for it is spelled both ways), should be assigned to the Magnetans; as I have said in my description of Macedonia,Fr. 16b (see also 16c). it is close to Ossa, situated where the Peneius begins to discharge its waters through Tempe. And if one were to proceed as far as the seacoast nearest to Homolium, there is reason for assigning to them Rhizus and Erymnae, which were situated on that part of the seacoast which was subject to Philoctetes and on that which was subject to Eumelus. However, let this question remain undecided. And also the order of the places next thereafter as far as the Peneius is not plainly told by the poet; but since these places are without repute, neither should I myself regard the matter as of great importance. Cape Sepias, however, was afterwards celebrated both in tragedies and in hymns on account of the total destruction there of the Persian fleet. Sepias itself is a rocky cape, but between it and Casthanaea, a village situated at the foot of Pelion, is a beach where the fleet of Xerxes was lying in wait when, a violent east wind bursting forth, some of the ships were immediately driven high and dry on the beach and broken to pieces on the spot, and the others were carried along the coast to Ipni, one of the rugged places in the region of Pelion, or to Meliboea, or to Casthanaea, and destroyed. The whole voyage along the coast of Pelion is rough, a distance of about eighty stadia; and that along the coast of Ossa is equally long and rough. Between the two mountains is a gulf more than two hundred stadia in circuit, on which is Meliboea. The whole voyage along the coast from Demetrias to the Peneius, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, is more than one thousand stadia in length, and from the Sperchius eight hundred more, and from the Euripus two thousand three hundred and fifty. HieronymusApparently Hieronymus of Rhodes (see note on 8. 6. 21). declares that the plain country of Thessaly and Magnetis is three thousand stadia in circuit, and that it was inhabited by Pelasgians, and that these were driven out of their country by the Lapiths, and that the present Pelasgian Plain, as it is called, is that in which are situated Larisa, Gyrtone, Pherae, Mopsium, Boebeïs, Ossa, Homole, Pelion, and Magnetis. Mopsium is named, not after Mopsus, the son of Manto the daughter of Teiresias, but after Mopsus the Lapith who sailed with the Argonauts. But Mopsopus, after whom the Attic Mopsopia is named, is a different person.See 9. 1. 18. So much, then, for the several parts of Thessaly. But speaking of it as a whole, I may say that in earlier times it was called Pyrrhaea, after Pyrrha the wife of Deucalion, and Haemonia after Haemon, and Thessaly after Thessalus the son of Haemon. But some writers, dividing it into two parts, say that Deucalion obtained the portion towards the south and called it Pandora after his mother, and that the other part fell to Haemon, after whom it was called Haemonia, but that the former name was changed to Hellas, after Hellen the son of Deucalion, and the latter to Thessaly, after the son of Haemon. Some, however, say that descendants of Antiphus and Pheidippus, the sons of Thessalus the son of Heracles, invaded the country from Thesprotian Ephyra and named it after Thessalus, their own ancestor. And it has been said that the country too was once named Nessonis, like the lake, after Nesson the son of Thessalus.

-Since Euboea lies parallel to the whole of the coast from Sunium to Thessaly, with the exception of the ends on either side,i.e., the promontories of Thermopylae and Sunium, which lie beyond the corresponding extremities of Euboea—Cenaeum and Geraestus. it would be appropriate to connect my description of the island with that of the parts already described before passing on to Aetolia and Acarnania, which are the remaining parts of Europe to be described. +Since Euboea lies parallel to the whole of the coast from Sunium to Thessaly, with the exception of the ends on either side,i.e., the promontories of Thermopylae and Sunium, which lie beyond the corresponding extremities of Euboea—Cenaeum and Geraestus. it would be appropriate to connect my description of the island with that of the parts already described before passing on to Aetolia and Acarnania, which are the remaining parts of Europe to be described. In its length, then, the island extends parallel to the coast for a distance of about one thousand two hundred stadia from Cenaeum to Geraestus, but its breadth is irregular and generally only about one hundred and fifty stadia. Now Cenaeum lies opposite to Thermopylae and, to a slight extent, to the region outside Thermopylae, whereas Geraestus and Petalia lie towards Sunium. Accordingly, the island lies across the strait and opposite Attica, Boeotia, Locris,and the Malians. Because of its narrowness and of the above-mentioned length, it was named Macrisi.e., "Long" Island (see Map VIII, end of Loeb Vol. IV). by the ancients. It approaches closest to the mainland at Chalcis, where it juts out in a convex curve towards the region of Aulis in Boeotia and forms the Euripus. Concerning the Euripus I have already spoken rather at length,9. 2. 2, 8. as also to a certain extent concerning the places which lie opposite one another across the strait, both on the mainland and on the island, on either side of the Euripus, that is, the regions both inside and outside"Inside" means the lower or southeastern region, "outside" the upper or northwestern. the Euripus. But if anything has been left out, I shall now explain more fully. And first, let me explain that the parts between Aulis and the region of Geraestus are called the Hollows of Euboea; for the coast bends inwards, but when it approaches Chalcis it forms a convex curve again towards the mainland. -The island was called, not only Macris, but also Abantis; at any rate, the poet, although he names Euboea, never names its inhabitants "Euboeans," but always "Abantes":And those who held Euboea, the courage-breathing Abantes . . .Hom. Il. 2.536And with himElephenor. followed the Abantes.Hom. Il. 2.542 AristotleAristotle of Chalcis wrote a work on Euboea, but it is no longer extant. He seems to have flourished in the fourth century B.C. says that Thracians, setting out from the Phocian Aba, recolonized the island and renamed those who held it "Abantes." Others derive the name from a hero,Abas, founder of Aba, who later conquered Euboea and reigned over it (Stephanus Byzantinus, s.v. *a)/bai and *a)banti/s). just as they derive "Euboea" from a heroine.On the heroine "Euboea," see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Euboea"(4). But it may be, just as a certain cave on the coast which fronts the Aegaean, where Io is said to have given birth to Epaphus, is called Böos Aule,Cow's Stall. that the island got the name Euboeai.e., from the Greek words "eu" (well) and "bous" (cow). from the same cause. The island was also called Oche; and the largest of its mountains bears the same name. And it was also named Ellopia, after Ellops the son of Ion. Some say that he was the brother of Aïclus and Cothus; and he is also said to have founded Ellopia, a place in Oria, as it is called, in HistiaeotisOr Hestiaeotis (see 9. 5. 3 and footnote 2). near the mountain Telethrius, and to have added to his dominions Histiaea, Perias, Cerinthus, Aedepsus, and Orobia; in this last place was an oracle most averse to falsehood (it was an oracle of Apollo Selinuntius). The Ellopians migrated to Histiaea and enlarged the city, being forced to do so by Philistides the tyrant, after the battle of Leuctra. Demosthenes says that Philistides was set up by Philip as tyrant of the Oreitae too;Dem. 9.32 (119 Reiske). for thus in later times the Histiaeans were named, and the city was named Oreus instead of Histiaea. But according to some writers, Histiaea was colonized by Athenians from the deme of the Histiaeans, as Eretria was colonized from that of the Eretrians. Theopompus says that when Pericles overpowered Euboea the Histiaeans by agreement migrated to Macedonia, and that two thousand Athenians who formerly composed the deme of the Histiaeans came and took up their abode in Oreus. +The island was called, not only Macris, but also Abantis; at any rate, the poet, although he names Euboea, never names its inhabitants "Euboeans," but always "Abantes":And those who held Euboea, the courage-breathing Abantes . . .Hom. Il. 2.536And with himElephenor. followed the Abantes.Hom. Il. 2.542 AristotleAristotle of Chalcis wrote a work on Euboea, but it is no longer extant. He seems to have flourished in the fourth century B.C. says that Thracians, setting out from the Phocian Aba, recolonized the island and renamed those who held it "Abantes." Others derive the name from a hero,Abas, founder of Aba, who later conquered Euboea and reigned over it (Stephanus Byzantinus, s.v. *a)/bai and *a)banti/s). just as they derive "Euboea" from a heroine.On the heroine "Euboea," see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Euboea"(4). But it may be, just as a certain cave on the coast which fronts the Aegaean, where Io is said to have given birth to Epaphus, is called Böos Aule,Cow's Stall. that the island got the name Euboeai.e., from the Greek words "eu" (well) and "bous" (cow). from the same cause. The island was also called Oche; and the largest of its mountains bears the same name. And it was also named Ellopia, after Ellops the son of Ion. Some say that he was the brother of Aïclus and Cothus; and he is also said to have founded Ellopia, a place in Oria, as it is called, in HistiaeotisOr Hestiaeotis (see 9. 5. 3 and footnote 2). near the mountain Telethrius, and to have added to his dominions Histiaea, Perias, Cerinthus, Aedepsus, and Orobia; in this last place was an oracle most averse to falsehood (it was an oracle of Apollo Selinuntius). The Ellopians migrated to Histiaea and enlarged the city, being forced to do so by Philistides the tyrant, after the battle of Leuctra. Demosthenes says that Philistides was set up by Philip as tyrant of the Oreitae too;Dem. 9.32 (119 Reiske). for thus in later times the Histiaeans were named, and the city was named Oreus instead of Histiaea. But according to some writers, Histiaea was colonized by Athenians from the deme of the Histiaeans, as Eretria was colonized from that of the Eretrians. Theopompus says that when Pericles overpowered Euboea the Histiaeans by agreement migrated to Macedonia, and that two thousand Athenians who formerly composed the deme of the Histiaeans came and took up their abode in Oreus. Oreus is situated at the foot of the mountain Telethrius in the Drymus,"Woodland." as it is called, on the River Callas, upon a high rock; and hence, perhaps, it was because the Ellopians who formerly inhabited it were mountaineers that the name Oreusi.e., from "oreius" (mountaineer). was assigned to the city. It is also thought that Orion was so named because he was reared there. Some writers say that the Oreitae had a city of their own, but because the Ellopians were making war on them they migrated and took up their abode with the Histiaeans; and that, although they became one city, they used both names, just as the same city is called both Lacedaemon and Sparta. As I have already said,9. 5. 17. Histiaeotis in Thessaly was also named after the Histiaeans who were carried off from here into the mainland by the Perrhaebians. Since Ellopia induced me to begin my description with Histiaea and Oreus, let me speak of the parts which border on these places. In the territory of this Oreus lies, not only Cenaeum, near Oreus, but also, near Cenaeun, DiumMentioned in Hom. Il. 2.538. and Athenae Diades, the latter founded by the Athenians and lying above that part of the strait where passage is taken across to Cynus; and Canae in Aeolis was colonized from Dium. Now these places are in the neighborhood of Histiaea; and so is Cerinthus, a small city by the sea; and near it is the Budorus River, which bears the same name as the mountain in Salamis which is close to Attica. Carystus is at the foot of the mountain Oche; and near it are Styra and Marmarium, in which latter are the quarry of the Carystian columnsSee 9. 5. 16. and a temple of Apollo Marmarinus; and from here there is a passage across the strait to Halae Araphenides. In Carystus is produced also the stone which is combed and woven,i.e., asbestos. so that the woven material is made into towels, and, when these are soiled, they are thrown into fire and cleansed, just as linens are cleansed by washing. These places are said to have been settled by colonists from the Marathonian TetrapolisSee 8. 7. 1. and by Steirians. Styra was destroyed in the Malian war by Phaedrus, the general of the Athenians; but the country is held by the Eretrians. There is also a Carystus in the Laconian country, a place belonging to Aegys, towards Arcadia; whence the Carystian wine of which Alcman speaks. Geraestus is not named in the Catalogue of Ships, but still the poet mentions it elsewhere:and at night they landed at Geraestus.Hom. Od. 3.177And he plainly indicates that the place is conveniently situated for those who are sailing across from Asia to Attica, since it comes near to Sunium. It has a temple of Poseidon, the most notable of those in that part of the world, and also a noteworthy settlement. -After Geraestus one comes to Eretria, the greatest city in Euboea except Chalcis; and then to Chalcis, which in a way is the metropolis of the island, being situated on the Euripus itself. Both are said to have been founded by the Athenians before the Trojan War. And after the Trojan War, Aïclus and Cothus, setting out from Athens, settled inhabitants in them, the former in Eretria and the latter in Chalcis. There were also some Aeolians from the army of PenthilusSon of Orestes (13. 1. 3). who remained in the island, and, in ancient times, some Arabians who had crossed over with Cadmus. Be this as it may, these cities grew exceptionally strong and even sent forth noteworthy colonies into Macedonia; for Eretria colonized the cities situated round Pallene and Athos, and Chalcis colonized the cities that were subject to Olynthus, which later were treated outrageously by Philip. And many places in Italy and Sicily are also Chalcidian. These colonies were sent out, as AristotleSee note on Aristotle, 10. 1. 3. states, when the government of the Hippobatae,"Knights." as it is called, was in power; for at the head of it were men chosen according to the value of their property, who ruled in an aristocratic manner. At the time of Alexander's passage across,Across the Hellespont to Asia, 334 B.C. the Chalcidians enlarged the circuit of the walls of their city, taking inside them both Canethus and the Euripus, and fortifying the bridge with towers and gates and a wall.Cf. 9. 2. 8 and footnotes. -Above the city of the Chalcidians is situated the Lelantine Plain. In this plain are fountains of hot water suited to the cure of diseases, which were used by Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander. And in this plain was also a remarkable mine which contained copper and iron together, a thing which is not reported as occurring elsewhere; now, however, both metals have given out, as in the case of the silver mines at Athens. The whole of Euboea is much subject to earthquakes, but particularly the part near the strait, which is also subject to blasts through subterranean passages, as are Boeotia and other places which I have already described rather at length.1. 3. 16. And it is said that the city which bore the same name as the island was swallowed up by reason of a disturbance of this kind. This city is also mentioned by Aeschylus in his Glaucus Pontius:Euboeïs, about the bending shore of Zeus Cenaeus, near the very tomb of wretched Lichas.Aesch. Fr. 30 (Nauck)In Aetolia, also, there is a place called by the same name Chalcis:and Chalcis near the sea, and rocky Calydon,Hom. Il. 2.640and in the present Eleian country:and they went past Cruni and rocky Chalcis,Hom. Od. 15.295that is, Telemachus and his companions, when they were on their way back from Nestor's to their homeland. -As for Eretria, some say that it was colonized from Triphylian Macistus by Eretrieus, but others say from the Eretria at Athens, which now is a marketplace. There is also an Eretria near Pharsalus. In the Eretrian territory there was a city Tamynae, sacred to Apollo; and the temple, which is near the strait, is said to have been founded by Admetus, at whose house the god served as an hireling for a year. In earlier times Eretria was called Melaneïs and Arotria. The village Amarynthus, which is seven stadia distant from the walls, belongs to this city. Now the old city was razed to the ground by the Persians, who "netted" the people, as Herodotus"Whenever they took one of the islands, the barbarians, as though capturing each severally, would net the people. They net them in this way: the men link hands and form a line extending from the northern sea to the southern, and then advance through the whole island hunting out the people" (6. 31). says, by means of their great numbers, the barbarians being spread about the walls (the foundations are still to be seen, and the place is called Old Eretria); but the Eretria of today was founded on it.i.e., on a part of the old site. As for the power the Eretrians once had, this is evidenced by the pillar which they once set up in the temple of Artemis Amarynthia. It was inscribed thereon that they made their festal procession with three thousand heavy-armed soldiers, six hundred horsemen, and sixty chariots. And they ruled over the peoples of Andros, Teos, Ceos, and other islands. They received new settlers from Elis; hence, since they frequently used the letter r,i.e.,like the Eleians, who regularly rhotacised final s (see Buck, Greek Dialects, section 60). not only at the end of words, but also in the middle, they have been ridiculed by comic writers. There is also a village Oechalia in the Eretrian territory, the remains of the city which was destroyed by Heracles; it bears the same name as the Trachinian Oechalia and that near Tricce, and the Arcadian Oechalia, which the people of later times called Andania, and that in Aetolia in the neighborhood of the Eurytanians. +After Geraestus one comes to Eretria, the greatest city in Euboea except Chalcis; and then to Chalcis, which in a way is the metropolis of the island, being situated on the Euripus itself. Both are said to have been founded by the Athenians before the Trojan War. And after the Trojan War, Aïclus and Cothus, setting out from Athens, settled inhabitants in them, the former in Eretria and the latter in Chalcis. There were also some Aeolians from the army of PenthilusSon of Orestes (13. 1. 3). who remained in the island, and, in ancient times, some Arabians who had crossed over with Cadmus. Be this as it may, these cities grew exceptionally strong and even sent forth noteworthy colonies into Macedonia; for Eretria colonized the cities situated round Pallene and Athos, and Chalcis colonized the cities that were subject to Olynthus, which later were treated outrageously by Philip. And many places in Italy and Sicily are also Chalcidian. These colonies were sent out, as AristotleSee note on Aristotle, 10. 1. 3. states, when the government of the Hippobatae,"Knights." as it is called, was in power; for at the head of it were men chosen according to the value of their property, who ruled in an aristocratic manner. At the time of Alexander's passage across,Across the Hellespont to Asia, 334 B.C. the Chalcidians enlarged the circuit of the walls of their city, taking inside them both Canethus and the Euripus, and fortifying the bridge with towers and gates and a wall.Cf. 9. 2. 8 and footnotes. +Above the city of the Chalcidians is situated the Lelantine Plain. In this plain are fountains of hot water suited to the cure of diseases, which were used by Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander. And in this plain was also a remarkable mine which contained copper and iron together, a thing which is not reported as occurring elsewhere; now, however, both metals have given out, as in the case of the silver mines at Athens. The whole of Euboea is much subject to earthquakes, but particularly the part near the strait, which is also subject to blasts through subterranean passages, as are Boeotia and other places which I have already described rather at length.1. 3. 16. And it is said that the city which bore the same name as the island was swallowed up by reason of a disturbance of this kind. This city is also mentioned by Aeschylus in his Glaucus Pontius:Euboeïs, about the bending shore of Zeus Cenaeus, near the very tomb of wretched Lichas.Aesch. Fr. 30 (Nauck)In Aetolia, also, there is a place called by the same name Chalcis:and Chalcis near the sea, and rocky Calydon,Hom. Il. 2.640and in the present Eleian country:and they went past Cruni and rocky Chalcis,Hom. Od. 15.295that is, Telemachus and his companions, when they were on their way back from Nestor's to their homeland. +As for Eretria, some say that it was colonized from Triphylian Macistus by Eretrieus, but others say from the Eretria at Athens, which now is a marketplace. There is also an Eretria near Pharsalus. In the Eretrian territory there was a city Tamynae, sacred to Apollo; and the temple, which is near the strait, is said to have been founded by Admetus, at whose house the god served as an hireling for a year. In earlier times Eretria was called Melaneïs and Arotria. The village Amarynthus, which is seven stadia distant from the walls, belongs to this city. Now the old city was razed to the ground by the Persians, who "netted" the people, as Herodotus"Whenever they took one of the islands, the barbarians, as though capturing each severally, would net the people. They net them in this way: the men link hands and form a line extending from the northern sea to the southern, and then advance through the whole island hunting out the people" (6. 31). says, by means of their great numbers, the barbarians being spread about the walls (the foundations are still to be seen, and the place is called Old Eretria); but the Eretria of today was founded on it.i.e., on a part of the old site. As for the power the Eretrians once had, this is evidenced by the pillar which they once set up in the temple of Artemis Amarynthia. It was inscribed thereon that they made their festal procession with three thousand heavy-armed soldiers, six hundred horsemen, and sixty chariots. And they ruled over the peoples of Andros, Teos, Ceos, and other islands. They received new settlers from Elis; hence, since they frequently used the letter r,i.e.,like the Eleians, who regularly rhotacised final s (see Buck, Greek Dialects, section 60). not only at the end of words, but also in the middle, they have been ridiculed by comic writers. There is also a village Oechalia in the Eretrian territory, the remains of the city which was destroyed by Heracles; it bears the same name as the Trachinian Oechalia and that near Tricce, and the Arcadian Oechalia, which the people of later times called Andania, and that in Aetolia in the neighborhood of the Eurytanians. Now at the present time Chalcis by common consent holds the leading position and is called the metropolis of the Euboeans; and Eretria is second. Yet even in earlier times these cities were held in great esteem, not only in war, but also in peace; indeed, they afforded philosophers a pleasant and undisturbed place of abode. This is evidenced by the school of the Eretrian philosophers, Menedemus and his disciples, which was established in Eretria, and also, still earlier, by the sojourn of Aristotle in Chalcis, where he also ended his days.322 B.C. Now in general these cities were in accord with one another, and when differences arose concerning the Lelantine Plain they did not so completely break off relations as to wage their wars in all respects according to the will of each, but they came to an agreement as to the conditions under which they were to conduct the fight. This fact, among others, is disclosed by a certain pillar in the Amarynthium, which forbids the use of long distance missiles. The rest of the paragraph is probably an interpolation, rejected by Meineke, following conj. of Kramer. In fact among all the customs of warfare and of the use of arms there neither is, nor has been, any single custom; for some use long distance missiles, as, for example, bowmen and slingers and javelin-throwers, whereas others use close-fighting arms, as, for example, those who use sword, or outstretched spear; for the spear is used in two ways, one in hand-to-hand combat and the other for hurling like a javelin; just as the pike serves both purposes, for it can be used both in close combat and as a missile for hurling, which is also true of the sarissaUsed by the Macedonian phalanx. and the hyssus.The Roman "pilum." The Euboeans excelled in "standing" combat, which is also called "close" and "hand-to-hand" combat; and they used their spears outstretched, as the poet says:spearmen eager with outstretched ashen spears to shatter corselets.Hom. Il. 2.543Perhaps the javelins were of a different kind, such as probably was the "Pelian ashen spear," which, as the poet says,Achilles alone knew how to hurl;Hom. Il. 19.389and heOdysseus. who said,And the spear I hurl farther than any other man can shoot an arrow,Hom. Od. 8.229means the javelin-spear. And those who fight in single combat are first introduced as using javelin-spears, and then as resorting to swords. And close fighters are not those who use the sword alone, but also the spear hand-to-hand, as the poet says:he pierced him with bronze-tipped polished spear, and loosed his limbs.Hom. Il. 4.469Now he introduces the Euboeans as using this mode of fighting, but he says the contrary of the Locrians, thatthey cared not for the tolls of close combat, . . . but relying on bows and well-twisted slings of sheep's wool they followed with him to Ilium.Hom. Il. 13.713There is current, also, an oracle which was given out to the people of Aegium,Thessalian horse, Lacedemonian woman, and men who drink the water of sacred Arethusa,meaning that the Chalcidians are best of all, for Arethusa is in their territory. @@ -594,31 +594,31 @@

-Now the Aetolians and the Acarnanians border on one another, having between them the Acheloüs River, which flows from the north and from Pindus on the south through the country of the Agraeans, an Aetolian tribe, and through that of the Amphilochians, the Acarnanians holding the western side of the river as far as that part of the Ambracian Gulf which is near Amphilochi and the temple of the Actian Apollo, but the Aetolians the eastern side as far as the Ozalian Locrians and Parnassus and the Oetaeans. Above the Acarnanians, in the interior and the parts towards the north, are situated the Amphilochians, and above these the Dolopians and Pindus, and above the Aetolians are the Perrhaebians and Athamanians and a part of the Aenianians who hold Oeta. The southern side, of Acarnania and Aetolia alike, is washed by the sea which forms the Corinthian Gulf, into which empties the Acheloüs River, which forms the boundary between the coast of the Aetolians and that of Acarnania. In earlier times the Acheloüs was called Thoas. The river which flows past Dyme bears the same name as this, as I have already said,8. 3. 11. and also the river near Lamia.9. 5. 10. I have already stated, also, that the Corinthian Gulf is said to begin at the mouth of this river.8. 2. 3. -As for cities, those of the Acarnanians are Anactorium, which is situated on a peninsula near Actium and is a trading center of the Nicopolis of today, which was founded in our times;This Nicopolis ("Victory City") was founded by Augustus Caesar in commemoration of his victory over Antony and Cleopatra at Actium in 31 B.C. See 7. 7. 5. Stratus, where one may sail up the Acheloüs River more than two hundred stadia; and Oeneiadae, which is also on the river—the old city, which is equidistant from the sea and from Stratus, being uninhabited, whereas that of today lies at a distance of about seventy stadia above the outlet of the river. There are also other cities, Palaerus, Alyzia, Leucas,Amaxiki, now in ruins. Argos Amphilochicum, and Ambracia, most of which, or rather all, have become dependencies of Nicopolis. Stratus is situated about midway of the road between Alyzia and Anactorium.An error either of Strabo or of the MSS. "Stratus" and "Alyzia" should exchange places in the sentence. -The cities of the Aetolians are Calydon and Pleuron, which are now indeed reduced, though in early times these settlements were an ornament to Greece. Further, Aetolia has come to be divided into two parts, one part being called Old Aetolia and the other Aetolia Epictetus.i.e., the Acquired. The Old Aetolia was the seacoast extending from the Acheloüs to Calydon, reaching for a considerable distance into the interior, which is fertile and level; here in the interior lie Stratus and Trichonium, the latter having excellent soil. Aetolia Epictetus is the part which borders on the country of the Locrians in the direction of Naupactus and Eupalium, being a rather rugged and sterile country, and extends to the Oetaean country and to that of the Athamanians and to the mountains and tribes which are situated next beyond these towards the north. +Now the Aetolians and the Acarnanians border on one another, having between them the Acheloüs River, which flows from the north and from Pindus on the south through the country of the Agraeans, an Aetolian tribe, and through that of the Amphilochians, the Acarnanians holding the western side of the river as far as that part of the Ambracian Gulf which is near Amphilochi and the temple of the Actian Apollo, but the Aetolians the eastern side as far as the Ozalian Locrians and Parnassus and the Oetaeans. Above the Acarnanians, in the interior and the parts towards the north, are situated the Amphilochians, and above these the Dolopians and Pindus, and above the Aetolians are the Perrhaebians and Athamanians and a part of the Aenianians who hold Oeta. The southern side, of Acarnania and Aetolia alike, is washed by the sea which forms the Corinthian Gulf, into which empties the Acheloüs River, which forms the boundary between the coast of the Aetolians and that of Acarnania. In earlier times the Acheloüs was called Thoas. The river which flows past Dyme bears the same name as this, as I have already said,8. 3. 11. and also the river near Lamia.9. 5. 10. I have already stated, also, that the Corinthian Gulf is said to begin at the mouth of this river.8. 2. 3. +As for cities, those of the Acarnanians are Anactorium, which is situated on a peninsula near Actium and is a trading center of the Nicopolis of today, which was founded in our times;This Nicopolis ("Victory City") was founded by Augustus Caesar in commemoration of his victory over Antony and Cleopatra at Actium in 31 B.C. See 7. 7. 5. Stratus, where one may sail up the Acheloüs River more than two hundred stadia; and Oeneiadae, which is also on the river—the old city, which is equidistant from the sea and from Stratus, being uninhabited, whereas that of today lies at a distance of about seventy stadia above the outlet of the river. There are also other cities, Palaerus, Alyzia, Leucas,Amaxiki, now in ruins. Argos Amphilochicum, and Ambracia, most of which, or rather all, have become dependencies of Nicopolis. Stratus is situated about midway of the road between Alyzia and Anactorium.An error either of Strabo or of the MSS. "Stratus" and "Alyzia" should exchange places in the sentence. +The cities of the Aetolians are Calydon and Pleuron, which are now indeed reduced, though in early times these settlements were an ornament to Greece. Further, Aetolia has come to be divided into two parts, one part being called Old Aetolia and the other Aetolia Epictetus.i.e., the Acquired. The Old Aetolia was the seacoast extending from the Acheloüs to Calydon, reaching for a considerable distance into the interior, which is fertile and level; here in the interior lie Stratus and Trichonium, the latter having excellent soil. Aetolia Epictetus is the part which borders on the country of the Locrians in the direction of Naupactus and Eupalium, being a rather rugged and sterile country, and extends to the Oetaean country and to that of the Athamanians and to the mountains and tribes which are situated next beyond these towards the north. Aetolia also has a very large mountain, Corax, which borders on Oeta; and it has among the rest of its mountains, and more in the middle of the country than Corax, Aracynthus, near which New Pleuron was founded by the inhabitants of the Old, who abandoned their city, which had been situated near Calydon in a district both fertile and level, at the time when Demetrius, surnamed Aetolicus,Son of Antigonus Gonatas; reigned over Macedonia 239-229 B.C. laid waste the country; above Molycreia are Taphiassus and Chalcis, rather high mountains, on which were situated the small cities Macynia and Chalcis, the latter bearing the same name as the mountain, though it is also called Hypochalcis. Near Old Pleuron is the mountain Curium, after which, as some have supposed, the Pleuronian Curetes were named. -The Evenus River begins in the territory of those Bomians who live in the country of the Ophians, the Ophians being an Aetolian tribe (like the Eurytanians and Agraeans and Curetes and others), and flows at first, not through the Curetan country, which is the same as the Pleuronian, but through the more easterly country, past Chalcis and Calydon; and then, bending back towards the plains of Old Pleuron and changing its course to the west, it turns towards its outlets and the south. In earlier times it was called Lycormas. And there Nessus, it is said, who had been appointed ferryman, was killed by Heracles because he tried to violate Deïaneira when he was ferrying her across the river. +The Evenus River begins in the territory of those Bomians who live in the country of the Ophians, the Ophians being an Aetolian tribe (like the Eurytanians and Agraeans and Curetes and others), and flows at first, not through the Curetan country, which is the same as the Pleuronian, but through the more easterly country, past Chalcis and Calydon; and then, bending back towards the plains of Old Pleuron and changing its course to the west, it turns towards its outlets and the south. In earlier times it was called Lycormas. And there Nessus, it is said, who had been appointed ferryman, was killed by Heracles because he tried to violate Deïaneira when he was ferrying her across the river. The poet also names Olenus and Pylene as Aetolian cities.Hom. Il. 2.639 Of these, the former, which bears the same name as the Achaean city, was razed to the ground by the Aeolians; it was near New Pleuron, but the Acarnanians claimed possession of the territory. The other, Pylene, the Aeolians moved to higher ground, and also changed its name, calling it Proschium. Hellanicus does not know the history of these cities either, but mentions them as though they too were still in their early status; and among the early cities he names Macynia and Molycreia, which were founded even later than the return of the Heracleidae, almost everywhere in his writings displaying a most convenient carelessness. Upon the whole, then, this is what I have to say concerning the country of the Acarnanians and the Aetolians, but the following is also to be added concerning the seacoast and the islands which lie off it: Beginning at the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf the first place which belongs to the Acarnanians is Actium. The temple of the Actian Apollo bears the same name, as also the cape which forms the mouth of the Gulf and has a harbor on the outer side. Anactorium, which is situated on the gulf, is forty stadia distant from the temple, whereas Leucas is two hundred and forty. In early times Leucas was a peninsula of Acarnania, but the poet calls it "shore of the mainland,"Homer specifically mentions Leucas only once, as the "rock Leucas" (Hom. Od. 24.11). On the Ithaca-Leucas problem, see Appendix in this volume. using the term "mainland" for the country which is situated across from Ithaca and Cephallenia; and this country is Acarnania. And therefore, when he says, "shore of the mainland," one should take it to mean "shore of Acarnania." And to Leucas also belonged, not only Nericus, which Laertes says he took (verily I took Nericus, well-built citadel, shore of the mainland, when I was lord over the Cephallenians),Hom. Od. 24.377but also the cities which Homer names in the Catalogue(and dwell in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips).Hom. Il. 2.633But the Corinthians sent by CypselusSee Dictionary in Vol. IV. and Gorgus took possession of this shore and also advanced as far as the Ambracian Gulf; and both Ambracia and Anactorium were colonized at this time; and the Corinthians dug a canal through the isthmus of the peninsula and made Leucas an island; and they transferred Nericus to the place which, though once an isthmus, is now a strait spanned by a bridge, and they changed its name to Leucas, which was named, as I think, after Leucatas; for Leucatas is a rock of white "leuca." color jutting out from Leucas into the sea and towards Cephallenia and therefore it took its name from its color. -It contains the temple of Apollo Leucatas, and also the "Leap," which was believed to put an end to the longings of love.Where Sappho is said to have been the first,as Menander says,when through frantic longing she was chasing the haughty Phaon, to fling herself with a leap from the far-seen rock, calling upon thee in prayer, O lord and master.Now although Menander says that Sappho was the first to take the leap, yet those who are better versed than he in antiquities say that it was Cephalus, who was in love with Pterelas the son of Deïoneus. It was an ancestral custom among the Leucadians, every year at the sacrifice performed in honor of Apollo, for some criminal to be flung from this rocky look-out for the sake of averting evil, wings and birds of all kinds being fastened to him, since by their fluttering they could lighten the leap, and also for a number of men, stationed all round below the rock in small fishing-boats, to take the victim in, and, when he had been taken on board,Or perhaps "resuscitated." to do all in their power to get him safely outside their borders. The author of the AlcmaeonisThe author of this epic poem on the deeds of Alcmaeon is unknown. says that Icarius, the father of Penelope, had two sons, Alyzeus and Leucadius, and that these two reigned over Acarnania with their father; accordingly, Ephorus thinks that the cities were named after these. -But though at the present time only the people of the island Cephallenia are called Cephallenians, Homer so calls all who were subject to Odysseus, among whom are also the Acarnanians. For after saying,but Odysseus led the Cephallenians, who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliageHom. Il. 2.631(Neritum being the famous mountain on this island, as also when he says,and those from Dulichium and the sacred Echinades,Hom. Il. 2.625Dulichium itself being one of the Echinades; andthose who dwelt in Buprasium and Elis,Hom. Il. 2.615Buprasium being in Elis; andthose who held Euboea and Chalcis and Eiretria,Hom. Il. 2.536meaning that these cities were in Euboea; andTrojans and Lycians and Dardanians,Hom. Il. 8.173meaning that the Lycians and Dardanians were Trojans)—however, after mentioning "Neritum, he says,and dwelt in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips, and those who held Zacynthos and those who dwelt about Samos, and those who held the mainland and dwelt in the parts over against the islands.Hom. Il. 2.633By "mainland,""epeirus" (cp. "Epeirus"). therefore, he means the parts over against the islands, wishing to include, along with Leucas, the rest of Acarnania as well,On Homer's use of this "poetic figure," in which he specifies the part with the whole, cp. 8. 3. 8 and 1. 2. 23. concerning which he also speaks in this way,twelve herd on the mainland, and as many flocks of sheep,Hom. Od. 14.100perhaps because Epeirotis extended thus far in early times and was called by the general name "mainland." But by "Samos" he means the Cephallenia of today, as, when he says,in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos;Hom. Od. 4.671for by the epithet he differentiates between the objects bearing the same name, thus making the name apply, not to the city, but to the island. For the island was a Tetrapolis,i.e., politically it was composed of four cities. and one of its four cities was the city called indifferently either Samos or Same, bearing the same name as the island. And when the poet says,for all the nobles who hold sway over the islands, Dulichium and Same and woody Zacynthos,Hom. Od. 1.245he is evidently making an enumeration of the islands and calling "Same" that island which he had formerlyHom. Il. 2.634 called Samos. But Apollodorus,See Dictionary in Vol. I. when he says in one passage that ambiguity is removed by the epithet when the poet saysand rugged Samos,Hom. Od. 4.671showing that he meant the island, and then, in another passage, says that one should copy the reading,Dulichium and Samos,Hom. Od. 1.246instead of "Same," plainly takes the position that the city was called "Same" or "Samos" indiscriminately, but the island "Samos" only; for that the city was called Same is clear, according to Apollodorus, from the fact that, in enumerating the wooers from the several cities, the poetIn the words of Telemachus. said,from Same came four and twenty men,Hom. Od. 16.249and also from the statement concerning Ktimene,they then sent her to Same to wed.Hom. Od. 15.367But this is open to argument, for the poet does not express himself distinctly concerning either Cephallenia or Ithaca and the other places near by; and consequently both the commentators and the historians are at variance with one another. -For instance, when Homer says in regard to Ithaca,those who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliage,Hom. Il. 2.632he clearly indicates by the epithet that he means the mountain Neritum; and in other passages he expressly calls it a mountain;but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum, with quivering leaves and conspicuous from afar.Hom. Od. 9.21But whether by Ithaca he means the city or the island, is not clear, at least in the following verse,those who held Ithaca and Neritum;Hom. Il. 2.632for if one takes the word in its proper sense, one would interpret it as meaning the city, just as though one should say "Athens and Lycabettus," or "Rhodes and Atabyris," or "Lacedaemon and Taÿgetus"; but if he takes it in a poetical sense the opposite is true. However, in the words,but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum,Hom. Od. 9.21his meaning is clear, for the mountain is in the island, not in the city. But when he says as follows,we have come from Ithaca below Neïum,Hom. Od. 3.81it is not clear whether he means that Neïum is the same as Neritum or different, or whether it is a mountain or place. However, the critic who writes NericumAccusative of "Nericus." instead of Neritum, or the reverse, is utterly mistaken; for the poet refers to the latter as "quivering with foliage,"Hom. Il. 2.632 but to the former as "well-built citadel,"Hom. Od. 24.377. and to the latter as "in Ithaca,"Hom. Od. 9.21. but to the former as "shore of the mainland."Hom. Od. 24.378. +It contains the temple of Apollo Leucatas, and also the "Leap," which was believed to put an end to the longings of love.Where Sappho is said to have been the first,as Menander says,when through frantic longing she was chasing the haughty Phaon, to fling herself with a leap from the far-seen rock, calling upon thee in prayer, O lord and master.Now although Menander says that Sappho was the first to take the leap, yet those who are better versed than he in antiquities say that it was Cephalus, who was in love with Pterelas the son of Deïoneus. It was an ancestral custom among the Leucadians, every year at the sacrifice performed in honor of Apollo, for some criminal to be flung from this rocky look-out for the sake of averting evil, wings and birds of all kinds being fastened to him, since by their fluttering they could lighten the leap, and also for a number of men, stationed all round below the rock in small fishing-boats, to take the victim in, and, when he had been taken on board,Or perhaps "resuscitated." to do all in their power to get him safely outside their borders. The author of the AlcmaeonisThe author of this epic poem on the deeds of Alcmaeon is unknown. says that Icarius, the father of Penelope, had two sons, Alyzeus and Leucadius, and that these two reigned over Acarnania with their father; accordingly, Ephorus thinks that the cities were named after these. +But though at the present time only the people of the island Cephallenia are called Cephallenians, Homer so calls all who were subject to Odysseus, among whom are also the Acarnanians. For after saying,but Odysseus led the Cephallenians, who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliageHom. Il. 2.631(Neritum being the famous mountain on this island, as also when he says,and those from Dulichium and the sacred Echinades,Hom. Il. 2.625Dulichium itself being one of the Echinades; andthose who dwelt in Buprasium and Elis,Hom. Il. 2.615Buprasium being in Elis; andthose who held Euboea and Chalcis and Eiretria,Hom. Il. 2.536meaning that these cities were in Euboea; andTrojans and Lycians and Dardanians,Hom. Il. 8.173meaning that the Lycians and Dardanians were Trojans)—however, after mentioning "Neritum, he says,and dwelt in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips, and those who held Zacynthos and those who dwelt about Samos, and those who held the mainland and dwelt in the parts over against the islands.Hom. Il. 2.633By "mainland,""epeirus" (cp. "Epeirus"). therefore, he means the parts over against the islands, wishing to include, along with Leucas, the rest of Acarnania as well,On Homer's use of this "poetic figure," in which he specifies the part with the whole, cp. 8. 3. 8 and 1. 2. 23. concerning which he also speaks in this way,twelve herd on the mainland, and as many flocks of sheep,Hom. Od. 14.100perhaps because Epeirotis extended thus far in early times and was called by the general name "mainland." But by "Samos" he means the Cephallenia of today, as, when he says,in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos;Hom. Od. 4.671for by the epithet he differentiates between the objects bearing the same name, thus making the name apply, not to the city, but to the island. For the island was a Tetrapolis,i.e., politically it was composed of four cities. and one of its four cities was the city called indifferently either Samos or Same, bearing the same name as the island. And when the poet says,for all the nobles who hold sway over the islands, Dulichium and Same and woody Zacynthos,Hom. Od. 1.245he is evidently making an enumeration of the islands and calling "Same" that island which he had formerlyHom. Il. 2.634 called Samos. But Apollodorus,See Dictionary in Vol. I. when he says in one passage that ambiguity is removed by the epithet when the poet saysand rugged Samos,Hom. Od. 4.671showing that he meant the island, and then, in another passage, says that one should copy the reading,Dulichium and Samos,Hom. Od. 1.246instead of "Same," plainly takes the position that the city was called "Same" or "Samos" indiscriminately, but the island "Samos" only; for that the city was called Same is clear, according to Apollodorus, from the fact that, in enumerating the wooers from the several cities, the poetIn the words of Telemachus. said,from Same came four and twenty men,Hom. Od. 16.249and also from the statement concerning Ktimene,they then sent her to Same to wed.Hom. Od. 15.367But this is open to argument, for the poet does not express himself distinctly concerning either Cephallenia or Ithaca and the other places near by; and consequently both the commentators and the historians are at variance with one another. +For instance, when Homer says in regard to Ithaca,those who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliage,Hom. Il. 2.632he clearly indicates by the epithet that he means the mountain Neritum; and in other passages he expressly calls it a mountain;but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum, with quivering leaves and conspicuous from afar.Hom. Od. 9.21But whether by Ithaca he means the city or the island, is not clear, at least in the following verse,those who held Ithaca and Neritum;Hom. Il. 2.632for if one takes the word in its proper sense, one would interpret it as meaning the city, just as though one should say "Athens and Lycabettus," or "Rhodes and Atabyris," or "Lacedaemon and Taÿgetus"; but if he takes it in a poetical sense the opposite is true. However, in the words,but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum,Hom. Od. 9.21his meaning is clear, for the mountain is in the island, not in the city. But when he says as follows,we have come from Ithaca below Neïum,Hom. Od. 3.81it is not clear whether he means that Neïum is the same as Neritum or different, or whether it is a mountain or place. However, the critic who writes NericumAccusative of "Nericus." instead of Neritum, or the reverse, is utterly mistaken; for the poet refers to the latter as "quivering with foliage,"Hom. Il. 2.632 but to the former as "well-built citadel,"Hom. Od. 24.377. and to the latter as "in Ithaca,"Hom. Od. 9.21. but to the former as "shore of the mainland."Hom. Od. 24.378. The following verse also is thought to disclose a sort of contradiction:Now Ithaca itself lies chthamale, panypertate on the sea;Hom. Od. 9.25 (see 1. 2. 20 and footnote). for chthamale means "low," or "on the ground," whereas panypertate means "high up," as Homer indicates in several places when he calls Ithaca "rugged."Hom. Il. 3.201; Hom. Od. 1.247; 9.27; 10.417; 15.510; 16.124; 21.346. And so when he refers to the road that leads from the harbor asrugged path up through the wooded place,Hom. Od. 14.1and when he saysfor not one of the islands which lean upon the sea is eudeielosOn eudeielos, see 9. 2. 41. and footnote. or rich in meadows, and Ithaca surpasses them all.Hom. Od. 4.607; but in this particular passage the Homeric text has hippelatos ("fit for driving horses") instead of eudeielos, although in Hom. Od. 9.21, and elsewhere, Homer does apply the latter epithet to Ithaca. Now although Homer's phraseology presents incongruities of this kind, yet they are not poorly explained; for, in the first place, writers do not interpret chthamale as meaning "low-lying" here, but "lying near the mainland," since it is very close to it, and, secondly, they do not interpret panypertate as meaning "highest," but "highest towards the darkness," that is, farthest removed towards the north beyond all the others; for this is what he means by "towards the darkness," but the opposite by "towards the south," as inbut the other islands lie aneuthe towards the dawn and the sun,Hom. Od. 9.26for the word aneuthe is "at a distance," or "apart," implying that the other islands lie towards the south and farther away from the mainland, whereas Ithaca lies near the mainland and towards the north. That Homer refers in this way to the southerly region is clear also from these words,whether they go to the right, towards the dawn and the sun, or yet to the left towards the misty darkness,Hom. Il. 12.239and still more clear from these words,my friends, lo, now we know not where is the place of darkness, nor of dawn, nor where the sun, that gives light to men, goes beneath the earth; nor where he rises.Hom. Od. 10.190For it is indeed possible to interpret this as meaning the four "climata,"But in this passage "climata" is used in a different sense from that in 1. 1. 10 (see also footnote 2 ad loc., Vol. I, p. 22). It means here the (four) quarters of the sky, (l) where the sun sets, (2) where it rises, (3) the region of the celestial north pole, and (4) the region opposite thereto south of the equator. if we interpret "the dawn" as meaning the southerly region (and this has some plausibility), but it is better to conceive of the region which is along the path of the sun as set opposite to the northerly region, for the poetic words are intended to signify a considerable change in the celestial phenomena,Odysseus was at the isle of Circe when he uttered the words in question, and hence, relatively, the celestial phenomena had changed (see 1. l. 21). not merely a temporary concealment of the "climata," for necessarily concealment ensues every time the sky is clouded, whether by day or by night; but the celestial phenomena change to a greater extent as we travel farther and farther towards the south or in the opposite direction. Yet this travel causes a hiding, not of the western or eastern sky, but only of the southern or northern, and in fact this hiding takes place when the sky is clear; for the pole is the most northerly point of the sky, but since the pole moves and is sometimes at our zenith and sometimes below the earth, the arctic circles also change with it and in the course of such travels sometimes vanish with it,i.e., the infinite number of possible northern arctic circles vanish when the traveller (going south) crosses the equator, and, in the same way, the corresponding quarter of the southern sky vanishes when the traveller, going north, crosses the equator (see Vol. I, p. 364, note 2). so that you cannot know where the northern "clima" is, or even where it begins.See critical note. And if this is true, neither can you know the opposite "clima." The circuit of Ithaca is about eighty stadia.See critical note. So much for Ithaca. As for Cephallenia, which is a Tetrapolis, the poet mentions by its present name neither it nor any of its cities except one, Same or Samos, which now no longer exists, though traces of it are to be seen midway of the passage to Ithaca; and its people are called Samaeans. The other three, however, survive even to this day in the little cities Paleis, Pronesus, and Cranii. And in our time Gaius Antonius, the uncle of Marcus Antonius, founded still another city, when, after his consulship, which he held with Cicero the orator, he went into exile,59 B.C. sojourned in Cephallenia, and held the whole island in subjection as though it were his private estate. However, before he could complete the settlement he obtained permission to return home,Probably from Caesar. He was back in Rome in 44 B.C. and ended his days amid other affairs of greater importance. - Some, however, have not hesitated to identify Cephallenia with Dulichium, and others with Taphos, calling the Cephallenians Taphians, and likewise Teleboans, and to say that Amphitryon made an expedition thither with Cephalus, the son of Deïoneus, whom, an exile from Athens, he had taken along with him, and that when Amphitryon seized the island he gave it over to Cephalus, and that the island was named after Cephalus and the cities after his children. But this is not in accordance with Homer; for the Cephallenians were subject to Odysseus and Laertes, whereas Taphos was subject to Mentes:I declare that I am Mentes the son of wise Anchialus, and I am lord over the oar loving Taphians.Hom. Od. 1.180Taphos is now called Taphius. Neither is HellanicusSee Dictionary in Vol. I. in accord with Homer when he identifies Cephallenia with Dulichium, for HomerHom. Il. 2.625. makes Dulichium and the remainder of the Echinades subject to Meges; and their inhabitants were Epeians, who had come there from Elis; and it is on this account that he calls Otus the Cylleniancomrade of PhyleidesSon of Phyleus (Meges). and ruler of the high-hearted Epeians;Hom. Il. 15.519but Odysseus led the high-hearted Cephallenians.Hom. Il. 2.631According to Homer, therefore, neither is Cephallenia Dulichium nor is Dulichium a part of Cephallenia, as AndronSee footnote on Andron, 10. 4. 6. says; for the Epeians held possession of Dulichium, whereas the Cephallenians held possession of the whole of Cephallenia and were subject to Odysseus, whereas the Epeians were subject to Meges. Neither is Paleis called Dulichium by the poet, as Pherecydes writes. But that writer is most in opposition to Homer who identifies Cephallenia with Dulichium, if it be true that "fifty-two" of the suitors were "from Dulichium" and "twenty-four from Same";Hom. Od. 16.247, 249. for in that case would not Homer say that fifty-two came from the island as a whole and a half of that number less two from a single one of its four cities? However, if one grants this, I shall ask what Homer can mean by "Same" in the passage,Dulichium and Same and woody Zacynthos.Hom. Od. 1.246 + Some, however, have not hesitated to identify Cephallenia with Dulichium, and others with Taphos, calling the Cephallenians Taphians, and likewise Teleboans, and to say that Amphitryon made an expedition thither with Cephalus, the son of Deïoneus, whom, an exile from Athens, he had taken along with him, and that when Amphitryon seized the island he gave it over to Cephalus, and that the island was named after Cephalus and the cities after his children. But this is not in accordance with Homer; for the Cephallenians were subject to Odysseus and Laertes, whereas Taphos was subject to Mentes:I declare that I am Mentes the son of wise Anchialus, and I am lord over the oar loving Taphians.Hom. Od. 1.180Taphos is now called Taphius. Neither is HellanicusSee Dictionary in Vol. I. in accord with Homer when he identifies Cephallenia with Dulichium, for HomerHom. Il. 2.625. makes Dulichium and the remainder of the Echinades subject to Meges; and their inhabitants were Epeians, who had come there from Elis; and it is on this account that he calls Otus the Cylleniancomrade of PhyleidesSon of Phyleus (Meges). and ruler of the high-hearted Epeians;Hom. Il. 15.519but Odysseus led the high-hearted Cephallenians.Hom. Il. 2.631According to Homer, therefore, neither is Cephallenia Dulichium nor is Dulichium a part of Cephallenia, as AndronSee footnote on Andron, 10. 4. 6. says; for the Epeians held possession of Dulichium, whereas the Cephallenians held possession of the whole of Cephallenia and were subject to Odysseus, whereas the Epeians were subject to Meges. Neither is Paleis called Dulichium by the poet, as Pherecydes writes. But that writer is most in opposition to Homer who identifies Cephallenia with Dulichium, if it be true that "fifty-two" of the suitors were "from Dulichium" and "twenty-four from Same";Hom. Od. 16.247, 249. for in that case would not Homer say that fifty-two came from the island as a whole and a half of that number less two from a single one of its four cities? However, if one grants this, I shall ask what Homer can mean by "Same" in the passage,Dulichium and Same and woody Zacynthos.Hom. Od. 1.246 Cephallenia lies opposite Acarnania, at a distance of about fifty stadia from Leucatas (some say forty), and about one hundred and eighty from Chelonatas. It has a perimeter of about three hundredSee critical note. stadia, is long, extending towards Eurus, i.e., towards the direction of winter sunrise (rather southeast) as explained by Poseidonius (see discussion in 1. 2. 21. and is mountainous. The largest mountain upon it is Aenus, whereon is the temple of Zeus Aenesius; and where the island is narrowest it forms an isthmus so low-lying that it is often submerged from sea to sea. Both Paleis and Crannii are on the gulf near the narrows. Between Ithaca and Cephallenia is the small island Asteria (the poet calls it Asteris), which the ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. says no longer remains such as the poet describes it,but in it are harbors safe for anchorage with entrances on either side;Hom. Od. 4.846Apollodorus, however, says that it still remains so to this day, and mentions a town Alalcomenae upon it, situated on the isthmus itself. - The poet also uses the name "Samos" for that Thrace which we now call Samothrace. And it is reasonable to suppose that he knows the Ionian Samos, for he also appears to know of the Ionian migration; otherwise he would not have differentiated between the places of the same name when referring to Samothrace, which he designates at one time by the epithet,high on the topmost summit of woody Samos, the Thracian,Hom. Il. 13.12and at another time by connecting it with the islands near it,unto Samos and Imbros and inhospitableOr "smoky"; the meaning of the Greek word is doubtful. Lemnos.Hom. Il. 24.753And again,between Samos and rugged Imbros.Hom. Il. 24.78He therefore knew the Ionian island, although he did not name it; in fact it was not called by the same name in earlier times, but Melampylus, then Anthemis, then Parthenia, from the River Parthenius, the name of which was changed to Imbrasus. Since, then, both Cephallenia and Samothrace were called Samos at the time of the Trojan War (for otherwise Hecabe would not be introduced as saying that heAchilles. was for selling her children whom he might take captive "unto Samos and unto Imbros"), Hom. Il. 24.752. and since the Ionian Samos had not yet been colonized, it plainly got its name from one of the islands which earlier bore the same name. Whence that other fact is also clear, that those writers contradict ancient history who say that colonists came from Samos after the Ionian migration and the arrival of TembrionSee 14. 1. 3. and named Samothrace Samos, since this story was fabricated by the Samians to enhance the glory of their island. Those writers are more plausible who say that the island came upon this name from the fact that lofty places are called "samoi,"See 8. 3. 19.for thence all Ida was plain to see, and plain to see were the city of Priam and the ships of the AchaeansHom. Il. 13.13 But some say that the island was called Samos after the Saïi, the Thracians who inhabited it in earlier times, who also held the adjacent mainland, whether these Saïi were the same people as the Sapaeï or Sinti (the poet calls them Sinties) or a different tribe. The Saïi are mentioned by Archilochus:One of the Saïi robbed me of my shield, which, a blameless weapon, I left behind me beside a bush, against my will.Archil. Fr. 6 (51) (Bergk) Two more lines are preserved: "but I myself escaped the doom of death. Farewell to that shield! I shall get another one as good." + The poet also uses the name "Samos" for that Thrace which we now call Samothrace. And it is reasonable to suppose that he knows the Ionian Samos, for he also appears to know of the Ionian migration; otherwise he would not have differentiated between the places of the same name when referring to Samothrace, which he designates at one time by the epithet,high on the topmost summit of woody Samos, the Thracian,Hom. Il. 13.12and at another time by connecting it with the islands near it,unto Samos and Imbros and inhospitableOr "smoky"; the meaning of the Greek word is doubtful. Lemnos.Hom. Il. 24.753And again,between Samos and rugged Imbros.Hom. Il. 24.78He therefore knew the Ionian island, although he did not name it; in fact it was not called by the same name in earlier times, but Melampylus, then Anthemis, then Parthenia, from the River Parthenius, the name of which was changed to Imbrasus. Since, then, both Cephallenia and Samothrace were called Samos at the time of the Trojan War (for otherwise Hecabe would not be introduced as saying that heAchilles. was for selling her children whom he might take captive "unto Samos and unto Imbros"), Hom. Il. 24.752. and since the Ionian Samos had not yet been colonized, it plainly got its name from one of the islands which earlier bore the same name. Whence that other fact is also clear, that those writers contradict ancient history who say that colonists came from Samos after the Ionian migration and the arrival of TembrionSee 14. 1. 3. and named Samothrace Samos, since this story was fabricated by the Samians to enhance the glory of their island. Those writers are more plausible who say that the island came upon this name from the fact that lofty places are called "samoi,"See 8. 3. 19.for thence all Ida was plain to see, and plain to see were the city of Priam and the ships of the AchaeansHom. Il. 13.13 But some say that the island was called Samos after the Saïi, the Thracians who inhabited it in earlier times, who also held the adjacent mainland, whether these Saïi were the same people as the Sapaeï or Sinti (the poet calls them Sinties) or a different tribe. The Saïi are mentioned by Archilochus:One of the Saïi robbed me of my shield, which, a blameless weapon, I left behind me beside a bush, against my will.Archil. Fr. 6 (51) (Bergk) Two more lines are preserved: "but I myself escaped the doom of death. Farewell to that shield! I shall get another one as good." Of the islands classified as subject to Odysseus, Zacynthos remains to be described. It leans slightly more to the west of the Peloponnesus than Cephallenia and lies closer to the latter. The circuit of Zacynthos is one hundred and sixty stadia.See critical note. It is about sixty stadia distant from Cephallenia. It is indeed a woody island, but it is fertile; and its city, which bears the same name, is worthy of note. The distance thence to the Libyan Hesperides is three thousand three hundred stadia. -To the east of Zacynthos and Cephallenia are situated the Echinades Islands, among which is Dulichium, now called Dolicha, and also what are called the Oxeiae, which the poet called Thoae.In Greek "Oxeiai" and "Thoai," both words meaning "sharp" or "pointed" (see 8. 3. 26 and footnote, and Hom. Od. 15.299. Dolicha lies opposite Oeneiadae and the outlet of the Acheloüs, at a distance of one hundred stadia from Araxus, the promontory of the Eleians; the rest of the Echinades (they are several in number, all poor soiled and rugged) lie off the outlet of the Acheloüs, the farthermost being fifteen stadia distant and the nearest five. In earlier times they lay out in the high sea, but the silt brought down by the Acheloüs has already joined some of them to the mainland and will do the same to others. It was this silt which in early times caused the country called Paracheloïtis,i.e., "Along the Acheloüs. which the river overflows, to be a subject of dispute, since it was always confusing the designated boundaries between the Acarnanians and the Aetolians; for they would decide the dispute by arms, since they had no arbitrators, and the more powerful of the two would win the victory; and this is the cause of the fabrication of a certain myth, telling how Heracles defeated Acheloüs and, as the prize of his victory, won the hand of Deïaneira, the daughter of Oeneus, whom Sophocles represents as speaking as follows:For my suitor was a river-god, I mean Acheloüs, who would demand me of my father in three shapes, coming now as a bull in bodily form, now as a gleaming serpent in coils, now with trunk of man and front of ox.Soph. Trach. 7-11One vase-painting shows Acheloüs fighting with Achilles as a serpent with the head and arms of a man, and with ox horns, and another as a human figure, except that he had the forehead, horns, and ears of an ox (Jebb, note ad loc.). Some writers add to the myth, saying that this was the horn of Amaltheia,Cf. 3. 2. 14 and footnote. which Heracles broke off from Acheloüs and gave to Oeneus as a wedding gift. Others, conjecturing the truth from the myths, say that the Acheloüs, like the other rivers, was called "like a bull" from the roaring of its waters, and also from the the bendings of its streams, which were called Horns, and "like a serpent" because of its length and windings, and "with front of ox"Literally, "ox-prowed" (see Jebb, loc. cit.). for the same reason that he was called "bull-faced"; and that Heracles, who in general was inclined to deeds of kindness, but especially for Oeneus, since he was to ally himself with him by marriage, regulated the irregular flow of the river by means of embankments and channels, and thus rendered a considerable part of Paracheloïtis dry, all to please Oeneus; and that this was the horn of Amaltheia.Cp. 3. 2. 14. Now, as for the Echinades, or the Oxeiae, Homer says that they were ruled over in the time of the Trojan War by Meges,who was begotten by the knightly Phyleus, dear to Zeus, who once changed his abode to Dulichium because he was wroth with his father.Hom. Il. 2.628His father was Augeas, the ruler of the Eleian country and the Epeians; and therefore the Epeians who set out for Dulichium with Phyleus held these islands. -The islands of the Taphians, or, in earlier times, of the Teleboans, among which was Taphos,. now called Taphius, were distinct from the Echinades; not in the matter of distances (for they lie near them), but in that they are classified as under different commanders, Taphians and Teleboans.The latter name is not found in the Iliad or Odyssey. Now in earlier times Amphitryon made an expedition against them with Cephalus the son of Deïoneus, an exile from Athens, and gave over their government to him, but the poet says that they were marshalled under Mentes,Hom. Od. 1.180. calling them pirates,Hom. Od. 15.427. as indeed all the Teleboans are said to be pirates. So much, then, for the islands lying off Acarnania. -Between Leucas and the Ambracian Gulf is a salt lake, called Myrtuntium. Next after Leucas one comes to Palaerus and Alyzia, cities of Acarnania; of these, Alyzia is fifteen stadia distant from the sea, where is a harbor sacred to Heracles and a sacred precinct. It is from this precinct that one of the commanders carried to Rome the "Labours of Heracles," works of Lysippus, which were lying out of place where they were, because it was a deserted region. Then one comes to Cape Crithote, and the Echinades, and the city Astacus, which bears the same name as the city near Nicomedeia and Gulf Astacenus,Gulf of Ismid.(see 12. 4. 2.). the name being used in the feminine gender. Crithote also bears the same name as one of the little cities in the Thracian Chersonesus.See Book 7 Fr. 55. All parts of the coast between these places have good harbors. Then one comes to Oeniadae and the Acheloüs; then to a lake of the Oeniadae, called Melite, which is thirty stadia in length and twenty in breadth; and to another lake, Cynia, which is twice the size of Melite, both in length and in breadth; and to a third, Uria, which is much smaller than those. Now Cynia empties into the sea, but the others lie about half a stadium above it. Then one comes to the Evenus, to which the distance from Actium is six hundred and seventy stadia. After the Evenus one comes to the mountain Chalcis, which Artemidorus has called Chalcia; then to Pleuron; then to the village Halicyrna, above which thirty stadia in the interior, lies Calydon; and near Calydon is the temple of the Laphrian Apollo. Then one comes to the mountain Taphiassus; then to the city Macynia; then to Molycreia and, near by, to Antirrhium, the boundary between Aetolia and Locris, to which the distance from the Evenus is about one hundred and twenty stadia. Artemidorus, indeed, does not give this account of the mountain, whether we call it Chalcis or Chalcia, since he places it between the Acheloüs and Pleuron, but Apollodorus, as I have said before,10. 2. 4. places both Chalcis and Taphiassus above Molycreia, and he also says that Calydon is situated between Pleuron and Chalcis. Perhaps, however, we should postulate two mountains, one near Pleuron called Chalcis, and the other near Molycreia called Chalcis. Near Calydon, also, is a lake, which is large and well supplied with fish; it is held by the Romans who live in Patrae. -Apollodorus says that in the interior of Acarnania there is a people called Erysichaeans, who are mentioned by Alcman:nor yet an Erysichaean nor shepherd, but from the heights of Sardeis.Alcman Fr. 24 (Bergk) But Olenus, which Homer mentions in the Aetolian catalogue, was in Aetolia, though only traces of it are left, near Pleuron at the foot of Aracynthus. Near it, also, was Lysimachia; this, too, has disappeared; it was situated by the lake now called Lysimachia, in earlier times Hydra, between Pleuron and the city Arsinoe. In earlier times Arsinoe was only a village, and was called Conopa, but it was first founded as a city by Arsinoe, who was both wife and sister of Ptolemy the Second;She married him in 279 B.C. it was rather happily situated at the ford across the Acheloüs. PyleneCf. 10. 2. 6. has also suffered a fate similar to that of Olenus. When the poet calls Calydon both "steep"Hom. Il. 13.217 and "rocky,"Hom. Il. 2.640. one should interpret him as referring to the country; for, as I have said,10. 2. 3. they divided the country into two parts and assigned the mountainous part, or Epictetus,i.e., Aetolia the "Acquired" (10. 2. 3). to Calydon and the level country to Pleuron. +To the east of Zacynthos and Cephallenia are situated the Echinades Islands, among which is Dulichium, now called Dolicha, and also what are called the Oxeiae, which the poet called Thoae.In Greek "Oxeiai" and "Thoai," both words meaning "sharp" or "pointed" (see 8. 3. 26 and footnote, and Hom. Od. 15.299. Dolicha lies opposite Oeneiadae and the outlet of the Acheloüs, at a distance of one hundred stadia from Araxus, the promontory of the Eleians; the rest of the Echinades (they are several in number, all poor soiled and rugged) lie off the outlet of the Acheloüs, the farthermost being fifteen stadia distant and the nearest five. In earlier times they lay out in the high sea, but the silt brought down by the Acheloüs has already joined some of them to the mainland and will do the same to others. It was this silt which in early times caused the country called Paracheloïtis,i.e., "Along the Acheloüs. which the river overflows, to be a subject of dispute, since it was always confusing the designated boundaries between the Acarnanians and the Aetolians; for they would decide the dispute by arms, since they had no arbitrators, and the more powerful of the two would win the victory; and this is the cause of the fabrication of a certain myth, telling how Heracles defeated Acheloüs and, as the prize of his victory, won the hand of Deïaneira, the daughter of Oeneus, whom Sophocles represents as speaking as follows:For my suitor was a river-god, I mean Acheloüs, who would demand me of my father in three shapes, coming now as a bull in bodily form, now as a gleaming serpent in coils, now with trunk of man and front of ox.Soph. Trach. 7-11One vase-painting shows Acheloüs fighting with Achilles as a serpent with the head and arms of a man, and with ox horns, and another as a human figure, except that he had the forehead, horns, and ears of an ox (Jebb, note ad loc.). Some writers add to the myth, saying that this was the horn of Amaltheia,Cf. 3. 2. 14 and footnote. which Heracles broke off from Acheloüs and gave to Oeneus as a wedding gift. Others, conjecturing the truth from the myths, say that the Acheloüs, like the other rivers, was called "like a bull" from the roaring of its waters, and also from the the bendings of its streams, which were called Horns, and "like a serpent" because of its length and windings, and "with front of ox"Literally, "ox-prowed" (see Jebb, loc. cit.). for the same reason that he was called "bull-faced"; and that Heracles, who in general was inclined to deeds of kindness, but especially for Oeneus, since he was to ally himself with him by marriage, regulated the irregular flow of the river by means of embankments and channels, and thus rendered a considerable part of Paracheloïtis dry, all to please Oeneus; and that this was the horn of Amaltheia.Cp. 3. 2. 14. Now, as for the Echinades, or the Oxeiae, Homer says that they were ruled over in the time of the Trojan War by Meges,who was begotten by the knightly Phyleus, dear to Zeus, who once changed his abode to Dulichium because he was wroth with his father.Hom. Il. 2.628His father was Augeas, the ruler of the Eleian country and the Epeians; and therefore the Epeians who set out for Dulichium with Phyleus held these islands. +The islands of the Taphians, or, in earlier times, of the Teleboans, among which was Taphos,. now called Taphius, were distinct from the Echinades; not in the matter of distances (for they lie near them), but in that they are classified as under different commanders, Taphians and Teleboans.The latter name is not found in the Iliad or Odyssey. Now in earlier times Amphitryon made an expedition against them with Cephalus the son of Deïoneus, an exile from Athens, and gave over their government to him, but the poet says that they were marshalled under Mentes,Hom. Od. 1.180. calling them pirates,Hom. Od. 15.427. as indeed all the Teleboans are said to be pirates. So much, then, for the islands lying off Acarnania. +Between Leucas and the Ambracian Gulf is a salt lake, called Myrtuntium. Next after Leucas one comes to Palaerus and Alyzia, cities of Acarnania; of these, Alyzia is fifteen stadia distant from the sea, where is a harbor sacred to Heracles and a sacred precinct. It is from this precinct that one of the commanders carried to Rome the "Labours of Heracles," works of Lysippus, which were lying out of place where they were, because it was a deserted region. Then one comes to Cape Crithote, and the Echinades, and the city Astacus, which bears the same name as the city near Nicomedeia and Gulf Astacenus,Gulf of Ismid.(see 12. 4. 2.). the name being used in the feminine gender. Crithote also bears the same name as one of the little cities in the Thracian Chersonesus.See Book 7 Fr. 55. All parts of the coast between these places have good harbors. Then one comes to Oeniadae and the Acheloüs; then to a lake of the Oeniadae, called Melite, which is thirty stadia in length and twenty in breadth; and to another lake, Cynia, which is twice the size of Melite, both in length and in breadth; and to a third, Uria, which is much smaller than those. Now Cynia empties into the sea, but the others lie about half a stadium above it. Then one comes to the Evenus, to which the distance from Actium is six hundred and seventy stadia. After the Evenus one comes to the mountain Chalcis, which Artemidorus has called Chalcia; then to Pleuron; then to the village Halicyrna, above which thirty stadia in the interior, lies Calydon; and near Calydon is the temple of the Laphrian Apollo. Then one comes to the mountain Taphiassus; then to the city Macynia; then to Molycreia and, near by, to Antirrhium, the boundary between Aetolia and Locris, to which the distance from the Evenus is about one hundred and twenty stadia. Artemidorus, indeed, does not give this account of the mountain, whether we call it Chalcis or Chalcia, since he places it between the Acheloüs and Pleuron, but Apollodorus, as I have said before,10. 2. 4. places both Chalcis and Taphiassus above Molycreia, and he also says that Calydon is situated between Pleuron and Chalcis. Perhaps, however, we should postulate two mountains, one near Pleuron called Chalcis, and the other near Molycreia called Chalcis. Near Calydon, also, is a lake, which is large and well supplied with fish; it is held by the Romans who live in Patrae. +Apollodorus says that in the interior of Acarnania there is a people called Erysichaeans, who are mentioned by Alcman:nor yet an Erysichaean nor shepherd, but from the heights of Sardeis.Alcman Fr. 24 (Bergk) But Olenus, which Homer mentions in the Aetolian catalogue, was in Aetolia, though only traces of it are left, near Pleuron at the foot of Aracynthus. Near it, also, was Lysimachia; this, too, has disappeared; it was situated by the lake now called Lysimachia, in earlier times Hydra, between Pleuron and the city Arsinoe. In earlier times Arsinoe was only a village, and was called Conopa, but it was first founded as a city by Arsinoe, who was both wife and sister of Ptolemy the Second;She married him in 279 B.C. it was rather happily situated at the ford across the Acheloüs. PyleneCf. 10. 2. 6. has also suffered a fate similar to that of Olenus. When the poet calls Calydon both "steep"Hom. Il. 13.217 and "rocky,"Hom. Il. 2.640. one should interpret him as referring to the country; for, as I have said,10. 2. 3. they divided the country into two parts and assigned the mountainous part, or Epictetus,i.e., Aetolia the "Acquired" (10. 2. 3). to Calydon and the level country to Pleuron. At the present time both the Acarnanians and the Aetolians, like many of the other tribes, have been exhausted and reduced to impotence by their continual wars. However, for a very long time the Aetolians, together with the Acarnanians, stood firm, not only against the Macedonians and the other Greeks, but also finally against the Romans, when fighting for autonomy. But since they are often mentioned by Homer, as also both by the other poets and by historians, sometimes in words that are easy to interpret and about which there is no disagreement, and sometimes in words that are less intelligible (this has been shown in what I have already said about them), I should also add some of those older accounts which afford us a basis of fact to begin with, or are matters of doubt. -For instance, in the case of Acarnania, Laertes and the Cephallenians acquired possession of it, as I have said;10. 2. 8, 10. but as to what people held it before that time, many writers have indeed given an opinion, but since they do not agree in their statements, which have, however, a wide currency, there is left for me a word of arbitration concerning them. They say that the people who were called both Taphians and Teleboans lived in Acarnania in earlier times, and that their leader Cephalus, who had been set up by Amphitryon as master over the islands about Taphos, gained the mastery over this country too. And from this fact they go on to add the myth that Cephalus was the first to take the leap from Leucatas which became the custom, as I have said before.Cf. 10. 2. 9. But the poet does not say that the Taphians were ruling the Acarnanians before the Cephallenians and Laertes came over, but only that they were friends to the Ithacans, and therefore, according to the poet, they either had not ruled over the region at all, or had yielded Acarnania to the Ithacans voluntarily, or had become joint occupants with them. It appears that also a colony from Lacedaemon settled in Acarnania, I mean Icarius, father of Penelope, and his followers; for in the Odyssey the poet represents both Icarius and the brothers of Penelope as living:whoThe suitors. shrink from going to the house of her father, Icarius, that he himself may exact the bride-gifts for his daughter,Hom. Od. 2.52and, concerning her brothers,for already her father and her brothers bid her marry Eurymachus;Hom. Od. 15.16for, in the first place, it is improbable that they were living in Lacedaemon, since in that case Telemachus would not have lodged at the home of Menelaüs when he went to Lacedaemon, and, secondly, we have no tradition of their having lived elsewhere. But they say that Tyndareus and his brother Icarius, after being banished by Hippocoön from their homeland, went to Thestius, the ruler of the Pleuronians, and helped him to acquire possession of much of the country on the far side of the Acheloüs on condition that they should receive a share of it; that Tyndareus, however, went back home, having married Leda, the daughter of Thestius, whereas Icarius stayed on, keeping a portion of Acarnania, and by Polycaste, the daughter of Lygaeus, begot both Penelope and her brothers. Now I have already set forth that the Acarnanians were enumerated in the Catalogue of Ships,10. 2. 25; but Homer nowhere specifically mentions the "Acarnanians." that they took part in the expedition to Ilium, and that among these were named "those who lived on the 'shore,'""Shore of the mainland," Hom. Od. 24.378. and alsothose who held the mainland and dwelt in parts opposite.See 10. 2. 8. But as yet neither had the mainland been named "Acarnania" nor the shore "Leucas." -Ephorus denies that they joined the Trojan expedition, for he says that Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraüs, made an expedition with Diomedes and the other Epigoni, and had brought to a successful issue the war against the Thebans, and then joined Diomedes and with him took vengeance upon the enemies of Oeneus, after which he himself, first giving over Aetolia to them,Diomedes and Oeneus. passed into Acarnania and subdued it; and meanwhile Agamemnon attacked the Argives and easily prevailed over them, since the most of them had accompanied the army of Diomedes; but a little later, when the expedition against Troy confronted him, he conceived the fear that, when he was absent on the expedition, Diomedes and his army might come back home (and in fact it was reported that a great army had gathered round him) and seize the empire to which they had the best right, for oneDiomedes. was the heir of Adrastus and the otherAlcmaeon. of his father;Amphiaraüs. and accordingly, after thinking this all over, Agamemnon invited them both to resume possession of Argos and to take part in the war; and although Diomedes was persuaded to take part in the expedition, Alcmaeon was vexed and refused to heed the invitation; and for this reason the Acarnanians alone refused to share in the expedition with the Greeks. And it was probably by following this account that the Acarnanians tricked the Romans, as they are said to have done, and obtained from them their autonomy, urging that they alone had had no part in the expedition against the ancestors of the Romans, for they were named neither in the Aetolian catalogueHom. Il. 2.638 ff. nor separately, and in fact their name was not mentioned in the Epic poems at all. +For instance, in the case of Acarnania, Laertes and the Cephallenians acquired possession of it, as I have said;10. 2. 8, 10. but as to what people held it before that time, many writers have indeed given an opinion, but since they do not agree in their statements, which have, however, a wide currency, there is left for me a word of arbitration concerning them. They say that the people who were called both Taphians and Teleboans lived in Acarnania in earlier times, and that their leader Cephalus, who had been set up by Amphitryon as master over the islands about Taphos, gained the mastery over this country too. And from this fact they go on to add the myth that Cephalus was the first to take the leap from Leucatas which became the custom, as I have said before.Cf. 10. 2. 9. But the poet does not say that the Taphians were ruling the Acarnanians before the Cephallenians and Laertes came over, but only that they were friends to the Ithacans, and therefore, according to the poet, they either had not ruled over the region at all, or had yielded Acarnania to the Ithacans voluntarily, or had become joint occupants with them. It appears that also a colony from Lacedaemon settled in Acarnania, I mean Icarius, father of Penelope, and his followers; for in the Odyssey the poet represents both Icarius and the brothers of Penelope as living:whoThe suitors. shrink from going to the house of her father, Icarius, that he himself may exact the bride-gifts for his daughter,Hom. Od. 2.52and, concerning her brothers,for already her father and her brothers bid her marry Eurymachus;Hom. Od. 15.16for, in the first place, it is improbable that they were living in Lacedaemon, since in that case Telemachus would not have lodged at the home of Menelaüs when he went to Lacedaemon, and, secondly, we have no tradition of their having lived elsewhere. But they say that Tyndareus and his brother Icarius, after being banished by Hippocoön from their homeland, went to Thestius, the ruler of the Pleuronians, and helped him to acquire possession of much of the country on the far side of the Acheloüs on condition that they should receive a share of it; that Tyndareus, however, went back home, having married Leda, the daughter of Thestius, whereas Icarius stayed on, keeping a portion of Acarnania, and by Polycaste, the daughter of Lygaeus, begot both Penelope and her brothers. Now I have already set forth that the Acarnanians were enumerated in the Catalogue of Ships,10. 2. 25; but Homer nowhere specifically mentions the "Acarnanians." that they took part in the expedition to Ilium, and that among these were named "those who lived on the 'shore,'""Shore of the mainland," Hom. Od. 24.378. and alsothose who held the mainland and dwelt in parts opposite.See 10. 2. 8. But as yet neither had the mainland been named "Acarnania" nor the shore "Leucas." +Ephorus denies that they joined the Trojan expedition, for he says that Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraüs, made an expedition with Diomedes and the other Epigoni, and had brought to a successful issue the war against the Thebans, and then joined Diomedes and with him took vengeance upon the enemies of Oeneus, after which he himself, first giving over Aetolia to them,Diomedes and Oeneus. passed into Acarnania and subdued it; and meanwhile Agamemnon attacked the Argives and easily prevailed over them, since the most of them had accompanied the army of Diomedes; but a little later, when the expedition against Troy confronted him, he conceived the fear that, when he was absent on the expedition, Diomedes and his army might come back home (and in fact it was reported that a great army had gathered round him) and seize the empire to which they had the best right, for oneDiomedes. was the heir of Adrastus and the otherAlcmaeon. of his father;Amphiaraüs. and accordingly, after thinking this all over, Agamemnon invited them both to resume possession of Argos and to take part in the war; and although Diomedes was persuaded to take part in the expedition, Alcmaeon was vexed and refused to heed the invitation; and for this reason the Acarnanians alone refused to share in the expedition with the Greeks. And it was probably by following this account that the Acarnanians tricked the Romans, as they are said to have done, and obtained from them their autonomy, urging that they alone had had no part in the expedition against the ancestors of the Romans, for they were named neither in the Aetolian catalogueHom. Il. 2.638 ff. nor separately, and in fact their name was not mentioned in the Epic poems at all. Ephorus, then, makes Acarnania subject to Alcmaeon even before the Trojan War; and he not only declares that the Amphilochian Argos was founded by him, but also says that Acarnania was named after Alcmaeon's son Acarnan, and the Amphilochians after Alcmaeon's brother Amphilochus; therefore his account is to be cast out amongst those contrary to Homeric history. But ThucydidesThuc. 2.68. and others say that Amphilochus, on his return from the Trojan expedition, was displeased with the state of affairs at Argos, and took up his abode in this country, some saying that he came by right of succession to the domain of his brother, others giving a different account. So much may be said of the Acarnanians specifically; I shall now speak of their history in a general way, in so far as their history is interwoven with that of the Aetolians, in so far as I have thought best to add to my previous narrative.

@@ -629,22 +629,22 @@ Now through these inscriptions Ephorus correctly signifies the kinship of the Eleians and Aetolians with one another, since both inscriptions agree, not merely as to the kinship of the two peoples, but also that each people was the founder of the other, through which he successfully convicts of falsehood those who assert that, while the Eleians were indeed colonists of the Aetolians, the Aetolians were not colonists of the Eleians. But here, too, Ephorus manifestly displays the same inconsistency in his writing and his pronouncements as in the case of the oracle at Delphi, which I have already set forth;9. 3. 11. for, after saying that Aetolia has been undevastated throughout all times of which there is any record, and after saying also that in the beginning the Curetes held possession of this country, he should have added as a corollary to what he had already said that the Curetes continued to hold possession of the Aetolian land down to his own time, for only thus could it have been rightly said that the land had been undevastated and that it had never come under the power of others; and yet, utterly forgetting his promise,See 9. 3. 11. he does not add this, but the contrary, that when Aetolus arrived from Elis and overpowered the Curetes in war, they withdrew into Acarnania. What else, pray, is specifically characteristic of a devastation than being overpowered in war and abandoning the country? And this is evidenced also by the inscription among the Eleians, for Aetolus, it says,through many a toil with the spear took possession of the land of Curetis. Perhaps, however, one might say that Ephorus means that Aetolia was undevastated from the time when it got this name, that is, after Aetolus arrived there; but Ephorus has deprived himself of the argument in support of this idea by saying in his next words that this, meaning the tribe of the Epeians, constituted the greatest part of the people who stayed on among the Aetolians, but that later, when Aeolians, who at the same time with Boeotians had been compelled to migrate from Thessaly, were intermingled with them, they in common with these held possession of the country. Is it credible, pray, that without war they invaded the country of a different people and divided it up with its possessors, when the latter had no need of such a partnership? Or, since this is not credible, is it credible that those who were overpowered by arms came out on an equality with the victors? What else, pray, is devastation than being overpowered by arms? Apollodorus, also, says that, according to history, the Hyantes left Boeotia and settled among the Aetolians. But Ephorus, as though he had achieved success in his argument, adds: "It is my wont to examine such matters as these with precision, whenever any matter is either altogether doubtful or falsely interpreted." But though Ephorus is such, still he is better than others. And PolybiusPolybius 34 Fr. 1 himself, who praises him so earnestly, and says concerning the Greek histories that EudoxusEudoxus of Cnidus (fl. about 350 B.C. indeed gave a good account, but Ephorus gave the best account of the foundings of cities, kinships, migrations, and original founders, "but I," he says, shall show the facts as they now are, as regards both the position of places and the distances between them; for this is the most appropriate function of Chorography.Polybius Book 34, Fr. 1But assuredly you, Polybius, who introduce "popular notions"See 2. 4. 2 and 7. 5. 9 concerning distances, not only in dealing with places outside of Greece, but also when treating Greece itself, must also submit to an accounting, not only to Poseidonius,Cf. 2. 3. 1 ff. and 2. 4. 3 ff. and to Apollodorus, but to several others as well. One should therefore pardon me as well, and not be vexed, if I make any mistakes when I borrow from such writers most of my historical material, but should rather be content if in the majority of cases I improve upon the accounts given by others, or if I add such facts as have elsewhere, owing to lack of knowledge, been left untold. -Concerning the Curetes still further accounts, to the following effect, are given, some of them being more closely related to the history of the Aetolians and the Acarnanians, others more remotely. More closely related are such accounts as I have given before—that the Curetes were living in the country which is now called Aetolia, and that the Aetolians came with Aetolus and drove them into Acarnania; and also accounts of this kind, that, when Pleuronia was inhabited by the Curetes and was called Curetis, Aeolians made an invasion and took it away from them, and drove out its occupants. Archemachus the EuboeanArchemachus (fl. not later than the third century B.C.) wrote works (now lost) on the History of Euboea and Metonymies (Change of Names). says that the Curetes settled at Chalcis, but since they were continually at war for the Lelantine Plain and the enemy would catch them by the front hair and drag them down, he says, they let their hair grow long behind but cut short the part in front, and because of this they were called "Curetes," from the cut of their hair,"Cura." From this passage one might identify the "Curetes" with the "Abantes" (see 10. 1. 3), whom Homer speaks of as "letting their hair grow long behind" (Hom. Il. 2.542). According to a scholium (on Iliad l. c.), the Euboeans wore their hair long behind "for the sake of manly strength." The Greeks in general, however, let their hair grow long all over the head in Trojan times, being often referred to by Homer as the "long-haired Achaeans." and they then migrated to Aetolia, and, after taking possession of the region round Pleuron, called the people who lived on the far side of the Acheloüs "Acarnanians," because they kept their heads "unshorn."The Greek adjective used is a)kou/rous ("acurus"). But some say that each of the two tribes got its name from a hero; others, that the Curetes were named after the mountain Curium, which is situated about Pleuron, and also that this is an Aetolian tribe, like the Ophians and the Agraeans and the Eurytanians and several others. But, as I have already stated,10. 2. 3, 22. when Aetolia was divided into two parts, the region round Calydon, they say, was in the possession of Oeneus, whereas a certain part of Pleuronia was in the possession of the sons of Porthaon, that is, Agrius and his followers, if it be true thatthey lived in Pleuron and steep Calydon;Hom. Il. 14.116the mastery over Pleuronia, however, was held by Thestius (the father-in-law of Oeneus and father of Althaea), who was leader of the Curetes; but when war broke out between the sons of Thestius, on the one hand, and Oeneus and Meleager, on the other (about the hog's head and skin,Hom. Il. 9.548as the poet says, following the mythical story of the boar,Known in mythology as "the Calydonian boar." but in all probability about the possession of a part of the territory), according to the words of the poet,the Curetes were fighting, as also the Aetolians steadfast in battle.Hom. Il. 9.529So much for the accounts which are more closely related. -The accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the present subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the names, brought into the same connection by the historians—I mean those accounts which, although they are called "Curetan History" and "History of the Curetes," just as if they were the history of those Curetes who lived in Aetolia and Acarnania, not only are different from that history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni, Bacchae, and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these, are called genii or ministers of gods by those who have handed down to us the Cretan and the Phrygian traditions, which are interwoven with certain sacred rites, some mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the child Zeus10. 3. 11. in Crete and in part with the orgies in honor of the mother of the gods which are celebrated in Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida. But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas some represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the Idaean Dactyli, and the Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them as all kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small matters in which they differ in respect to one another; but, roughly speaking and in general, they represent them, one and all, as a kind of inspired people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy, and, in the guise of ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of the sacred rites by means of war-dances, accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and drums and arms, and also by flute and outcry; and consequently these rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I mean these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and in several other places, because the divine ministers are called the same. However, every investigation of this kind pertains to theology, and is not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher. -But since also the historians, because of the identity of name of the Curetes, have classed together things that are unlike, neither should I myself shrink from discussing them at greater length, by way of digression, adding such account of their physical habits as is appropriate to history. And yet some historians even wish to assimilate their physical habits with those others, and perhaps there is something plausible in their undertaking. For instance, they say that the Curetes of Aetolia got this name because, like "girls,""Corai" (see footnote on "girls" and "youths," p. 91). they wore women's clothes, for, they add, there was a fashion of this kind among the Greeks, and the Ionians were called "tunic-trailing,"e.g., Hom. Il. 13.685. and the soldiers of Leonidas were "dressing their hair"Hdt. 7.208, 209. when they were to go forth to battle, so that the Persians, it is said, conceived a contempt for them, though in the battle they marvelled at them. Speaking generally, the art of caring for the hair consists both in its nurture and in the way it is cut, and both are given special attention by "girls" and "youths";"Corai" and "Coroi." But the corresponding Homeric forms (kou=roi, kou=rai) yield English "Curae" and "Curoe"; and Strabo evidently had those forms in mind (see note on 10. 3. 11). so that there are several ways in which it is easy to derive an etymology of the word "Curetes." It is reasonable to suppose, also, that the war-dance was first introduced by persons who were trained in this particular way in the matter of hair and dress, these being called Curetes, and that this dance afforded a pretext to those also who were more warlike than the rest and spent their life under arms, so that they too came to be called by the same name, "Curetes "—I mean the Curetes in Euboea, Aetolia, and Acarnania. And indeed Homer applied this name to young soldiers,choose thou the noblest young men"Curetes." from all the Achaeans, and bring the gifts from the swift ship, all that we promised yesterday to Achilles";Hom. Il. 19.193and again,the young men of the Achaeans brought the gifts.Hom. Il. 19.248 So much for the etymology of the word "Curetes." The war-dance was a soldiers' dance; and this is plainly indicated both by the "Pyrrhic dance,""The Pyrrhic dance of our time seems to be a sort of Dionysiac dance, being more respectable than that of early times, for the dancers have thyrsi instead of spears, and hurl them at one another, and carry fennel-stalks and torches" (Athenaeus 14.631b). and by "Pyrrichus," who is said to be the founder of this kind of training for young men, as also by the treatises on military affairs.Or, following the conjecture of Kramer (see critical note), we should have, instead of but . . . affairs," simply in the work of a soldier." +Concerning the Curetes still further accounts, to the following effect, are given, some of them being more closely related to the history of the Aetolians and the Acarnanians, others more remotely. More closely related are such accounts as I have given before—that the Curetes were living in the country which is now called Aetolia, and that the Aetolians came with Aetolus and drove them into Acarnania; and also accounts of this kind, that, when Pleuronia was inhabited by the Curetes and was called Curetis, Aeolians made an invasion and took it away from them, and drove out its occupants. Archemachus the EuboeanArchemachus (fl. not later than the third century B.C.) wrote works (now lost) on the History of Euboea and Metonymies (Change of Names). says that the Curetes settled at Chalcis, but since they were continually at war for the Lelantine Plain and the enemy would catch them by the front hair and drag them down, he says, they let their hair grow long behind but cut short the part in front, and because of this they were called "Curetes," from the cut of their hair,"Cura." From this passage one might identify the "Curetes" with the "Abantes" (see 10. 1. 3), whom Homer speaks of as "letting their hair grow long behind" (Hom. Il. 2.542). According to a scholium (on Iliad l. c.), the Euboeans wore their hair long behind "for the sake of manly strength." The Greeks in general, however, let their hair grow long all over the head in Trojan times, being often referred to by Homer as the "long-haired Achaeans." and they then migrated to Aetolia, and, after taking possession of the region round Pleuron, called the people who lived on the far side of the Acheloüs "Acarnanians," because they kept their heads "unshorn."The Greek adjective used is a)kou/rous ("acurus"). But some say that each of the two tribes got its name from a hero; others, that the Curetes were named after the mountain Curium, which is situated about Pleuron, and also that this is an Aetolian tribe, like the Ophians and the Agraeans and the Eurytanians and several others. But, as I have already stated,10. 2. 3, 22. when Aetolia was divided into two parts, the region round Calydon, they say, was in the possession of Oeneus, whereas a certain part of Pleuronia was in the possession of the sons of Porthaon, that is, Agrius and his followers, if it be true thatthey lived in Pleuron and steep Calydon;Hom. Il. 14.116the mastery over Pleuronia, however, was held by Thestius (the father-in-law of Oeneus and father of Althaea), who was leader of the Curetes; but when war broke out between the sons of Thestius, on the one hand, and Oeneus and Meleager, on the other (about the hog's head and skin,Hom. Il. 9.548as the poet says, following the mythical story of the boar,Known in mythology as "the Calydonian boar." but in all probability about the possession of a part of the territory), according to the words of the poet,the Curetes were fighting, as also the Aetolians steadfast in battle.Hom. Il. 9.529So much for the accounts which are more closely related. +The accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the present subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the names, brought into the same connection by the historians—I mean those accounts which, although they are called "Curetan History" and "History of the Curetes," just as if they were the history of those Curetes who lived in Aetolia and Acarnania, not only are different from that history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni, Bacchae, and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these, are called genii or ministers of gods by those who have handed down to us the Cretan and the Phrygian traditions, which are interwoven with certain sacred rites, some mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the child Zeus10. 3. 11. in Crete and in part with the orgies in honor of the mother of the gods which are celebrated in Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida. But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas some represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the Idaean Dactyli, and the Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them as all kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small matters in which they differ in respect to one another; but, roughly speaking and in general, they represent them, one and all, as a kind of inspired people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy, and, in the guise of ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of the sacred rites by means of war-dances, accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and drums and arms, and also by flute and outcry; and consequently these rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I mean these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and in several other places, because the divine ministers are called the same. However, every investigation of this kind pertains to theology, and is not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher. +But since also the historians, because of the identity of name of the Curetes, have classed together things that are unlike, neither should I myself shrink from discussing them at greater length, by way of digression, adding such account of their physical habits as is appropriate to history. And yet some historians even wish to assimilate their physical habits with those others, and perhaps there is something plausible in their undertaking. For instance, they say that the Curetes of Aetolia got this name because, like "girls,""Corai" (see footnote on "girls" and "youths," p. 91). they wore women's clothes, for, they add, there was a fashion of this kind among the Greeks, and the Ionians were called "tunic-trailing,"e.g., Hom. Il. 13.685. and the soldiers of Leonidas were "dressing their hair"Hdt. 7.208, 209. when they were to go forth to battle, so that the Persians, it is said, conceived a contempt for them, though in the battle they marvelled at them. Speaking generally, the art of caring for the hair consists both in its nurture and in the way it is cut, and both are given special attention by "girls" and "youths";"Corai" and "Coroi." But the corresponding Homeric forms (kou=roi, kou=rai) yield English "Curae" and "Curoe"; and Strabo evidently had those forms in mind (see note on 10. 3. 11). so that there are several ways in which it is easy to derive an etymology of the word "Curetes." It is reasonable to suppose, also, that the war-dance was first introduced by persons who were trained in this particular way in the matter of hair and dress, these being called Curetes, and that this dance afforded a pretext to those also who were more warlike than the rest and spent their life under arms, so that they too came to be called by the same name, "Curetes "—I mean the Curetes in Euboea, Aetolia, and Acarnania. And indeed Homer applied this name to young soldiers,choose thou the noblest young men"Curetes." from all the Achaeans, and bring the gifts from the swift ship, all that we promised yesterday to Achilles";Hom. Il. 19.193and again,the young men of the Achaeans brought the gifts.Hom. Il. 19.248 So much for the etymology of the word "Curetes." The war-dance was a soldiers' dance; and this is plainly indicated both by the "Pyrrhic dance,""The Pyrrhic dance of our time seems to be a sort of Dionysiac dance, being more respectable than that of early times, for the dancers have thyrsi instead of spears, and hurl them at one another, and carry fennel-stalks and torches" (Athenaeus 14.631b). and by "Pyrrichus," who is said to be the founder of this kind of training for young men, as also by the treatises on military affairs.Or, following the conjecture of Kramer (see critical note), we should have, instead of but . . . affairs," simply in the work of a soldier." But I must now investigate how it comes about that so many names have been used of one and the same thing, and the theological element contained in their history. Now this is common both to the Greeks and to the barbarians, to perform their sacred rites in connection with the relaxation of a festival, these rites being performed sometimes with religious frenzy, sometimes without it; sometimes with music, sometimes not; and sometimes in secret, sometimes openly. And it is in accordance with the dictates of nature that this should be so, for, in the first place, the relaxation draws the mind away from human occupations and turns the real mind towards that which is divine; and, secondly, the religious frenzy seems to afford a kind of divine inspiration and to be very like that of the soothsayer; and, thirdly, the secrecy with which the sacred rites are concealed induces reverence for the divine, since it imitates the nature of the divine, which is to avoid being perceived by our human senses; and, fourthly, music, which includes dancing as well as rhythm and melody, at the same time, by the delight it affords and by its artistic beauty, brings us in touch with the divine, and this for the following reason; for although it has been well said that human beings then act most like the gods when they are doing good to others, yet one might better say, when they are happy; and such happiness consists of rejoicing, celebrating festivals, pursuing philosophy, and engaging in music; for, if music is perverted when musicians turn their art to sensual delights at symposiums and in orchestric and scenic performances and the like, we should not lay the blame upon music itself, but should rather examine the nature of our system of education, since this is based on music. - And on this account Plato, and even before his time the Pythagoreians, called philosophy music;Plat. Phaedo 61. and they say that the universe is constituted in accordance with harmony,Philolaus, Fr. 4 (Stobaeus 1. 458-460) See also Athenaeus 14.632b-c Aristot. Met. 1.5, Sextus Empiricus Adv. Math. 4.6 Cp. Plat. Tim. 32c, 36d, 37a, 41b, Plat. Rep. 617b, Plat. Epin. 991e. assuming that every form of music is the work of the gods. And in this sense, also, the Muses are goddesses, and Apollo is leader of the Muses, and poetry as a whole is laudatory of the gods. And by the same course of reasoning they also attribute to music the upbuilding of morals, believing that everything which tends to correct the mind is close to the gods. Now most of the Greeks assigned to Dionysus, Apollo, Hecate, the Muses, and above all to Demeter, everything of an orgiastic or Bacchic or choral nature, as well as the mystic element in initiations; and they give the name "Iacchus" not only to Dionysus but also to the leader-in-chief of the mysteries, who is the genius of Demeter. And branch-bearing, choral dancing, and initiations are common elements in the worship of these gods. As for the Muses and Apollo, the Muses preside over the choruses, whereas Apollo presides both over these and the rites of divination. But all educated men, and especially the musicians, are ministers of the Muses; and both these and those who have to do with divination are ministers of Apollo; and the initiated and torch-bearers and hierophants, of Demeter; and the Sileni and Satyri and Bacchae, and also the Lenae and Thyiae and Mimallones and Naïdes and Nymphae and the beings called Tityri, of Dionysus. + And on this account Plato, and even before his time the Pythagoreians, called philosophy music;Plat. Phaedo 61. and they say that the universe is constituted in accordance with harmony,Philolaus, Fr. 4 (Stobaeus 1. 458-460) See also Athenaeus 14.632b-c Aristot. Met. 1.5, Sextus Empiricus Adv. Math. 4.6 Cp. Plat. Tim. 32c, 36d, 37a, 41b, Plat. Rep. 617b, Plat. Epin. 991e. assuming that every form of music is the work of the gods. And in this sense, also, the Muses are goddesses, and Apollo is leader of the Muses, and poetry as a whole is laudatory of the gods. And by the same course of reasoning they also attribute to music the upbuilding of morals, believing that everything which tends to correct the mind is close to the gods. Now most of the Greeks assigned to Dionysus, Apollo, Hecate, the Muses, and above all to Demeter, everything of an orgiastic or Bacchic or choral nature, as well as the mystic element in initiations; and they give the name "Iacchus" not only to Dionysus but also to the leader-in-chief of the mysteries, who is the genius of Demeter. And branch-bearing, choral dancing, and initiations are common elements in the worship of these gods. As for the Muses and Apollo, the Muses preside over the choruses, whereas Apollo presides both over these and the rites of divination. But all educated men, and especially the musicians, are ministers of the Muses; and both these and those who have to do with divination are ministers of Apollo; and the initiated and torch-bearers and hierophants, of Demeter; and the Sileni and Satyri and Bacchae, and also the Lenae and Thyiae and Mimallones and Naïdes and Nymphae and the beings called Tityri, of Dionysus. In Crete, not only these rites, but in particular those sacred to Zeus, were performed along with orgiastic worship and with the kind of ministers who were in the service of Dionysus, I mean the Satyri. These ministers they called "Curetes," young men who executed movements in armour, accompanied by dancing, as they set forth the mythical story of the birth of Zeus; in this they introduced Cronus as accustomed to swallow his children immediately after their birth, and Rhea as trying to keep her travail secret and, when the child was born, to get it out of the way and save its life by every means in her power; and to accomplish this it is said that she took as helpers the Curetes, who, by surrounding the goddess with tambourines and similar noisy instruments and with war-dance and uproar, were supposed to strike terror into Cronus and without his knowledge to steal his child away; and that, according to tradition, Zeus was actually reared by them with the same diligence; consequently the Curetes, either because, being young, that is "youths,""Coroi" (see note on "youths," 10. 3. 8). they performed this service, or because they "reared" Zeus "in his youth""Curo-trophein," to "rear youth." (for both explanations are given), were accorded this appellation, as if they were Satyrs, so to speak, in the service of Zeus. Such, then, were the Greeks in the matter of orgiastic worship. But as for the Berecyntes,See 12. 8. 21. a tribe of Phrygians, and the Phrygians in general, and those of the Trojans who live round Ida, they too hold Rhea in honor and worship her with orgies, calling her Mother of the gods and Agdistis and Phrygia the Great Goddess, and also, from the places where she is worshipped, Idaea and Dindymene and Sipylene and Pessinuntis and Cybele and Cybebe.i.e., from Mt. Ida, Mt. Dindymum (12. 5. 3), Mt. Sipylus, Pessinus (l.c.), and Mt. Cybela (l.c.), and Cybeba. Cf. Diod. Sic. 3.58), who spells the next to last name "Cybelum." The Greeks use the same name "Curetes" for the ministers of the goddess, not taking the name, however, from the same mythical story,The story of the Cretan Curetes. but regarding them as a different set of "Curetes," helpers as it were, analogous to the Satyri; and the same they also call Corybantes. The poets bear witness to such views as I have suggested. For instance, when Pindar, in the dithyramb which begins with these words,In earlier times there marchedOr perhaps "was drawled" (sc. from the lips of men; see Bergk, or Pind. Fr. 79 (Sandys)). Roberts (Dio. Hal. On Literary Composition 14) translates the verb "crept in" and Sandys (l.c.) "flowed." the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out,mentions the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus, both the ancient and the later ones, and then, passing on from these, says,To perform the prelude in thy honor, great Mother, the whirling of cymbals is at hand, and among them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the torch that blazeth beneath the tawny pine-trees,he bears witness to the common relationship between the rites exhibited in the worship of Dionysus among the Greeks and those in the worship of the Mother of the gods among the Phrygians, for he makes these rites closely akin to one another. And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae, citing the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia, because of their similarity:But ye who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia, revel-band of mine, women whom I brought from the land of barbarians as my assistants and travelling companions, uplift the tambourines native to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and mother Rhea.Eur. Ba. 55And again,happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic rites, is pure in his life, . . . who, preserving the righteous orgies of the great mother Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high, and wreathed with ivy, doth worship Dionysus. Come, ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae, bringing downThe verb is also used in the sense of "bringing back home," and in the above case might be construed as a double entente. Bromius,i.e., "Boisterous" one. god the child of god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of Greece.Eur. Ba. 72And again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages also with the Phrygian:O thou hiding-bowerWhere Zeus was hid. of the Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to Zeus, where for meThe leader of the Chorus is spokesman of the chorus, and hence of all the Greeks. the triple-crestedReferring to the triple rim of their helmets (cp. the triple crown of the Pope). CorybantesName of the Phrygian priests of Cybele. in their caverns invented this hide-stretched circlet,i.e., the tambourine. and blent its Bacchic revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding breath of Phrygian flutes, and in Rhea's hands placed its resounding noise, to accompany the shouts of the Bacchae,They shouted "ev-ah!" (eu)=a; cf. Lat. ovatio), as the Greek word shows. and from Mother Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it and joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides,"Triennial Festivals." in whom Dionysus takes delight.Eur. Ba. 120 And in the Palamedes the Chorus says,The reading and metrical arrangement of this corrupt passage is that of Nauck, Fr. 586.Thysa, daughter of Dionysus, who on Ida rejoices with his dear mother in the Iacchic revels of tambourines. -And when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and Olympus into one and the same connection, and make them the historical inventors of flutes, they again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the Phrygian rites; and they often in a confused manner drum on"Drum on" is an effort to reproduce in English Strabo's word-play. Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks of Ida called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian Olympus, which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate, Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as in haste to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain behind for a short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces Menelaüs as saying,But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean land collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice.Soph. Fr. 47.9 (Nauck) +And when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and Olympus into one and the same connection, and make them the historical inventors of flutes, they again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the Phrygian rites; and they often in a confused manner drum on"Drum on" is an effort to reproduce in English Strabo's word-play. Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks of Ida called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian Olympus, which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate, Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as in haste to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain behind for a short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces Menelaüs as saying,But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean land collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice.Soph. Fr. 47.9 (Nauck) They invented names appropriate to the flute, and to the noises made by castanets, cymbals, and drums, and to their acclamations and shouts of "ev-ah," and stampings of the feet;Cp. end of section 17 following. and they also invented some of the names by which to designate the ministers, choral dancers, and attendants upon the sacred rites, I mean "Cabeiri" and "Corybantes" and "Pans" and "Satyri" and "Tityri," and they called the god "Bacchus," and Rhea "Cybele" or "Cybebe" or "Dindymene" according to the places where she was worshipped. Sabazius also belongs to the Phrygian group and in a way is the child of the Mother, since he too transmitted the rites of Dionysus.Cp. end of section18 following. Also resembling these rites are the Cotytian and the Bendideian rites practiced among the Thracians, among whom the Orphic rites had their beginning. Now the Cotys who is worshipped among the Edonians, and also the instruments used in her rites, are mentioned by Aeschylus; for he says,O adorable Cotys among the Edonians, and ye who hold mountain-rangingThe instruments, like those who play them (cp. sections 19 and 23 following), are boldly referred to as "mountain-ranging." instruments;and he mentions immediately afterwards the attendants of Dionysus:one, holding in his hands the bombyces,A kind of reed-flute. toilsome work of the turner's chisel, fills full the fingered melody, the call that brings on frenzy, while another causes to resound the bronze-bound cotylaeLiterally "cups"; hence, a kind of cymbal.and again,stringed instruments raise their shrill cry, and frightful mimickers from some place unseen bellow like bulls, and the semblanceIn connection with this bold use of "semblance" (ei)kw/n) by Aeschylus, note Strabo's studied use of "resembles" (e)/oike, twice in this paragraph) and "unlikely" (a)peiko/s). Others either translate ei)kw/n "echo," or omit the thought. of drums, as of subterranean thunder, rolls along, a terrifying sound;for these rites resemble the Phrygian rites, and it is at least not unlikely that, just as the Phrygians themselves were colonists from Thrace, so also their sacred rites were borrowed from there. Also when they identify Dionysus and the Edonian Lycurgus, they hint at the homogeneity of their sacred rites. From its melody and rhythm and instruments, all Thracian music has been considered to be Asiatic. And this is clear, first, from the places where the Muses have been worshipped, for Pieria and Olympus and Pimpla and Leibethrum were in ancient times Thracian places and mountains, though they are now held by the Macedonians; and again, Helicon was consecrated to the Muses by the Thracians who settled in Boeotia, the same who consecrated the cave of the nymphs called Leibethrides. And again, those who devoted their attention to the music of early times are called Thracians, I mean Orpheus, Musaeus, and Thamyris; and Eumolpus,"Sweet-singer. too, got his name from there. And those writers who have consecrated the whole of Asia, as far as India, to Dionysus, derive the greater part of music from there. And one writer says, "striking the Asiatic cithara"; another calls flutes "Berecyntian" and "Phrygian"; and some of the instruments have been called by barbarian names, "nablas," "sambyce," "barbitos," "magadis," and several others. Just as in all other respects the Athenians continue to be hospitable to things foreign, so also in their worship of the gods; for they welcomed so many of the foreign rites that they were ridiculed therefore by comic writers; and among these were the Thracian and Phrygian rites. For instance, the Bendideian rites are mentioned by Plato,Plat. Rep. 1.327, 2.354 and the Phrygian by Demosthenes,Dem. 18.313. when he casts the reproach upon Aeschines' mother and Aeschines himself that he was with her when she conducted initiations, that he joined her in leading the Dionysiac march, and that many a time he cried out "evoe saboe," and "hyes attes, attes hyes"; for these words are in the ritual of Sabazius and the Mother. -Further, one might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these genii and their various names, that they were called, not only ministers of gods, but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five daughters were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,from whom sprang the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses, and the breed of Satyrs, creatures worthless and unfit for work, and also the Curetes, sportive gods, dancers.Hes. Fr. 198 (Rzach)And the author of PhoronisHellanicus of Lesbos (fl. about 430 B.C.). speaks of the Curetes as "flute-players" and "Phrygians"; and others as "earth-born" and "wearing brazen shields." Some call the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, "Phrygians," but the Curetes "Cretes,""Cretans." and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen armour in Euboea, and that on this account they were also called "Chalcidians";"Chalc" means "brazen." still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana (some say from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers to Rhea by the Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are called "rearers of Zeus," and "protectors of Zeus," having been summoned from Phrygia to Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine TelchinesSee 14. 2. 7. who lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete and "reared" Zeus "in his youth"See 10. 3. 11. were named "Curetes"; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who was the founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the PrasiansSee 10. 4. 12. for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain genii, sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes sons of Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus and Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these went off to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and that their rites were mystical. +Further, one might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these genii and their various names, that they were called, not only ministers of gods, but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five daughters were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,from whom sprang the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses, and the breed of Satyrs, creatures worthless and unfit for work, and also the Curetes, sportive gods, dancers.Hes. Fr. 198 (Rzach)And the author of PhoronisHellanicus of Lesbos (fl. about 430 B.C.). speaks of the Curetes as "flute-players" and "Phrygians"; and others as "earth-born" and "wearing brazen shields." Some call the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, "Phrygians," but the Curetes "Cretes,""Cretans." and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen armour in Euboea, and that on this account they were also called "Chalcidians";"Chalc" means "brazen." still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana (some say from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers to Rhea by the Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are called "rearers of Zeus," and "protectors of Zeus," having been summoned from Phrygia to Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine TelchinesSee 14. 2. 7. who lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete and "reared" Zeus "in his youth"See 10. 3. 11. were named "Curetes"; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who was the founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the PrasiansSee 10. 4. 12. for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain genii, sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes sons of Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus and Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these went off to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and that their rites were mystical. But though the Scepsian,Demetrius of Scepsis. who compiled these myths, does not accept the last statement, on the ground that no mystic story of the Cabeiri is told in Samothrace, still he cites also the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Thasian Fl. about 460 B.C.; only fragments of his works are extant. that the sacred rites in Samothrace were performed in honor of the Cabeiri: and the Scepsian says that they were called Cabeiri after the mountain Cabeirus in Berecyntia. Some, however, believe that the Curetes were the same as the Corybantes and were ministers of Hecate. But the Scepsian again states, in opposition to the words of Euripides,Quoted in 10. 3. 13. that the rites of Rhea were not sanctioned or in vogue in Crete, but only in Phrygia and the Troad, and that those who say otherwise are dealing in myths rather than in history, though perhaps the identity of the place-names contributed to their making this mistake. For instance, Ida is not only a Trojan, but also a Cretan, mountain; and Dicte is a place in Scepsia13. 1. 51. and also a mountain in Crete; and Pytna, after which the city HierapytnaIn Crete. was named, is a peak of Ida. And there is a Hippocorona in the territory of Adramyttium and a Hippocoronium in Crete. And Samonium is the eastern promontory of the island and a plain in the territory of Neandria and in that of the Alexandreians.See 13. 1. 47. -Acusilaüs,Acusilaüs (fl. fifth century B.C.) wrote works entitled History and Genealogies. Only fragments remain. the Argive, calls Cadmilus the son of Cabeiro and Hephaestus, and Cadmilus the father of three Cabeiri, and these the fathers of the nymphs called Cabeirides. PherecydesPherecydes (fl. in the fifth century B.C.) wrote a mythological and historical work in ten books. Only fragments remain. says that nine Cyrbantes were sprung from Apollo and Rhetia, and that they took up their abode in Samothrace; and that three Cabeiri and three nymphs called Cabeirides were the children of Cabeiro, the daughter of Proteus, and Hephaestus, and that sacred rites were instituted in honor of each triad. Now it has so happened that the Cabeiri are most honored in Imbros and Lemnos, but they are also honored in separate cities of the Troad; their names, however, are kept secret. HerodotusHdt. 3.37. says that there were temples of the Cabeiri in Memphis, as also of Hephaestus, but that Cambyses destroyed them. The places where these deities were worshipped are uninhabited, both the Corybanteium in Hamaxitia in the territory now belonging to the Alexandreians near Sminthium,13. 1. 48. and Corybissa in Scepsia in the neighborhood of the river Eurëeis and of the village which bears the same name and also of the winter torrent Aethalöeis. The Scepsian says that it is probable that the Curetes and the Corybantes were the same, being those who had been accepted as young men, or "youths," for the war-dance in connection with the holy rites of the Mother of the gods, and also as "corybantes" from the fact that they "walked with a butting of their heads" in a dancing way.i.e., "Cory-bant-es" is here derived from the two verbs "coryptein" ("butt with the head") and "bainein" ("walk" or "go"). These are called by the poet "betarmones":"Harmony-walkers."Come now, all ye that are the best 'betarmones' of the Phaeacians.Hom. Od. 8.250 And because the Corybantes are inclined to dancing and to religious frenzy, we say of those who are stirred with frenzy that they are "corybantising." +Acusilaüs,Acusilaüs (fl. fifth century B.C.) wrote works entitled History and Genealogies. Only fragments remain. the Argive, calls Cadmilus the son of Cabeiro and Hephaestus, and Cadmilus the father of three Cabeiri, and these the fathers of the nymphs called Cabeirides. PherecydesPherecydes (fl. in the fifth century B.C.) wrote a mythological and historical work in ten books. Only fragments remain. says that nine Cyrbantes were sprung from Apollo and Rhetia, and that they took up their abode in Samothrace; and that three Cabeiri and three nymphs called Cabeirides were the children of Cabeiro, the daughter of Proteus, and Hephaestus, and that sacred rites were instituted in honor of each triad. Now it has so happened that the Cabeiri are most honored in Imbros and Lemnos, but they are also honored in separate cities of the Troad; their names, however, are kept secret. HerodotusHdt. 3.37. says that there were temples of the Cabeiri in Memphis, as also of Hephaestus, but that Cambyses destroyed them. The places where these deities were worshipped are uninhabited, both the Corybanteium in Hamaxitia in the territory now belonging to the Alexandreians near Sminthium,13. 1. 48. and Corybissa in Scepsia in the neighborhood of the river Eurëeis and of the village which bears the same name and also of the winter torrent Aethalöeis. The Scepsian says that it is probable that the Curetes and the Corybantes were the same, being those who had been accepted as young men, or "youths," for the war-dance in connection with the holy rites of the Mother of the gods, and also as "corybantes" from the fact that they "walked with a butting of their heads" in a dancing way.i.e., "Cory-bant-es" is here derived from the two verbs "coryptein" ("butt with the head") and "bainein" ("walk" or "go"). These are called by the poet "betarmones":"Harmony-walkers."Come now, all ye that are the best 'betarmones' of the Phaeacians.Hom. Od. 8.250 And because the Corybantes are inclined to dancing and to religious frenzy, we say of those who are stirred with frenzy that they are "corybantising." Some writers say that the name "Idaean Dactyli" was given to the first settlers of the lower slopes of Mt. Ida, for the lower slopes of mountains are called "feet," and the summits "heads"; accordingly, the several extremities of Ida (all of which are sacred to the Mother of the gods) were called Dactyli."Dactyli" means either "fingers" or "toes." SophoclesSoph. Cophi Satyri Fr. 337 (Nauck) thinks that the first male Dactyli were five in number, who were the first to discover and to work iron, as well as many other things which are useful for the purposes of life, and that their sisters were five in number, and that they were called Dactyli from their number. But different writers tell the myth in different ways, joining difficulty to difficulty; and both the names and numbers they use are different; and they name one of them "Celmis" and others "Damnameneus" and "Heracles" and "Acmon." Some call them natives of Ida, others settlers; but all agree that iron was first worked by these on Ida; and all have assumed that they were wizards and attendants of the Mother of the gods, and that they lived in Phrygia about Ida; and they use the term Phrygia for the Troad because, after Troy was sacked, the Phrygians, whose territory bordered on the Troad, got the mastery over it. And they suspect that both the Curetes and the Corybantes were offspring of the Idaean Dactyli; at any rate, the first hundred men born in Crete were called Idaean Dactyli, they say, and as offspring of these were born nine Curetes, and each of these begot ten children who were called Idaean Dactyli. I have been led on to discuss these people rather at length, although I am not in the least fond of myths, because the facts in their case border on the province of theology. And theology as a whole must examine early opinions and myths, since the ancients expressed enigmatically the physical notions which they entertained concerning the facts and always added the mythical element to their accounts. Now it is not easy to solve with accuracy all the enigmas, but if the multitude of myths be set before us, some agreeing and others contradicting one another, one might be able more readily to conjecture out of them what the truth is. For instance, men probably speak in their myths about the "mountain-roaming" of religious zealots and of gods themselves, and about their "religious frenzies," for the same reason that they are prompted to believe that the gods dwell in the skies and show forethought, among their other interests, for prognostication by signs. Now seeking for metals, and hunting, and searching for the things that are useful for the purposes of life, are manifestly closely related to mountain-roaming, whereas juggling and magic are closely related to religious frenzies, worship, and divination. And such also is devotion to the arts, in particular to the Dionysiac and Orphic arts. But enough on this subject.

@@ -654,22 +654,22 @@ Since I have already described the islands of the Peloponnesus in detail, not only the others, but also those in the Corinthian Gulf and those in front of it, I must next discuss Crete (for it, too, belongs to the Peloponnesus) and any islands that are in the neighborhood of Crete. Among these are the Cyclades and the Sporades, some worthy of mention, others of less significance. But at present let me first discuss Crete.For map of Crete, see Insert in Map VIII at end of Loeb Vol. IV. Now although Eudoxus says that it is situated in the Aegaean Sea, one should not so state, but rather that it lies between Cyrenaea and that part of Greece which extends from Sunium to Laconia, stretching lengthwise parallel with these countries from west to east, and that it is washed on the north by the Aegaean and the Cretan Seas, and on the south by the Libyan Sea, which borders on the Aegyptian. As for its two extremities, the western is in the neighborhood of Phalasarna; it has a breadth of about two hundred stadia and is divided into two promontories (of these the southern is called Criumetopon,"Ram's Forehead." the northern Cimarus), whereas the eastern is Samonium, which falls toward the east not much farther than Sunium. As for its size, Sosicrates, whose account of the island, according to Apollodorus, is exact, defines it as follows: In length, more than two thousand three hundred stadia, and in breadth, . . . ,The text is corrupt (see critical note), and no known MS. contains a number for the breadth of the island. Moreover, the Greek words (either three or four) contained in the MSS. at this point are generally unintelligible. According to measurements on Kiepert's wall map, however, the maximum dimensions are 1400 x 310 stadia. so that its circuit, according to him, would amount to more than five thousand stadia; but Artemidorus says it is four thousand one hundred. HieronymusOn Hieronymus, see notes on 8. 6. 21 and 9. 5. 22. says that its length is two thousand stadia and its breadth irregular, and therefore might mean that the circuit is greater than Artemidorus says. For about a third of its length . . . ;All MSS. omit something here (see critical note). Jones conjectures "(it is) about two hundred stadia" in breadth (the breadth of the western end as given in 10. 4. 2). and then comes an isthmus of about one hundred stadia, which, on the northern sea, has a settlement called Amphimalla, and, on the southern, Phoenix, belonging to the Lampians. The island is broadest near the middle. And from here the shores again converge to an isthmus narrower than the former, about sixty stadia in width, which extends from Minoa, city of the Lyctians, to Hierapytna and the Libyan Sea; the city is situated on the gulf. Then the island projects into a sharp promontory, Samonium, which slopes in the direction of Aegypt and the islands of the Rhodians. -The island is mountainous and thickly wooded, but it has fruitful glens. Of the mountains, those towards the west are called Leuca;"White." they do not fall short of Taÿgetus in height, extend in length about three hundred stadia, and form a ridge which terminates approximately at the narrows. In the middle, in the most spacious part of the island, is Mount Ida, loftiest of the mountains of Crete and circular in shape, with a circuit of six hundred stadia; and around it are the best cities. There are other mountains in Crete that are about as high as the Leuca, some terminating towards the south and others towards the east. +The island is mountainous and thickly wooded, but it has fruitful glens. Of the mountains, those towards the west are called Leuca;"White." they do not fall short of Taÿgetus in height, extend in length about three hundred stadia, and form a ridge which terminates approximately at the narrows. In the middle, in the most spacious part of the island, is Mount Ida, loftiest of the mountains of Crete and circular in shape, with a circuit of six hundred stadia; and around it are the best cities. There are other mountains in Crete that are about as high as the Leuca, some terminating towards the south and others towards the east. The voyage from Cyrenaea to Criumetopon takes two days and nights, and the distance from Cimarus to Taenarum is seven hundred stadia,A very close estimate (for the same estimate, see 8. 5. l). Cythera lying between them; and the voyage from Samonium to Aegypt takes four days and nights, though some say three. Some state that this is a voyage of five thousand stadia, but others still less. Eratosthenes says that the distance from Cyrenaea to Criumetopon is two thousand, and from there to the Peloponnesus less . . .Eratosthenes probably said "a thousand less," but no number is given in the MSS. (see critical note). -But one tongue with others is mixed,the poet says;there dwell Achaeans, there Eteo-Cretans"Cretans of the old stock." proud of heart, there Cydonians and Dorians, too, of waving plumes, and goodly Pelasgians.Hom. Od. 19.175See 5. 2. 4, where the same passage is quoted. Of these peoples, according to Staphylus,Staphylus of Naucratis wrote historical works on Thessaly, Athens, Aeolia, and Arcadia, but only a few fragments are preserved. The translator does not know when he lived. the Dorians occupy the part towards the east, the Cydonians the western part, the Eteo-Cretans the southern; and to these last belongs the town Prasus, where is the temple of the Dictaean Zeus; whereas the other peoples, since they were more powerful, dwelt in the plains. Now it is reasonable to suppose that the Eteo-Cretans and the Cydonians were autochthonous, and that the others were foreigners, who, according to Andron,Andron (fl. apparently in the fourth century B.C.) wrote a work entitled Kinships, of which only a few fragments remain. It treated the genealogical relationships between the Greek tribes and cities, and appears to have been an able work. came from Thessaly, from the country which in earlier times was called Doris, but is now called Hestiaeotis; it was from this country that the Dorians who lived in the neighborhood of Parnassus set out, as he says, and founded Erineüs, Boeüm, and Cytinium, and hence by HomerHom. Od. 19.177. are called "trichaïces."Andron fancifully connects this adjective with "tricha" ("in three parts"), making it mean "three-fold" (so Liddell and Scott q.v.), but it is surely a compound of qri/c and a)i+/ssw (cp. koruqa/i+c), and mans "hairshaking," or, as translated in the above passage from Homer, "of waving plumes." However, writers do not accept the account of Andron at all, since he represents the Tetrapolis Doris as being a Tripolis,i.e., as composed of three cities instead of four. and the metropolis of the Dorians as a mere colony of Thessalians; and they derive the meaning of "trichaïces" either from the "trilophia,""Triple.crest" (of a helmet). or from the fact that the crests were "trichini.""Made of hair." +But one tongue with others is mixed,the poet says;there dwell Achaeans, there Eteo-Cretans"Cretans of the old stock." proud of heart, there Cydonians and Dorians, too, of waving plumes, and goodly Pelasgians.Hom. Od. 19.175See 5. 2. 4, where the same passage is quoted. Of these peoples, according to Staphylus,Staphylus of Naucratis wrote historical works on Thessaly, Athens, Aeolia, and Arcadia, but only a few fragments are preserved. The translator does not know when he lived. the Dorians occupy the part towards the east, the Cydonians the western part, the Eteo-Cretans the southern; and to these last belongs the town Prasus, where is the temple of the Dictaean Zeus; whereas the other peoples, since they were more powerful, dwelt in the plains. Now it is reasonable to suppose that the Eteo-Cretans and the Cydonians were autochthonous, and that the others were foreigners, who, according to Andron,Andron (fl. apparently in the fourth century B.C.) wrote a work entitled Kinships, of which only a few fragments remain. It treated the genealogical relationships between the Greek tribes and cities, and appears to have been an able work. came from Thessaly, from the country which in earlier times was called Doris, but is now called Hestiaeotis; it was from this country that the Dorians who lived in the neighborhood of Parnassus set out, as he says, and founded Erineüs, Boeüm, and Cytinium, and hence by HomerHom. Od. 19.177. are called "trichaïces."Andron fancifully connects this adjective with "tricha" ("in three parts"), making it mean "three-fold" (so Liddell and Scott q.v.), but it is surely a compound of qri/c and a)i+/ssw (cp. koruqa/i+c), and mans "hairshaking," or, as translated in the above passage from Homer, "of waving plumes." However, writers do not accept the account of Andron at all, since he represents the Tetrapolis Doris as being a Tripolis,i.e., as composed of three cities instead of four. and the metropolis of the Dorians as a mere colony of Thessalians; and they derive the meaning of "trichaïces" either from the "trilophia,""Triple.crest" (of a helmet). or from the fact that the crests were "trichini.""Made of hair." There are several cities in Crete, but the greatest and most famous are three: Cnossus, Gortyna and Cydonia. The praises of Cnossus are hymned above the rest both by Homer, who calls it "great" and "the kingdom of Minos,"Hom. Od. 19.178. and by the later poets. Furthermore, it continued for a long time to win the first honors; then it was humbled and deprived of many of its prerogatives, and its superior rank passed over to Gortyna and Lyctus; but later it again recovered its olden dignity as the metropolis. Cnossus is situated in a plain, its original circuit being thirty stadia, between the Lyctian and Gortynian territories, being two hundred stadia distant from Gortyna, and a hundred and twenty from Lyttus, which the poet named Lyctus.Hom. Il. 2.647 and 17.611. Cnossus is twenty-five stadia from the northern sea, Gortyna is ninety from the Libyan Sea, and Lyctus itself is eighty from the Libyan. And Cnossus has Heracleium as its seaport. But Minos is said to have used as seaport Amnisus, where is the temple of Eileithuia.The goddess of child-birth. In earlier times Cnossus was called Caeratus, bearing the same name as the river which flows past it. According to history, Minos was an excellent law-giver, and also the first to gain the mastery of the sea;So Diod. Sic. lc, but see Hdt. 3.122. and he divided the island into three parts and founded a city in each part, Cnossus in the . . .The thought, if not the actual Greek words, of the passage here omitted from the Greek MSS. can be supplied from Diod. Sic. 5.78, who, like Strabo, depends much upon Ephorus for historical material: "(Cnossus in the) part of the island which inclines towards Asia, Phaestus on the sea, turned towards the south, and Cydonia in the region which lies towards the west, opposite the Peloponnesus". And it, too,Cydonia, as well as Cnossus. lies to the north. As Ephorus states, Minos was an emulator of a certain Rhadamanthys of early times, a man most just and bearing the same name as Minos's brother, who is reputed to have been the first to civilize the island by establishing laws and by uniting cities under one city as metropolisSee 10. 4. 14. and by setting up constitutions, alleging that he brought from Zeus the several decrees which he promulgated. So, in imitation of Rhadamanthys, Minos would go up every nine years,We should say "every eight years," or "every ninth year." as it appears, to the cave of Zeus, tarry there, and come back with commandments drawn up in writing, which he alleged were ordinances of Zeus; and it was for this reason that the poet says,there Minos reigned as king, who held converse with great Zeus every ninth year.Hom. Od. 19.178Five different interpretations of this passage have been set forth, dependent on the meaning and syntax of e)nne/wros: that Minos (1) reigned as king for nine years, (2) was nine years old when he became king, (3) for nine years held converse with Zeus, (4) every nine years held converse with Zeus, and (5) reigned as king when he had come to mature age. Frazer (Paus. 3.2.4 adopts the first. Butcher and Lang, and A. T. Murray, adopt the second. Heracleides of Pontus On the Cretan Constitutions 3 seems to have adopted the third, saying that Minos spent nine years formulating his laws. But Plat. Minos 319c and Plat. Laws 624 says that Minos visited the cave of his father "every ninth year" (di' e)na/tou e)/tous); and Strabo (as 16. 2. 38 shows) expressly follows Plato. Hence the above rendering of the Homeric passage. Apart from the above interpretations, Eustathius (note on Odyssey 10.19, on a different passage) suggests that e)nne/wros might pertain to "nine seasons, that is, two years and one month" (the "one month," however, instead of "one season," seems incongruous). This suggests that the present passage might mean that Minos held converse with Zeus during a period of one season every other year. Such is the statement of Ephorus; but again the early writers have given a different account of Minos, which is contrary to that of Ephorus, saying that he was tyrannical, harsh, and an exactor of tribute, representing in tragedy the story of the Minotaur and the Labyrinth, and the adventures of Theseus and Daedalus. Now, as for these two accounts, it is hard to say which is true; and there is another subject that is not agreed upon by all, some saying that Minos was a foreigner, but others that he was a native of the island. The poet, however, seems rather to advocate the second view when he says,Zeus first begot Minos, guardian o'er Crete.Hom. Il. 13.450In regard to Crete, writers agree that in ancient times it had good laws, and rendered the best of the Greeks its emulators, and in particular the Lacedaemonians, as is shown, for instance, by PlatoPlat. Laws 631b, 693e, 751dff., 950. and also by Ephorus, who in his EuropeThe fourth book of his history was so entitled. has described its constitution. But later it changed very much for the worse; for after the Tyrrhenians, who more than any other people ravaged Our Sea,The Mediterranean. the Cretans succeeded to the business of piracy; their piracy was later destroyed by the Cilicians; but all piracy was broken up by the Romans, who reduced Crete by war and also the piratical strongholds of the Cilicians. And at the present time Cnossus has even a colony of Romans. -So much for Cnossus, a city to which I myself am not alien, although, on account of man's fortune and of the changes and issues therein, the bonds which at first connected me with the city have disappeared: Dorylaüs was a military expert and one of the friends of Mithridates Euergetes. He, because of his experience in military affairs, was appointed to enlist mercenaries, and often visited not only Greece and Thrace, but also the mercenaries of Crete, that is, before the Romans were yet in possession of the island and while the number of mercenary soldiers in the island, from whom the piratical bands were also wont to be recruited, was large. Now when Dorylaüs was sojourning there war happened to break out between the Cnossians and the Gortynians, and he was appointed general, finished the war successfully, and speedily won the greatest honors. But when, a little later, he learned that Euergetes, as the result of a plot, had been treacherously slain in Sinope by his closest associates, and heard that the succession had passed to his wife and young children, he despaired of the situation there and stayed on at Cnossus. There, by a Macetan woman, Sterope by name, he begot two sons, Lagetas and Stratarchas (the latter of whom l myself saw when he was an extremely old man), and also one daughter. Now Euergetes had two sons, one of whom, Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, succeeded to the rule when he was eleven years old. Dorylaüs, the son of Philetaerus, was his foster brother; and Philotaerus was a brother of Dorylaüs the military expert. And when the king Mithridates reached manhood, he was so infatuated with the companionship of his foster brother Dorylaüs that he not only conferred upon him the greatest honors, but also cared for his kinsmen and summoned those who lived at Cnossus. These were the household of Lagetas and his brother, their father having already died, and they themselves having reached manhood; and they quit Cnossus and went home. My mother's mother was the sister of Lagetas. Now when Lagetas prospered, these others shared in his prosperity, but when he was ruined (for he was caught in the act of trying to cause the kingdom to revolt to the Romans, on the understanding that he was to be established at the head of the government), their fortunes were also ruined at the same time, and they were reduced to humility; and the bonds which connected them with the Cnossians, who themselves had undergone countless changes, fell into neglect. But enough for my account of Cnossus. +So much for Cnossus, a city to which I myself am not alien, although, on account of man's fortune and of the changes and issues therein, the bonds which at first connected me with the city have disappeared: Dorylaüs was a military expert and one of the friends of Mithridates Euergetes. He, because of his experience in military affairs, was appointed to enlist mercenaries, and often visited not only Greece and Thrace, but also the mercenaries of Crete, that is, before the Romans were yet in possession of the island and while the number of mercenary soldiers in the island, from whom the piratical bands were also wont to be recruited, was large. Now when Dorylaüs was sojourning there war happened to break out between the Cnossians and the Gortynians, and he was appointed general, finished the war successfully, and speedily won the greatest honors. But when, a little later, he learned that Euergetes, as the result of a plot, had been treacherously slain in Sinope by his closest associates, and heard that the succession had passed to his wife and young children, he despaired of the situation there and stayed on at Cnossus. There, by a Macetan woman, Sterope by name, he begot two sons, Lagetas and Stratarchas (the latter of whom l myself saw when he was an extremely old man), and also one daughter. Now Euergetes had two sons, one of whom, Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, succeeded to the rule when he was eleven years old. Dorylaüs, the son of Philetaerus, was his foster brother; and Philotaerus was a brother of Dorylaüs the military expert. And when the king Mithridates reached manhood, he was so infatuated with the companionship of his foster brother Dorylaüs that he not only conferred upon him the greatest honors, but also cared for his kinsmen and summoned those who lived at Cnossus. These were the household of Lagetas and his brother, their father having already died, and they themselves having reached manhood; and they quit Cnossus and went home. My mother's mother was the sister of Lagetas. Now when Lagetas prospered, these others shared in his prosperity, but when he was ruined (for he was caught in the act of trying to cause the kingdom to revolt to the Romans, on the understanding that he was to be established at the head of the government), their fortunes were also ruined at the same time, and they were reduced to humility; and the bonds which connected them with the Cnossians, who themselves had undergone countless changes, fell into neglect. But enough for my account of Cnossus. After Cnossus, the city of the Gortynians seems to have ranked second in power; for when these two cooperated they held in subjection all the rest of the inhabitants, and when they had a quarrel there was dissension throughout the island. But Cydonia was the greatest addition to whichever side it attached itself. The city of the Gortynians also lies in a plain; and in ancient times, perhaps, it was walled, as Homer states,and well-walled Gortyn,Hom. Il. 2.646but later it lost its walls from their very foundations, and has remained unwalled ever since; for although Ptolemy Philopator began to build a wall, he proceeded with it only about eighty"Eighty" seems to be an error for "eight." stadia; at any rate, it is worth mentioning that the settlement once filled out a circuit of about fifty stadia. It is ninety stadia distant from the Libyan Sea at Leben, which is its trading center; it also has another seaport, Matalum, from which it is a hundred and thirty stadia distant. The Lethaeus River flows through the whole of its territory. -From Leben came Leucocomas and his lover Euxynthetus, the story of whom is told by Theophrastus in his treatise On Love. Of the tasks which Leucocomas assigned to Euxynthetus, one, he says, was this—to bring back his dog from Prasus. The country of the Prasians borders on that of the Lebenians, being seventy stadia distant from the sea and a hundred and eighty from Gortyn. As I have said,10. 4. 6. Prasus belonged to the Eteo-Cretans; and the temple of the Dictaean Zeus was there; for Dicte is near it, not "close to the Idaean Mountain," as Aratus says,Aratus Phaenomena 33 for Dicte is a thousand stadia distant from Ida, being situated at that distance from it towards the rising sun, and a hundred from Samonium. Prasus was situated between Samonium and the Cherronesus, sixty stadia above the sea; it was razed to the ground by the Hierapytnians. And neither is Callimachus right, they say, when he says that Britomartis, in her flight from the violence of Minos, leaped from Dicte into fishermen's "nets,""Dictya." and that because of this she herself was called Dictynna by the Cydoniatae, and the mountain Dicte; for Cydonia is not in the neighborhood of these places at all, but lies near the western limits of the island. However, there is a mountain called Tityrus in Cydonia, on which is a temple, not the "Dictaean" temple, but the "Dictynnaean." +From Leben came Leucocomas and his lover Euxynthetus, the story of whom is told by Theophrastus in his treatise On Love. Of the tasks which Leucocomas assigned to Euxynthetus, one, he says, was this—to bring back his dog from Prasus. The country of the Prasians borders on that of the Lebenians, being seventy stadia distant from the sea and a hundred and eighty from Gortyn. As I have said,10. 4. 6. Prasus belonged to the Eteo-Cretans; and the temple of the Dictaean Zeus was there; for Dicte is near it, not "close to the Idaean Mountain," as Aratus says,Aratus Phaenomena 33 for Dicte is a thousand stadia distant from Ida, being situated at that distance from it towards the rising sun, and a hundred from Samonium. Prasus was situated between Samonium and the Cherronesus, sixty stadia above the sea; it was razed to the ground by the Hierapytnians. And neither is Callimachus right, they say, when he says that Britomartis, in her flight from the violence of Minos, leaped from Dicte into fishermen's "nets,""Dictya." and that because of this she herself was called Dictynna by the Cydoniatae, and the mountain Dicte; for Cydonia is not in the neighborhood of these places at all, but lies near the western limits of the island. However, there is a mountain called Tityrus in Cydonia, on which is a temple, not the "Dictaean" temple, but the "Dictynnaean." Cydonia is situated on the sea, facing Laconia, and is equidistant, about eight hundred stadia, from the two cities Cnossus and Gortyn, and is eighty stadia distant from Aptera, and forty from the sea in that region.Strabo refers, respectively, to the distance by land to Aptera and by sea, but his estimates are erroneous (see Pauly-Wissowa s.v. "Aptera"). The seaport of Aptera is Cisamus. The territory.of the Polyrrhenians borders on that of the Cydoniatae towards the west, and the temple of Dictynna is in their territory. They are about thirty stadia distant from the sea, and sixty from Phalasarna. They lived in villages in earlier times; and then Achaeans and Laconians made a common settlement, building a wall round a place that was naturally strong and faced towards the south. Of the three cities that were united under one metropolis by Minos, the third, which was Phaestus, was razed to the ground by the Gortynians; it is sixty stadia distant from Gortyn, twenty from the sea, and forty from the seaport Matalum; and the country is held by those who razed it. Rhytium, also, together with Phaestus, belongs to the Gortynians:and Phaestus and Rhytium.Hom. Il. 2.648 Epimenides,Epimenides was a wizard, an ancient "Rip Van Winkle," who, according to Suidas, slept for sixty of his one hundred and fifty years. According to Diogenes Laertius 1.110, he went to Athens in "the forty sixth Olympiad" (596-593 B.C ) "and purified the city, and put a stop to the plague" (see Plutarch's account of his visit in Solon's time, Plut. Sol. 12). According to Plat. Laws 642d he went to Athens "ten years before the Persian war" (i.e., 500 B.C.), and uttered the prophecy that the Persians would not come for ten years, and would get the worst of it when they came. But see Pauly-Wissowa s.v. "Epimenides." who performed the purifications by means of his verses, is said to have been from Phaestus. And Lissen also is in the Phaestian territory. Of Lyctus, which I have mentioned before,10. 4. 7. the seaport is Cherronesus, as it is called, where is the temple of Britomartis. But the Cities Miletus and Lycastus, which are catalogued along with Lyctus,Hom. Il. 2.647. no longer exist; and as for their territory, the Lyctians took one portion of it and the Cnossians the other, after they had razed the city to the ground. Since the poet speaks of Crete at one time as "possessing a hundred cities,"Hom. Il. 2.649. and also at another as "possessing ninety cities,"Hom. Od. 19.174. Ephorus says that the ten were founded later than the others, after the Trojan War, by the Dorians who accompanied Althaemenes the Argive; he adds that it was Odysseus, however, who called it "Crete of the ninety cities." Now this statement is plausible, but others say that the ten cities were razed to the ground by the enemies of Idomeneus.The grandson of Minos. However, in the first place, the poet does not say that Crete had one hundred cities at the time of the Trojan War, but rather in his own time (for he is speaking in his own person, although, if the statement was made by some person who was living at the time of the Trojan War, as is the case in the Odyssey, when Odysseus says "of the ninety cities," then it would be well to interpret it accordingly). In the second place, if we should concede this,i.e., that Homer was speaking of his own time. the next statementi.e., that ten were razed by the enemies of Idomeneus. could not he maintained; for it is not likely that these cities were wiped out by the enemies of Idomeneus either during the expedition or after his return from Troy; for when the poet said,and all his companions Idomeneus brought to Crete, all who escaped from the war, and the sea robbed him of none,Hom. Od. 3.191 (Nestor speaking). he would also have mentioned this disaster; for of course Odysseus could not have known of the obliteration of the cities, since he came in contact with no Greeks either during his wanderings or later. And heNestor. who accompanied Idomeneus on the expedition to Troy and returned safely home at the same time could not have known what occurred in the homeland of Idomeneus either during the expedition or the return from Troy, nor yet even after the return; for if ldomeneus escaped with all his companions, he returned home strong, and therefore his enemies were not likely to be strong enough to take ten cities away from him. Such, then, is my description of the country of the Cretans. As for their constitution, which is described by Ephorus, it might suffice to tell in a cursory way its most important provisions. The lawgiver, he says, seems to take it for granted that liberty is a state's greatest good, for this alone makes property belong specifically to those who have acquired it, whereas in a condition of slavery everything belongs to the rulers and not to the ruled; but those who have liberty must guard it; now harmony ensues when dissension, which is the result of greed and luxury, is removed; for when all citizens live a self-restrained and simple life there arises neither envy nor arrogance nor hatred towards those who are like them; and this is why the lawgiver commanded the boys to attend the "Troops,"Literally, "Herds" (cf. the Boy Scout "Troops"). as they are called, and the full grown men to eat together at the public messes which they call the "Andreia," so that the poorer, being fed at public expense, might be on an equality with the well-to-do; and in order that courage, and not cowardice, might prevail, he commanded that from boyhood they should grow up accustomed to arms and toils, so as to scorn heat, cold, marches over rugged and steep roads, and blows received in gymnasiums or regular battles; and that they should practise, not only archery, but also the war-dance, which was invented and made known by the Curetes at first, and later, also, by the manPyrrhicus (see 10. 3. 8). who arranged the dance that was named after him, I mean the Pyrrhic dance, so that not even their sports were without a share in activities that were useful for warfare; and likewise that they should use in their songs the Cretic rhythms, which were very high pitched, and were invented by Thales, to whom they ascribe, not only their Paeans and other local songs, but also many of their institutions; and that they should use military dress and shoes; and that arms should be to them the most valuable of gifts. It is said by some writers, Ephorus continues, that most of the Cretan institutions are Laconian, but the truth is that they were invented by the Cretans and only perfected by the Spartans; and the Cretans, when their cities, and particularly that of the Cnossians, were devastated, neglected military affairs; but some of the institutions continued in use among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and certain other small cities to a greater extent than among the Cnossians; in fact, the institutions of the Lyctians are cited as evidence by those who represent the Laconian as older; for, they argue, being colonists, they preserve the customs of the mother city, since even on general grounds it is absurd to represent those who are better organized and governed as emulators of their inferiors; but this is not correct, Ephorus says, for, in the first place, one should not draw evidence as to antiquity from the present state of things, for both peoples have undergone a complete reversal; for instance, the Cretans in earlier times were masters of the sea, and hence the proverb, "The Cretan does not know the sea," is applied to those who pretend not to know what they do know, although now the Cretans have lost their fleet; and, in the second place, it does not follow that, because some of the cities in Crete were Spartan colonies, they were under compulsion to keep to the Spartan institutions; at any rate, many colonial cities do not observe their ancestral customs, and many, also, of those in Crete that are not colonial have the same customs as the colonists. -Lycurgus the Spartan law-giver, Ephorus continues, was five generations later than the Althaemenes who conducted the colony to Crete;This Althaemenes, therefore, is not to be confused with the Althaemenes who was the grandson of Minos. for historians say that Althaemenes was son of the Cissus who founded Argos about the same time when Procles was establishing Sparta as metropolis;i.e., of Laconia (see 8. 5. 4). and Lycurgus, as is agreed by all, was sixth in descent from Procles; and copies are not earlier than their models, nor more recent things earlier than older things; not only the dancing which is customary among the Lacedaemonians, but also the rhythms and paeans that are sung according to law, and many other Spartan institutions, are called "Cretan" among the Lacedaemonians, as though they originated in Crete; and some of the public offices are not only administered in the same way as in Crete, but also have the same names, as, for instance, the office of the "Gerontes,""Old Men," i.e., "Senators." and that of the "Hippeis""Horsemen," i.e., "Knights." (except that the "Hippeis" in Crete actually possessed horses, and from this fact it is inferred that the office of the "Hippeis" in Crete is older, for they preserve the true meaning of the appellation, whereas the Lacedaemonian "Hippeis" do not keep horses); but though the Ephors have the same functions as the Cretan Cosmi, they have been named differently; and the public messes are, even today, still called "Andreia" among the Cretans, but among the Spartans they ceased to be called by the same name as in earlier times;The later Spartan name was "Syssitia" or "Philitia" (sometimes "Phiditia"). at any rate, the following is found in Alcman:In feasts and festive gatherings, amongst the guests who partake of the Andreia, 'tis meet to begin the paeanAlcman Fr. 22 (Bergk) -It is said by the Cretans, Ephorus continues, that Lycurgus came to them for the following reason: Polydectes was the elder brother of Lycurgus; when he died he left his wife pregnant; now for a time Lycurgus reigned in his brother's place, but when a child was born he became the child's guardian, since the office of king descended to the child, but some man, railing at Lycurgus, said that he knew for sure that Lycurgus would be king; and Lycurgus, suspecting that in consequence of such talk he himself might be falsely accused of plotting against the child, and fearing that, if by any chance the child should die, he himself might be blamed for it by his enemies, sailed away to Crete; this, then, is said to be the cause of his sojourn in Crete; and when he arrived he associated with Thales, a melic poet and an expert in lawgiving; and after learning from him the manner in which both Rhadamanthys in earlier times and Minos in later times published their laws to men as from Zeus, and after sojourning in Egypt also and learning among other things their institutions, and, according to some writers, after meeting Homer, who was living in Chios, he sailed back to his homeland, and found his brother's son, Charilaüs the son of Polydectes, reigning as king; and then he set out to frame the laws, making visits to the god at Delphi, and bringing thence the god's decrees, just as Minos and his house had brought their ordinances from the cave of Zeus, most of his being similar to theirs. +Lycurgus the Spartan law-giver, Ephorus continues, was five generations later than the Althaemenes who conducted the colony to Crete;This Althaemenes, therefore, is not to be confused with the Althaemenes who was the grandson of Minos. for historians say that Althaemenes was son of the Cissus who founded Argos about the same time when Procles was establishing Sparta as metropolis;i.e., of Laconia (see 8. 5. 4). and Lycurgus, as is agreed by all, was sixth in descent from Procles; and copies are not earlier than their models, nor more recent things earlier than older things; not only the dancing which is customary among the Lacedaemonians, but also the rhythms and paeans that are sung according to law, and many other Spartan institutions, are called "Cretan" among the Lacedaemonians, as though they originated in Crete; and some of the public offices are not only administered in the same way as in Crete, but also have the same names, as, for instance, the office of the "Gerontes,""Old Men," i.e., "Senators." and that of the "Hippeis""Horsemen," i.e., "Knights." (except that the "Hippeis" in Crete actually possessed horses, and from this fact it is inferred that the office of the "Hippeis" in Crete is older, for they preserve the true meaning of the appellation, whereas the Lacedaemonian "Hippeis" do not keep horses); but though the Ephors have the same functions as the Cretan Cosmi, they have been named differently; and the public messes are, even today, still called "Andreia" among the Cretans, but among the Spartans they ceased to be called by the same name as in earlier times;The later Spartan name was "Syssitia" or "Philitia" (sometimes "Phiditia"). at any rate, the following is found in Alcman:In feasts and festive gatherings, amongst the guests who partake of the Andreia, 'tis meet to begin the paeanAlcman Fr. 22 (Bergk) +It is said by the Cretans, Ephorus continues, that Lycurgus came to them for the following reason: Polydectes was the elder brother of Lycurgus; when he died he left his wife pregnant; now for a time Lycurgus reigned in his brother's place, but when a child was born he became the child's guardian, since the office of king descended to the child, but some man, railing at Lycurgus, said that he knew for sure that Lycurgus would be king; and Lycurgus, suspecting that in consequence of such talk he himself might be falsely accused of plotting against the child, and fearing that, if by any chance the child should die, he himself might be blamed for it by his enemies, sailed away to Crete; this, then, is said to be the cause of his sojourn in Crete; and when he arrived he associated with Thales, a melic poet and an expert in lawgiving; and after learning from him the manner in which both Rhadamanthys in earlier times and Minos in later times published their laws to men as from Zeus, and after sojourning in Egypt also and learning among other things their institutions, and, according to some writers, after meeting Homer, who was living in Chios, he sailed back to his homeland, and found his brother's son, Charilaüs the son of Polydectes, reigning as king; and then he set out to frame the laws, making visits to the god at Delphi, and bringing thence the god's decrees, just as Minos and his house had brought their ordinances from the cave of Zeus, most of his being similar to theirs. The following are the most important provisions in the Cretan institutions as stated by Ephorus. In Crete all those who are selected out of the "Troop" of boys at the same time are forced to marry at the same time, although they do not take the girls whom they have married to their own homes immediately, but as soon as the girls are qualified to manage the affairs of the house. A girl's dower, if she has brothers, is half of the brother's portion. The children must learn, not only their letters, but also the songs prescribed in the laws and certain forms of music. Now those who are still younger are taken to the public messes, the "Andreia"; and they sit together on the ground as they eat their food, clad in shabby garments, the same both winter and summer, and they also wait on the men as well as on themselves. And those who eat together at the same mess join battle both with one another and with those from different messes. A boy director presides over each mess. But the older boys are taken to the "Troops"; and the most conspicuous and influential of the boys assemble the "Troops," each collecting as many boys as he possibly can; the leader of each "Troop" is generally the father of the assembler, and he has authority to lead them forth to hunt and to run races, and to punish anyone who is disobedient; and they are fed at public expense; and on certain appointed days "Troop" contends with "Troop," marching rhythmically into battle, to the tune of flute and lyre, as is their custom in actual war; and they actually bear marks ofOthers translate e)kfe/rousi in the sense of delivering blows. the blows received, some inflicted by the hand, others by ironPossibly an error for "wooden." weapons. They have a peculiar custom in regard to love affairs, for they win the objects of their love, not by persuasion, but by abduction; the lover tells the friends of the boy three or four days beforehand that he is going to make the abduction; but for the friends to conceal the boy, or not to let him go forth by the appointed road, is indeed a most disgraceful thing, a confession, as it were, that the boy is unworthy to obtain such a lover; and when they meet, if the abductor is the boy's equal or superior in rank or other respects, the friends pursue him and lay hold of him, though only in a very gentle way, thus satisfying the custom; and after that they cheerfully turn the boy over to him to lead away; if, however, the abductor is unworthy, they take the boy away from him. And the pursuit does not end until the boy is taken to the "Andreium" of his abductor. They regard as a worthy object of love, not the boy who is exceptionally handsome, but the boy who is exceptionally manly and decorous. After giving the boy presents, the abductor takes him away to any place in the country he wishes; and those who were present at the abduction follow after them, and after feasting and hunting with them for two months (for it is not permitted to detain the boy for a longer time), they return to the city. The boy is released after receiving as presents a military habit, an ox, and a drinking-cup (these are the gifts required by law), and other things so numerous and costly that the friends, on account of the number of the expenses, make contributions thereto. Now the boy sacrifices the ox to Zeus and feasts those who returned with him; and then he makes known the facts about his intimacy with his lover, whether, perchance, it has pleased him or not, the law allowing him this privilege in order that, if any force was applied to him at the time of the abduction, he might be able at this feast to avenge himself and be rid of the lover. It is disgraceful for those who are handsome in appearance or descendants of illustrious ancestors to fail to obtain lovers, the presumption being that their character is responsible for such a fate. But the parastathentesThe literal meaning of the word seems to be "those who were chosen as stand-bys" by lovers. (for thus they call those who have been abducted) receive honors; for in both the dances and the races they have the positions of highest honor, and are allowed to dress in better clothes than the rest, that is, in the habit given them by their lovers; and not then only, but even after they have grown to manhood, they wear a distinctive dress, which is intended to make known the fact that each wearer has become "kleinos,"Famous. for they call the loved one "kleinos" and the lover "philetor."i.e., "lover" or "sweetheart." So much for their customs in regard to love affairs. The Cretans choose ten Archons. Concerning the matters of greatest importance they use as counsellors the "Gerontes," as they are called. Those who have been thought worthy to hold the office of the "Cosmi" and are otherwise adjudged men of approved worth are appointed members of this Council. I have assumed that the constitution of the Cretans is worthy of description both on account of its peculiar character and on account of its fame. Not many, however, of these institutions endure, but the administration of affairs is carried on mostly by means of the decrees of the Romans, as is also the case in the other provinces. @@ -677,58 +677,58 @@

-The islands near Crete are Thera, the metropolis of the Cyrenaeans, a colony of the Lacedaemonians, and, near Thera, Anaphe, where is the temple of the Aegletan Apollo. Callimachus speaks in one place as follows,Aegletan Anaphe, neighbor to Laconian Thera,Callinus Fr. 113 (Schneider)and in another, mentioning only Thera,mother of my fatherland, famed for its horses.Callinus Fr. 112 (Schneider)Thera is a long island, being two hundred stadia in perimeter; it lies opposite Dia,i.e., almost due north of Dia. an island near the Cnossian Heracleium,Heracleium was the seaport of Cnossus (10. 4. 7). but it is seven hundred stadia distant from Crete. Near it are both Anaphe and Therasia. One hundred stadia distant from the latter is the little island Ios, where, according to some writers, the poet Homer was buried. From Ios towards the west one comes to Sicinos and Lagusa and Pholegandros, which last Aratus calls "Iron" Island, because of its ruggedness. Near these is Cimolos, whence comes the Cimolian earth.A hydrous silicate of aluminium, now called "cimolite." From Cimolos Siphnos is visible, in reference to which island, because of its worthlessness, people say "Siphnian knuckle-bone."i.e., the phrase is a proverb applied to worthless people or things. And still nearer both to Cimolos and to Crete is Melos, which is more notable than these and is seven hundred stadia from the Hermionic promontory, the Scyllaeum, and almost the same distance from the Dictynnaeum. The Athenians once sent an expedition to Melos and slaughtered most of the inhabitants from youth upwards.416 B.C. (see Thuc. 5.115-116). Now these islands are indeed in the Cretan Sea, but Delos itself and the Cyclades in its neighborhood and the Sporades which lie close to these, to which belong the aforesaid islands in the neighborhood of Crete, are rather in the Aegaean Sea. -Now the city which belongs to Delos, as also the temple of Apollo, and the Letöum,Temple of Leto. are situated in a plain; and above the city lies Cynthus, a bare and rugged mountain; and a river named Inopus flows through the island—not a large river, for the island itself is small. From olden times, beginning with the times of the heroes, Delos has been revered because of its gods, for the myth is told that there Leto was delivered of her travail by the birth of Apollo and Artemis:for aforetime,says Pindar,itDelos. was tossed by the billows, by the blasts of all manner of winds,There was a tradition that Delos was a floating isle until Leto set foot on it. but when the daughter of CoeüsLeto. in the frenzied pangs of childbirth set foot upon it, then did four pillars, resting on adamant, rise perpendicular from the roots of the earth, and on their capitals sustain the rock. And there she gave birth to, and beheld, her blessed offspring.Pind. Fr. 58 (Bergk)The neighboring islands, called the Cyclades, made it famous, since in its honor they would send at public expense sacred envoys, sacrifices, and choruses composed of virgins, and would celebrate great general festivals there.i.e., in honor of Apollo and Leto (see Thuc. 3.104). +The islands near Crete are Thera, the metropolis of the Cyrenaeans, a colony of the Lacedaemonians, and, near Thera, Anaphe, where is the temple of the Aegletan Apollo. Callimachus speaks in one place as follows,Aegletan Anaphe, neighbor to Laconian Thera,Callinus Fr. 113 (Schneider)and in another, mentioning only Thera,mother of my fatherland, famed for its horses.Callinus Fr. 112 (Schneider)Thera is a long island, being two hundred stadia in perimeter; it lies opposite Dia,i.e., almost due north of Dia. an island near the Cnossian Heracleium,Heracleium was the seaport of Cnossus (10. 4. 7). but it is seven hundred stadia distant from Crete. Near it are both Anaphe and Therasia. One hundred stadia distant from the latter is the little island Ios, where, according to some writers, the poet Homer was buried. From Ios towards the west one comes to Sicinos and Lagusa and Pholegandros, which last Aratus calls "Iron" Island, because of its ruggedness. Near these is Cimolos, whence comes the Cimolian earth.A hydrous silicate of aluminium, now called "cimolite." From Cimolos Siphnos is visible, in reference to which island, because of its worthlessness, people say "Siphnian knuckle-bone."i.e., the phrase is a proverb applied to worthless people or things. And still nearer both to Cimolos and to Crete is Melos, which is more notable than these and is seven hundred stadia from the Hermionic promontory, the Scyllaeum, and almost the same distance from the Dictynnaeum. The Athenians once sent an expedition to Melos and slaughtered most of the inhabitants from youth upwards.416 B.C. (see Thuc. 5.115-116). Now these islands are indeed in the Cretan Sea, but Delos itself and the Cyclades in its neighborhood and the Sporades which lie close to these, to which belong the aforesaid islands in the neighborhood of Crete, are rather in the Aegaean Sea. +Now the city which belongs to Delos, as also the temple of Apollo, and the Letöum,Temple of Leto. are situated in a plain; and above the city lies Cynthus, a bare and rugged mountain; and a river named Inopus flows through the island—not a large river, for the island itself is small. From olden times, beginning with the times of the heroes, Delos has been revered because of its gods, for the myth is told that there Leto was delivered of her travail by the birth of Apollo and Artemis:for aforetime,says Pindar,itDelos. was tossed by the billows, by the blasts of all manner of winds,There was a tradition that Delos was a floating isle until Leto set foot on it. but when the daughter of CoeüsLeto. in the frenzied pangs of childbirth set foot upon it, then did four pillars, resting on adamant, rise perpendicular from the roots of the earth, and on their capitals sustain the rock. And there she gave birth to, and beheld, her blessed offspring.Pind. Fr. 58 (Bergk)The neighboring islands, called the Cyclades, made it famous, since in its honor they would send at public expense sacred envoys, sacrifices, and choruses composed of virgins, and would celebrate great general festivals there.i.e., in honor of Apollo and Leto (see Thuc. 3.104). Now at first the Cyclades are said to have been only twelve in number, but later several others were added. At any rate, Artemidorus enumerates fifteen, after saying of Helena that it stretches parallel to the coast from Thoricus to Sunium and is a long island, about sixty stadia in length; for it is from Helena, he says, that the Cyclades, as they are called, begin; and he names Ceos, the island nearest to Helena, and, after this island, Cythnos and Seriphos and Melos and Siphnos and Cimolos and Prepesinthos and Oliaros, and, in addition to these, Paros, Naxos, Syros, Myconos, Tenos, Andros, and Gyaros. Now I consider all of these among the twelve except Prepesinthos, Oliaros, and Gyaros. When our ship anchored at one of these, Gyaros, I saw a small village that was settled by fishermen; and when we sailed away we took on board one of the fishermen, who had been chosen to go from there to Caesar as ambassador (Caesar was at Corinth, on his wayi.e., back to Rome. to celebrate the Triumph alter the victory at Actium 31 B.C.). While on the voyage he told enquirers that he had been sent as ambassador to request a reduction in their tribute; for, he said, they were paying one hundred and fifty drachmas when they could only with difficulty pay one hundred. Aratus also points out the poverty of the island in his CataleptonO Leto, shortly thou wilt pass by me, who am like either iron Pholegandros or worthless Gyaros.Aratus Catalepton Fr. Now although Delos had become so famous, yet the razing of Corinth to the ground by the Romans146 B.C. increased its fame still more; for the importers changed their business to Delos because they were attracted both by the immunity which the temple enjoyed and by the convenient situation of the harbor; for it is happily situated for those who are sailing from Italy and Greece to Asia. The general festival is a kind of commercial affair, and it was frequented by Romans more than by any other people, even when Corinth was still in existence.As many as ten thousand slaves were sold there in one day (14. 5. 2). And when the Athenians took the island they at the same time took good care of the importers as well as of the religious rites. But when the generals of Mithridates, and the tyrantAristion, through the aid of Mithridates, made himself tyrant of Athens in 88 B.C. (cf. 9. 1. 20). who caused it to revolt, visited Delos, they completely ruined it, and when the Romans again got the island, alter the king withdrew to his homeland, it was desolate; and it has remained in an impoverished condition until the present time. It is now held by the Athenians. Rheneia is a desert isle within four stadia from Delos, and there the Delians bury their dead;This began in 426 B.C., when "all the sepulchres of the dead in Delos were removed" to Rheneia (Thuc. 3104). for it is unlawful to bury, or even burn, a corpse in Delos itself, and it is unlawful even to keep a dog there. In earlier times it was called Ortygia. -Ceos was at first a Tetrapolis, but only two cities are left, Iulis and Carthaea, into which the remaining two were incorporated, Poeëessa into Carthaea and Coressia into Iulis. Both Simonides the melic poet and his nephew Bacchylides were natives of Iulis, and also after their time Erasistratus the physician, and Ariston the peripatetic philosopher and emulator of Bion the Borysthenite. It is reputed that there was once a law among these people (it is mentioned by Menander,Phanias, the law of the Ceians is good, that he who is unable to live well should not live wretchedly), which appears to have ordered those who were over sixty years of age to drink hemlock, in order that the food might be sufficient for the rest. And it is said that once, when they were being besieged by the Athenians, they voted, setting a definite age, that the oldest among them should be put to death, but the Athenians raised the siege. The city lies on a mountain, about twenty-five stadia distant from the sea; and its seaport is the place on which Coressia was situated, which has not as great a population as even a village. Near Coressia, and also near Poeëessa, is a temple of Sminthian Apollo; and between the temple and the ruins of Poeëessa is the temple of Nedusian Athena, founded by Nestor when he was on his return from Troy. There is also a River Elixus in the neighborhood of Coressia. +Ceos was at first a Tetrapolis, but only two cities are left, Iulis and Carthaea, into which the remaining two were incorporated, Poeëessa into Carthaea and Coressia into Iulis. Both Simonides the melic poet and his nephew Bacchylides were natives of Iulis, and also after their time Erasistratus the physician, and Ariston the peripatetic philosopher and emulator of Bion the Borysthenite. It is reputed that there was once a law among these people (it is mentioned by Menander,Phanias, the law of the Ceians is good, that he who is unable to live well should not live wretchedly), which appears to have ordered those who were over sixty years of age to drink hemlock, in order that the food might be sufficient for the rest. And it is said that once, when they were being besieged by the Athenians, they voted, setting a definite age, that the oldest among them should be put to death, but the Athenians raised the siege. The city lies on a mountain, about twenty-five stadia distant from the sea; and its seaport is the place on which Coressia was situated, which has not as great a population as even a village. Near Coressia, and also near Poeëessa, is a temple of Sminthian Apollo; and between the temple and the ruins of Poeëessa is the temple of Nedusian Athena, founded by Nestor when he was on his return from Troy. There is also a River Elixus in the neighborhood of Coressia. After Ceos one comes to Naxos and Andros, notable islands, and to Paros. Archilochus the poet was a native of Paros. Thasos was founded by the Parians, as also Parium, a city on the Propontis. Now the altar in this city is said to be a spectacle worth seeing, its sides being a stadium in length; and so is the Parian stone, as it is called, in Paros, the best for sculpture in marble. And there is Syros (the first syllable is pronounced long), where PherecydesFl. about 560 B.C. the son of Babys was born. The Athenian Pherecydes is later than he.Pherecydes of Leros (fl. in the first half of the fifth century B.C.), often called "the Athenian," wrote, among other things, a work in ten books on the mythology and antiquities of Attica. The poet seems to mention this island, though he calls it Syria:There is an island called Syria, above Ortygia.Hom. Od. 15.403 And there is Myconos, beneath which, according to the myth, lie the last of the giants that were destroyed by Heracles. Whence the proverb, "all beneath Myconos alone," applied to those who bring under one title even those things which are by nature separate. And further, some call bald men Myconians, from the fact that baldness is prevalent in the island. And there is Seriphos, the scene of the mythical story of Dictys, who with his net drew to land the chest in which were enclosed Perseus and his mother Danae, who had been sunk in the sea by Acrisius the father of Danae; for Perseus was reared there, it is said, and when he brought the Gorgon's head there, he showed it to the Seriphians and turned them all into stone. This he did to avenge his mother, because Polydectes the king, with their cooperation, intended to marry his mother against her will. The island is so rocky that the comedians say that it was made thus by the Gorgon. -Tenos has no large city, but it has the temple of Poseidon, a great temple in a sacred precinct outside the city, a spectacle worth seeing. In it have been built great banquet halls—an indication of the multitude of neighbors who congregate there and take part with the inhabitants of Tenos in celebrating the Poseidonian festival. -And there is Amorgos, one of the Sporades, the home of Simonides the iambic poet; and also Lebinthos, and Leros:And so says Phocylides: 'the Lerians are bad, not one, but every one, all except Procles; and Procles is a Lerian.'Phocylides Fr. 1 (Bergk)For the natives of the island were reproached with being unprincipled. -Nearby are both Patmos and the Corassiae; these are situated to the west of Icaria, and Icaria to the west of Samos. Now Icaria is deserted, though it has pastures, which are used by the Samians. But although it is such an isle as it is, still it is famous, and after it is named the sea that lies in front of it, in which are itself and Samos and Cos and the islands just mentioned—the Corassiae and Patmos and Leros. Famous, also, is the mountain in it, Cerceteus, more famous than the Ampelus,See 14. 1. 15. which is situated above the city of Samians.But both of these mountains are in Samos (Pliny, in 5. 37, spells the former "Cercetius"). Hence the sentence seems to be a gloss that has crept in from the margin of the text. The Icarian Sea connects with the Carpathian Sea on the south, and the Carpathian with the Aegyptian, and on the west with the Cretan and the Libyan. +Tenos has no large city, but it has the temple of Poseidon, a great temple in a sacred precinct outside the city, a spectacle worth seeing. In it have been built great banquet halls—an indication of the multitude of neighbors who congregate there and take part with the inhabitants of Tenos in celebrating the Poseidonian festival. +And there is Amorgos, one of the Sporades, the home of Simonides the iambic poet; and also Lebinthos, and Leros:And so says Phocylides: 'the Lerians are bad, not one, but every one, all except Procles; and Procles is a Lerian.'Phocylides Fr. 1 (Bergk)For the natives of the island were reproached with being unprincipled. +Nearby are both Patmos and the Corassiae; these are situated to the west of Icaria, and Icaria to the west of Samos. Now Icaria is deserted, though it has pastures, which are used by the Samians. But although it is such an isle as it is, still it is famous, and after it is named the sea that lies in front of it, in which are itself and Samos and Cos and the islands just mentioned—the Corassiae and Patmos and Leros. Famous, also, is the mountain in it, Cerceteus, more famous than the Ampelus,See 14. 1. 15. which is situated above the city of Samians.But both of these mountains are in Samos (Pliny, in 5. 37, spells the former "Cercetius"). Hence the sentence seems to be a gloss that has crept in from the margin of the text. The Icarian Sea connects with the Carpathian Sea on the south, and the Carpathian with the Aegyptian, and on the west with the Cretan and the Libyan. In the Carpathian Sea, also, are many of the Sporades, and in particular between Cos and Rhodes and Crete. Among these are Astypalaea, Telos, Chalcia, and those which Homer names in the Catalogue:And those who held the islands Nisyros and Crapathos and Casos and Cos, the city of Eurypylus, and the Calydnian Islands;Hom. Il. 2.676Cf. the interpretation of this passage in 10. 5. 19. for, excepting Cos and Rhodes, which I shall discuss later,14. 2. 5-13, 19. I place them all among the Sporades, and in fact, even though they are near Asia and not Europe, I make mention of them here because my argument has somehow impelled me to include the Sporades with Crete and the Cyclades. But in my geographical description of Asia I shall add a description of such islands that lie close to it as are worthy of note, Cyprus, Rhodes, Cos, and those that lie on the seaboard next thereafter, Samos, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. But now I shall traverse the remainder of the Sporades that are worth mentioning. Now Astypalaea lies far out in the high sea and has a city. Telos extends alongside Cnidia, is long, high, narrow, has a perimeter of about one hundred and forty stadia, and has an anchoring-place. Chalcia is eighty stadia distant from Telos, four hundred from Carpathos, about twice as far from Astypalaea, and has also a settlement of the same name and a temple of Apollo and a harbor. Nisyros lies to the north of Telos, and is about sixty stadia distant both from it and from Cos. It is round and high and rocky, the rock being that of which millstones are made; at any rate, the neighboring peoples are well supplied with millstones from there. It has also a city of the same name and a harbor and hot springs and a temple of Poseidon. Its perimeter is eighty stadia. Close to it are also isles called Isles of the Nisyrians. They say that Nisyros is a fragment of Cos, and they add the myth that Poseidon, when he was pursuing one of the giants, Polybotes, broke off a fragment of Cos with his trident and hurled it upon him, and the missile became an island, Nisyros, with the giant lying beneath it. But some say that he lies beneath Cos. Carpathos, which the poet calls Crapathos, is high, and has a circuit of two hundred stadia. At first it was a Tetrapolis, and it had a renown which is worth noting; and it was from this fact that the sea got the name Carpathian. One of the cities was called Nisyros, the same name as that of the island of the Nisyrians. It lies opposite Leuce Acte in Libya, which is about one thousand stadia distant from Alexandreia and about four thousand from Carpathos. Casos is seventy stadia from Carpathos, and two hundred and fifty from Cape Samonium in Crete. It has a circuit of eighty stadia. In it there is also a city of the same name, and round it are several islands called Islands of the Casians. -They say that the poet calls the Sporades "Calydnian Islands," one of which, they say, is Calymna. But it is reasonable to suppose that, as the islands which are near, and subject to, Nisyros and Casos are called "Islands of the Nisyrians" and "Islands of the Casians," so also those which lie round Calymna were called "Islands of the Calymnians"—Calymna at that time, perhaps, being called Calydna. But some say that there are only two Calydnian islands, Leros and Calymna, the two mentioned by the poet. The ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. says that the name of the island was used in the plural, "Calymnae," like "Athenae" and "Thebae"; but, he adds, the words of the poet should be interpreted as a case of hyperbaton, for he does not say, "Calydnian Islands," but those who held the islands Nisyros and Crapathos and Casos and Cos, the city of Eurypylus, and Calydnae.Hom. Il. 2.676 Now all the honey produced in the islands is, for the most part, good, and rivals that of Attica, but the honey produced in the islands in question is exceptionally good, and in particular the Calymnian.

+They say that the poet calls the Sporades "Calydnian Islands," one of which, they say, is Calymna. But it is reasonable to suppose that, as the islands which are near, and subject to, Nisyros and Casos are called "Islands of the Nisyrians" and "Islands of the Casians," so also those which lie round Calymna were called "Islands of the Calymnians"—Calymna at that time, perhaps, being called Calydna. But some say that there are only two Calydnian islands, Leros and Calymna, the two mentioned by the poet. The ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. says that the name of the island was used in the plural, "Calymnae," like "Athenae" and "Thebae"; but, he adds, the words of the poet should be interpreted as a case of hyperbaton, for he does not say, "Calydnian Islands," but those who held the islands Nisyros and Crapathos and Casos and Cos, the city of Eurypylus, and Calydnae.Hom. Il. 2.676 Now all the honey produced in the islands is, for the most part, good, and rivals that of Attica, but the honey produced in the islands in question is exceptionally good, and in particular the Calymnian.

-Asia is adjacent to Europe, bordering thereon along the TanaïsThe Don. River. I must therefore describe this country next, first dividing it, for the sake of clearness, by means of certain natural boundaries. That is, I must do for Asia precisely what Eratosthenes did for the inhabited world as a whole.See 2. 1. 1. +Asia is adjacent to Europe, bordering thereon along the TanaïsThe Don. River. I must therefore describe this country next, first dividing it, for the sake of clearness, by means of certain natural boundaries. That is, I must do for Asia precisely what Eratosthenes did for the inhabited world as a whole.See 2. 1. 1. The Taurus forms a partition approximately through the middle of this continent, extending from the west towards the east, leaving one portion of it on the north and the other on the south. Of these portions, the Greeks call the one the "Cis-Tauran" Asia and the other "Trans-Tauran." I have said this before,i.e., "Asia this side Taurus and Asia outside Taurus." (Cp. 2. 5. 31.) but let me repeat it by way of reminder. Now the mountain has in many places as great a breadth as three thousand stadia, and a length as great as that of Asia itself, that is, about forty-five thousand stadia, reckoning from the coast opposite Rhodes to the eastern extremities of India and Scythia. -It has been divided into many parts with many names, determined by boundaries that circumscribe areas both large and small. But since certain tribes are comprised within the vast width of the mountain, some rather insignificant, but others extremely well known (as, for instance, the Parthians, the Medes, the Armenians, a part of the Cappadocians, the Cilicians, and the Pisidians), those which lie for the most part in its northerly parts must be assigned there,i.e., to the Cis-Tauran Asia. and those in its southern parts to the southern,i.e., Trans-Tauran. while those which are situated in the middle of the mountains should, because of the likeness of their climate, be assigned to the north, for the climate in the middle is cold, whereas that in the south is hot. Further, almost all the rivers that rise in the Taurus flow in contrary directions, that is, some into the northern region and others into the southern (they do so at first, at least, although later some of them bend towards the east or west), and they therefore are naturally helpful in our use of these mountains as boundaries in the two-fold division of Asia—just as the sea inside the Pillars,i.e., the Mediterranean (see 2. 1. 1). which for the most part is approximately in a straight line with these mountains, has proved convenient in the forming of two continents, Europe and Libya, it being the noteworthy boundary between the two. -As we pass from Europe to Asia in our geography, the northern division is the first of the two divisions to which we come; and therefore we must begin with this. Of this division the first portion is that in the region of the Tanaïs River, which I have taken as the boundary between Europe and Asia. This portion forms, in a way, a peninsula, for it is surrounded on the west by the Tanaïs River and Lake Maeotis as far as the BosporusThe Cimmerian Bosporus. and that part of the coast of the Euxine Sea which terminates at Colchis; and then on the north by the Ocean as far as the mouth of the Caspian Sea;Strabo thought that the Caspian (Hyrcanian) Sea was an inlet of the Northern Sea (2. 5. 14). and then on the east by this same sea as far as the boundary between Albania and Armenia, where empty the rivers Cyrus and Araxes, the Araxes flowing through Armenia and the Cyrus through Iberia and Albania; and lastly, on the south by the tract of country which extends from the outlet of the Cyrus River to Colchis, which is about three thousand stadia from sea to sea, across the territory of the Albanians and the Iberians, and therefore is described as an isthmus. But those writers who have reduced the width of the isthmus as much as CleitarchusSee Dictionary in Vol. II. has, who says that it is subject to inundation from either sea, should not be considered even worthy of mention. Poseidonius states that the isthmus is fifteen hundred stadia across, as wide as the isthmus from Pelusium to the Red Sea.Cf. 17. 1. 21. "And in my opinion," he says, "the isthmus from Lake Maeotis to the Ocean does not differ much therefrom." +It has been divided into many parts with many names, determined by boundaries that circumscribe areas both large and small. But since certain tribes are comprised within the vast width of the mountain, some rather insignificant, but others extremely well known (as, for instance, the Parthians, the Medes, the Armenians, a part of the Cappadocians, the Cilicians, and the Pisidians), those which lie for the most part in its northerly parts must be assigned there,i.e., to the Cis-Tauran Asia. and those in its southern parts to the southern,i.e., Trans-Tauran. while those which are situated in the middle of the mountains should, because of the likeness of their climate, be assigned to the north, for the climate in the middle is cold, whereas that in the south is hot. Further, almost all the rivers that rise in the Taurus flow in contrary directions, that is, some into the northern region and others into the southern (they do so at first, at least, although later some of them bend towards the east or west), and they therefore are naturally helpful in our use of these mountains as boundaries in the two-fold division of Asia—just as the sea inside the Pillars,i.e., the Mediterranean (see 2. 1. 1). which for the most part is approximately in a straight line with these mountains, has proved convenient in the forming of two continents, Europe and Libya, it being the noteworthy boundary between the two. +As we pass from Europe to Asia in our geography, the northern division is the first of the two divisions to which we come; and therefore we must begin with this. Of this division the first portion is that in the region of the Tanaïs River, which I have taken as the boundary between Europe and Asia. This portion forms, in a way, a peninsula, for it is surrounded on the west by the Tanaïs River and Lake Maeotis as far as the BosporusThe Cimmerian Bosporus. and that part of the coast of the Euxine Sea which terminates at Colchis; and then on the north by the Ocean as far as the mouth of the Caspian Sea;Strabo thought that the Caspian (Hyrcanian) Sea was an inlet of the Northern Sea (2. 5. 14). and then on the east by this same sea as far as the boundary between Albania and Armenia, where empty the rivers Cyrus and Araxes, the Araxes flowing through Armenia and the Cyrus through Iberia and Albania; and lastly, on the south by the tract of country which extends from the outlet of the Cyrus River to Colchis, which is about three thousand stadia from sea to sea, across the territory of the Albanians and the Iberians, and therefore is described as an isthmus. But those writers who have reduced the width of the isthmus as much as CleitarchusSee Dictionary in Vol. II. has, who says that it is subject to inundation from either sea, should not be considered even worthy of mention. Poseidonius states that the isthmus is fifteen hundred stadia across, as wide as the isthmus from Pelusium to the Red Sea.Cf. 17. 1. 21. "And in my opinion," he says, "the isthmus from Lake Maeotis to the Ocean does not differ much therefrom." But I do not know how anyone can trust him concerning things that are uncertain if he has nothing plausible to say about them, when he reasons so illogically about things that are obvious; and this too, although he was a friend of Pompey, who made an expedition against the Iberians and the Albanians, from sea to sea on either side, both the Caspian and the ColchianThe Euxine. Seas. At any rate, it is said that Pompey, upon arriving at Rhodes on his expedition against the pirates (immediately thereafter he was to set out against both Mithridates and the tribes which extended as far as the Caspian Sea), happened to attend one of the lectures of Poseidonius, and that when he went out he asked Poseidonius whether he had any orders to give, and that Poseidonius replied:Ever bravest be, and preeminent o'er others.Hom. Il. 6.208Add to this that among other works he wrote also the history of Pompey. So for this reason he should have been more regardful of the truth. The second portion would be that beyond the Hyrcanian Sea, which we call the Caspian Sea, as far as the Scythians near India. The third portion would consist of the part which is adjacent to the isthmus above mentioned and of those parts of the region inside TaurusCis-Tauran. and nearest Europe which come next after this isthmus and the Caspian Gates, I mean Media and Armenia and Cappadocia and the intervening regions. The fourth portion is the land insidei.e., "west of." the Halys River, and all the region in the Taurus itself and outside thereof which falls within the limits of the peninsula which is formed by the isthmus that separates the Pontic and the Cilician Seas. As for the other countries, I mean the Trans-Tauran, I place among them not only India, but also Ariana as far as the tribes that extend to the Persian Sea and the Arabian Gulf and the Nile and the Egyptian and Issic Seas.

-Of the portions thus divided, the first is inhabited, in the region toward the north and the ocean, by Scythian nomads and wagon-dwellers, and south of these, by Sarmatians, these too being Scythians, and by Aorsi and Siraci,Also spelled "Siraces." See 11. 5. 8. who extend towards the south as far as the Caucasian Mountains, some being nomads and others tent-dwellers and farmers. About Lake Maeotis live the Maeotae. And on the sea lies the Asiatic side of the Bosporus, or the Syndic territory. After this latter, one comes to the Achaei and the Zygi and the Heniochi, and also the Cercetae and the Macropogones."Long-beards." And above these are situated the narrow passes of the Phtheirophagi;"Lice-eaters." and after the Heniochi the Colchian country, which lies at the foot of the Caucasian, or Moschian, Mountains. But since I have taken the Tanaïs River as the boundary between Europe and Asia, I shall begin my detailed description therewith. -Now the Tanaïs flows from the northerly region—not, however, as most people think, in a course diametrically opposite to that of the Nile, but more to the east than the Nile—and like the Nile its sources are unknown. Yet a considerable part of the Nile is well known, since it traverses a country which is everywhere easily accessible and since it is navigable for a great distance inland. But as for the Tanaïs, although we know its outlets (they are two in number and are in the most northerly region of Lake Maeotis, being sixty stadia distant from one another), yet but little of the part that is beyond its outlets is known to us, because of the coldness and the poverty of the country. This poverty can indeed be endured by the indigenous peoples, who, in nomadic fashion, live on flesh and milk, but people from other tribes cannot stand it. And besides, the nomads, being disinclined to intercourse with any other people and being superior both in numbers and in might, have blocked off whatever parts of the country are passable, or whatever parts of the river happen to be navigable. This is what has caused some to assume that the Tanaïs has its sources in the Caucasian Mountains, flows in great volume towards the north, and then, making a bend, empties into Lake Maeotis (Theophanes of MityleneIntimate friend of Pompey; wrote a history of his campaigns. has the same opinion as these), and others to assume that it flows from the upper region of the Ister, although they produce no evidence of its flowing from so great a distance or from other "climata," as though it were impossible for the river to flow both from a nearby source and from the north. -On the river and the lake is an inhabited city bearing the same name, Tanaïs; it was founded by the Greeks who held the Bosporus. Recently, however, it was sacked by King PolemonPolemon I. He became king of the Bosporus about 16 B.C. (Dio Cassius 54.24). because it would not obey him. It was a common emporium, partly of the Asiatic and the European nomads, and partly of those who navigated the lake from the Bosporus, the former bringing slaves, hides, and such other things as nomads possess, and the latter giving in exchange clothing, wine, and the other things that belong to civilized life. At a distance of one hundred stadia off the emporium lies an island called Alopecia, a settlement of promiscuous people. There are also other small islands near by in the lake. The Tanaïsi.e., the mouth of the Tanaïs. is two thousand two hundred stadia distant from the mouth of Lake Maeotis by a direct voyage towards the north; but it is not much farther by a voyage along the coast. -In the voyage along the coast, one comes first, at a distance of eight hundred stadia from Tanaïs, to the Greater Rhombites River, as it is called, where are made the greatest catches of the fish that are suitable for salting. Then, at a distance of eight hundred more, to the Lesser Rhombites and a cape, which latter also has fisheries, although they are smaller. The people who live about the Greater Rhombites have small islands as bases for their fishing; but the people who carry on the business at the Lesser Rhombites are the Maeotae themselves, for the Maeotae live along the whole of this coast; and though farmers, they are no less warlike than the nomads. They are divided into several tribes, those who live near the Tanaïs being rather ferocious, but those whose territory borders on the Bosporus being more tractable. It is six hundred stadia from the Lesser Rhombites to Tyrambe and the Anticeites River; then a hundred and twenty to the Cimmerian village, which is a place of departure for those who navigate the lake; and on this coast are said to be some look-out placesi.e., for the observation of fish. belonging to the Clazomenians. +Of the portions thus divided, the first is inhabited, in the region toward the north and the ocean, by Scythian nomads and wagon-dwellers, and south of these, by Sarmatians, these too being Scythians, and by Aorsi and Siraci,Also spelled "Siraces." See 11. 5. 8. who extend towards the south as far as the Caucasian Mountains, some being nomads and others tent-dwellers and farmers. About Lake Maeotis live the Maeotae. And on the sea lies the Asiatic side of the Bosporus, or the Syndic territory. After this latter, one comes to the Achaei and the Zygi and the Heniochi, and also the Cercetae and the Macropogones."Long-beards." And above these are situated the narrow passes of the Phtheirophagi;"Lice-eaters." and after the Heniochi the Colchian country, which lies at the foot of the Caucasian, or Moschian, Mountains. But since I have taken the Tanaïs River as the boundary between Europe and Asia, I shall begin my detailed description therewith. +Now the Tanaïs flows from the northerly region—not, however, as most people think, in a course diametrically opposite to that of the Nile, but more to the east than the Nile—and like the Nile its sources are unknown. Yet a considerable part of the Nile is well known, since it traverses a country which is everywhere easily accessible and since it is navigable for a great distance inland. But as for the Tanaïs, although we know its outlets (they are two in number and are in the most northerly region of Lake Maeotis, being sixty stadia distant from one another), yet but little of the part that is beyond its outlets is known to us, because of the coldness and the poverty of the country. This poverty can indeed be endured by the indigenous peoples, who, in nomadic fashion, live on flesh and milk, but people from other tribes cannot stand it. And besides, the nomads, being disinclined to intercourse with any other people and being superior both in numbers and in might, have blocked off whatever parts of the country are passable, or whatever parts of the river happen to be navigable. This is what has caused some to assume that the Tanaïs has its sources in the Caucasian Mountains, flows in great volume towards the north, and then, making a bend, empties into Lake Maeotis (Theophanes of MityleneIntimate friend of Pompey; wrote a history of his campaigns. has the same opinion as these), and others to assume that it flows from the upper region of the Ister, although they produce no evidence of its flowing from so great a distance or from other "climata," as though it were impossible for the river to flow both from a nearby source and from the north. +On the river and the lake is an inhabited city bearing the same name, Tanaïs; it was founded by the Greeks who held the Bosporus. Recently, however, it was sacked by King PolemonPolemon I. He became king of the Bosporus about 16 B.C. (Dio Cassius 54.24). because it would not obey him. It was a common emporium, partly of the Asiatic and the European nomads, and partly of those who navigated the lake from the Bosporus, the former bringing slaves, hides, and such other things as nomads possess, and the latter giving in exchange clothing, wine, and the other things that belong to civilized life. At a distance of one hundred stadia off the emporium lies an island called Alopecia, a settlement of promiscuous people. There are also other small islands near by in the lake. The Tanaïsi.e., the mouth of the Tanaïs. is two thousand two hundred stadia distant from the mouth of Lake Maeotis by a direct voyage towards the north; but it is not much farther by a voyage along the coast. +In the voyage along the coast, one comes first, at a distance of eight hundred stadia from Tanaïs, to the Greater Rhombites River, as it is called, where are made the greatest catches of the fish that are suitable for salting. Then, at a distance of eight hundred more, to the Lesser Rhombites and a cape, which latter also has fisheries, although they are smaller. The people who live about the Greater Rhombites have small islands as bases for their fishing; but the people who carry on the business at the Lesser Rhombites are the Maeotae themselves, for the Maeotae live along the whole of this coast; and though farmers, they are no less warlike than the nomads. They are divided into several tribes, those who live near the Tanaïs being rather ferocious, but those whose territory borders on the Bosporus being more tractable. It is six hundred stadia from the Lesser Rhombites to Tyrambe and the Anticeites River; then a hundred and twenty to the Cimmerian village, which is a place of departure for those who navigate the lake; and on this coast are said to be some look-out placesi.e., for the observation of fish. belonging to the Clazomenians. Cimmericum was in earlier times a city situated on a peninsula, and it closed the isthmus by means of a trench and a mound. The Cimmerians once possessed great power in the Bosporus, and this is why it was named Cimmerian Bosporus. These are the people who overran the country of those who lived in the interior on the right side of the Pontus as far as Ionia. However, these were driven out of the region by the Scythians; and then the Scythians were driven out by the Greeks who founded Panticapaeum and the other cities on the Bosporus. Then, twenty stadia distant, one comes to the village Achilleium, where is the temple of Achilles. Here is the narrowest passage across the mouth of Lake Maeotis, about twenty stadia or more; and on the opposite shore is a village, Myrmecium; and near by are Heracleium and Parthenium.Cf. 7. 4. 5. Thence ninety stadia to the monument of Satyrus, which consists of a mound thrown up on a certain cape in memory of one of the illustrious potentates of the Bosporus.See 7. 4. 4. Near by is a village, Patraeus, from which the distance to a village Corocondame is one hundred and thirty stadia; and this village constitutes the limit of the Cimmerian Bosporus, as it is called. The Narrows at the mouth of the Maeotis are so called from the narrow passage at Achilleium and Myrmecium; they extend as far as Corocondame and the small village named Acra, which lies opposite to it in the land of the Panticapaeans, this village being separated from it by a strait seventy stadia wide; for the ice, also,i.e., as well as the Narrows. extends as far as this, the Maeotis being so frozen at the time of frosts that it can be crossed on foot. And these Narrows have good harbors everywhere. Above Corocondame lies a lake of considerable size, which derives its name, Corocondamitis, from that of the village. It empties into the sea at a distance of ten stadia from the village. A branch of the Anticeites empties into the lake and forms a kind of island which is surrounded by this lake and the Maeotis and the river. Some apply the name Hypanis to this river, just as they do to the river near the Borysthenes. Sailing into Lake Corocondamitis one comes to Phanagoreia, a noteworthy city, and to Cepi, and to Hermonassa, and to Apaturum, the sanctuary of Aphrodite. Of these, Phanagoreia and Cepi are situated on the island above-mentioned, on the left as one sails in, but the other cities are on the right, across the Hypanis, in the Syndic territory. There is also a place called Gorgipia in the Syndic territory, the royal residence of the Sindi, near the sea; and also a place called Aborace. All the people who are subject to the potentates of the Bosporus are called Bosporians; and Panticapaeum is the metropolis of the European Bosporians, while Phanagoreium (for the name of the city is also spelled thus) is the metropolis of the Asiatic Bosporians. Phanagoreia is reputed to be the emporium for the commodities that are brought down from the Maeotis and the barbarian country that lies above it, and Panticapaeum for those which are carried up thither from the sea. There is also in Phanagoreia a notable temple of Aphrodite Apaturus. Critics derive the etymology of the epithet of the goddess by adducing a certain myth, according to which the Giants attacked the goddess there; but she called upon Heracles for help and hid him in a cave, and then, admitting the Giants one by one, gave them over to Heracles to be murdered through "treachery"In Greek, "apate." -Among the Maeotae are the Sindi themselves, Dandarii, Toreatae, Agri, and Arrechi, and also the Tarpetes, Obidiaceni, Sittaceni, Dosci, and several others. Among these belong also the Aspurgiani, who live between Phanagoreia and Gorgipia, within a stretch of five hundred stadia; these were attacked by King Polemon under a pretence of friendship, but they discovered his pretence, outgeneralled him, and taking him alive killed him. As for the Asiatic Maeotae in general, some of them were subjects of those who possessed the emporium on the Tanaïs, and the others of the Bosporians; but in those days different peoples at different times were wont to revolt. And often the rulers of the Bosporians held possession of the region as far as the Tanaïs, and particularly the latest rulers, Pharnaces, Asander, and Polemon. Pharnaces is said at one time actually to have conducted the Hypanis River over the country of the Dandarii through an old canal which he cleared out, and to have inundated the country. +Among the Maeotae are the Sindi themselves, Dandarii, Toreatae, Agri, and Arrechi, and also the Tarpetes, Obidiaceni, Sittaceni, Dosci, and several others. Among these belong also the Aspurgiani, who live between Phanagoreia and Gorgipia, within a stretch of five hundred stadia; these were attacked by King Polemon under a pretence of friendship, but they discovered his pretence, outgeneralled him, and taking him alive killed him. As for the Asiatic Maeotae in general, some of them were subjects of those who possessed the emporium on the Tanaïs, and the others of the Bosporians; but in those days different peoples at different times were wont to revolt. And often the rulers of the Bosporians held possession of the region as far as the Tanaïs, and particularly the latest rulers, Pharnaces, Asander, and Polemon. Pharnaces is said at one time actually to have conducted the Hypanis River over the country of the Dandarii through an old canal which he cleared out, and to have inundated the country. After the Sindic territory and Gorgipia, on the sea, one comes to the coast of the Achaei and the Zygi and the Heniochi, which for the most part is harborless and mountainous, being a part of the Caucasus. These peoples live by robberies at sea. Their boats are slender, narrow, and light, holding only about twenty-five people, though in rare cases they can hold thirty in all; the Greeks call them "camarae."i.e., "covered boats" (cf. Lat. and English "camera"). See the description of Tac. Hist. 3.47) They say that the Phthiotic AchaeiCf. 9. 5. 10. in Jason's crew settled in this Achaea, but the Laconians in Heniochia, the leaders of the latter being RhecasApparently an error for "Crecas." and Amphistratus, the "heniochi""charioteers." of the Dioscuri,Castor and Pollux. and that in all probability the Heniochi were named after these. At any rate, by equipping fleets of "camarae" and sailing sometimes against merchant vessels and sometimes against a country or even a city, they hold the mastery of the sea. And they are sometimes assisted even by those who hold the Bosporus, the latter supplying them with mooring places, with market place, and with means of disposing of their booty. And since, when they return to their own land, they have no anchorage, they put the "camarae" on their shoulders and carry them to the forests where they live and where they till a poor soil. And they bring the "camarae" down to the shore again when the time for navigation comes. And they do the same thing in the countries of others, for they are well acquainted with wooded places; and in these they first hide their "camarae" and then themselves wander on foot night and day for the sake of kidnapping people. But they readily offer to release their captives for ransom, informing their relatives after they have put out to sea. Now in those places which are ruled by local chieftains the rulers go to the aid of those who are wronged, often attacking and bringing back the "camarae," men and all. But the territory that is subject to the Romans affords but little aid, because of the negligence of the governors who are sent there. Such is the life of these people. They are governed by chieftains called "sceptuchi,""Sceptre-bearers" (see note on "sceptuchies," section 18 below). but the "sceptuchi" themselves are subject to tyrants or kings. For instance, the Heniochi had four kings at the time when Mithridates Eupator,See Dictionary in Vol. I. in flight from the country of his ancestors to the Bosporus, passed through their country; and while he found this country passable, yet he despaired of going through that of the Zygi, both because of the ruggedness of it and because of the ferocity of the inhabitants; and only with difficulty could he go along the coast, most of the way marching on the edge of the sea, until he arrived at the country of the Achaei; and, welcomed by these, he completed his journey from Phasis, a journey not far short of four thousand stadia. Now the voyage from Corocondame is straight towards the east; and at a distance of one hundred and eighty stadia is the Sindic harbor and city; and then, at a distance of four hundred stadia, one comes to Bata, as it is called, a village and harbor, at which place Sinope on the south is thought to lie almost directly opposite this coast, just as Carambis has been referred to as opposite Criumetopon.See 2. 5. 22 and 7. 4. 3. After Bata ArtemidorusSee Dictionary in Vol. II. mentions the coast of the Cercetae, with its mooring places and villages, extending thence about eight hundred and fifty stadia; and then the coast of the Achaei, five hundred stadia; and then that of the Heniochi, one thousand; and then Greater Pityus, extending three hundred and sixty stadia to Dioscurias. The more trustworthy historians of the Mithridatic wars name the Achaei first, then the Zygi, then the Heniochi, and then the Cercetae and Moschi and Colchi, and the Phtheirophagi who live above these three peoples, and the Soanes, and other small tribes that live in the neighborhood of the Caucasus. Now at first the coast, as I have said, stretches towards the east and faces the south, but from Bata it gradually takes a turn, and then faces the west and ends at Pityus and Dioscurias; for these places border on the above-mentioned coast of Colchis. After Dioscurias comes the remaining coast of Colchis and the adjacent coast of Trapezus, which makes a considerable bend, and then, extending approximately in a straight line, forms the righthand side of the Pontus, which faces the north. The whole of the coast of the Achaei and of the other peoples as far as Dioscurias and of the places that lie in a straight line towards the south in the interior lie at the foot of the Caucasus. This mountain lies above both seas, both the Pontic and the Caspian, and forms a wall across the isthmus that separates the two seas. It marks the boundary, on the south, of Albania and Iberia, and, on the north, of the plains of the Sarmatae. It is well wooded with all kinds of timber, and especially the kind suitable for shipbuilding. According to Eratosthenes, the Caucasus is called "Caspius" by the natives, the name being derived perhaps from the "Caspii." Branches of it project towards the south; and these not only comprise the middle of Albania but also join the mountains of Armenia and the Moschian Mountains, as they are called, and also the Scydises and the Paryadres Mountains. All these are parts of the Taurus, which forms the southern side of Armenia,parts broken off, as it were, from that mountain on the north and projecting as far as the Caucasus and that part of the coast of the Euxine which stretches from Colchis to Themiscyra. -Be this as it may, since Dioscurias is situated in such a gulf and occupies the most easterly point of the whole sea, it is called not only the recess of the Euxine, but also the "farthermost" voyage. And the proverbial verse,To Phasis, where for ships is the farthermost run,must be interpreted thus, not as though the authorAn unknown tragic poet (Anon. Fr. 559 (Nauck)). of the iambic verse meant the river, much less the city of the same name situated on the river, but as meaning by a part of Colchis the whole of it, since from the river and the city of that name there is left a straight voyage into the recess of not less than six hundred stadia. The same Dioscurias is the beginning of the isthmus between the Caspian Sea and the Euxine, and also the common emporium of the tribes who are situated above it and in its vicinity; at any rate, seventy tribes come together in it, though others, who care nothing for the facts, actually say three hundred. All speak different languages because of the fact that, by reason of their obstinacy and ferocity, they live in scattered groups and without intercourse with one another. The greater part of them are Sarmatae, but they are all Caucasii. So much, then, for the region of Dioscurias. -Further, the greater part of the remainder of Colchis is on the sea. Through it flows the Phasis, a large river having its sources in Armenia and receiving the waters of the Glaucus and the Hippus, which issue from the neighboring mountains. It is navigated as far as Sarapana, a fortress capable of admitting the population even of a city. From here people go by land to the Cyrus in four days by a wagon road. On the Phasis is situated a city bearing the same name, an emporium of the Colchi, which is protected on one side by the river, on another by a lake, and on another by the sea. Thence people go to Amisus and Sinope by sea (a voyage of two or three days), because the shores are soft and because of the outlets of the rivers. The country is excellent both in respect to its produce—except its honey, which is generally bitter—and in respect to every thing that pertains to shipbuilding; for it not only produces quantities of timber but also brings it down on rivers. And the people make linen in quantities, and hemp, wax, and pitch. Their linen industry has been famed far and wide; for they used to export linen to outside places; and some writers, wishing to show forth a kinship between the Colchians and the Egyptians, confirm their belief by this. Above the aforesaid rivers in the Moschian country lies the temple of Leucothea, founded by Phrixus, and the oracle of Phrixus, where a ram is never sacrificed; it was once rich, but it was robbed in our time by Pharnaces, and a little later by Mithridates of Pergamum. For when a country is devastated,things divine are in sickly plight and wont not even to be respected,Eur. Tro. 27says Euripides. -The great fame this country had in early times is disclosed by the myths, which refer in an obscure way to the expedition of Jason as having proceeded as far even as Media, and also, before that time, to that of Phrixus. After this, when kings succeeded to power, the country being divided into "sceptuchies,"i.e., divisions corresponding to the rank of Persian "sceptuchi" ("sceptre-bearers"). they were only moderately prosperous; but when Mithridates EupatorSee Dictionary in Vol. I. grew powerful, the country fell into his hands; and he would always send one of his friends as sub-governor or administrator of the country. Among these was Moaphernes, my mother's uncle on her father's side. And it was from this country that the king received most aid in the equipment of his naval forces. But when the power of Mithridates had been broken up, all the territory subject to him was also broken up and distributed among many persons. At last Polemon got Colchis; and since his death his wife Pythodoris has been in power, being queen, not only of the Colchians, but also of Trapezus and Pharnacia and of the barbarians who live above these places, concerning whom I shall speak later on.12. 3. 28 ff. Now the Moschian country, in which is situated the temple,Of Leucothea (section 17 above). is divided into three parts: one part is held by the Colchians, another by the Iberians, and another by the Armenians. There is also a small city in Iberia, the city of Phrixus,Phrixopolis. the present Ideëssa, well fortified, on the confines of Colchis. And near Dioscurias flows the Chares River. -Among the tribes which come together at Dioscurias are the Phtheirophagi,"Lice-eaters." who have received their name from their squalor and their filthiness. Near them are the Soanes, who are no less filthy, but superior to them in power,—indeed, one might almost say that they are foremost in courage and power. At any rate, they are masters of the peoples around them, and hold possession of the heights of the Caucasus above Dioscurias. They have a king and a council of three hundred men; and they assemble, according to report, an army of two hundred thousand; for the whole of the people are a fighting force, though unorganized. It is said that in their country gold is carried down by the mountain torrents, and that the barbarians obtain it by means of perforated troughs and fleecy skins, and that this is the origin of the myth of the golden fleece—unless they call them Iberians, by the same name as the western Iberians, from the gold mines in both countries. The Soanes use remarkable poisons for the points of their missiles; and even people who are not wounded by the poisoned missiles suffer from their odor. Now in general the tribes in the neighborhood of the Caucasus occupy barren and cramped territories, but the tribes of the Albanians and the Iberians, which occupy nearly all the isthmus above-mentioned, might also be called Caucasian tribes; and they possess territory that is fertile and capable of affording an exceedingly good livelihood. +Be this as it may, since Dioscurias is situated in such a gulf and occupies the most easterly point of the whole sea, it is called not only the recess of the Euxine, but also the "farthermost" voyage. And the proverbial verse,To Phasis, where for ships is the farthermost run,must be interpreted thus, not as though the authorAn unknown tragic poet (Anon. Fr. 559 (Nauck)). of the iambic verse meant the river, much less the city of the same name situated on the river, but as meaning by a part of Colchis the whole of it, since from the river and the city of that name there is left a straight voyage into the recess of not less than six hundred stadia. The same Dioscurias is the beginning of the isthmus between the Caspian Sea and the Euxine, and also the common emporium of the tribes who are situated above it and in its vicinity; at any rate, seventy tribes come together in it, though others, who care nothing for the facts, actually say three hundred. All speak different languages because of the fact that, by reason of their obstinacy and ferocity, they live in scattered groups and without intercourse with one another. The greater part of them are Sarmatae, but they are all Caucasii. So much, then, for the region of Dioscurias. +Further, the greater part of the remainder of Colchis is on the sea. Through it flows the Phasis, a large river having its sources in Armenia and receiving the waters of the Glaucus and the Hippus, which issue from the neighboring mountains. It is navigated as far as Sarapana, a fortress capable of admitting the population even of a city. From here people go by land to the Cyrus in four days by a wagon road. On the Phasis is situated a city bearing the same name, an emporium of the Colchi, which is protected on one side by the river, on another by a lake, and on another by the sea. Thence people go to Amisus and Sinope by sea (a voyage of two or three days), because the shores are soft and because of the outlets of the rivers. The country is excellent both in respect to its produce—except its honey, which is generally bitter—and in respect to every thing that pertains to shipbuilding; for it not only produces quantities of timber but also brings it down on rivers. And the people make linen in quantities, and hemp, wax, and pitch. Their linen industry has been famed far and wide; for they used to export linen to outside places; and some writers, wishing to show forth a kinship between the Colchians and the Egyptians, confirm their belief by this. Above the aforesaid rivers in the Moschian country lies the temple of Leucothea, founded by Phrixus, and the oracle of Phrixus, where a ram is never sacrificed; it was once rich, but it was robbed in our time by Pharnaces, and a little later by Mithridates of Pergamum. For when a country is devastated,things divine are in sickly plight and wont not even to be respected,Eur. Tro. 27says Euripides. +The great fame this country had in early times is disclosed by the myths, which refer in an obscure way to the expedition of Jason as having proceeded as far even as Media, and also, before that time, to that of Phrixus. After this, when kings succeeded to power, the country being divided into "sceptuchies,"i.e., divisions corresponding to the rank of Persian "sceptuchi" ("sceptre-bearers"). they were only moderately prosperous; but when Mithridates EupatorSee Dictionary in Vol. I. grew powerful, the country fell into his hands; and he would always send one of his friends as sub-governor or administrator of the country. Among these was Moaphernes, my mother's uncle on her father's side. And it was from this country that the king received most aid in the equipment of his naval forces. But when the power of Mithridates had been broken up, all the territory subject to him was also broken up and distributed among many persons. At last Polemon got Colchis; and since his death his wife Pythodoris has been in power, being queen, not only of the Colchians, but also of Trapezus and Pharnacia and of the barbarians who live above these places, concerning whom I shall speak later on.12. 3. 28 ff. Now the Moschian country, in which is situated the temple,Of Leucothea (section 17 above). is divided into three parts: one part is held by the Colchians, another by the Iberians, and another by the Armenians. There is also a small city in Iberia, the city of Phrixus,Phrixopolis. the present Ideëssa, well fortified, on the confines of Colchis. And near Dioscurias flows the Chares River. +Among the tribes which come together at Dioscurias are the Phtheirophagi,"Lice-eaters." who have received their name from their squalor and their filthiness. Near them are the Soanes, who are no less filthy, but superior to them in power,—indeed, one might almost say that they are foremost in courage and power. At any rate, they are masters of the peoples around them, and hold possession of the heights of the Caucasus above Dioscurias. They have a king and a council of three hundred men; and they assemble, according to report, an army of two hundred thousand; for the whole of the people are a fighting force, though unorganized. It is said that in their country gold is carried down by the mountain torrents, and that the barbarians obtain it by means of perforated troughs and fleecy skins, and that this is the origin of the myth of the golden fleece—unless they call them Iberians, by the same name as the western Iberians, from the gold mines in both countries. The Soanes use remarkable poisons for the points of their missiles; and even people who are not wounded by the poisoned missiles suffer from their odor. Now in general the tribes in the neighborhood of the Caucasus occupy barren and cramped territories, but the tribes of the Albanians and the Iberians, which occupy nearly all the isthmus above-mentioned, might also be called Caucasian tribes; and they possess territory that is fertile and capable of affording an exceedingly good livelihood.

@@ -737,7 +737,7 @@ Parts of the country are surrounded by the Caucasian Mountains; for branches of these mountains, as I said before,11. 2. 15. project towards the south; they are fruitful, comprise the whole of Iberia, and border on both Armenia and Colchis. In the middle is a plain intersected by rivers, the largest being the Cyrus. This river has its beginning in Armenia, flows immediately into the plain above-mentioned, receives both the Aragus, which flows from the Caucasus, and other streams, and empties through a narrow valley into Albania; and between the valley and Armenia it flows in great volume through plains that have exceedingly good pasture, receives still more rivers, among which are the Alazonius, Sandobanes, Rhoetaces, and Chanes, all navigable, and empties into the Caspian Sea. It was formerly called Corus. Now the plain of the Iberians is inhabited by people who are rather inclined to farming and to peace, and they dress after both the Armenian and the Median fashion; but the major, or warlike, portion occupy the mountainous territory, living like the Scythians and the Sarmatians, of whom they are both neighbors and kinsmen; however, they engage also in farming. And they assemble many tens of thousands, both from their own people and from the Scythians and Sarmatians, whenever anything alarming occurs. There are four passes leading into their country; one through Sarapana, a Colchian stronghold, and through the narrow defiles there. Through these defiles the Phasis, which has been made passable by one hundred and twenty bridges because of the windings of its course, flows down into Colchis with rough and violent stream, the region being cut into ravines by many torrents at the time of the heavy rains. The Phasis rises in the mountains that lie above it, where it is supplied by many springs; and in the plains it receives still other rivers, among which are the Glaucus and the Hippus. Thus filled and having by now become navigable, it issues forth into the Pontus; and it has on its banks a city bearing the same name; and near it is a lake. Such, then, is the pass that leads from Colchis into Iberia, being shut in by rocks, by strongholds, and by rivers that run through ravines. -From the country of the nomads on the north there is a difficult ascent into Iberia requiring three days' travel; and after this ascent comes a narrow valley on the Aragus River, with a single file road requiring a four days' journey. The end of the road is guarded by a fortress which is hard to capture. The pass leading from Albania into Iberia is at first hewn through rock, and then leads through a marsh formed by the River Alazonius, which falls from the Caucasus. The passes from Armenia into Iberia are the defiles on the Cyrus and those on the Aragus. For, before the two rivers meet, they have on their banks fortified cities that are situated upon rocks, these being about sixteen stadia distant from each other—I mean Harmozice on the Cyrus and Seusamora on the other river. These passes were used first by Pompey when he set out from the country of the Armenians, and afterwards by Canidius.Crassus the Triumvir. +From the country of the nomads on the north there is a difficult ascent into Iberia requiring three days' travel; and after this ascent comes a narrow valley on the Aragus River, with a single file road requiring a four days' journey. The end of the road is guarded by a fortress which is hard to capture. The pass leading from Albania into Iberia is at first hewn through rock, and then leads through a marsh formed by the River Alazonius, which falls from the Caucasus. The passes from Armenia into Iberia are the defiles on the Cyrus and those on the Aragus. For, before the two rivers meet, they have on their banks fortified cities that are situated upon rocks, these being about sixteen stadia distant from each other—I mean Harmozice on the Cyrus and Seusamora on the other river. These passes were used first by Pompey when he set out from the country of the Armenians, and afterwards by Canidius.Crassus the Triumvir. There are alsoi.e., as well as four passes leading into the country (see section 4, beginning). four castes among the inhabitants of Iberia. One, and the first of all, is that from which they appoint their kings, the appointee being both the nearest of kin to his predecessor and the eldest, whereas the second in line administers justice and commands the army. The second caste is that of the priests, who among other things attend to all matters of controversy with the neighboring peoples. The third is that of the soldiers and the farmers. And the fourth is that of the common people, who are slaves of the king and perform all the services that pertain to human livelihood. Their possessions are held in common by them according to families, although the eldest is ruler and steward of each estate. Such are the Iberians and their country.

@@ -750,7 +750,7 @@ They send forth a greater army than that of the Iberians; for they equip sixty thousand infantry and twenty-two thousandPlut. Pompey 35, says twelve thousand. horsemen, the number with which they risked their all against Pompey. Against outsiders the nomads join with the Albanians in war, just as they do with the Iberians, and for the same reasons; and besides, they often attack the people, and consequently prevent them from farming. The Albanians use javelins and bows; and they wear breastplates and large oblong shields, and helmets made of the skins of wild animals, similar to those worn by the Iberians. To the country of the Albanians belongs also the territory called Caspiane, which was named after the Caspian tribe, as was also the sea; but the tribe has now disappeared. The pass from Iberia into Albania leads through Cambysene, a waterless and rugged country, to the Alazonius River. Both the people and their dogs are surpassingly fond of hunting, engaging in it not so much because of their skill in it as because of their love for it. Their kings, also, are excellent. At the present time, indeed, one king rules all the tribes, but formerly the several tribes were ruled separately by kings of their own according to their several languages. They have twenty-six languages, because of the fact that they have no easy means of intercourse with one another. The country produces also certain of the deadly reptiles, and scorpions and phalangia.Members of the spider family; but here, apparently, tarantulas (see Tozer, op. cit., p. 265). Some of the phalangia cause people to die laughing, while others cause people to die weeping over the loss of their deceased kindred. As for gods, they honor Helius,The Sun. Zeus, and Selene,The Moon. but especially Selene;Cf. 12. 3. 31. her temple is near Iberia. The office of priest is held by the man who, after the king, is held in highest honor; he has charge of the sacred land, which is extensive and well-populated, and also of the temple slaves, many of whom are subject to religious frenzy and utter prophecies. And any one of those who, becoming violently possessed, wanders alone in the forests, is by the priest arrested, bound with sacred fetters, and sumptuously maintained during that year, and then led forth to the sacrifice that is performed in honor of the goddess, and, being anointed, is sacrificed along with other victims. The sacrifice is performed as follows: Some person holding a sacred lance, with which it is the custom to sacrifice human victims, comes forward out of the crowd and strikes the victim through the side into the heart, he being not without experience in such a task; and when the victim falls, they draw auguries from his fallAs among he Luistanians (3. 3. 6) and the Gauls (4. 4. 5). and declare them before the public; and when the body is carried to a certain place, they all trample upon it, thus using it as a means of purification. -The Albanians are surpassingly respectful to old age, not merely to their parents, but to all other old people. And when people die it is impious to be concerned about them or even to mention them. Indeed, they bury their money with them, and therefore live in poverty, having no patrimony. So much for the Albanians. It is said that Jason, together with Armenus the Thessalian, on his voyage to the country of the Colchians, pressed on from there as far as the Caspian Sea, and visited, not only Iberia and Albania, but also many parts of Armenia and Media, as both the Jasoniai.e., temples dedicated to Jason (see 11. 14. 12). and several other memorials testify. And it is said that Armenus was a native of Armenium, one of the cities on Lake Boebeïs between Pherae and Iarisa, and that his followers took up their abode in Acilisene and Syspiritis, occuping the country as far as Calachane and Adiabene; and indeed that he left Armenia named after himself. +The Albanians are surpassingly respectful to old age, not merely to their parents, but to all other old people. And when people die it is impious to be concerned about them or even to mention them. Indeed, they bury their money with them, and therefore live in poverty, having no patrimony. So much for the Albanians. It is said that Jason, together with Armenus the Thessalian, on his voyage to the country of the Colchians, pressed on from there as far as the Caspian Sea, and visited, not only Iberia and Albania, but also many parts of Armenia and Media, as both the Jasoniai.e., temples dedicated to Jason (see 11. 14. 12). and several other memorials testify. And it is said that Armenus was a native of Armenium, one of the cities on Lake Boebeïs between Pherae and Iarisa, and that his followers took up their abode in Acilisene and Syspiritis, occuping the country as far as Calachane and Adiabene; and indeed that he left Armenia named after himself.

@@ -760,34 +760,34 @@ A peculiar thing has happened in the case of the account we have of the Amazons; for our accounts of other peoples keep a distinction between the mythical and the historical elements; for the things that are ancient and false and monstrous are called myths, but history wishes for the truth, whether ancient or recent, and contains no monstrous element, or else only rarely. But as regards the Amazons, the same stories are told now as in early times, though they are marvellous and beyond belief. For instance, who could believe that an army of women, or a city, or a tribe, could ever be organized without men, and not only be organized, but even make inroads upon the territory of other people, and not only overpower the peoples near them to the extent of advancing as far as what is now Ionia, but even send an expedition across the sea as far as Attica? For this is the same as saying that the men of those times were women and that the women were men. Nevertheless, even at the present time these very stories are told about the Amazons, and they intensify the peculiarity above-mentioned and our belief in the ancient accounts rather than those of the present time. At any rate, the founding of cities and the giving of names to them are ascribed to the Amazons, as, for instance, Ephesus and Smyrna and Cyme and Myrine; and so are tombs and other monuments; and Themiscyra and the plains about Thermodon and the mountains that lie above them are by all writers mentioned as having belonged to the Amazons; but they say that the Amazons were driven out of these places. Only a few writers make assertions as to where they are at the present time, but their assertions are without proof and beyond belief, as in the case of Thalestria, queen of the Amazons, with whom, they say, Alexander associated in Hyrcania and had intercourse for the sake of offspring; for this assertion is not generally accepted. Indeed, of the numerous historians, those who care most for the truth do not make the assertion, nor do those who are most trustworthy mention any such thing, nor do those who tell the story agree in their statements. CleitarchusSee Dictionary in Vol. II. says that Thalestria set out from the Caspian Gates and Thermodon and visited Alexander; but the distance from the Caspian country to Thermodon is more than six thousand stadia. The stories that have been spread far and wide with a view to glorifying Alexander are not accepted by all; and their fabricators were men who cared for flattery rather than truth. For instance: they transferred the Caucasus into the region of the Indian mountains and of the eastern sea which lies near those mountains from the mountains which lie above Colchis and the Euxine; for these are the mountains which the Greeks named Caucasus, which is more than thirty thousand stadia distant from India; and here it was that they laid the scene of the story of Prometheus and of his being put in bonds; for these were the farthermost mountains towards the east that were known to writers of that time. And the expedition of Dionysus and Heracles to the country of the Indians looks like a mythical story of later date, because Heracles is said to have released Prometheus one thousand years later. And although it was a more glorious thing for Alexander to subdue Asia as far as the Indian mountains than merely to the recess of the Euxine and to the Caucasus, yet the glory of the mountain, and its name, and the belief that Jason and his followers had accomplished the longest of all expeditions, reaching as far as the neighborhood of the Caucasus, and the tradition that Prometheus was bound at the ends of the earth on the Caucasus, led writers to suppose that they would be doing the king a favor if they transferred the name Caucasus to India. -Now the highest parts of the real Caucasus are the most southerly—those next to Albania, Iberia, and the Colchians, and the Heniochians. They are inhabited by the peoples who, as I have said,11. 2. 16. assemble at Dioscurias; and they assemble there mostly in order to get salt. Of these tribes, some occupy the ridges of the mountains, while the others have their abodes in glens and live mostly on the flesh of wild animals, and on wild fruits and milk. The summits of the mountains are impassable in winter, but the people ascend them in summer by fastening to their feet broad shoes made of raw ox-hide, like drums, and furnished with spikes, on account of the snow and the ice. They descend with their loads by sliding down seated upon skins, as is the custom in Atropatian Media and on Mount Masius in Armenia; there, however, the people also fasten wooden discs furnished with spikes to the soles of their shoes. Such, then, are the heights of the Caucasus. +Now the highest parts of the real Caucasus are the most southerly—those next to Albania, Iberia, and the Colchians, and the Heniochians. They are inhabited by the peoples who, as I have said,11. 2. 16. assemble at Dioscurias; and they assemble there mostly in order to get salt. Of these tribes, some occupy the ridges of the mountains, while the others have their abodes in glens and live mostly on the flesh of wild animals, and on wild fruits and milk. The summits of the mountains are impassable in winter, but the people ascend them in summer by fastening to their feet broad shoes made of raw ox-hide, like drums, and furnished with spikes, on account of the snow and the ice. They descend with their loads by sliding down seated upon skins, as is the custom in Atropatian Media and on Mount Masius in Armenia; there, however, the people also fasten wooden discs furnished with spikes to the soles of their shoes. Such, then, are the heights of the Caucasus. As one descends into the foothills, the country inclines more towards the north, but its climate is milder, for there it borders on the plains of the Siraces. And here are also some Troglodytae, who, on account of the cold, live in caves; but even in their country there is plenty of barley. After the Troglodytae one comes to certain Chamaecoetaei.e., "People who sleep on the ground." and Polyphagi,i.e., "Heavy-eaters." as they are called, and to the villages of the Eisadici, who are able to farm because they are not altogether exposed to the north. -The next peoples to which one comes between Lake Maeotis and the Caspian Sea are nomads, the Nabiani and the Panxani, and then next the tribes of the Siraces and the Aorsi. The Aorsi and the Siraces are thought to be fugitives from the upper tribes of those namesi.e., the southern tribes. The tribes of the Aorsi and Siraces (also spelt Syraci, 11. 2. 1) extended towards the south as far as the Caucasian Mountains (11. 2. 1). and the Aorsi are more to the north than the Siraces. Now Abeacus, king of the Siraces, sent forth twenty thousand horsemen at the time when Pharnaces held the Bosporus; and Spadines, king of the Aorsi, two hundred thousand; but the upper Aorsi sent a still larger number, for they held dominion over more land, and, one may almost say, ruled over most of the Caspian coast; and consequently they could import on camels the Indian and Babylonian merchandise, receiving it in their turn from the Armenians and the Medes, and also, owing to their wealth, could wear golden ornaments. Now the Aorsi live along the Tanaïs, but the Siraces live along the Achardeüs, which flows from the Caucasus and empties into Lake Maeotis. +The next peoples to which one comes between Lake Maeotis and the Caspian Sea are nomads, the Nabiani and the Panxani, and then next the tribes of the Siraces and the Aorsi. The Aorsi and the Siraces are thought to be fugitives from the upper tribes of those namesi.e., the southern tribes. The tribes of the Aorsi and Siraces (also spelt Syraci, 11. 2. 1) extended towards the south as far as the Caucasian Mountains (11. 2. 1). and the Aorsi are more to the north than the Siraces. Now Abeacus, king of the Siraces, sent forth twenty thousand horsemen at the time when Pharnaces held the Bosporus; and Spadines, king of the Aorsi, two hundred thousand; but the upper Aorsi sent a still larger number, for they held dominion over more land, and, one may almost say, ruled over most of the Caspian coast; and consequently they could import on camels the Indian and Babylonian merchandise, receiving it in their turn from the Armenians and the Medes, and also, owing to their wealth, could wear golden ornaments. Now the Aorsi live along the Tanaïs, but the Siraces live along the Achardeüs, which flows from the Caucasus and empties into Lake Maeotis.

The secondi.e., of the First Division(see 11. 1. 5). portion begins at the Caspian Sea, at which the first portion ends. The same sea is also called Hyrcanian. But I must first describe this sea and the tribes which live about it.This sea is the gulf which extends from the oceanSee note on "Caspian Sea" (11. 1. 5). towards the south; it is rather narrow at its entrance, but it widens out as it advances inland, and especially in the region of its recess, where its width is approximately five thousand stadia. The length of the voyage from its entrance to its recess might be slightly more than that, since its entrance is approximately on the borders of the uninhabited world. Eratosthenes says that the circuit of this sea was known to the Greeks; that the part along the coast of the Albanians and the Cadusians is five thousand four hundred stadia; and that the part along the coast of the Anariaci and Mardi and Hyrcani to the mouth of the Oxus River is four thousand eight hundred, and thence to the Iaxartes, two thousand four hundred. But we must understand in a more general sense the accounts of this portion and the regions that lie so far removed, particularly in the matter of distances. -On the right, as one sails into the Caspian Sea, are those Scythians, or Sarmatians,See 11. 2. 1. who live in the country contiguous to Europe between the Tanaïs River and this sea; the greater part of them are nomads, of whom I have already spoken.11. 2. 1. On the left are the eastern Scythians, also nomads, who extend as far as the Eastern Sea and India. Now all the peoples towards the north were by the ancient Greek historians given the general name "Scythians" or "Celtoscythians"; but the writers of still earlier times, making distinctions between them, called those who lived above the Euxine and the Ister and the Adriatic "Hyperboreans," "Sauromatians," and "Arimaspians," and they called those who lived across the Caspian Sea in part "Sacians" and in part "Massagetans," but they were unable to give any accurate account of them, although they reported a war between CyrusCyrus the Elder. For an account of this war, see Hdt. l.201ff and the Massagetans. However, neither have the historians given an accurate and truthful account of these peoples, nor has much credit been given to the ancient history of the Persians or Medes or Syrians, on account of the credulity of the historians and their fondness for myths. -For, seeing that those who were professedly writers of myths enjoyed repute, they thought that they too would make their writings pleasing if they told in the guise of history what they had never seen, nor even heard—or at least not from persons who knew the facts—with this object alone in view, to tell what afforded their hearers pleasure and amazement. One could more easily believe Hesiod and Homer in their stories of the heroes than Ctesias, Herodotus, Hellanicus,On their writings, see Dictionary in Vol. I. and other writers of this kind. +On the right, as one sails into the Caspian Sea, are those Scythians, or Sarmatians,See 11. 2. 1. who live in the country contiguous to Europe between the Tanaïs River and this sea; the greater part of them are nomads, of whom I have already spoken.11. 2. 1. On the left are the eastern Scythians, also nomads, who extend as far as the Eastern Sea and India. Now all the peoples towards the north were by the ancient Greek historians given the general name "Scythians" or "Celtoscythians"; but the writers of still earlier times, making distinctions between them, called those who lived above the Euxine and the Ister and the Adriatic "Hyperboreans," "Sauromatians," and "Arimaspians," and they called those who lived across the Caspian Sea in part "Sacians" and in part "Massagetans," but they were unable to give any accurate account of them, although they reported a war between CyrusCyrus the Elder. For an account of this war, see Hdt. l.201ff and the Massagetans. However, neither have the historians given an accurate and truthful account of these peoples, nor has much credit been given to the ancient history of the Persians or Medes or Syrians, on account of the credulity of the historians and their fondness for myths. +For, seeing that those who were professedly writers of myths enjoyed repute, they thought that they too would make their writings pleasing if they told in the guise of history what they had never seen, nor even heard—or at least not from persons who knew the facts—with this object alone in view, to tell what afforded their hearers pleasure and amazement. One could more easily believe Hesiod and Homer in their stories of the heroes than Ctesias, Herodotus, Hellanicus,On their writings, see Dictionary in Vol. I. and other writers of this kind. Neither is it easy to believe most of those who have written the history of Alexander; for these toy with facts, both because of the glory of Alexander and because his expedition reached the ends of Asia, far away from us; and statements about things that are far away are hard to refute. But the supremacy of the Romans and that of the Parthians has disclosed considerably more knowledge than that which had previously come down to us by tradition; for those who write about those distant regions tell a more trustworthy story than their predecessors, both of the places and of the tribes among which the activities took place, for they have looked into the matter more closely.

-Those nomads, however, who live along the coast on the left as one sails into the Caspian Sea are by the writers of today called Däae, I mean, those who are surnamed Aparni; then, in front of them, intervenes a desert country; and next comes Hyrcania, where the Caspian resembles an open sea to the point where it borders on the Median and Armenian mountains. The shape of these mountains is crescent-like along the foothills, which end at the sea and form the recess of the gulf. This side of the mountains, beginning at the sea, is inhabited as far as their heights for a short stretch by a part of the Albanians and the Armenians, but for the most part by Gelae, Cadusii, Amardi, Vitii, and Anariacae. They say that some of the Parrhasii took up their abode with the Anariacae, who, they say, are now called Parsii; and that the Aenianes built a walled city in the Vitian territory, which, they say, is called Aeniana; and that Greek armour, brazen vessels, and burial places are to be seen there; and that there is also a city Anariace there, in which, they say, is to be seen an oracle for sleepers,i.e., people received oracles in their dreams while sleeping in the temple (cf. 16. 2. 35). and some other tribes that are more inclined to brigandage and war than to farming; but this is due to the ruggedness of the region. However, the greater part of the seaboard round the mountainous country is occupied by Cadusii, for a stretch of almost five thousand stadia, according to Patrocles,See Dictionary in Vol. I. who considers this sea almost equal to the Pontic Sea. Now these regions have poor soil. +Those nomads, however, who live along the coast on the left as one sails into the Caspian Sea are by the writers of today called Däae, I mean, those who are surnamed Aparni; then, in front of them, intervenes a desert country; and next comes Hyrcania, where the Caspian resembles an open sea to the point where it borders on the Median and Armenian mountains. The shape of these mountains is crescent-like along the foothills, which end at the sea and form the recess of the gulf. This side of the mountains, beginning at the sea, is inhabited as far as their heights for a short stretch by a part of the Albanians and the Armenians, but for the most part by Gelae, Cadusii, Amardi, Vitii, and Anariacae. They say that some of the Parrhasii took up their abode with the Anariacae, who, they say, are now called Parsii; and that the Aenianes built a walled city in the Vitian territory, which, they say, is called Aeniana; and that Greek armour, brazen vessels, and burial places are to be seen there; and that there is also a city Anariace there, in which, they say, is to be seen an oracle for sleepers,i.e., people received oracles in their dreams while sleeping in the temple (cf. 16. 2. 35). and some other tribes that are more inclined to brigandage and war than to farming; but this is due to the ruggedness of the region. However, the greater part of the seaboard round the mountainous country is occupied by Cadusii, for a stretch of almost five thousand stadia, according to Patrocles,See Dictionary in Vol. I. who considers this sea almost equal to the Pontic Sea. Now these regions have poor soil. But Hyrcania is exceedingly fertile, extensive, and in general level; it is distinguished by notable cities, among which are Talabroce, Samariane, Carta, and the royal residence Tape, which, they say, is situated slightly above the sea and at a distance of one thousand four hundred stadia from the Caspian Gates. And because of its particular kind of prosperity writers go on to relate evidences thereof: the vine produces one metretesA little less than nine gallons. of wine, and the fig-tree sixty medimni;The medimnus was about a bushel and a half. the grain grows up from the seed that falls from the stalk; bees have their hives in the trees, and honey drips from the leaves; and this is also the case in Matiane in Media, and in Sacasene and Araxene in Armenia.Cf. 2. 1. 14. However, neither the country itself nor the sea that is named after it has received proper attention, the sea being both without vessels and unused. There are islands in this sea which could afford a livelihood, and, according to some writers, contain gold ore. The cause of this lack of attention was the fact that the first governors of the Hyrcanians, I mean the Medes and Persians, as also the last, I mean the Parthians, who were inferior to the former, were barbarians, and also the fact that the whole of the neighboring country was full of brigands and nomads and deserted regions. The Macedonians did indeed rule over the country for a short time, but they were so occupied with wars that they could not attend to their remote possessions. According to Aristobulus, Hyrcania, which is a wooded country, has the oak, but does not produce the torch-pinePinus maritima. or firPinus picea. or stone-pine,Pinus pinea. though India abounds in these trees. Nesaea, also, belongs to Hyrcania, though some writers set it down as an independent district.Cf. 11. 13. 7. Hyrcania is traversed by the rivers Ochus and Oxus to their outlets into the sea; and of these, the Ochus flows also through Nesaea, but some say that the Ochus empties into the Oxus. AristobulusThis Aristobulus accompanied Alexander on his expedition and wrote a work of unknown title. declares that the Oxus is the largest of the rivers he has seen in Asia, except those in India. And he further says that it is navigable (both he and Eratosthenes taking this statement from Patrocles)See Dictionary in Vol. I. and that large quantities of Indian wares are brought down on it to the Hyrcanian sea, and thence on that sea are transported to Albania and brought down on the Cyrus River and through the region that comes next after it to the Euxine. The Ochus is not mentioned at all by the ancient writers. Apollodorus,Of Artemita. however, who wrote the Parthica, names it continually, implying that it flows very close to the country of the Parthians. -Many false notions were also added to the account of this sea becauseSee 11. 5. 5. of Alexander's love of glory; for, since it was agreed by all that the Tanaïs separated Asia from Europe, and that the region between the sea and the Tanaïs, being a considerable part of Asia, had not fallen under the power of the Macedonians, it was resolved to manipulate the account of Alexander's expedition so that in fame at least he might be credited with having conquered those parts of Asia too. They therefore united lake Maeotis, which receives the Tanaïs, with the Caspian Sea, calling this too a lake and asserting that both were connected with one another by an underground passage and that each was a part of the other. Polycleitus goes on to adduce proofs in connection with his belief that the sea is a lake (for instance, he says that it produces serpents, and that its water is sweetish); and that it is no other than Maeotis he judges from the fact that the Tanaïs empties into it. From the same Indian mountains, where the Ochus and the Oxus and several other rivers rise, flows also the Iaxartes, which, like those rivers, empties into the Caspian Sea and is the most northerly of them all. This river, accordingly, they named Tanaïs; and in addition to so naming it they gave as proof that it was the Tanaïs mentioned by Polycleitus that the country on the far side of this river produces the fir-tree and that the Scythians in that region use arrows made of fir-wood; and they say that this is also evidence that the country on the far side belongs to Europe and not to Asia, for, they add, Upper and Eastern Asia does not produce the fir-tree. But Eratosthenes says that the fir-tree grows also in India and that Alexander built his fleet out of fir-wood from there. Eratosthenes tries to reconcile many other differences of this kind, but as for me, let what I have said about them suffice. +Many false notions were also added to the account of this sea becauseSee 11. 5. 5. of Alexander's love of glory; for, since it was agreed by all that the Tanaïs separated Asia from Europe, and that the region between the sea and the Tanaïs, being a considerable part of Asia, had not fallen under the power of the Macedonians, it was resolved to manipulate the account of Alexander's expedition so that in fame at least he might be credited with having conquered those parts of Asia too. They therefore united lake Maeotis, which receives the Tanaïs, with the Caspian Sea, calling this too a lake and asserting that both were connected with one another by an underground passage and that each was a part of the other. Polycleitus goes on to adduce proofs in connection with his belief that the sea is a lake (for instance, he says that it produces serpents, and that its water is sweetish); and that it is no other than Maeotis he judges from the fact that the Tanaïs empties into it. From the same Indian mountains, where the Ochus and the Oxus and several other rivers rise, flows also the Iaxartes, which, like those rivers, empties into the Caspian Sea and is the most northerly of them all. This river, accordingly, they named Tanaïs; and in addition to so naming it they gave as proof that it was the Tanaïs mentioned by Polycleitus that the country on the far side of this river produces the fir-tree and that the Scythians in that region use arrows made of fir-wood; and they say that this is also evidence that the country on the far side belongs to Europe and not to Asia, for, they add, Upper and Eastern Asia does not produce the fir-tree. But Eratosthenes says that the fir-tree grows also in India and that Alexander built his fleet out of fir-wood from there. Eratosthenes tries to reconcile many other differences of this kind, but as for me, let what I have said about them suffice. This too, among the marvellous things recorded of Hyrcania, is related by EudoxusEudoxus of Cnidus (see Dictionary in Vol. I). and others: that there are some cliffs facing the sea with caverns underneath, and between these and the sea, below the cliffs, is a low-lying shore; and that rivers flowing from the precipices above rush forward with so great force that when they reach the cliffs they hurl their waters out into the sea without wetting the shore, so that even armies can pass underneath sheltered by the stream above; and the natives often come down to the place for the sake of feasting and sacrifice, and sometimes they recline in the caverns down below and sometimes they enjoy themselves basking in the sunlight beneath the stream itself, different people enjoying themselves in different ways, having in sight at the same time on either side both the sea and the shore, which latter, because of the moisture, is grassy and abloom with flowers.

As one proceeds from the Hyrcanian Sea towards the east, one sees on the right the mountains that extend as far as the Indian Sea, which by the Greeks are named the Taurus. Beginning at Pamphylia and Cilicia they extend thus far in a continuous line from the west and bear various different names. In the northerly parts of the range dwell first the Gelae and Cadusii and Amardi, as I have said,11. 7. 1. and certain of the Hyrcanians, and after them the tribe of the Parthians and that of the Margianians and the Arians; and then comes the desert which is separated from Hyrcania by the Sarnius River as one goes eastwards and towards the Ochus River. The mountain which extends from Armenia to this point, or a little short of it, is called Parachoathras. The distance from the Hyrcanian Sea to the country of the Arians is about six thousand stadia. Then comes Bactriana, and Sogdiana, and finally the Scythian nomads. Now the Macedonians gave the name Caucasus to all the mountains which follow in order after the country of the Arians; but among the barbariansi.e., the "natives," as referred to in 15. 1. 11. the extremitiesi.e., the "farther most (or outermost) parts of the Taurus," as mentioned in 15. 1. 11 (q.v.). on the north were given the separate names "Paropamisus" and "Emoda" and "Imaus"; and other such names were applied to separate parts. -On the left and opposite these peoples are situated the Scythian or nomadic tribes, which cover the whole of the northern side. Now the greater part of the Scythians, beginning at the Caspian Sea, are called Däae, but those who are situated more to the east than these are named Massagetae and Sacae, whereas all the rest are given the general name of Scythians, though each people is given a separate name of its own. They are all for the most part nomads. But the best known of the nomads are those who took away Bactriana from the Greeks, I mean the Asii, Pasiani, Tochari,On the Tochari and their language, see the article by T. A. Sinclair in the Classical Review, xxxvii, Nov., Dec., 1923, p. 159. and Sacarauli, who originally came from the country on the other side of the Iaxartes River that adjoins that of the Sacae and the Sogdiani and was occupied by the Sacae. And as for the Däae, some of them are called Aparni, some Xanthii, and some Pissuri. Now of these the Aparni are situated closest to Hyrcania and the part of the sea that borders on it, but the remainder extend even as far as the country that stretches parallel to Aria. -Between themThe Aparnian Däae (see 11. 9. 2). and Hyrcania and Parthia and extending as far as the Arians is a great waterless desert, which they traversed by long marches and then overran Hyrcania, Nesaea, and the plains of the Parthians. And these people agreed to pay tribute, and the tribute was to allow the invaders at certain appointed times to overrun the country and carry off booty. But when the invaders overran their country more than the agreement allowed, war ensued, and in turn their quarrels were composed and new wars were begun. Such is the life of the other nomads also, who are always attacking their neighbors and then in turn settling their differences. -The Sacae, however, made raids like those of Cimmerians and Treres,Cf. 1. 3. 21, 12. 3. 24, 12. 8. 7, 13. 1. 8, 13. 4. 8, 14. 1. 40. some into regions close to their own country, others into regions farther away. For instance, they occupied Bactriana, and acquired possession of the best land in Armenia, which they left named after themselves, Sacasene; and they advanced as far as the country of the Cappadocians, particularly those situated close to the Euxine, who are now called the Pontici. But when they were holding a general festival and enjoying their booty, they were attacked by night by the Persian generals who were then in that region and utterly wiped out. And these generals, heaping up a mound of earth over a certain rock in the plain, completed it in the form of a hill, and erected on it a wall, and established the temple of Anaïtis and the gods who share her altar—Omanus and Anadatus, Persian deities; and they instituted an annual sacred festival, the Sacaea, which the inhabitants of Zela (for thus the place is called) continue to celebrate to the present day. It is a small city belonging for the most part to the temple slaves. But Pompey added considerable territory to it, settled the inhabitants thereof within the walls, and made it one of the cities which he organized after his overthrow of Mithridates. +On the left and opposite these peoples are situated the Scythian or nomadic tribes, which cover the whole of the northern side. Now the greater part of the Scythians, beginning at the Caspian Sea, are called Däae, but those who are situated more to the east than these are named Massagetae and Sacae, whereas all the rest are given the general name of Scythians, though each people is given a separate name of its own. They are all for the most part nomads. But the best known of the nomads are those who took away Bactriana from the Greeks, I mean the Asii, Pasiani, Tochari,On the Tochari and their language, see the article by T. A. Sinclair in the Classical Review, xxxvii, Nov., Dec., 1923, p. 159. and Sacarauli, who originally came from the country on the other side of the Iaxartes River that adjoins that of the Sacae and the Sogdiani and was occupied by the Sacae. And as for the Däae, some of them are called Aparni, some Xanthii, and some Pissuri. Now of these the Aparni are situated closest to Hyrcania and the part of the sea that borders on it, but the remainder extend even as far as the country that stretches parallel to Aria. +Between themThe Aparnian Däae (see 11. 9. 2). and Hyrcania and Parthia and extending as far as the Arians is a great waterless desert, which they traversed by long marches and then overran Hyrcania, Nesaea, and the plains of the Parthians. And these people agreed to pay tribute, and the tribute was to allow the invaders at certain appointed times to overrun the country and carry off booty. But when the invaders overran their country more than the agreement allowed, war ensued, and in turn their quarrels were composed and new wars were begun. Such is the life of the other nomads also, who are always attacking their neighbors and then in turn settling their differences. +The Sacae, however, made raids like those of Cimmerians and Treres,Cf. 1. 3. 21, 12. 3. 24, 12. 8. 7, 13. 1. 8, 13. 4. 8, 14. 1. 40. some into regions close to their own country, others into regions farther away. For instance, they occupied Bactriana, and acquired possession of the best land in Armenia, which they left named after themselves, Sacasene; and they advanced as far as the country of the Cappadocians, particularly those situated close to the Euxine, who are now called the Pontici. But when they were holding a general festival and enjoying their booty, they were attacked by night by the Persian generals who were then in that region and utterly wiped out. And these generals, heaping up a mound of earth over a certain rock in the plain, completed it in the form of a hill, and erected on it a wall, and established the temple of Anaïtis and the gods who share her altar—Omanus and Anadatus, Persian deities; and they instituted an annual sacred festival, the Sacaea, which the inhabitants of Zela (for thus the place is called) continue to celebrate to the present day. It is a small city belonging for the most part to the temple slaves. But Pompey added considerable territory to it, settled the inhabitants thereof within the walls, and made it one of the cities which he organized after his overthrow of Mithridates. Now this is the account which some writers give of the Sacae. Others say that Cyrus made an expedition against the Sacae, was defeated in the battle, and fled; but that he encamped in the place where he had left behind his supplies, which consisted of an abundance of everything and especially of wine, rested his army a short time, and set out at nightfall, as though he were in flight, leaving the tents full of supplies; and that he proceeded as far as he thought best and halted; and that the Sacae pursued, found the camp empty of men but full of things conducive to enjoyment, and filled themselves to the full; and that Cyrus turned back, and found them drunk and crazed, so that some were slain while lying stupefied and asleep, whereas others fell victims to the arms of the enemy while dancing and revelling naked, and almost all perished; and Cyrus, regarding the happy issue as of divine origin, consecrated that day to the goddess of his fathers and called it Sacaea; and that wherever there is a temple of this goddess, there the festival of the Sacaea, a kind of Bacchic festival, is the custom, at which men, dressed in the Scythian garb, pass day and night drinking and playing wantonly with one another, and also with the women who drink with them. The Massagetae disclosed their valor in their war with Cyrus, to which many writers refer again and again; and it is from these that we must get our information. Statements to the following effect are made concerning the Massagetae: that some of them inhabit mountains, some plains, others marshes which are formed by the rivers, and others the islands in the marshes. But the country is inundated most of all, they say, by the Araxes River, which splits into numerous branches and empties by its other mouths into the other seaThe Northern Ocean. on the north, though by one single mouth it reaches the Hyrcanian Gulf. They regard HeliusThe Sun. alone as god, and to him they sacrifice horses. Each man marries only one wife, but they use also the wives of others; not in secret, however, for the man who is to have intercourse with the wife of another hangs up his quiver on the wagon and has intercourse with her openly. And they consider it the best kind of death when they are old to be chopped up with the flesh of cattle and eaten mixed up with that flesh. But those who die of disease are cast out as impious and worthy only to be eaten by wild beasts. They are good horsemen and foot-soldiers; they use bows, short swords, breastplates, and sagaresSee note on "sagaris," 11. 5. 1. made of brass; and in their battles they wear headbands and belts made of gold. And their horses have bits and girths made of gold. Silver is not found in their country, and only a little iron, but brass and gold in abundance. Now those who live in the islands, since they have no grain to sow, use roots and wild fruits as food, and they clothe themselves with the bark of trees (for they have no cattle either), and they drink the juice squeezed out of the fruit of the trees. Those who live in the marshes eat fish, and clothe themselves in the skins of the seals that run up thither from the sea. The mountaineers themselves also live on wild fruits; but they have sheep also, though only a few, and therefore they do not butcher them, sparing them for their wool and milk; and they variegate the color of their clothing by staining it with dyes whose colors do not easily fade. The inhabitants of the plains, although they possess land, do not till it, but in the nomadic or Scythian fashion live on sheep and fish. Indeed, there not only is a certain mode of life common to all such peoples, of which I often speak,e.g., 7. 3. 7-8. but their burials, customs, and their way of living as a whole, are alike, that is, they are self-assertive, uncouth, wild, and warlike, but, in their business dealings, straightforward and not given to deceit. @@ -798,31 +798,31 @@

As for the Parthian country, it is not large; at any rate, it paid its tribute along with the Hyrcanians in the Persian times, and also after this, when for a long time the Macedonians held the mastery. And, in addition to its smallness, it is thickly wooded and mountainous, and also poverty stricken, so that on this account the kings send their own throngs through it in great haste, since the country is unable to support them even for a short time. At present, however, it has increased in extent. Parts of the Parthian country are Comisene and Chorene, and, one may almost say, the whole region that extends as far as the Caspian Gates and Rhagae and the Tapyri, which formerly belonged to Media. And in the neighborhood of Rhagae are the cities Apameia and Heracleia. The distance from the Caspian Gates to Rhagae is five hundred stadia, as Apollodorus says, and to Hecatompylus, the royal seat of the Parthians, one thousand two hundred and sixty. Rhagae is said to have got its name from the earthquakes that took place in that country, by which numerous cities and two thousand villages, as Poseidonius says, were destroyed. The Tapyri are said to live between the Derbices and the Hyrcanians. It is reported of the Tapyri that it was a custom of theirs to give their wives in marriage to other husbands as soon as they had had two or three children by them; just as in our times, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Romans, Cato gave Marcia in marriage to Hortensius at the request of the latter. -But when revolutions were attempted by the countries outside the Taurus, because of the fact that the kings of Syria and Media, who were in possession also of these countries, were busily engaged with others, those who had been entrusted with their government first caused the revolt of Bactriana and of all the country near it, I mean Euthydemus and his followers; and then Arsaces, a Scythian, with some of the Däae (I mean the Aparnians, as they were called, nomads who lived along the Ochus), invaded Parthia and conquered it. Now at the outset Arsaces was weak, being continually at war with those who had been deprived by him of their territory, both he himself and his successors, but later they grew so strong, always taking the neighboring territory, through successes in warfare, that finally they established themselves as lords of the whole of the country inside the Euphrates. And they also took a part of Bactriana, having forced the Scythians, and still earlier Eucratides and his followers, to yield to them; and at the present time they rule over so much land and so many tribes that in the size of their empire they have become, in a way, rivals of the Romans. The cause of this is their mode of life, and also their customs, which contain much that is barbarian and Scythian in character, though more that is conducive to hegemony and success in war. -They say that the Aparnian Däae were emigrants from the Däae above Lake Maeotis, who are called Xandii or Parii. But the view is not altogether accepted that the Däae are a part of the Scythians who live about Maeotis. At any rate, some say that Arsaces derives his origin from the Scythians, whereas others say that he was a Bactrian, and that when in flight from the enlarged power of Diodotus and his followers he caused Parthia to revolt. But since I have said much about the Parthian usages in the sixth book of my Historical Sketches and in the second book of my History of events after Polybius,See Vol. I, p. 47, note 1. I shall omit discussion of that subject here, lest I may seem to be repeating what I have already said, though I shall mention this alone, that the Council of the Parthians, according to Poseidonius, consists of two groups, one that of kinsmen,i.e., of the king. and the other that of wise men and Magi, from both of which groups the kings were appointed.It appears that the kings were chosen from the first group by the members of the second (see Forbiger, Vol. III, p. 39, note 7). +But when revolutions were attempted by the countries outside the Taurus, because of the fact that the kings of Syria and Media, who were in possession also of these countries, were busily engaged with others, those who had been entrusted with their government first caused the revolt of Bactriana and of all the country near it, I mean Euthydemus and his followers; and then Arsaces, a Scythian, with some of the Däae (I mean the Aparnians, as they were called, nomads who lived along the Ochus), invaded Parthia and conquered it. Now at the outset Arsaces was weak, being continually at war with those who had been deprived by him of their territory, both he himself and his successors, but later they grew so strong, always taking the neighboring territory, through successes in warfare, that finally they established themselves as lords of the whole of the country inside the Euphrates. And they also took a part of Bactriana, having forced the Scythians, and still earlier Eucratides and his followers, to yield to them; and at the present time they rule over so much land and so many tribes that in the size of their empire they have become, in a way, rivals of the Romans. The cause of this is their mode of life, and also their customs, which contain much that is barbarian and Scythian in character, though more that is conducive to hegemony and success in war. +They say that the Aparnian Däae were emigrants from the Däae above Lake Maeotis, who are called Xandii or Parii. But the view is not altogether accepted that the Däae are a part of the Scythians who live about Maeotis. At any rate, some say that Arsaces derives his origin from the Scythians, whereas others say that he was a Bactrian, and that when in flight from the enlarged power of Diodotus and his followers he caused Parthia to revolt. But since I have said much about the Parthian usages in the sixth book of my Historical Sketches and in the second book of my History of events after Polybius,See Vol. I, p. 47, note 1. I shall omit discussion of that subject here, lest I may seem to be repeating what I have already said, though I shall mention this alone, that the Council of the Parthians, according to Poseidonius, consists of two groups, one that of kinsmen,i.e., of the king. and the other that of wise men and Magi, from both of which groups the kings were appointed.It appears that the kings were chosen from the first group by the members of the second (see Forbiger, Vol. III, p. 39, note 7).

-Aria and Margiana are the most powerful districts in this part of Asia, these districts in part being enclosed by the mountains and in part having their habitations in the plains. Now the mountains are occupied by Tent-dwellers, and the plains are intersected by rivers that irrigate them, partly by the Arius and partly by the Margus. Aria borders on Margiana and . . . Bactriana;The text is corrupt. it is about six thousand stadia distant from Hyrcania. And Drangiana, as far as Carmania, was joined with Aria in the payment of tribute—Dragiana, for the most part, lying below the southern parts of the mountains, though some parts of it approach the northern region opposite Aria. But Arachosia, also, is not far away, this country too lying below the southern parts of the mountains and extending as far as the Indus River, being a part of Ariana. The length of Aria is about two thousand stadia, and the breadth of the plain about three hundred. Its cities are Artacaëna and Alexandreia and Achaïa, all named after their founders. The land is exceedingly productive of wine, which keeps good for three generations in vessels not smeared with pitch. +Aria and Margiana are the most powerful districts in this part of Asia, these districts in part being enclosed by the mountains and in part having their habitations in the plains. Now the mountains are occupied by Tent-dwellers, and the plains are intersected by rivers that irrigate them, partly by the Arius and partly by the Margus. Aria borders on Margiana and . . . Bactriana;The text is corrupt. it is about six thousand stadia distant from Hyrcania. And Drangiana, as far as Carmania, was joined with Aria in the payment of tribute—Dragiana, for the most part, lying below the southern parts of the mountains, though some parts of it approach the northern region opposite Aria. But Arachosia, also, is not far away, this country too lying below the southern parts of the mountains and extending as far as the Indus River, being a part of Ariana. The length of Aria is about two thousand stadia, and the breadth of the plain about three hundred. Its cities are Artacaëna and Alexandreia and Achaïa, all named after their founders. The land is exceedingly productive of wine, which keeps good for three generations in vessels not smeared with pitch. Margiana is similar to this country, although its plain is surrounded by deserts. Admiring its fertility, Antiochus SoterKing of Syria 280-261 B.C. enclosed a circuit of fifteen hundred stadia with a wall and founded a city Antiocheia. The soil of the country is well suited to the vine; at any rate, they say that a stock of the vine is often found which would require two men to girth it,i.e., about ten to eleven feet in circumference. and that the bunches of grapes are two cubits.i.e., about three feet; apparently in length not in circumference.

-As for Bactria, a part of it lies alongside Aria towards the north, though most of it lies above Aria and to the east of it. And much of it produces everything except oil. The Greeks who caused Bactria to revolt grew so powerful on account of the fertility of the country that they became masters, not only of Ariana, but also of India, as Apollodorus of Artemita says: and more tribes were subdued by them than by Alexander—by Menander in particular (at least if he actually crossed the Hypanis towards the east and advanced as far as the Imaüs), for some were subdued by him personally and others by Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus the king of the Bactrians; and they took possession, not only of Patalena, but also, on the rest of the coast, of what is called the kingdom of Saraostus and Sigerdis. In short, Apollodorus says that Bactriana is the ornament of Ariana as a whole; and, more than that, they extended their empire even as far as the Seres and the Phryni. +As for Bactria, a part of it lies alongside Aria towards the north, though most of it lies above Aria and to the east of it. And much of it produces everything except oil. The Greeks who caused Bactria to revolt grew so powerful on account of the fertility of the country that they became masters, not only of Ariana, but also of India, as Apollodorus of Artemita says: and more tribes were subdued by them than by Alexander—by Menander in particular (at least if he actually crossed the Hypanis towards the east and advanced as far as the Imaüs), for some were subdued by him personally and others by Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus the king of the Bactrians; and they took possession, not only of Patalena, but also, on the rest of the coast, of what is called the kingdom of Saraostus and Sigerdis. In short, Apollodorus says that Bactriana is the ornament of Ariana as a whole; and, more than that, they extended their empire even as far as the Seres and the Phryni. Their cities were Bactra (also called Zariaspa, through which flows a river bearing the same name and emptying into the Oxus), and Darapsa, and several others. Among these was Eucratidia, which was named after its ruler. The Greeks took possession of it and divided it into satrapies, of which the satrapy Turiva and that of Aspionus were taken away from Eucratides by the Parthians. And they also held Sogdiana, situated above Bactriana towards the east between the Oxus River, which forms the boundary between the Bactrians and the Sogdians, and the Iaxartes River. And the Iaxartes forms also the boundary between the Sogdians and the nomads. Now in early times the Sogdians and Bactrians did not differ much from the nomads in their modes of life and customs, although the Bactrians were a little more civilized; however, of these, as of the others, OnesicritusSee Dictionary in Vol I. does not report their best traits, saying, for instance, that those who have become helpless because of old age or sickness are thrown out alive as prey to dogs kept expressly for this purpose, which in their native tongue are called "under-takers," and that while the land outside the walls of the metropolis of the Bactrians looks clean, yet most of the land inside the walls is full of human bones; but that Alexander broke up the custom. And the reports about the Caspians are similar, for instance, that when parents live beyond seventy years they are shut in and starved to death. Now this latter custom is more tolerable; and it is similar to that of the Ceians,Cf. 10. 5. 6. although it is of Scythian origin; that of the Bactrians, however, is still more like that of the Scythians. And so, if it was proper to be in doubt as to the facts at the time when Alexander was finding such customs there, what should one say as to what sort of customs were probably in vogue among them in the time of the earliest Persian rulers and the still earlier rulers? -Be this as it may, they say that Alexander founded eight cities in Bactriana and Sogdiana, and that he razed certain cities to the ground, among which was Cariatae in Bactriana, in which Callisthenes was seized and imprisoned, and Maracanda and Cyra in Sogdiana, Cyra being the last city founded by CyrusCyrus the Elder. and being situated on the Iaxartes River, which was the boundary of the Persian empire; and that although this settlement was fond of Cyrus, he razed it to the ground because of its frequent revolts; and that through a betrayal he took also two strongly fortified rocks, one in Bactriana, that of Sisimithres, where Oxyartes kept his daughter Rhoxana, and the other in Sogdiana, that of Oxus, though some call it the rock of Ariamazes. Now writers report that that of Sisimithres is fifteen stadia in height and eighty in circuit, and that on top it is level and has a fertile soil which can support five hundred men, and that here Alexander met with sumptuous hospitality and married Rhoxana, the daughter of Oxyartes; but the rock in Sogdiana, they say, is twice as high as that in Bactriana. And near these places, they say, Alexander destroyed also the city of the Branchidae, whom Xerxes had settled there—people who voluntarily accompanied him from their homeland—because of the fact that they had betrayed to him the riches and treasures of the god at Didymi. Alexander destroyed the city, they add, because he abominated the sacrilege and the betrayal. +Be this as it may, they say that Alexander founded eight cities in Bactriana and Sogdiana, and that he razed certain cities to the ground, among which was Cariatae in Bactriana, in which Callisthenes was seized and imprisoned, and Maracanda and Cyra in Sogdiana, Cyra being the last city founded by CyrusCyrus the Elder. and being situated on the Iaxartes River, which was the boundary of the Persian empire; and that although this settlement was fond of Cyrus, he razed it to the ground because of its frequent revolts; and that through a betrayal he took also two strongly fortified rocks, one in Bactriana, that of Sisimithres, where Oxyartes kept his daughter Rhoxana, and the other in Sogdiana, that of Oxus, though some call it the rock of Ariamazes. Now writers report that that of Sisimithres is fifteen stadia in height and eighty in circuit, and that on top it is level and has a fertile soil which can support five hundred men, and that here Alexander met with sumptuous hospitality and married Rhoxana, the daughter of Oxyartes; but the rock in Sogdiana, they say, is twice as high as that in Bactriana. And near these places, they say, Alexander destroyed also the city of the Branchidae, whom Xerxes had settled there—people who voluntarily accompanied him from their homeland—because of the fact that they had betrayed to him the riches and treasures of the god at Didymi. Alexander destroyed the city, they add, because he abominated the sacrilege and the betrayal. AristobulusSee 11. 7. 3 and footnote. calls the river which flows through Sogdiana Polytimetus, a name imposed by the Macedonians (just as they imposed names on many other places, giving new names to some and slightly altering the spelling of the names of others); and watering the country it empties into a desert and sandy land, and is absorbed in the sand, like the Arius which flows through the country of the Arians. It is said that people digging near the Ochus River found oil. It is reasonable to suppose that, just as nitrousi.e., containing soda (see 11. 14. 8 and footnote). and astringent and bituminous and sulphurous liquids flow through the earth, so also oily liquids are found; but the rarity causes surprise.i.e.,, apparently, when one does happen to find them. According to some, the Ochus flows through Bactriana; according to others, alongside it. And according to some, it is a different river from the Oxus as far as its mouths, being more to the south than the Oxus, although they both have their outlets into the Caspian Sea in Hyrcania, whereas others say that it is different at first, but unites with the Oxus, being in many places as much as six or seven stadia wide. The Iaxartes, however, from beginning to end, is a different river from the Oxus, and although it ends in the same sea, the mouths of the two, according to Patrocles, are about eighty parasangs distant from one another. The Persian parasang, according to some, is sixty stadia, but according to others thirty or forty. When I was sailing up the Nile, they used different measures when they named the distance in "schoeni" from city to city, so that in some places the same number of "schoeni" meant a longer voyage and in others a shorter;On the variations in the length of the "schoenus," see 17. 1. 24. and thus the variations have been preserved to this day as handed down from the beginning. -Now the tribes one encounters in going from Hyrcania towards the rising sun as far as Sogdiana became known at first to the Persians—I mean the tribes insidei.e., "north of" Taurus (see 11. 1. 2). Taurus—and afterwards to the Macedonians and to the Parthians; and the tribes situated on the far side of those tribes and in a straight line with them are supposed, from their identity in kind, to be Scythian, although no expeditions have been made against them that I know of, any more than against the most northerly of the nomads. Now Alexander did attempt to lead an expedition against these when he was in pursuit of BessusSatrap of Bactria under Darius III. and Spitamenes, but when Bessus was captured alive and brought back, and Spitamenes was slain by the barbarians, he desisted from his undertaking. It is not generally agreed that persons have sailed around from India to Hyrcania, but Patrocles states that it is possible. -It is said that the last part of the Taurus, which is called Imaïus and borders on the Indian Sea, neither extends eastwards farther than India nor into it;To understand this discussion, see Map in Vol. I. but that, as one passes to the northern side, the sea gradually reduces the length and breadth of the country, and therefore causes to taper towards the east the portion of Asia now being sketched, which is comprehended between the Taurus and the ocean that fills the Caspian Sea. The maximum length of this portion from the Hyrcanian Sea to the ocean that is opposite the Imaïus is about thirty thousand stadia, the route being along the mountainous tract of the Taurus, and the breadth less than ten thousand; for, as has been said,See 2. 1. 3 ff. the distance from the Gulf of Issus to the eastern sea at India is about forty thousand stadia, and to Issus from the western extremity at the Pillars of Heracles thirty thousand more.See, and compare, 1. 4. 5, 2. 1. 35, 2. 4. 3, and 11. 1. 3. The recess of the Gulf of Issus is only slightly, if at all, farther east than Amisus, and the distance from Amisus to the Hyrcanian land is about ten thousand stadia, being parallel to that of the above-mentioned distance from Issus to India. Accordingly, there remain thirty thousand stadia as the above-mentioned length towards the east of the portion now described. Again, since the maximum breadth of the inhabited world, which is chlamys-shaped,See Vol. I, p. 435, note 3. is about thirty thousand stadia, this distance would be measured near the meridian line drawn through the Hyrcanian and Persian Seas, if it be true that the length of the inhabited world is seventy thousand stadia. Accordingly, if the distance from Hyrcania to Artemita in Babylonia is eight thousand stadia, as is stated by Apollodorus of Artemita, and the distance from there to the mouth of the Persian Sea another eight thousand, and again eight thousand, or a little less, to the places that lie on the same parallel as the extremities of Ethiopia, there would remain of the above-mentioned breadth of the inhabited world the distance which I have already given,Six thousand (2. 1. 17). from the recess of the Hyrcanian Sea to the mouth of that sea. Since this segment of the earth tapers towards the eastern parts, its shape would be like a cook's knife, the mountain being in a straight line and conceived of as corresponding to the edge of the knife, and the coast from the mouth of the Hyrcanian Sea to Tamarum as corresponding to the other side of the knife, which ends in a line that curves sharply to the point. -I must also mention some strange customs, everywhere talked about, of the utterly barbarous tribes; for instance, the tribes round the Caucasus and the mountainous country in general. What Euripides refers to is said to be a custom among some of them,to lament the new-born babe, in view of all the sorrows it will meet in life, but on the other hand to carry forth from their homes with joy and benedictions those who are dead and at rest from their troubles;Eur. Cresphontes 449 (Nauck)and it is said to be a custom among others to put to death none of the greatest criminals, but only to cast them and their children out of their borders—a custom contrary to that of the Derbices, for these slaughter people even for slight offences. The Derbices worship Mother Earth; and they do not sacrifice, or eat, anything that is female; and when men become over seventy years of age they are slaughtered, and their flesh is consumed by their nearest of kin; but their old women are strangled and then buried. However, the men who die under seventy years of age are not eaten, but only buried. The Siginni imitate the Persians in all their customs, except that they use ponies that are small and shaggy, which, though unable to carry a horseman, are yoked together in a four-horse team and are driven by women trained thereto from childhood; and the woman who drives best cohabits with whomever she wishes. Others are said to practise making their heads appear as long as possible and making their foreheads project beyond their chins. It is a custom of the Tapyri for the men to dress in black and wear their hair long, and for the women to dress in white and wear their hair short. They live between the Derbices and the Hyrcanians. And he who is adjudged the bravest marries whomever he wishes. The Caspians starve to death those who are over seventy years of age and place their bodies out in the desert; and then they keep watch from a distance, and if they see them dragged from their biers by birds, they consider them fortunate, and if by wild beasts or dogs, less so, but if by nothing, they consider them cursed by fortune. +Now the tribes one encounters in going from Hyrcania towards the rising sun as far as Sogdiana became known at first to the Persians—I mean the tribes insidei.e., "north of" Taurus (see 11. 1. 2). Taurus—and afterwards to the Macedonians and to the Parthians; and the tribes situated on the far side of those tribes and in a straight line with them are supposed, from their identity in kind, to be Scythian, although no expeditions have been made against them that I know of, any more than against the most northerly of the nomads. Now Alexander did attempt to lead an expedition against these when he was in pursuit of BessusSatrap of Bactria under Darius III. and Spitamenes, but when Bessus was captured alive and brought back, and Spitamenes was slain by the barbarians, he desisted from his undertaking. It is not generally agreed that persons have sailed around from India to Hyrcania, but Patrocles states that it is possible. +It is said that the last part of the Taurus, which is called Imaïus and borders on the Indian Sea, neither extends eastwards farther than India nor into it;To understand this discussion, see Map in Vol. I. but that, as one passes to the northern side, the sea gradually reduces the length and breadth of the country, and therefore causes to taper towards the east the portion of Asia now being sketched, which is comprehended between the Taurus and the ocean that fills the Caspian Sea. The maximum length of this portion from the Hyrcanian Sea to the ocean that is opposite the Imaïus is about thirty thousand stadia, the route being along the mountainous tract of the Taurus, and the breadth less than ten thousand; for, as has been said,See 2. 1. 3 ff. the distance from the Gulf of Issus to the eastern sea at India is about forty thousand stadia, and to Issus from the western extremity at the Pillars of Heracles thirty thousand more.See, and compare, 1. 4. 5, 2. 1. 35, 2. 4. 3, and 11. 1. 3. The recess of the Gulf of Issus is only slightly, if at all, farther east than Amisus, and the distance from Amisus to the Hyrcanian land is about ten thousand stadia, being parallel to that of the above-mentioned distance from Issus to India. Accordingly, there remain thirty thousand stadia as the above-mentioned length towards the east of the portion now described. Again, since the maximum breadth of the inhabited world, which is chlamys-shaped,See Vol. I, p. 435, note 3. is about thirty thousand stadia, this distance would be measured near the meridian line drawn through the Hyrcanian and Persian Seas, if it be true that the length of the inhabited world is seventy thousand stadia. Accordingly, if the distance from Hyrcania to Artemita in Babylonia is eight thousand stadia, as is stated by Apollodorus of Artemita, and the distance from there to the mouth of the Persian Sea another eight thousand, and again eight thousand, or a little less, to the places that lie on the same parallel as the extremities of Ethiopia, there would remain of the above-mentioned breadth of the inhabited world the distance which I have already given,Six thousand (2. 1. 17). from the recess of the Hyrcanian Sea to the mouth of that sea. Since this segment of the earth tapers towards the eastern parts, its shape would be like a cook's knife, the mountain being in a straight line and conceived of as corresponding to the edge of the knife, and the coast from the mouth of the Hyrcanian Sea to Tamarum as corresponding to the other side of the knife, which ends in a line that curves sharply to the point. +I must also mention some strange customs, everywhere talked about, of the utterly barbarous tribes; for instance, the tribes round the Caucasus and the mountainous country in general. What Euripides refers to is said to be a custom among some of them,to lament the new-born babe, in view of all the sorrows it will meet in life, but on the other hand to carry forth from their homes with joy and benedictions those who are dead and at rest from their troubles;Eur. Cresphontes 449 (Nauck)and it is said to be a custom among others to put to death none of the greatest criminals, but only to cast them and their children out of their borders—a custom contrary to that of the Derbices, for these slaughter people even for slight offences. The Derbices worship Mother Earth; and they do not sacrifice, or eat, anything that is female; and when men become over seventy years of age they are slaughtered, and their flesh is consumed by their nearest of kin; but their old women are strangled and then buried. However, the men who die under seventy years of age are not eaten, but only buried. The Siginni imitate the Persians in all their customs, except that they use ponies that are small and shaggy, which, though unable to carry a horseman, are yoked together in a four-horse team and are driven by women trained thereto from childhood; and the woman who drives best cohabits with whomever she wishes. Others are said to practise making their heads appear as long as possible and making their foreheads project beyond their chins. It is a custom of the Tapyri for the men to dress in black and wear their hair long, and for the women to dress in white and wear their hair short. They live between the Derbices and the Hyrcanians. And he who is adjudged the bravest marries whomever he wishes. The Caspians starve to death those who are over seventy years of age and place their bodies out in the desert; and then they keep watch from a distance, and if they see them dragged from their biers by birds, they consider them fortunate, and if by wild beasts or dogs, less so, but if by nothing, they consider them cursed by fortune.

-Since the northern parts of Asia are formed by the Taurus,— I mean the parts which are also called "Cis-Tauran" Asia,See 11. 1. 1-5. I have chosen to describe these first. These include all or most of the regions in the mountains themselves. All that lie farther east than the Caspian Gates admit of a simpler description because of the wildness of their inhabitants; and it would not make much difference whether they were named as belonging to this "clima"See Vol. I, p. 22, footnote 2. or that, whereas all that lie to the west afford abundant matter for description, and therefore I must proceed to the parts which are adjacent to the Caspian Gates. Adjacent to the Caspian Gates on the west is Media, a country at one time both extensive and powerful, and situated in the midst of the Taurus, which is split into many parts in the region of Media and contains large valleys, as is also the case in Armenia. +Since the northern parts of Asia are formed by the Taurus,— I mean the parts which are also called "Cis-Tauran" Asia,See 11. 1. 1-5. I have chosen to describe these first. These include all or most of the regions in the mountains themselves. All that lie farther east than the Caspian Gates admit of a simpler description because of the wildness of their inhabitants; and it would not make much difference whether they were named as belonging to this "clima"See Vol. I, p. 22, footnote 2. or that, whereas all that lie to the west afford abundant matter for description, and therefore I must proceed to the parts which are adjacent to the Caspian Gates. Adjacent to the Caspian Gates on the west is Media, a country at one time both extensive and powerful, and situated in the midst of the Taurus, which is split into many parts in the region of Media and contains large valleys, as is also the case in Armenia. For this mountain has its beginning in Caria and Lycia; there, indeed, it has neither any considerable breadth nor height, but it first rises to a considerable height opposite the Chelidoniae, which are islands at the beginning of the coast of Pamphylia, and then stretching towards the east enclose long valleys, those in Cilicia, and then on one side the Amanus Mountain splits off it and on the other the Antitaurus Mountain, in which latter is situated Comana, in Upper Cappadocia, as it is called. Now the Antitaurus ends in Cataonia, whereas the mountain Amanus extends to the Euphrates River and Melitina where Commagene lies adjacent to Cappadocia. And it is succeeded in turn by the mountains on the far side of the Euphrates, which are continuous with those aforementioned, except that they are cleft by the river that flows through the midst of them. Here its height and breadth greatly increase and its branches are more numerous. At all events, the most southerly part is the Taurus proper, which separates Armenia from Mesopotamia. Thence flow both rivers, I mean the Euphrates and the Tigris, which encircle Mesopotamia and closely approach each other in Babylonia and then empty into the Persian Sea. The Euphrates is not only the larger of the two rivers, but also, with its winding stream, traverses more country, having its sources in the northerly region of the Taurus, and flowing towards the west through Greater Armenia, as it is called, to Lesser Armenia, having the latter on its right and Acilisene on the left. It then bends towards the south, and at its bend joins the boundaries of Cappadocia; and leaving these and the region of Commagene on the right, and Acilisene and Sophene in Greater Armenia on the left, it runs on to Syria and again makes another bend into Babylonia and the Persian Gulf. The Tigris, running from the southerly part of the same mountain to Seleuceia, approaches close to the Euphrates and with it forms Mesopotamia, and then flows into the same gulf as the Euphrates. The sources of the Euphrates and the Tigris are about two thousand five hundred stadia distant from each other. Now the Taurus has numerous branches towards the north, one of which is that of the Antitaurus, as it is called, for there too the mountain which encloses Sophene in a valley situated between itself and the Taurus was so named. On the far side of the Euphrates, near Lesser Armenia and next to the Antitaurus towards the north, there stretches a large mountain with many branches, one of which is called Paryadres, another the Moschian Mountains, and another which is called by various names; and these comprehend the whole of Armenia as far as Iberia and Albania. Then other mountains rise towards the east, I mean those which lie above the Caspian Sea, extending as far as Media, not only the Atropatian Media but also the Greater Media. Not only all these parts of the mountains are called Parachoathras, but also those which extend to the Caspian Gates and those which extend still farther towards the east, I mean those which border on Aria. The mountains on the north, then, bear these names, whereas those on the south, on the far side of the Euphrates, in their extent towards the east from Cappadocia and Commagene, are, at their beginning, called Taurus proper,Cf. 11. 12. 3. which separates Sophene and the rest of Armenia from Mesopotamia; by some, however, these are called the Gordyaean Mountains, and among these belongs also Masius, the mountain which is situated above Nisibis and Tigranocerta. Then the Taurus rises higher and bears the name Niphates; and somewhere here are the sources of the Tigris, on the southern side of the mountainous country. Then from the Niphates the mountain chain extends still farther and farther and forms the mountain Zagrus which separates Media and Babylonia. After the Zagrus there follows, above Babylonia, the mountainous country of the Elymaei and that of the Paraetaceni, and also, above Media, that of the Cossaei. In the middle are Media and Armenia, which comprise many mountains, many plateaus, and likewise many low plains and large valleys, and also numerous tribes that live round among the mountains and are small in numbers and range the mountains and for the most part are given to brigandage. Thus, then, I am placing inside the Taurus both Media, to which the Caspian Gates belong, and Armenia. @@ -841,7 +841,7 @@ Such is the nature of the country. As for its size, its length and breadth are approximately equal. The greatest breadth of Media seems to be that from the pass that leads over the Zagrus, which is called Medic Gate, to the Caspian Gates through Sigriane, four thousand one hundred stadia. The reports on the tributes paid agree with the size and the power of the country; for Cappadocia paid the Persians yearly, in addition to the silver tax, fifteen hundred horses, two thousand mules, and fifty thousand sheep, whereas Media paid almost twice as much as this. As for customs, most of theirs and of those of the Armenians are the same, because their countries are similar. The Medes, however, are said to have been the originators of customs for the Armenians, and also, still earlier, for the Persians, who were their masters and their successors in the supreme authority over Asia. For example, their "Persian" stole,i.e., robe (cf. Lat. "stola"). as it is now called, and their zeal for archery and horsemanship, and the court they pay to their kings, and their ornaments, and the divine reverence paid by subjects to kings, came to the Persians from the Medes. And that this is true is particularly clear from their dress; for tiara,The royal tiara was high and erect an encircled with a diadem, while that of the people was soft and fell over on one side. citaris,A kind of Persian head-dress. Aristoph. Birds 497 compares a cock's comb to it. pilus,A felt skull-cap, like a fez. tunics with sleeves reaching to the hands, and trousers, are indeed suitable things to wear in cold and northerly regions, such as the Medes wear, but by no means in southerly regions; and most of the settlements possessed by the Persians were on the Red Sea, farther south than the country of the Babylonians and the Susians. But after the overthrow of the Medes the Persians acquired in addition certain parts of the country that reached to Media. However, the customs even of the conquered looked to the conquerors so august and appropriate to royal pomp that they submitted to wear feminine robes instead of going naked or lightly clad, and to cover their bodies all over with clothes. Some say that Medeia introduced this kind of dress when she, along with Jason, held dominion in this region, even concealing her face whenever she went out in public in place of the king; and that the Jasonian hero-chapels, which are much revered by the barbarians, are memorials of Jason (and above the Caspian Gates on the left is a large mountain called Jasonium), whereas the dress and the name of the country are memorials of Medeia. It is said also that Medus her son succeeded to the empire and left his own name to the country. In agreement with this are the Jasonia of Armenia and the name of that countrySee 11. 4. 8. and several other things which I shall discuss. -This, too, is a Medic custom—to choose the bravest man as king; not, however, among all Medes, but only among the mountaineers. More general is the custom for the kings to have many wives; this is the custom of the mountaineers of the Medes, and all Medes, and they are not permitted to have less than five; likewise, the women are said to account it an honorable thing to have as many husbands as possible and to consider less than five a calamity.So the Greek of all MSS.; But the editors since Du Theil regard the Greek text as corrupt, assuming that the women in question did not have plural husbands. Accordingly, some emend the text to make it say, "for their husbands to have as many wives as possible and consider less than five a calamity". But though the rest of Media is extremely fertile, the northerly mountainous part has poor soil; at any rate, the people live on the fruits of trees, making cakes out of apples that are sliced and dried, and bread from roasted almonds; and they squeeze out a wine from certain roots; and they use the meat of wild animals, but do not breed tame animals. Thus much I add concerning the Medes. As for the institutions in common use throughout the whole of Media, since they prove to have been the same as those of the Persians because of the conquest of the Persians, I shall discuss them in my account of the latter. +This, too, is a Medic custom—to choose the bravest man as king; not, however, among all Medes, but only among the mountaineers. More general is the custom for the kings to have many wives; this is the custom of the mountaineers of the Medes, and all Medes, and they are not permitted to have less than five; likewise, the women are said to account it an honorable thing to have as many husbands as possible and to consider less than five a calamity.So the Greek of all MSS.; But the editors since Du Theil regard the Greek text as corrupt, assuming that the women in question did not have plural husbands. Accordingly, some emend the text to make it say, "for their husbands to have as many wives as possible and consider less than five a calamity". But though the rest of Media is extremely fertile, the northerly mountainous part has poor soil; at any rate, the people live on the fruits of trees, making cakes out of apples that are sliced and dried, and bread from roasted almonds; and they squeeze out a wine from certain roots; and they use the meat of wild animals, but do not breed tame animals. Thus much I add concerning the Medes. As for the institutions in common use throughout the whole of Media, since they prove to have been the same as those of the Persians because of the conquest of the Persians, I shall discuss them in my account of the latter.

@@ -850,7 +850,7 @@ For the Euphrates, having its beginnings on the northern side of the Taurus, flows at first towards the west through Armenia, and then bends towards the south and cuts through the Taurus between Armenia, Cappadocia, and Commagene, and then, after falling outside the Taurus and reaching the borders of Syria, it bends towards the winter-sunriseSee Vol. I, p. 105, note 2. as far as Babylon, and with the Tigris forms Mesopotamia; and both rivers end in the Persian Gulf. Such, then, is our circuit of Armenia, almost all parts being mountainous and rugged, except the few which verge towards Media. But since the above-mentioned TaurusCf. 11. 12. 4. takes a new beginning on the far side of the Euphrates opposite Commagene and Melitene, countries formed by that river, Mt. Masius is the mountain which ties above the Mygdonians of Mesopotamia on the south, in whose country is Nisibis, whereas Sophene is situated in the northern parts, between Masius and Antitaurus. The Antitaurus takes its beginning at the Euphrates and the Taurus and ends towards the eastern parts of Armenia, thus on one side enclosing the middle of Sophene,i.e., "enclosing Sophene in a valley between itself (the Antitaurus) and the Taurus" (11. 12. 4) and having on its other side Acilisene, which is situated between the Antitaurus and the river land. of the Euphrates, before that river bends towards the south. The royal city of Sophene is Carcathiocerta. Above Mt. Masius, far towards the east opposite Gordyene, lies Mt. Niphates; and then comes Mt. Abus, whence flow both the Euphrates and the Araxes, the former towards the west and the latter towards the east; and then Mt. Nibarus, which stretches as far as Media. I have already described the course of the Euphrates. As for the Araxes, it first flows towards the east as far as Atropatene, and then bends towards the west and towards the north and flows first past Azara and then past Artaxata, Armenian cities, and then, passing through the Araxene Plain, empties into the Caspian Sea. In Armenia itself there are many mountains and many plateaus, in which not even the vine can easily grow; and also many valleys, some only moderately fertile, others very fertile, for instance, the Araxene Plain, through which the Araxes River flows to the extremities of Albania and then empties into the Caspian Sea. After these comes Sacasene, this too bordering on Albania and the Cyrus River; and then comes Gogarene. Indeed, the whole of this country abounds in fruits and cultivated trees and evergreens, and even bears the olive. There is also Phauene, a province of Armenia, and Comisene, and Orchistene, which last furnishes the most cavalry. Chorsene and Cambysene are the most northerly and the most subject to snows, bordering on the Caucasian mountains and Iberia and Colchis. It is said that here, on the passes over the mountains, whole caravans are often swallowed up in the snow when unusually violent snowstorms take place, and that to meet such dangers people carry staves, which they raise to the surface of the snow in order to get air to breathe and to signify their plight to people who come along, so as to obtain assistance, be dug out, and safely escape. It is said that hollow masses of ice form in the snow which contain good water, in a coat of ice as it were; and also that living creatures breed in the snow (ApollonidesSee Vol. III, p. 234, footnote 2. calls these creatures "scoleces","Worms" or "larvae." and TheophanesSee footnote on 11. 2. 2. "thripes"Woodworms.); and that good water is enclosed in these hollow masses which people obtain for drinking by slitting open the coats of ice; and the genesis of these creatures is supposed to be like that of the gnats which spring from the flames and sparks at mines. -According to report, Armenia, though a small country in earlier times, was enlarged by Artaxias and Zariadris, who formerly were generals of Antiochus the Great,Reigned as king of Syria 223-187 B.C. but later, after his defeat, reigned as kings (the former as king of Sophene, Acisene, Odomantis, and certain other countries, and the latter as king of the country round Artaxata), and jointly enlarged their kingdoms by cutting off for themselves parts of the surrounding nations,—I mean by cutting off Caspiane and Phaunitis and Basoropeda from the country of the Medes; and the country along the side of Mt. Paryadres and Chorsene and Gogarene, which last is on the far side of the Cyrus River, from that of the Iberians; and Carenitis and Xerxene, which border on Lesser Armenia or else are parts of it, from that of the Chalybians and the Mosynoeci; and Acilisene and the country round the Antitaurus from that of the Cataonians; and Taronitis from that of the Syrians; and therefore they all speak the same language, as we are told. +According to report, Armenia, though a small country in earlier times, was enlarged by Artaxias and Zariadris, who formerly were generals of Antiochus the Great,Reigned as king of Syria 223-187 B.C. but later, after his defeat, reigned as kings (the former as king of Sophene, Acisene, Odomantis, and certain other countries, and the latter as king of the country round Artaxata), and jointly enlarged their kingdoms by cutting off for themselves parts of the surrounding nations,—I mean by cutting off Caspiane and Phaunitis and Basoropeda from the country of the Medes; and the country along the side of Mt. Paryadres and Chorsene and Gogarene, which last is on the far side of the Cyrus River, from that of the Iberians; and Carenitis and Xerxene, which border on Lesser Armenia or else are parts of it, from that of the Chalybians and the Mosynoeci; and Acilisene and the country round the Antitaurus from that of the Cataonians; and Taronitis from that of the Syrians; and therefore they all speak the same language, as we are told. The cities of Armenia are Artaxata, also called Artaxiasata, which was founded by HannibalThe Carthaginian. for Artaxias the king, and Arxata, both on the Araxes River, Arxata being near the borders of Atropatia, whereas Artaxata is near the Araxene plain, being a beautiful settlement and the royal residence of the country. It is situated on a peninsula-like elbow of land and its walls have the river as protection all round them, except at the isthmus, which is enclosed by a trench and a palisade. Not far from the city are the treasuries of Tigranes and Artavasdes,Father and son respectively, kings of Armenia. the strong fortresses Babyrsa and Olane. And there were other fortresses on the Euphrates. Of these, Artageras was caused to revolt by Ador, its commandant, but Caesar's generals sacked it after a long siege and destroyed its walls. There are several rivers in the country, but the best known are the Phasis and the Lycus, which empty into the Pontic Sea (Eratosthenes wrongly writes "Thermodon" instead of "Lycus"), whereas the Cyrus and the Araxes empty into the Caspian Sea, and the Euphrates and the Tigris into the Red Sea. There are also large lakes in Armenia; one the Mantiane, which being translated means "Blue";Mantiane (apparently the word should be spelled "Matiane"; see 11. 8. 8 and 11. 13. 2) is the lake called "Capauta" in 11. 13. 2, Capauta meaning "Blue" and corresponding to the old Armenian name Kapoit-azow (Blue Lake), according to Tozer (note ad loc.), quoting Kiepert. it is the largest salt water lake after Lake Maeotis, as they say, extending as far as Atropatia; and it also has salt-works. Another is Arsene, also called Thopitis.On the position of this lake see Tozer (ad loc.). It contains soda,The Greek word "nitron" means "soda" (carbonate of soda, our washing soda), and should not be confused with our "nitre" (potassium nitrate), nor yet translated "potash" (potassium carbonate). Southgate (Narrative of a Tour through Armenia, Kurdistan, etc., Vol. II, p. 306, Eng. ed.) says that "a chemical analysis of a specimen shows it to be alkaline salts, composed chiefly of carbonate of soda and chloride" (chlorite in Tozer is a typographical error) "of sodium" (salt). and it cleanses and restores clothes;See 11. 13. 2. but because of this ingredient the water is also unfit for drinking. The Tigris flows through this lake after issuing from the mountainous country near the Niphates; and because of its swiftness it keeps its current unmixed with the lake; whence the name Tigris, since the Median word for "arrow" is "tigris." And while the river has fish of many kinds, the fish in the lake are of one kind only. Near the recess of the lake the river falls into a pit, and after flowing underground for a considerable distance rises near Chalonitis.There must have been a second Chalonitis, one "not far from Gordyaea" (see 16. 1. 21), as distinguished from that in eastern Assyria, or else there is an error in the name. Thence the river begins to flow down towards Opis and the wall of Semiramis, as it is called, leaving the Gordiaeans and the whole of Mesopotamia on the right, while the Euphrates, on the contrary, has the same country on the left. Having approached one another and formed Mesopotamia, the former flows through Seleuceia to the Persian Gulf and the latter through Babylon, as I have already said somewhere in my arguments against Eratosthenes and Hipparchus.2. 1. 27. @@ -860,15 +860,15 @@ There is an ancient story of the Armenian race to this effect: that Armenus of Armenium, a Thessalian city, which lies between Pherae and Larisa on Lake Boebe, as I have already said,11. 4. 8. accompanied Jason into Armenia; and Cyrsilus the Pharsalian and Medius the Larisaean, who accompanied Alexander, say that Armenia was named after him, and that, of the followers of Armenus, some took up their abode in Acilisene, which in earlier times was subject to the Sopheni, whereas others took up their abode in Syspiritis, as far as Calachene and Adiabene, outside the Armenian mountains. They also say that the clothing of the Armenians is Thessalian, for example, the long tunics, which in tragedies are called Thessalian and are girded round the breast; and also the cloaks that are fastened on with clasps, another way in which the tragedians imitated the Thessalians, for the tragedians had to have some alien decoration of this kind; and since the Thessalians in particular wore long robes, probably because they of all the Greeks lived in the most northerly and coldest region, they were the most suitable objects of imitation for actors in their theatrical make-ups. And they say that their style of horsemanship is Thessalian, both theirs and alike that of the Medes. To this the expedition of Jason and the Jasonian monuments bear witness, some of which were built by the sovereigns of the country, just as the temple of Jason at Abdera was built by Parmenion. It is thought that the Araxes was given the same name as the Peneius by Armenus and his followers because of its similarity to that river, for that river too, they say, was called Araxes because of the fact that it "cleft""ap-arax-ae" is the Greek verb. Ossa from Olympus, the cleft called Tempe. And it is said that in ancient times the Araxes in Armenia, after descending from the mountains, spread out and formed a sea in the plains below, since it had no outlet, but that Jason, to make it like Tempe, made the cleft through which the water now precipitates"cat-arax-ae." itself into the Caspian Sea, and that in consequence of this the Araxene Plain, through which the river flows to its precipitateAgain a play of the root "arax." descent, was relieved of the sea. Now this account of the Araxes contains some plausibility, but that of Herodotus not at all; for he says that after flowing out of the country of the Matieni it splits into forty rivers"The Araxes discharges through forty mouths, of which all, except one, empty into marshes and shoals. . . . The one remaining mouth flows through a clear channel into the Caspian sea" (Herod. 1. 202) and separates the Scythians from the Bactrians. Callisthenes, also, follows Herodotus. It is also said of certain of the Aenianes that some of them took up their abode in Vitia and others above the Armenians beyond the Abus and the Nibarus. These two mountains are parts of the Taurus, and of these the Abus is near the road that leads into Ecbatana past the temple of Baris. It is also said that certain of the Thracians, those called "Saraparae," that is "Decapitators," took up their abode beyond Armenia near the Guranii and the Medes, a fierce and intractable people, mountaineers, scalpers, and beheaders, for this last is the meaning of "Saraparae." I have already discussed Medeia in my account of the Medes;11. 13. 10. and therefore, from all this, it is supposed that both the Medes and the Armenians are in a way kinsmen to the Thessalians and the descendants of Jason and Medeia. -This, then, is the ancient account; but the more recent account, and that which begins with Persian times and extends continuously to our own, might appropriately be stated in brief as follows: The Persians and Macedonians were in possession of Armenia; after this, those who held Syria and Media; and the last was Orontes, the descendant of Hydarnes, one of the seven Persians;See Hdt. 3.70 and then the country was divided into two parts by Artaxias and Zariadris, the generals of Antiochus the Great, who made war against the Romans; and these generals ruled the country, since it was turned over to them by the king; but when the king was defeated, they joined the Romans and were ranked as autonomous, with the title of king. Now Tigranes was a descendant of Artaxias and held what is properly called Armenia, which lay adjacent to Media and Albania and Iberia, extending as far as Colchis and Cappadocia on the Euxine, whereas the Sophenian Artanes, who held the southern parts and those that lay more to the west than these, was a descendant of Zariadris. But he was overcome by Tigranes, who established himself as lord of all. The changes of fortune experienced by Tigranes were varied, for at first he was a hostage among the Parthians; and then through them he obtained the privilege of returning home, they receiving as reward therefore seventy valleys in Armenia; but when he had grown in power, he not only took these places back but also devastated their country, both that about Ninus and that about Arbela; and he subjugated to himself the rulers of Atropene and Gordyaea, and along with these the rest of Mesopotamia, and also crossed the Euphrates and by main strength took Syria itself and Phoenicia; and, exalted to this height, he also founded a city near Iberia,This cannot be the country Iberia; and, so far as is known, the region in question had no city of that name. Kramer conjectures "Nisibis" (cp. 11. 12. 4); but C. Müller, more plausibly, "Carrhae." Cp. the references to "Carrhae" in 16. 2. 23. between this place and the Zeugma on the Euphrates; and, having gathered peoples thither from twelve Greek cities which he had laid waste, he named it Tigranocerta; but Leucullus, who had waged war against Mithridates, arrived before Tigranes finished his undertaking and not only dismissed the inhabitants to their several home-lands but also attacked and pulled down the city, which was still only half finished, and left it a small village;69 B.C. and he drove Tigranes out of both Syria and Phoenicia. His successor ArtavasdesSee 11. 13. 4. was indeed prosperous for a time, while he was a friend to the Romans, but when he betrayed Antony to the Parthians in his war against them he paid the penalty for it, for he was carried off prisoner to Alexandreia by Antony and was paraded in chains through the city; and for a time he was kept in prison, but was afterwards slain, when the Actian war broke out. After him several kings reigned, these being subject to Caesar and the Romans; and still today the country is governed in the same way. -Now the sacred rites of the Persians, one and all, are held in honor by both the Medes and the Armenians; but those of Anaïtis are held in exceptional honor by the Armenians, who have built temples in her honor in different places, and especially in Acilisene. Here they dedicate to her service male and female slaves. This, indeed, is not a remarkable thing; but the most illustrious men of the tribe actually consecrate to her their daughters while maidens; and it is the custom for these first to be prostituted in the temple of the goddess for a long time and after this to be given in marriage; and no one disdains to live in wedlock with such a woman. Something of this kind is told also by Herodotus1. 93, 199. in his account of the Lydian women, who, one and all, he says, prostitute themselves. And they are so kindly disposed to their paramours that they not only entertain them hospitably but also exchange presents with them, often giving more than they receive, inasmuch as the girls from wealthy homes are supplied with means. However, they do not admit any man that comes along, but preferably those of equal rank with themselves.

+This, then, is the ancient account; but the more recent account, and that which begins with Persian times and extends continuously to our own, might appropriately be stated in brief as follows: The Persians and Macedonians were in possession of Armenia; after this, those who held Syria and Media; and the last was Orontes, the descendant of Hydarnes, one of the seven Persians;See Hdt. 3.70 and then the country was divided into two parts by Artaxias and Zariadris, the generals of Antiochus the Great, who made war against the Romans; and these generals ruled the country, since it was turned over to them by the king; but when the king was defeated, they joined the Romans and were ranked as autonomous, with the title of king. Now Tigranes was a descendant of Artaxias and held what is properly called Armenia, which lay adjacent to Media and Albania and Iberia, extending as far as Colchis and Cappadocia on the Euxine, whereas the Sophenian Artanes, who held the southern parts and those that lay more to the west than these, was a descendant of Zariadris. But he was overcome by Tigranes, who established himself as lord of all. The changes of fortune experienced by Tigranes were varied, for at first he was a hostage among the Parthians; and then through them he obtained the privilege of returning home, they receiving as reward therefore seventy valleys in Armenia; but when he had grown in power, he not only took these places back but also devastated their country, both that about Ninus and that about Arbela; and he subjugated to himself the rulers of Atropene and Gordyaea, and along with these the rest of Mesopotamia, and also crossed the Euphrates and by main strength took Syria itself and Phoenicia; and, exalted to this height, he also founded a city near Iberia,This cannot be the country Iberia; and, so far as is known, the region in question had no city of that name. Kramer conjectures "Nisibis" (cp. 11. 12. 4); but C. Müller, more plausibly, "Carrhae." Cp. the references to "Carrhae" in 16. 2. 23. between this place and the Zeugma on the Euphrates; and, having gathered peoples thither from twelve Greek cities which he had laid waste, he named it Tigranocerta; but Leucullus, who had waged war against Mithridates, arrived before Tigranes finished his undertaking and not only dismissed the inhabitants to their several home-lands but also attacked and pulled down the city, which was still only half finished, and left it a small village;69 B.C. and he drove Tigranes out of both Syria and Phoenicia. His successor ArtavasdesSee 11. 13. 4. was indeed prosperous for a time, while he was a friend to the Romans, but when he betrayed Antony to the Parthians in his war against them he paid the penalty for it, for he was carried off prisoner to Alexandreia by Antony and was paraded in chains through the city; and for a time he was kept in prison, but was afterwards slain, when the Actian war broke out. After him several kings reigned, these being subject to Caesar and the Romans; and still today the country is governed in the same way. +Now the sacred rites of the Persians, one and all, are held in honor by both the Medes and the Armenians; but those of Anaïtis are held in exceptional honor by the Armenians, who have built temples in her honor in different places, and especially in Acilisene. Here they dedicate to her service male and female slaves. This, indeed, is not a remarkable thing; but the most illustrious men of the tribe actually consecrate to her their daughters while maidens; and it is the custom for these first to be prostituted in the temple of the goddess for a long time and after this to be given in marriage; and no one disdains to live in wedlock with such a woman. Something of this kind is told also by Herodotus1. 93, 199. in his account of the Lydian women, who, one and all, he says, prostitute themselves. And they are so kindly disposed to their paramours that they not only entertain them hospitably but also exchange presents with them, often giving more than they receive, inasmuch as the girls from wealthy homes are supplied with means. However, they do not admit any man that comes along, but preferably those of equal rank with themselves.

Cappadocia,From Xylander to Meineke the editors agree that a portion of text at the beginning of this Book is missing. also, is a country of many parts and has undergone numerous changes. However, the inhabitants who speak the same language are, generally speaking, those who are bounded on the south by the "Cilician" Taurus, as it is called, and on the east by Armenia and Colchis and by the intervening peoples who speak a different group of languages, and on the north by the Euxine as far as the outlets of the Halys River, and on the west both by the tribe of the Paphlagonians and by those Galatae who settled in Phrygia and extended as far as the Lycaonians and those Cilicians who occupy Cilicia Tracheia."Rugged" Cilicia. -Now as for the tribes themselves which speak the same language, the ancients set one of them, the Cataonians, by themselves, contradistinguishing them from the Cappadocians, regarding the latter as a different tribe; and in their enumeration of the tribes they placed Cataonia alter Cappadocia, and then placed the Euphrates and the tribes beyond it so as to include in Cataonia Melitene, which lies between Cataonia and the Euphrates, borders on Commagene, and, according to the division of Cappadocia into ten prefectures, is a tenth portion of the country. Indeed, it was in this way that the kings in my time who preceded Archeläus held their several prefectures over Cappadocia. And Cataonia, also, is a tenth portion of Cappadocia. In my time each of the two countries had its own prefect; but since, as compared with the other Cappadocians, there is no difference to be seen either in the language or in any other usages of the Cataonians, it is remarkable how utterly all signs of their being a different tribe have disappeared. At any rate, they were once a distinct tribe, but they were annexed by Ariarathes, the first man to be called king of the Cappadocians. +Now as for the tribes themselves which speak the same language, the ancients set one of them, the Cataonians, by themselves, contradistinguishing them from the Cappadocians, regarding the latter as a different tribe; and in their enumeration of the tribes they placed Cataonia alter Cappadocia, and then placed the Euphrates and the tribes beyond it so as to include in Cataonia Melitene, which lies between Cataonia and the Euphrates, borders on Commagene, and, according to the division of Cappadocia into ten prefectures, is a tenth portion of the country. Indeed, it was in this way that the kings in my time who preceded Archeläus held their several prefectures over Cappadocia. And Cataonia, also, is a tenth portion of Cappadocia. In my time each of the two countries had its own prefect; but since, as compared with the other Cappadocians, there is no difference to be seen either in the language or in any other usages of the Cataonians, it is remarkable how utterly all signs of their being a different tribe have disappeared. At any rate, they were once a distinct tribe, but they were annexed by Ariarathes, the first man to be called king of the Cappadocians. Cappadocia constitutes the isthmus,as it were, of a large peninsula bounded by two seas, by that of the Issian Gulf as far as Cilicia Tracheia and by that of the Euxine as far as Sinope and the coast of the Tibareni. I mean by "peninsula" all the country which is west of Cappadocia this side the isthmus, which by Herodotus is called "the country this side the Halys River"; for this is the country which in its entirety was ruled by Croesus, whom Herodotus calls the tyrant of the tribes this side the Halys River.1. 6, 28. However, the writers of today give the name of Asia to the country this side the Taurus, applying to this country the same name as to the whole continent of Asia. This Asia comprises the first nations on the east, the Paphlagonians and Phrygians and Lycaonians, and then the Bithynians and Mysians and the Epictetus,The territory later "Acquired" (2. 5. 31). and, besides these, the Troad and Hellespontia, and after these, on the sea, the Aeolians and Ionians, who are Greeks, and, among the rest, the Carians and Lycians, and, in the interior, the Lydians. As for the other tribes, I shall speak of them later. -Cappadocia was divided into two satrapies by the Persians at the time when it was taken over by the Macedonians; the Macedonians willingly allowed one part of the country, but unwillingly the other, to change to kingdoms instead of satrapies; and one of these kingdoms they named "Cappadocia Proper" and "Cappadocia near Taurus", and even "Greater Cappadocia," and the other they named "Pontus," though others named it Cappadocia Pontica. As for Greater Cappadocia, we at present do not yet know its administrative divisions,A.D. 17. for after the death of king Archeläus CaesarTiberius Caesar. and the senate decreed that it was a Roman province. But when, in the reign of Archeläus and of the kings who preceded him, the country was divided into ten prefectures, those near the Taurus were reckoned as five in number, I mean Melitene, Cataonia, Cilicia, Tyanitis, and Garsauritis; and Laviansene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene, and Morimene as the remaining five. The Romans later assigned to the predecessors of Archeläus an eleventh prefecture, taken from Cilicia, I mean the country round Castabala and Cybistra, extending to Derbe, which last had belonged to Antipater the pirate; and to Archeläus they further assigned the part of Cilicia Tracheia round Elaeussa, and also all the country that had organized the business of piracy. +Cappadocia was divided into two satrapies by the Persians at the time when it was taken over by the Macedonians; the Macedonians willingly allowed one part of the country, but unwillingly the other, to change to kingdoms instead of satrapies; and one of these kingdoms they named "Cappadocia Proper" and "Cappadocia near Taurus", and even "Greater Cappadocia," and the other they named "Pontus," though others named it Cappadocia Pontica. As for Greater Cappadocia, we at present do not yet know its administrative divisions,A.D. 17. for after the death of king Archeläus CaesarTiberius Caesar. and the senate decreed that it was a Roman province. But when, in the reign of Archeläus and of the kings who preceded him, the country was divided into ten prefectures, those near the Taurus were reckoned as five in number, I mean Melitene, Cataonia, Cilicia, Tyanitis, and Garsauritis; and Laviansene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene, and Morimene as the remaining five. The Romans later assigned to the predecessors of Archeläus an eleventh prefecture, taken from Cilicia, I mean the country round Castabala and Cybistra, extending to Derbe, which last had belonged to Antipater the pirate; and to Archeläus they further assigned the part of Cilicia Tracheia round Elaeussa, and also all the country that had organized the business of piracy.

@@ -877,22 +877,22 @@ Cataonia is a broad hollow plain, and produces everything except evergreen-trees. It is surrounded on its southern side by mountains, among others by the Amanus, which is a branch of the Cilician Taurus, and by the Antitaurus, which branches off in the opposite direction; for the Amanus extends from Cataonia to Cilicia and the Syrian Sea towards the west and south, and in this intervening space it surrounds the whole of the Gulf of Issus and the intervening plains of the Cilicians which lie towards the Taurus. But the Antitaurus inclines to the north and takes a slightly easterly direction, and then terminates in the interior of the country. In this Antitaurus are deep and narrow valleys, in which are situated Comana and the temple of Enyo,Goddess of war (Hom. Il. 5.333). whom the people there call "Ma." It is a considerable city; its inhabitants, however, consist mostly of the divinely inspired people and the temple-servants who live in it. Its inhabitants are Cataonians, who, though in a general way classed as subject to the king, are in most respects subject to the priest. The priest is master of the temple, and also of the temple-servants, who on my sojourn there were more than six thousand in number, men and women together. Also, considerable territory belongs to the temple, and the revenue is enjoyed by the priest. He is second in rank in Cappadocia after the king; and in general the priests belonged to the same family as the kings. It is thought that Orestes, with his sister Iphigeneia, brought these sacred rites here from the Tauric Scythia, the rites in honor of Artemis Tauropolus, and that here they also deposited the hairIn Greek, "Kome," the name of the city being "Komana," or, translated into English, "Comana." of mourning; whence the city's name. Now the Sarus River flows through this city and passes out through the gorges of the Taurus to the plains of the Cilicians and to the sea that lies below them. But the Pyramus, a navigable river with its sources in the middle of the plain, flows through Cataonia. There is a notable pit in the earth through which one can see the water as it runs into a long hidden passage underground and then rises to the surface. If one lets down a javelin from above into the pit,At the outlet, of course. the force of the water resists so strongly that the javelin can hardly be immersed in it. But although it flows in great volume because of its immense depth and breadth, yet, when it reaches the Taurus, it undergoes a remarkable contraction; and remarkable also is the cleft of the mountain through which the stream is carried; for, as in the case of rocks which have been broken and split into two parts, the projections on either side correspond so exactly to the cavities on the other that they could be fitted together, so it was in the case of the rocks I saw there, which, lying above the river on either side and reaching up to the summit of the mountain at a distance of two or three plethra from each other, had cavities corresponding with the opposite projections. The whole intervening bed is rock, and it has a cleft through the middle which is deep and so extremely narrow that a dog or hare could leap across it. This cleft is the channel of the river, is full to the brim, and in breadth resembles a canal; but on account of the crookedness of its course and its great contraction in width and the depth of the gorge, a noise like thunder strikes the ears of travellers long before they reach it. In passing out through the mountains it brings down so much silt to the sea, partly from Cataonia and partly from the Cilician plains, that even an oracle is reported as having been given out in reference to it, as follows: Men that are yet to be shall experience this at the time when the Pyramus of the silver eddies shall silt up its sacred sea-beach and come to Cyprus.Cf. quotation of the same oracle in 1. 3. 7. Indeed, something similar to this takes place also in Egypt, since the Nile is always turning the sea into dry land by throwing out silt. Accordingly, Herodotus2. 5. calls Egypt "the gift of the Nile," while HomerHom. Od. 4.354. speaks of Pharos as "being out in the open sea," since in earlier times it was not, as now, connected with the mainland of Egypt.i.e., "has become, in a sense, a peninsula" (1. 3. 17). -Section 5 seems to belong after 6, as Kramer points out.The third in rank is the priesthood of Zeus Daciëus,At Morimenes (see next paragraph). which, though inferior to that of Enyo, is noteworthy. At this place there is a reservoir of salt water which has the circumference of a considerable lake; it is shut in by brows of hills so high and steep that people go down to it by ladder-like steps. The water, they say, neither increases nor anywhere has a visible outflow. +Section 5 seems to belong after 6, as Kramer points out.The third in rank is the priesthood of Zeus Daciëus,At Morimenes (see next paragraph). which, though inferior to that of Enyo, is noteworthy. At this place there is a reservoir of salt water which has the circumference of a considerable lake; it is shut in by brows of hills so high and steep that people go down to it by ladder-like steps. The water, they say, neither increases nor anywhere has a visible outflow. Neither the plain of the Cataonians nor the country Melitene has a city, but they have strongholds on the mountains, I mean Azamora and Dastarcum; and round the latter flows the Carmalas River. It contains also a temple, that of the Cataonian Apollo, which is held in honor throughout the whole of Cappadocia, the Cappadocians having made it the model of temples of their own. Neither do the other prefectures, except two, contain cities; and of the remaining prefectures, Sargarausene contains a small town Herpa, and also the Carmalas River, this tooLike the Sarus (12. 2. 3). emptying into the Cilician Sea. In the other prefectures are Argos, a lofty stronghold near the Taurus, and Nora, now called Neroassus, in which Eumenes held out against a siege for a long time. In my time it served as the treasury of Sisines, who made an attack upon the empire of the Cappadocians. To him belonged also Cadena, which had the royal palace and had the aspect of a city. Situated on the borders of Lycaonia is also a town called Garsauira. This too is said once to have been the metropolis of the country. In Morimene, at Venasa, is the temple of the Venasian Zeus, which has a settlement of almost three thousand temple-servants and also a sacred territory that is very productive, affording the priest a yearly revenue of fifteen talents. He, too, is priest for life, as is the Priest at Comana, and is second in rank after him. -Only two prefectures have cities, Tyanitis the city Tyana, which lies below the Taurus at the Cilician Gates, where for all is the easiest and most commonly used pass into Cilicia and Syria. It is called "Eusebeia near the Taurus"; and its territory is for the most part fertile and level. Tyana is situated upon a mound of Semiramis,Numerous mounds were ascribed to Semiramis (see 16. 1. 3). which is beautifully fortified. Not far from this city are Castabala and Cybistra, towns still nearer to the mountain. At Castabala is the temple of the Perasian Artemis, where the priestesses, it is said, walk with naked feet over hot embers without pain. And here, too, some tell us over and over the same story of Orestes and Tauropolus,i.e., Artemis Tauropolus (see 12. 2. 3). asserting that she was called "Perasian" because she was brought "from the other side.""perathen." So then, in the prefecture Tyanitis, one of the ten above mentioned is Tyana (I am not enumerating along with these prefectures those that were acquired later, I mean Castabala and Cybistra and the places in Cilicia Tracheia,Cf 12. 1. 4. where is Elaeussa, a very fertile island, which was settled in a noteworthy manner by Archeläus, who spent the greater part of his time there), whereas Mazaca, the metropolis of the tribe, is in the Cilician prefecture, as it is called. This city, too, is called "Eusebeia," with the additional words "near the Argaeus," for it is situated below the Argaeus, the highest mountain of all, whose summit never fails to have snow upon it; and those who ascend it (those are few) say that in clear weather both seas, both the Pontus and the Issian Sea, are visible from it. Now in general Mazaca is not naturally a suitable place for the founding of a city, for it is without water and unfortified by nature; and, because of the neglect of the prefects, it is also without walls (perhaps intentionally so, in order that people inhabiting a plain, with hills above it that were advantageous and beyond range of missiles, might not, through too much reliance upon the wall as a fortification, engage in plundering). Further, the districts all round are utterly barren and untilled, although they are level; but they are sandy and are rocky underneath. And, proceeding a little farther on, one comes to plains extending over many stadia that are volcanic and full of fire-pits; and therefore the necessaries of life must be brought from a distance. And further, that which seems to be an advantage is attended with peril, for although almost the whole of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argaeus has forests all round it, and therefore the working of timber is close at hand; but the region which lies below the forests also contains fires in many places and at the same time has an underground supply of cold water, although neither the fire nor the water emerges to the surface; and therefore most of the country is covered with grass. In some places, also, the ground is marshy, and at night flames rise therefrom. Now those who are acquainted with the country can work the timber, since they are on their guard, but the country is perilous for most people, and especially for cattle, since they fall into the hidden fire-pits. -There is also a river in the plain before the city; it is called Melas, is about forty stadia distant from the city, and has its sources in a district that is below the level of the city. For this reason, therefore, it is useless to the inhabitants, since its stream is not in a favorable position higher up, but spreads abroad into marshes and lakes, and in the summertime vitiates the air round the city, and also makes the stone-quarry hard to work, though otherwise easy to work; for there are ledges of flat stones from which the Mazaceni obtain an abundant supply of stone for their buildings, but when the slabs are concealed by the waters they are hard to obtain. And these marshes, also, are everywhere volcanic. Ariarathes the king, since the Melas had an outlet into the Euphrates"Euphrates" is obviously an error for "Halys." by a certain narrow defile, dammed this and converted the neighboring plain into a sea-like lake, and there, shutting off certain isle—like the Cyclades—from the outside world, passed his time there in boyish diversions. But the barrier broke all at once, the water streamed out again, and the Euphrates,Again an error for "Halys." thus filled, swept away much of the soil of Cappadocia, and obliterated numerous settlements and plantations, and also damaged no little of the country of the Galatians who held Phrygia. In return for the damage the inhabitants, who gave over the decision of the matter to the Romans, exacted a fine of three hundred talents. The same was the case also in regard to Herpa; for there too he dammed the stream of the Carmalas River; and then, the mouth having broken open and the water having ruined certain districts in Cilicia in the neighborhood of Mallus, he paid damages to those who had been wronged. +Only two prefectures have cities, Tyanitis the city Tyana, which lies below the Taurus at the Cilician Gates, where for all is the easiest and most commonly used pass into Cilicia and Syria. It is called "Eusebeia near the Taurus"; and its territory is for the most part fertile and level. Tyana is situated upon a mound of Semiramis,Numerous mounds were ascribed to Semiramis (see 16. 1. 3). which is beautifully fortified. Not far from this city are Castabala and Cybistra, towns still nearer to the mountain. At Castabala is the temple of the Perasian Artemis, where the priestesses, it is said, walk with naked feet over hot embers without pain. And here, too, some tell us over and over the same story of Orestes and Tauropolus,i.e., Artemis Tauropolus (see 12. 2. 3). asserting that she was called "Perasian" because she was brought "from the other side.""perathen." So then, in the prefecture Tyanitis, one of the ten above mentioned is Tyana (I am not enumerating along with these prefectures those that were acquired later, I mean Castabala and Cybistra and the places in Cilicia Tracheia,Cf 12. 1. 4. where is Elaeussa, a very fertile island, which was settled in a noteworthy manner by Archeläus, who spent the greater part of his time there), whereas Mazaca, the metropolis of the tribe, is in the Cilician prefecture, as it is called. This city, too, is called "Eusebeia," with the additional words "near the Argaeus," for it is situated below the Argaeus, the highest mountain of all, whose summit never fails to have snow upon it; and those who ascend it (those are few) say that in clear weather both seas, both the Pontus and the Issian Sea, are visible from it. Now in general Mazaca is not naturally a suitable place for the founding of a city, for it is without water and unfortified by nature; and, because of the neglect of the prefects, it is also without walls (perhaps intentionally so, in order that people inhabiting a plain, with hills above it that were advantageous and beyond range of missiles, might not, through too much reliance upon the wall as a fortification, engage in plundering). Further, the districts all round are utterly barren and untilled, although they are level; but they are sandy and are rocky underneath. And, proceeding a little farther on, one comes to plains extending over many stadia that are volcanic and full of fire-pits; and therefore the necessaries of life must be brought from a distance. And further, that which seems to be an advantage is attended with peril, for although almost the whole of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argaeus has forests all round it, and therefore the working of timber is close at hand; but the region which lies below the forests also contains fires in many places and at the same time has an underground supply of cold water, although neither the fire nor the water emerges to the surface; and therefore most of the country is covered with grass. In some places, also, the ground is marshy, and at night flames rise therefrom. Now those who are acquainted with the country can work the timber, since they are on their guard, but the country is perilous for most people, and especially for cattle, since they fall into the hidden fire-pits. +There is also a river in the plain before the city; it is called Melas, is about forty stadia distant from the city, and has its sources in a district that is below the level of the city. For this reason, therefore, it is useless to the inhabitants, since its stream is not in a favorable position higher up, but spreads abroad into marshes and lakes, and in the summertime vitiates the air round the city, and also makes the stone-quarry hard to work, though otherwise easy to work; for there are ledges of flat stones from which the Mazaceni obtain an abundant supply of stone for their buildings, but when the slabs are concealed by the waters they are hard to obtain. And these marshes, also, are everywhere volcanic. Ariarathes the king, since the Melas had an outlet into the Euphrates"Euphrates" is obviously an error for "Halys." by a certain narrow defile, dammed this and converted the neighboring plain into a sea-like lake, and there, shutting off certain isle—like the Cyclades—from the outside world, passed his time there in boyish diversions. But the barrier broke all at once, the water streamed out again, and the Euphrates,Again an error for "Halys." thus filled, swept away much of the soil of Cappadocia, and obliterated numerous settlements and plantations, and also damaged no little of the country of the Galatians who held Phrygia. In return for the damage the inhabitants, who gave over the decision of the matter to the Romans, exacted a fine of three hundred talents. The same was the case also in regard to Herpa; for there too he dammed the stream of the Carmalas River; and then, the mouth having broken open and the water having ruined certain districts in Cilicia in the neighborhood of Mallus, he paid damages to those who had been wronged. However, although the district of the Mazaceni is in many respects not naturally suitable for habitation, the kings seem to have preferred it, because of all places in the country this was nearest to the center of the region which contained timber and stone for buildings, and at the same time provender, of which, being cattle-breeders, they needed a very large quantity, for in a way the city was for them a camp. And as for their security in general, both that of themselves and of their slaves, they got it from the defences in their strongholds, of which there are many, some belonging to the king and others to their friends. Mazaca is distant from Pontusi.e., the country, not the sea. about eight hundred stadia to the south, from the Euphrates slightly less than double that distance, and from the Cilician Gates and the camp of Cyrus a journey of six days by way of Tyana. Tyana is situated at the middle of the journey and is three hundred stadia distant from Cybistra. The Mazaceni use the laws of Charondas, choosing also a Nomodus,"Law-chanter." who, like the jurisconsults among the Romans, is the expounder of the laws. But Tigranes put the people in bad plight when he overran Cappadocia, for he forced them, one and all, to migrate into Mesopotamia; and it was mostly with these that he settled Tigranocerta.Cf. 11. 14. 15. But later, after the capture of Tigranocerta, those who could returned home. -The size of the country is as follows: In breadth, from Pontus to the Taurus, about one thousand eight hundred stadia, and in length, from Lycaonia and Phrygia to the Euphrates towards the east and Armenia, about three thousand. It is an excellent country, not only in respect to fruits, but particularly in respect to grain and all kinds of cattle. Although it lies farther south than Pontus, it is colder. Bagadania, though level and farthest south of all (for it lies at the foot of the Taurus), produces hardly any fruit-bearing trees, although it is grazed by wild asses, both it and the greater part of the rest of the country, and particularly that round Garsauira and Lycaonia and Morimene. In Cappadocia is produced also the ruddle called "Sinopean", the best in the world, although the Iberian rivals it. It was named "Sinopean"See 3. 2. 6. because the merchants were wont to bring it down thence to Sinope before the traffic of the Ephesians had penetrated as far as the people of Cappadocia. It is said that also slabs of crystal and of onyx stone were found by the miners of Archeläus near the country of the Galatians. There was a certain place, also, which had white stone that was like ivory in color and yielded pieces of the size of small whetstones; and from these pieces they made handles for their small swords. And there was another place which yielded such large lumps of transparent stoneApparently the lapis specularis, or a variety of mica, or isinglass, used for making window-panes. that they were exported. The boundary of Pontus and Cappadocia is a mountain tract parallel to the Taurus, which has its beginning at the western extremities of Chammanene, where is situated Dasmenda, a stronghold with sheer ascent, and extends to the eastern extremities of Laviansene. Both Chammanene and Laviansene are prefectures in Cappadocia. -It came to pass, as soon as the Romans, after conquering Antiochus, began to administer the affairs of Asia and were forming friendships and alliances both with the tribes and with the kings, that in all other cases they gave this honor to the kings individually, but gave it to the king of Cappadocia and the tribe jointly. And when the royal family died out, the Romans, in accordance with their compact of friendship and alliance with the tribe, conceded to them the right to live under their own laws; but those who came on the embassy not only begged off from the freedom (for they said that they were unable to bear it), but requested that a king be appointed for them. The Romans, amazed that any people should be so tired of freedom,Something seems to have fallen out of the text here.—at any rate, they permitted them to choose by vote from their own number whomever they wished. And they chose Ariobarzanes; but in the course of the third generation his family died out; and Archeläus was appointed king, though not related to the people, being appointed by Antony. So much for Greater Cappadocia. As for Cilicia Tracheia, which was added to Greater Cappadocia, it is better for me to describe it in my account of the whole of Cilicia.14. 5. 1. +The size of the country is as follows: In breadth, from Pontus to the Taurus, about one thousand eight hundred stadia, and in length, from Lycaonia and Phrygia to the Euphrates towards the east and Armenia, about three thousand. It is an excellent country, not only in respect to fruits, but particularly in respect to grain and all kinds of cattle. Although it lies farther south than Pontus, it is colder. Bagadania, though level and farthest south of all (for it lies at the foot of the Taurus), produces hardly any fruit-bearing trees, although it is grazed by wild asses, both it and the greater part of the rest of the country, and particularly that round Garsauira and Lycaonia and Morimene. In Cappadocia is produced also the ruddle called "Sinopean", the best in the world, although the Iberian rivals it. It was named "Sinopean"See 3. 2. 6. because the merchants were wont to bring it down thence to Sinope before the traffic of the Ephesians had penetrated as far as the people of Cappadocia. It is said that also slabs of crystal and of onyx stone were found by the miners of Archeläus near the country of the Galatians. There was a certain place, also, which had white stone that was like ivory in color and yielded pieces of the size of small whetstones; and from these pieces they made handles for their small swords. And there was another place which yielded such large lumps of transparent stoneApparently the lapis specularis, or a variety of mica, or isinglass, used for making window-panes. that they were exported. The boundary of Pontus and Cappadocia is a mountain tract parallel to the Taurus, which has its beginning at the western extremities of Chammanene, where is situated Dasmenda, a stronghold with sheer ascent, and extends to the eastern extremities of Laviansene. Both Chammanene and Laviansene are prefectures in Cappadocia. +It came to pass, as soon as the Romans, after conquering Antiochus, began to administer the affairs of Asia and were forming friendships and alliances both with the tribes and with the kings, that in all other cases they gave this honor to the kings individually, but gave it to the king of Cappadocia and the tribe jointly. And when the royal family died out, the Romans, in accordance with their compact of friendship and alliance with the tribe, conceded to them the right to live under their own laws; but those who came on the embassy not only begged off from the freedom (for they said that they were unable to bear it), but requested that a king be appointed for them. The Romans, amazed that any people should be so tired of freedom,Something seems to have fallen out of the text here.—at any rate, they permitted them to choose by vote from their own number whomever they wished. And they chose Ariobarzanes; but in the course of the third generation his family died out; and Archeläus was appointed king, though not related to the people, being appointed by Antony. So much for Greater Cappadocia. As for Cilicia Tracheia, which was added to Greater Cappadocia, it is better for me to describe it in my account of the whole of Cilicia.14. 5. 1.

As for Pontus, Mithridates Eupator established himself as king of it; and he held the country bounded by the Halys River as far as the Tibarani and Armenia, and held also, of the country this side the Halys, the region extending to Amastris and to certain parts of Paphlagonia. And he acquired, not only the seacoast towards the west a far as Heracleia, the native land of Heracleides the Platonic philosopher, but also, in the opposite direction, the seacoast extending to Colchis and lesser Armenia; and this, as we know, he added to Pontus. And in fact this country was comprised within these boundaries when Pompey took it over, upon his overthrow of Mithridates. The parts towards Armenia and those round Colchis he distributed to the potentates who had fought on his side, but the remaining parts he divided into eleven states and added them to Bithynia, so that out of both there was formed a single province. And he gave over to the descendants of Pylaemenes the office of king over certain of the Paphlagonians situated in the interior between them,Between Pontus and Bithynia. just as he gave over the Galatians to the hereditary tetrarchs. But later the Roman prefects made different divisions from time to time, not only establishing kings and potentates, but also, in the case of cities, liberating some and putting others in the hands of potentates and leaving others subject to the Roman people. As I proceed I must speak of things in detail as they now are, but I shall touch slightly upon things as they were in earlier times whenever this is useful. I shall begin at Heracleia, which is the most westerly place in this region. Now as one sails into the Euxine Sea from the Propontis, one has on his left the parts which adjoin Byzantium (these belong to the Thracians, and are called "the Left-hand Parts" of the Pontus), and on his right the parts which adjoin Chalcedon. The first of these latter belong to the Bithynians, the next to the Mariandyni (by some also called Caucones), the next to the Paphlygonians as far as the Halys River, and the next to the Pontic Cappadocians and to the people next in order after them as far as Colchis. All these are called the Right-hand Parts of the Pontus. Now Eupator reigned over the whole of this seacoast, beginning at Colchis and extending as far as Heracleia, but the parts farther on, extending as far as the mouth of the Pontus and Chalcedon, remained under the rule of the king of Bithynia. But when the kings had been overthrown, the Romans preserved the same boundaries, so that Heracleia was added to Pontus and the parts farther on went to the Bithynians. -Now as for the Bithynians, it is agreed by most writers that, though formerly Mysians, they received this new name from the Thracians—the Thracian Bithynians and Thynians—who settled the country in question, and they put down as evidences of the tribe of the Bithynians that in Thrace certain people are to this day called Bithynians, and of that of the Thynian, that the coast near Apollonia and Salmydessus is called Thynias. And the Bebryces, who took up their abode in Mysia before these people, were also Thracians, as I suppose. It is stated that even the Mysians themselves are colonists of those Thracians who are now called Moesians.See 7. 3. 2. Such is the account given of these people. +Now as for the Bithynians, it is agreed by most writers that, though formerly Mysians, they received this new name from the Thracians—the Thracian Bithynians and Thynians—who settled the country in question, and they put down as evidences of the tribe of the Bithynians that in Thrace certain people are to this day called Bithynians, and of that of the Thynian, that the coast near Apollonia and Salmydessus is called Thynias. And the Bebryces, who took up their abode in Mysia before these people, were also Thracians, as I suppose. It is stated that even the Mysians themselves are colonists of those Thracians who are now called Moesians.See 7. 3. 2. Such is the account given of these people. But all do not give the same account of the Mariandyni and the Caucones; for Heracleia, they say, is situated in the country of the Mariandyni, and was founded by the Milesians; but nothing has been said as to who they are or whence they came, nor yet do the people appear characterized by any ethnic difference, either in dialect or otherwise, although they are similar to the Bithynians. Accordingly, it is reasonable to suppose that this tribe also was at first Thracian. Theopompus says that Mariandynus ruled over a part of Paphlagonia, which was under the rule of many potentates, and then invaded and took possession of the country of the Bebryces, but left the country which he had abandoned named after himself. This, too, has been said, that the Milesians who were first to found Heracleia forced the Mariandyni, who held the place before them, to serve as Helots, so that they sold them, but not beyond the boundaries of their country (for the two peoples came to an agreement on this), just as the Mnoan class,Literally, "synod." as it is called, were serfs of the Cretans and the Penestae of the Thessalians. -As for the Cauconians, who, according to report, took up their abode on the seacoast next to the Mariandyni and extended as far as the Parthenius River, with Tieium as their city, some say that they were Scythians, others that they were a certain people of the Macedonians, and others that they were a certain people of the Pelasgians. But I have already spoken of these people in another place.8. 3. 17. Callisthenes in his treatise on The Marshalling of the Ships was for insertingi.e., in the Homeric text. after the wordsCromna, Aegialus, and lofty ErythiniHom. Il. 2.855. On the site of the Erythini ("reddish cliffs"), see Leaf, Troy, p. 282. the wordsthe Cauconians were led by the noble son of Polycles—they who lived in glorious dwellings in the neighborhood of the Parthenius River,for, he adds, the Cauconians extended from Heracleia and the Mariandyni to the white Syrians, whom we call Cappadocians, and the tribe of the Cauconians round Tieium extended to the Parthenius River, whereas that of the Heneti, who held Cytorum, were situated next to them after the Parthenius River, and still today certain "Cauconitae"Called Cauconiatae" in 8. 3. 17. live in the neighborhood of the Parthenius River. +As for the Cauconians, who, according to report, took up their abode on the seacoast next to the Mariandyni and extended as far as the Parthenius River, with Tieium as their city, some say that they were Scythians, others that they were a certain people of the Macedonians, and others that they were a certain people of the Pelasgians. But I have already spoken of these people in another place.8. 3. 17. Callisthenes in his treatise on The Marshalling of the Ships was for insertingi.e., in the Homeric text. after the wordsCromna, Aegialus, and lofty ErythiniHom. Il. 2.855. On the site of the Erythini ("reddish cliffs"), see Leaf, Troy, p. 282. the wordsthe Cauconians were led by the noble son of Polycles—they who lived in glorious dwellings in the neighborhood of the Parthenius River,for, he adds, the Cauconians extended from Heracleia and the Mariandyni to the white Syrians, whom we call Cappadocians, and the tribe of the Cauconians round Tieium extended to the Parthenius River, whereas that of the Heneti, who held Cytorum, were situated next to them after the Parthenius River, and still today certain "Cauconitae"Called Cauconiatae" in 8. 3. 17. live in the neighborhood of the Parthenius River. Now Heracleia is a city that has good harbors and is otherwise worthy of note, since, among other things, it has also sent forth colonies; for both ChersonesusSee 7. 4. 2. and Callatis are colonies from it. It was at first an autonomous city, and then for some time was ruled by tyrants, and then recovered its freedom, but later was ruled by kings, when it became subject to the Romans. The people received a colony of Romans, sharing with them a part of their city and territory. But Adiatorix, the son of Domnecleius, tetrarch of the Galatians, received from Antony that part of the city which was occupied by the Heracleiotae; and a little before the Battle of Actium he attacked the Romans by night and slaughtered them, by permission of Antony, as he alleged. But after the victory at Actium he was led in triumph and slain together with his son. The city belongs to the Pontic Province which was united with Bithynia. Between Chalcedon and Heracleia flow several rivers, among which are the Psillis and the Calpas and the Sangarius, which last is mentioned by the poet.Hom. Il. 3.187, 16.719 The Sangarius has its sources near the village Sangia, about one hundred and fifty stadia from Pessinus. It flows through the greater part of Phrygia Epictetus, and also through a part of Bithynia, so that it is distant from Nicomedeia a little more than three hundred stadia, reckoning from the place where it is joined by the Gallus River, which has its beginnings at Modra in Phrygia on the Hellespont. This is the same country as Phrygia Epictetus, and it was formerly occupied by the Bithynians. Thus increased, and now having become navigable, though of old not navigable, the river forms a boundary of Bithynia at its outlets. Off this coast lies also the island Thynia. The plant called aconite grows in the territory of Heracleia. This city is about one thousand five hundred stadia from the Chalcedonian temple and five hundred from the Sangarius River. Tieium is a town that has nothing worthy of mention except that Philetaerus, the founder of the family of Attalic Kings, was from there. Then comes the Parthenius River, which flows through flowery districts and on this account came by its name;"parthenius" (lit. "maidenly") was the name of a flower used in making garlands. it has its sources in Paphlagonia itself. And then comes Paphlagonia and the Eneti. Writers question whom the poet means by "the Eneti," when he says,And the rugged heart of Pylaemenes led the Paphlagonians, from the land of the Eneti, whence the breed of wild mules;Hom. Il. 2.851for at the present time, they say, there are no Eneti to be seen in Paphlagonia, though some say that there is a villagesc. "called Eneti," or Enete. on the Aegialusi.e., Shore. ten schoeniA variable measure (see 17. 1. 24). distant from Amastris. But Zenodotus writes "from Enete,"i.e., instead of "from the Eneti" (cf. 12. 3. 25). and says that Homer clearly indicates the Amisus of today. And others say that a tribe called Eneti, bordering on the Cappadocians, made an expedition with the Cimmerians and then were driven out to the Adriatic Sea.For a discussion of the Eneti, see Leaf, Troy, pp. 285 ff. (cf. 1. 3. 21, 3. 2. 13, and 12. 3. 25). But the thing upon which there is general agreement is, that the Eneti, to whom Pylaemenes belonged, were the most notable tribe of the Paphlagonians, and that, furthermore, these made the expedition with him in very great numbers, but, losing their leader, crossed over to Thrace after the capture of Troy, and on their wanderings went to the Enetian country,See 3. 2. 13 and 5. 1. 4. as it is now called. According to some writers, Antenor and his children took part in this expedition and settled at the recess of the Adriatic, as mentioned by me in my account of Italy.5. 1. 4. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that it was on this account that the Eneti disappeared and are not to be seen in Paphlagonia. @@ -900,36 +900,36 @@ After the Parthenius River, then, one comes to Amastris, a city bearing the same name as the woman who founded it. It is situated on a peninsula and has harbors on either side of the isthmus. Amastris was the wife of Dionysius the tyrant of Heracleia and the daughter of Oxyathres, the brother of the Dareius whom Alexander fought. Now she formed the city out of four settlements, Sesamus and Cytorum and Cromna (which Homer mentions in his marshalling of the Paphlagonian ships)2. 853-885. and, fourth, Tieium. This part, however, soon revolted from the united city, but the other three remained together; and, of these three, Sesamus is called the acropolis of Amastris. Cytorum was once the emporium of the Sinopeans; it was named after Cytorus, the son of Phryxus, as Ephorus says. The most and the best box-wood grows in the territory of Amastris, and particularly round Cytorum. The Aegialus is a long shore of more than a hundred stadia, and it has also a village bearing the same name, which the poet mentions when he says,Cromna and Aegialus and the lofty Erythini,Hom. Il. 2.855though some write, "Cromna and Cobialus." They say that the Erythrini of today, from their color,i.e., "Red." used to be called Erythini; they are two lofty rocks. After Aegialus one comes to Carambis, a great cape extending towards the north and the Scythian Chersonese. I have often mentioned it, as also Criumetopon which lies opposite it, by which the Euxine Pontus is divided into two seas.2. 5. 22, 7. 4. 3, 11. 2. 14. After Carambis one comes to Cinolis, and to Anticinolis, and to Abonuteichus,Literally, Wall of Abonus. a small town, and to Armene, to which pertains the proverb, whoever had no work to do walled Armene. It is a village of the Sinopeans and has a harbor. Then one comes to Sinope itself, which is fifty stadia distant from Armene; it is the most noteworthy of the cities in that part of the world. This city was founded by the Milesians; and, having built a naval station, it reigned over the sea inside the Cyaneae, and shared with the Greeks in many struggles even outside the Cyaneae; and, although it was independent for a long time, it could not eventually preserve its freedom, but was captured by siege, and was first enslaved by Pharnaces183 B.C. and afterwards by his successors down to EupatorMithridates the Great. and to the Romans who overthrew Eupator. Eupator was both born and reared at Sinope; and he accorded it especial honor and treated it as the metropolis of his kingdom. Sinope is beautifully equipped both by nature and by human foresight, for it is situated on the neck of a peninsula, and has on either side of the isthmus harbors and roadsteads and wonderful pelamydes-fisheries, of which I have already made mention, saying that the Sinopeans get the second catch and the Byzantians the third.7. 6. 2 and 12. 3. 19. Furthermore, the peninsula is protected all round by ridgy shores, which have hollowed-out places in them, rock-cavities, as it were, which the people call "choenicides";"Crossing the town to the north I passes through a sally-port, and descended to the beach, where the wall was built upon a sharp decomposing shelly limestone which I was surprised to find full of small circular holes, apparently resembling those described by Strabo, under the name of 'choenicides'; but those which I saw were not above nine inches in diameter, and from one to two feet deep. There can, however, be no doubt that such cavities would, if larger, render it almost impossible for a body of men to wade on shore." (Hamilton's Researches in Asia Minor, 1. p. 310, quoted by Tozer.) these are filled with water when the sea rises, and therefore the place is hard to approach, not only because of this, but also because the whole surface of the rock is prickly and impassable for bare feet. Higher up, however, and above the city, the ground is fertile and adorned with diversified market-gardens; and especially the suburbs of the city. The city itself is beautifully walled, and is also splendidly adorned with gymnasium and marked place and colonnades. But although it was such a city, still it was twice captured, first by Pharnaces, who unexpectedly attacked it all of a sudden, and later by Leucullus and by the tyrant who was garrisoned within it, being besieged both inside and outside at the same time; for, since Bacchides, who had been set up by the king as commander of the garrison, was always suspecting treason from the people inside, and was causing many outrages and murders, he made the people, who were unable either nobly to defend themselves or to submit by compromise, lose all heart for either course. At any rate, the city was captured; and though Leucullus kept intact the rest of the city's adornments, he took away the globe of Billarus and the work of Sthenis, the statue of Autolycus,See Plut. Lucullus 23 whom they regarded as founder of their city and honored as god. The city had also an oracle of Autolycus. He is thought to have been one of those who went on the voyage with Jason and to have taken possession of this place. Then later the Milesians, seeing the natural advantages of the place and the weakness of its inhabitants, appropriated it to themselves and sent forth colonists to it. But at present it has received also a colony of Romans; and a part of the city and the territory belong to these. It is three thousand five hundred stadia distant from the Hieron,i.e., the [Chalcedonian] "Temple" on the "Sacred Cape" (see 12. 4. 2) in Chalcedonia, now called Cape Khelidini. two thousand from Heracleia, and seven hundred from Carambis. It has produced excellent men: among the philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic and Timotheus Patrion; among the poets, Diphilus the comic poet; and, among the historians, Baton, who wrote the work entitled The Persica. Thence, next, one comes to the outlet of the Halys River. It was named from the "halae,""salt-works." past which it flows. It has its sources in Greater Cappadocia in Camisene near the Pontic country;i.e., "Pontus" (see 12. 1. 4). and, flowing in great volume towards the west, and then turning towards the north through Galatia and Paphlagonia, it forms the boundary between these two countries and the country of the White Syrians.i.e., Cappadocians (see 12. 3. 9). Both Sinopitis and all the mountainous country extending as far as Bithynia and lying above the aforesaid seaboard have shipbuilding timber that is excellent and easy to transport. Sinopitis produces also the maple and the mountain-nut, the trees from which they cut the wood used for tables. And the whole of the tilled country situated a little above the sea is planted with olive trees. -After the outlet of the Halys comes Gazelonitis, which extends to Saramene; it is a fertile country and is everywhere level and productive of everything. It has also a sheep-industry, that of raising flocks clothed in skins and yielding soft wool,See Vol. II, p. 241, and footnote 13. of which there is a very great scarcity throughout the whole of Cappadocia and Pontus. The country also produces gazelles, of which there is a scarcity elsewhere. One part of this country is occupied by the Amiseni, but the other was given to Deïotarus by Pompey, as also the regions of Pharnacia and Trapezusia as far as Colchis and Lesser Armenia. Pompey appointed him king of all these, when he was already in possession of his ancestral Galatian tetrarchy,See 12. 5. 1. the country of the Tolistobogii. But since his death there have been many successors to his territories. +After the outlet of the Halys comes Gazelonitis, which extends to Saramene; it is a fertile country and is everywhere level and productive of everything. It has also a sheep-industry, that of raising flocks clothed in skins and yielding soft wool,See Vol. II, p. 241, and footnote 13. of which there is a very great scarcity throughout the whole of Cappadocia and Pontus. The country also produces gazelles, of which there is a scarcity elsewhere. One part of this country is occupied by the Amiseni, but the other was given to Deïotarus by Pompey, as also the regions of Pharnacia and Trapezusia as far as Colchis and Lesser Armenia. Pompey appointed him king of all these, when he was already in possession of his ancestral Galatian tetrarchy,See 12. 5. 1. the country of the Tolistobogii. But since his death there have been many successors to his territories. After Gazelon one comes to Saramene, and to a notable city, Amisus, which is about nine hundred stadia from Sinope. Theopompus says that it was first founded by the Milesians, . . .Certainly one or more words have fallen out here. by a leader of the Cappadocians, and thirdly was colonized by Athenocles and Athenians and changed its name to Peiraeus. The kings also took possession of this city; and Eupator adorned it with temples and founded an addition to it. This city too was besieged by Leucullus, and then by Pharnaces, when he crossed over from the Bosporus. After it had been set free by the deified Caesar,It was in reference to his battle with Pharnaces near Zela that Julius Caesar informed the Senate of his victory by the words, "I came, I saw, I conquered." it was given over to kings by Antony. Then Straton the tyrant put it in bad plight. And then, after the Battle of Actium,31 B.C. it was again set free by Caesar Augustus; and at the present time it is well organized. Besides the rest of its beautiful country, it possesses also Themiscyra, the abode of the Amazons, and Sidene. -Themiscyra is a plain; on one side it is washed by the sea and is about sixty stadia distant from the city, and on the other side it lies at the foot of the mountainous country, which is well wooded and coursed by streams that have their sources therein. So one river, called the Thermodon, being supplied by all these streams, flows out through the plain; and another river similar to this, which flows out of Phanaroea, as it is called, flows out through the same plain, and is called the Iris. It has its sources in Pontus itself, and, after flowing through the middle of the city Comana in Pontus and through Dazimonitis, a fertile plain, towards the west, then turns towards the north past Gaziura itself an ancient royal residence, though now deserted, and then bends back again towards the east, after receiving the waters of the Scylax and other rivers, and after flowing past the very wall of Amaseia, my fatherland, a very strongly fortified city, flows on into Phanaroea. Here the Lycus River, which has its beginnings in Armenia, joins it, and itself also becomes the Iris. Then the stream is received by Themiscyra and by the Pontic Sea. On this account the plain in question is always moist and covered with grass and can support herds of cattle and horses alike and admits of the sowing of millet-seeds and sorghum-seeds in very great, or rather unlimited, quantities. Indeed, their plenty of water offsets any drought, so that no famine comes down on these people, never once; and the country along the mountain yields so much fruit, self-grown and wild, I mean grapes and pears and apples and nuts, that those who go out to the forest at any time in the year get an abundant supply—the fruits at one time still hanging on the trees and at another lying on the fallen leaves or beneath them, which are shed deep and in great quantities. And numerous, also, are the catches of all kinds of wild animals, because of the good yield of food. +Themiscyra is a plain; on one side it is washed by the sea and is about sixty stadia distant from the city, and on the other side it lies at the foot of the mountainous country, which is well wooded and coursed by streams that have their sources therein. So one river, called the Thermodon, being supplied by all these streams, flows out through the plain; and another river similar to this, which flows out of Phanaroea, as it is called, flows out through the same plain, and is called the Iris. It has its sources in Pontus itself, and, after flowing through the middle of the city Comana in Pontus and through Dazimonitis, a fertile plain, towards the west, then turns towards the north past Gaziura itself an ancient royal residence, though now deserted, and then bends back again towards the east, after receiving the waters of the Scylax and other rivers, and after flowing past the very wall of Amaseia, my fatherland, a very strongly fortified city, flows on into Phanaroea. Here the Lycus River, which has its beginnings in Armenia, joins it, and itself also becomes the Iris. Then the stream is received by Themiscyra and by the Pontic Sea. On this account the plain in question is always moist and covered with grass and can support herds of cattle and horses alike and admits of the sowing of millet-seeds and sorghum-seeds in very great, or rather unlimited, quantities. Indeed, their plenty of water offsets any drought, so that no famine comes down on these people, never once; and the country along the mountain yields so much fruit, self-grown and wild, I mean grapes and pears and apples and nuts, that those who go out to the forest at any time in the year get an abundant supply—the fruits at one time still hanging on the trees and at another lying on the fallen leaves or beneath them, which are shed deep and in great quantities. And numerous, also, are the catches of all kinds of wild animals, because of the good yield of food. After Themiscyra one comes to Sidene, which is a fertile plain, though it is not well-watered like Themiscyra. It has strongholds on the seaboard: Side, after which Sidene was named, and Chabaca and Phabda. Now the territory of Amisus extends to this point; and the city has produced men note-worthy for their learning, Demetrius, the son of Rhathenus, and Dionysodorus, the mathematicians, the latter bearing the same name as the Melian geometer, and Tyrranion the grammarian, of whom I was a pupil. After Sidene one comes to Pharnacia, a fortified town; and afterwards to Trapezus, a Greek city, to which the voyage from Amisus is about two thousand two hundred stadia. Then from here the voyage to Phasis is approximately one thousand four hundred stadia, so that the distance from HieronSee 12. 3. 11. to Phasis is, all told, about eight thousand stadia, or slightly more or less. As one sails along this seaboard from Amisus, one comes first to the Heracleian Cape, and then to another cape called Jasonium, and to Genetes, and then to a town called Cytorus,Apparently an error for "Cotyora" or "Cotyorum" or "Cotyorus." from the inhabitants of which Pharnacia was settled, and then to Ischopolis, now in ruins, and then to a gulf, on which are both Cerasus and Hermonassa, moderate-sized settlements, and then, near Hermonassa, to Trapezus, and then to Colchis. Somewhere in this neighborhood is also a settlement called Zygopolis. Now I have already described11. 2. 15. Colchis and the coast which lies above it. -Above Trapezus and Pharnacia are situated the Tibarani and Chaldaei and Sanni, in earlier times called Macrones, and Lesser Armenia; and the Appaïtae, in earlier times called the Cercitae, are fairly close to these regions. Two mountains cross the country of these people, not only the Scydises, a very rugged mountain, which joins the Moschian Mountains above Colchis (its heights are occupied by the Heptacomitae), but also the Paryadres, which extends from the region of Sidene and Themiscyra to Lesser Armenia and forms the eastern side of Pontus. Now all these peoples who live in the mountains are utterly savage, but the Heptacomitae are worse than the rest. Some also live in trees or turrets; and it was on this account that the ancients called them "Mosynoeci," the turrets being called "mosyni." They live on the flesh of wild animals and on nuts; and they also attack wayfarers, leaping down upon them from their scaffolds. The Heptacomitae cut down three maniplesi.e., six hundred, unless the Greek word should be translated "cohort," to which it is sometime equivalent. of Pompey's army when they were passing through the mountainous country; for they mixed bowls of the crazing honey which is yielded by the tree-twigs, and placed them in the roads, and then, when the soldiers drank the mixture and lost their senses, they attacked them and easily disposed of them. Some of these barbarians were also called Byzeres. -The Chaldaei of today were in ancient times named Chalybes; and it is just opposite their territory that Pharnacia is situated, which, on the sea, has the natural advantages of pelamydes-fishing (for it is here that this fish is first caught)See 7. 6. 2 and 12. 3. 11. and, on the land, has the mines, only iron-mines at the present time, though in earlier times it also had silver-mines.On these mines see Leaf, Troy, p. 290. Upon the whole, the seaboard in this region is extremely narrow, for the mountains, full of mines and forests, are situated directly above it, and not much of it is tilled. But there remains for the miners their livelihood from the mines, and for those who busy themselves on the sea their livelihood from their fishing, and especially from their catches of pelamydes and dolphins; for the dolphins pursue the schools of fish—the cordyle and the tunny-fish and the pelamydes themselves;All three are species of tunny-fish. and they not only grow fat on them, but also become easy to catch because they are rather eager to approach the land. These are the only people who cut up the dolphins, which are caught with bait, and use their abundance of fat for all purposes. -So it is these people, I think, that the poet calls Halizoni, mentioning them next the after Paphlagonians in his Catalogue.But the Halizones were led by Odius and Epistrophus, from Alybe far away, where is the birth-place of silver,Hom. Il. 2.856since the text has been changed from "Chalybe far away" or else the people were in earlier times called "Alybes" instead of "Chalybes"; for at the present time it proves impossible that they should have been called "Chaldaei," deriving their name from "Chalybe," if in earlier times they could not have been called "Chalybes" instead of "Alybes," and that too when names undergo many changes, particularly among the barbarians; for instance, certain of the Thracians were called Sinties, then Sinti and then Saïi, in whose country Archilochus says he flung away his shield:One of the Saïi robbed me of my shield, which, a blameless weapon, I left behind me beside a bush, against my will.Archil. 6 (Bergk). Same fragment quoted in 10. 2. 17. These same people are now named Sapaei; for all these have their abode round Abdera and the islands round Lemnos. Likewise the Brygi and Bryges and Phryges are the same people; and the Mysi and Maeones and Meïones are the same; but there is no use of enlarging on the subject. The ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. doubts the alteration of the name from "Alybes" to "Chalybes"; and, failing to note what follows and what accords with it, and especially why the poet calls the Chalybians Halizoni, he rejects this opinion. As for me, let me place his assumption and those of the other critics side by side with my own and consider them. -Some change the text and make it read "Alazones," others "Amazones," and for the words "from Alybe" they read "from Alope," or "from Alobe," calling the Scythians beyond the Borysthenes River "Alazones," and also "Callipidae" and other names—names which Hellanicus and Herodotus and Eudoxus have foisted on us—and placing the Amazons between Mysia and Caria and Lydia near Cyme, which is the opinion also of Ephorus, who was a native of Cyme. And this opinion might perhaps not be unreasonable, for he may mean the country which was later settled by the Aeolians and the Ionians, but earlier by the Amazons. And there are certain cities, it is said, which got their names from the Amazons, I mean Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, and Myrina.Cf. 11. 5. 4. But how could Alybe, or, as some call it, "Alope" or "Alobe," be found in this region, and how about "far away," and how about "the birthplace of silver"? +Above Trapezus and Pharnacia are situated the Tibarani and Chaldaei and Sanni, in earlier times called Macrones, and Lesser Armenia; and the Appaïtae, in earlier times called the Cercitae, are fairly close to these regions. Two mountains cross the country of these people, not only the Scydises, a very rugged mountain, which joins the Moschian Mountains above Colchis (its heights are occupied by the Heptacomitae), but also the Paryadres, which extends from the region of Sidene and Themiscyra to Lesser Armenia and forms the eastern side of Pontus. Now all these peoples who live in the mountains are utterly savage, but the Heptacomitae are worse than the rest. Some also live in trees or turrets; and it was on this account that the ancients called them "Mosynoeci," the turrets being called "mosyni." They live on the flesh of wild animals and on nuts; and they also attack wayfarers, leaping down upon them from their scaffolds. The Heptacomitae cut down three maniplesi.e., six hundred, unless the Greek word should be translated "cohort," to which it is sometime equivalent. of Pompey's army when they were passing through the mountainous country; for they mixed bowls of the crazing honey which is yielded by the tree-twigs, and placed them in the roads, and then, when the soldiers drank the mixture and lost their senses, they attacked them and easily disposed of them. Some of these barbarians were also called Byzeres. +The Chaldaei of today were in ancient times named Chalybes; and it is just opposite their territory that Pharnacia is situated, which, on the sea, has the natural advantages of pelamydes-fishing (for it is here that this fish is first caught)See 7. 6. 2 and 12. 3. 11. and, on the land, has the mines, only iron-mines at the present time, though in earlier times it also had silver-mines.On these mines see Leaf, Troy, p. 290. Upon the whole, the seaboard in this region is extremely narrow, for the mountains, full of mines and forests, are situated directly above it, and not much of it is tilled. But there remains for the miners their livelihood from the mines, and for those who busy themselves on the sea their livelihood from their fishing, and especially from their catches of pelamydes and dolphins; for the dolphins pursue the schools of fish—the cordyle and the tunny-fish and the pelamydes themselves;All three are species of tunny-fish. and they not only grow fat on them, but also become easy to catch because they are rather eager to approach the land. These are the only people who cut up the dolphins, which are caught with bait, and use their abundance of fat for all purposes. +So it is these people, I think, that the poet calls Halizoni, mentioning them next the after Paphlagonians in his Catalogue.But the Halizones were led by Odius and Epistrophus, from Alybe far away, where is the birth-place of silver,Hom. Il. 2.856since the text has been changed from "Chalybe far away" or else the people were in earlier times called "Alybes" instead of "Chalybes"; for at the present time it proves impossible that they should have been called "Chaldaei," deriving their name from "Chalybe," if in earlier times they could not have been called "Chalybes" instead of "Alybes," and that too when names undergo many changes, particularly among the barbarians; for instance, certain of the Thracians were called Sinties, then Sinti and then Saïi, in whose country Archilochus says he flung away his shield:One of the Saïi robbed me of my shield, which, a blameless weapon, I left behind me beside a bush, against my will.Archil. 6 (Bergk). Same fragment quoted in 10. 2. 17. These same people are now named Sapaei; for all these have their abode round Abdera and the islands round Lemnos. Likewise the Brygi and Bryges and Phryges are the same people; and the Mysi and Maeones and Meïones are the same; but there is no use of enlarging on the subject. The ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. doubts the alteration of the name from "Alybes" to "Chalybes"; and, failing to note what follows and what accords with it, and especially why the poet calls the Chalybians Halizoni, he rejects this opinion. As for me, let me place his assumption and those of the other critics side by side with my own and consider them. +Some change the text and make it read "Alazones," others "Amazones," and for the words "from Alybe" they read "from Alope," or "from Alobe," calling the Scythians beyond the Borysthenes River "Alazones," and also "Callipidae" and other names—names which Hellanicus and Herodotus and Eudoxus have foisted on us—and placing the Amazons between Mysia and Caria and Lydia near Cyme, which is the opinion also of Ephorus, who was a native of Cyme. And this opinion might perhaps not be unreasonable, for he may mean the country which was later settled by the Aeolians and the Ionians, but earlier by the Amazons. And there are certain cities, it is said, which got their names from the Amazons, I mean Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, and Myrina.Cf. 11. 5. 4. But how could Alybe, or, as some call it, "Alope" or "Alobe," be found in this region, and how about "far away," and how about "the birthplace of silver"? These objections Ephorus solves by his change of the text, for he writes thus:But the Halizones were led by Odius and Epistrophus, from Alope far away, where is the race of Amazons.But in solving these objections he has fallen into another fiction; for Alope is nowhere to be found in this region; and, further, his change of the text, with innovations so contrary to the evidence of the early manuscripts, looks like rashness. But the Scepsian apparently accepts neither the opinion of Ephorus nor of those who suppose them to be the Halizoni near Pallene, whom I have mentioned in my description of Macedonia.Vol. III, p. 351, Fr. 27a. He is also at loss to understand how anyone could think that an allied force came to help the Trojans from the nomads beyond the Borysthenes River; and he especially approves of the opinions of Hecataeus of Miletus, and of Menecrates of Elaea, one of the disciples of Xenocrates, and also of that of Palaephatus. The first of these says in his Circuit of the Earth: Near the city Alazia is the River Odrysses, which flows out of Lake Dascylitis from the west through the plain of Mygdonia and empties into the Rhyndacus. But he goes on to say that Alazia is now deserted, and that many villages of the Alazones, through whose country the Odrysses flows, are inhabited, and that in these villages Apollo is accorded exceptional honor, and particularly on the confines of the Cyziceni. Menecrates in his work entitled The Circuit of the Hellespont says that above the region of Myrleia there is an adjacent mountainous tract which is occupied by the tribe of the Halizones. One should spell the name with two l's, he says, but on account of the metre the poet spells it with only one. But Palaephatus says that it was from the Amazons who then lived in Alope, but now in Zeleia, that Odius and Epistrophus made their expedition. How, then, can the opinions of these men deserve approval? For, apart from the fact that these men also disturb the early text, they neither show us the silver-mines, nor where in the territory of Myrleia Alope is, nor how those who went from there to Ilium were "from far away," even if one should grant that there actually was an Alope or Alazia; for these, of course, are much nearer the Troad than the places round Ephesus. But still those who speak of the Amazons as living in the neighborhood of Pygela between Ephesus and Magnesia and Priene talk nonsense, Demetrius says, for, he adds, "far away" cannot apply to that region. How much more inapplicable, then, is it to the region of Mysia and Teuthrania? Yes, by Zeus, but he goes on to say that some things are arbitrarily inserted in the text, for example,from Ascania far away,Hom. Il. 2.863andArnaeus was his name, for his revered mother had given him this name at his birth,Hom. Od. 18.5andPenelope took the bent key in her strong hand.Hom. Od. 21.6Now let this be granted, but those other things are not to be granted to which Demetrius assents without even making a plausible reply to those who have assumed that we ought to read "from Chalybe far away"; for although he concedes that, even if the silver-mines are not now in the country of the Chalybians, they could have been there in earlier times, he does not concede that other point, that they were both famous and worthy of note, like the iron-mines. But, one might ask, what is there to prevent them from being famous like the iron-mines? Or can an abundance of iron make a place famous but an abundance of silver not do so? And if the silver-mines had reached fame, not in the time of the heroes, but in the time of Homer, could any person find fault with the assertion of the poet? How, pray, could their fame have reached the poet? How, pray, could the fame of the copper-mine at Temesa in Italy have reached him? How the fame of the wealth of Thebes in Egypt,Hom. Il. 9. 381 although he was about twice as far from Thebes as from the Chaldaeans? But Demetrius is not even in agreement with those for whose opinions he pleads; for in fixing the sites round Scepsis, his birth-place, he speaks of Nea, a village, and of Argyria and Alazonia as near Scepsis and the Aesepus River. These places, then, if they really exist, would be near the sources of the Aesepus; but Hecataeus speaks of them as beyond the outlets of it; and Palaephatus, although he says that theyThe Amazons (12. 3. 22). formerly lived in Alope, but now in Zeleia, says nothing like what these men say. But if Menecrates does so, not even he tells us what kind of a Place "Alope" is or "Alobe," or however they wish to write the name, and neither does Demetrius himself. As regards Apollodorus, who discusses the same subject in his Marshalling of the Trojan Forces, I have already said much in answer to him,e.g., 7. 3. 6. but I must now speak again; for he does not think that we should take the Halizoni as living outside the Halys River; for, he says, no allied force came to the Trojans from beyond the Halys. First, therefore, we shall ask of him who are the Halizoni this side the Halys andfrom Alybe far away, where is the birthplace of silver.Hom. Il. 2.857For he will be unable to tell us. And we shall next ask him the reason why he does not concede that an allied force came also from the country on the far side of the river; for, if it is the case that all the rest of the allied forces except the Thracians lived this side the river, there was nothing to prevent this one allied force from coming from the far side of the Halys, from the country beyond the White Syrians.i.e., Cappadocians. Or was it possible for peoples who fought the Trojans to cross over from these regions and from the regions beyond, as they say the Amazons and Treres and Cimmerians did, and yet impossible for people who fought as allies with them to do so? Now the Amazons would not fight on Priam's side because of the fact that he had fought against them as an ally of the Phrygians, against theAmazons, peers of men, who came at that time,Hom. Il. 3.189; but the text of Homer reads "on that day when the Amazons came, the peers of men." as Priam says,for I too, being their ally, was numbered among them; but since the peoples whose countries bordered on that of the Amazons were not even far enough away to make difficult the Trojan summons for help from their countries, and since, too, there was no underlying cause for hatred, there was nothing to prevent them, I think, from being allies of the Trojans. Neither can Apollodorus impute such an opinion to the early writers, as though they, one and all, voiced the opinion that no peoples from the far side of the Halys River took part in the Trojan war. One might rather find evidence to the contrary; at any rate, Maeandrius says that the Eneti first set forth from the country of the White Syrians and allied themselves with the Trojans, and that they sailed away from Troy with the Thracians and took up their abode round the recess of the Adrias,i.e., the Adriatic Gulf. but that the Eneti who did not have a part in the expedition had become Cappadocians. The following might seem to agree with this account, I mean the fact that the whole of that part of Cappadocia near the Halys River which extends along Paphlagonia uses two languages which abound in Paphlagonian names, as "Bagas," "Biasas," "Aeniates," "Rhatotes," "Zardoces," "Tibius," "Gasys," "Oligasys," and "Manes," for these names are prevalent in Bamonitis,"Bamonitis" is doubtful; Meineke emends to "Phazemonitis." Pimolitis,"Pimolitis" is doubtful; Meineke emends to "Pimolisitis." Gazelonitis, Gazacene and most of the other districts. Apollodorus himself quotes the Homeric verse as written by Zenodotus, stating that he writes it as follows:from Enete,i.e., "Enete" instead of "Heneti," or "Eneti" (the reading accepted by Strabo and modern scholars). whence the breed of the wild mules;Hom. Il. 2.852and he says that Hecataeus takes Enete to be Amisus. But, as I have already stated,12. 3. 9. Amisus belongs to the White Syrians and is outside the Halys River. Apollodorus somewhere states, also, that the poet got an account of those Paphlagonians who lived in the interior from men who had passed through the country on foot, but that he was ignorant of the Paphlagonian coast, just as he was ignorant of the rest of the Pontic coast; for otherwise he would have named them. On the contrary, one can retort and say, on the basis of the description which I have now given, that Homer traverses the whole of the coast and omits nothing of the things that were then worth recording, and that it is not at all remarkable if he does not mention Heracleia and Amastris and Sinope, cities which had not yet been founded, and that it is not at all strange if he has mentioned no part of the interior. And further, the fact that Homer does not name many of the known places is no sign of ignorance, as I have already demonstrated in the foregoing part of my work;1. 2. 14, 19; 7. 3. 6-7; and 8. 3. 8. for he says that Homer was ignorant of many of the famous things round the Pontus, for example, rivers and tribes, for otherwise, he says, Homer would have named them. This one might grant in the case of certain very significant things, for example, the Scythians and Lake Maeotis and the Ister River, for otherwise Homer would not have described the nomads by significant characteristics as "Galactophagi" and "Abii" and as "men most just," and also as "proud Hippemolgi,"See 7. 3. 6-7. and yet fail to call the Scythians either Sauromatae or Sarmatae, if indeed they were so named by the Greeks, nor yet, when he mentions the Thracians and Mysians, pass by the Ister River in silence, greatest of the rivers, and especially when he is inclined to mark the boundaries of places by rivers, nor yet, when he mentions the Cimmerians, omit any mention of the Bosporus or Lake Maeotis. - But in the case of things not so significant, either not at that time or for the purposes of his work, how could anyone find fault with Homer for omitting them? For example, for omitting the Tanaïs River, which is well known for no other reason than that it is the boundary between Asia and Europe. But the people of that time were not yet using either the name "Asia" or "Europe," nor yet had the inhabited world been divided into three continents as now, for otherwise he would have named them somewhere because of their very great significance, just as he mentions Libya and also the Lips, the wind that blows from the western parts of Libya. But since the continents had not yet been distinguished, there was no need of mentioning the Tanaïs either. Many things were indeed worthy of mention, but they did not occur to him; for of course adventitiousness is much in evidence both in one's discourse and in one's actions. From all these facts it is clear that every man who judges from the poet's failure to mention anything that he is ignorant of that thing uses faulty evidence. And it is necessary to set forth several examples to prove that it is faulty, for many use such evidence to a great extent. We must therefore rebuke them when they bring forward such evidences, even though in so doing I shall be repeating previous argument.12. 3. 26. For example, in the case of rivers, if anyone should say that the poet is ignorant of some river because he does not name it, I shall say that his argument is silly, because the poet does not even name the Meles River, which flows past Smyrna, the city which by most writers is called his birth-place, although he names the Hermus and Hyllus Rivers; neither does he name the Pactolus River, which flows into the same channel as these two rivers and rises in Tmolus, a mountain which he mentions;Hom. Il. 2.866, 21.835 neither does he mention Smyrna itself, nor the rest of the Ionian cities; nor the most of the Aeolian cities, though he mentions Miletus and Samos and Lesbos and Tenedos; nor yet the Lethaeus River, which flows past Magnesia, nor the Marsyas River, which rivers empty into the Maeander, which last he mentions by name, as alsothe Rhesus and Heptaporus and Caresus and Rhodius,Hom. Il. 12.20and the rest, most of which are no more than small streams. And when he names both many countries and cities, he sometimes names with them the rivers and mountains, but sometimes he does not. At any rate, he does not mention the rivers in Aetolia or Attica, nor in several other countries. Besides, if he mentions rivers far away and yet does not mention those that are very near, it is surely not because he was ignorant of them, since they were known to all others. Nor yet, surely, was he ignorant of peoples that were equally near, some of which he names and some not; for example he names the Lycians and the Solymi, but not the Milyae; nor yet the Pamphylians or Pisidians; and though he names the Paphlagonians, Phrygians, and Mysians, he does not name the Mariandyni; and he mentions the Amazons, but not the White Syrians, or Cappadocians, or Lycaonians, though he repeatedly mentions the Phoenicians and the Egyptians and the Ethiopians. And although he mentions the Alëian Plain and the Arimi,Hom. Il. 2.783 he is silent as to the tribe to which both belong. Such a test of the poet, therefore, is false; but the test is true only when it is shown that some false statement is made by him. But Apollodorus has not been proved correct in this case either, I mean when he was bold enough to say that the "proud Hippemolgi" and "Galactophagi" were fabrications of the poet. So much for Apollodorus. I now return to the part of my description that comes next in order. + But in the case of things not so significant, either not at that time or for the purposes of his work, how could anyone find fault with Homer for omitting them? For example, for omitting the Tanaïs River, which is well known for no other reason than that it is the boundary between Asia and Europe. But the people of that time were not yet using either the name "Asia" or "Europe," nor yet had the inhabited world been divided into three continents as now, for otherwise he would have named them somewhere because of their very great significance, just as he mentions Libya and also the Lips, the wind that blows from the western parts of Libya. But since the continents had not yet been distinguished, there was no need of mentioning the Tanaïs either. Many things were indeed worthy of mention, but they did not occur to him; for of course adventitiousness is much in evidence both in one's discourse and in one's actions. From all these facts it is clear that every man who judges from the poet's failure to mention anything that he is ignorant of that thing uses faulty evidence. And it is necessary to set forth several examples to prove that it is faulty, for many use such evidence to a great extent. We must therefore rebuke them when they bring forward such evidences, even though in so doing I shall be repeating previous argument.12. 3. 26. For example, in the case of rivers, if anyone should say that the poet is ignorant of some river because he does not name it, I shall say that his argument is silly, because the poet does not even name the Meles River, which flows past Smyrna, the city which by most writers is called his birth-place, although he names the Hermus and Hyllus Rivers; neither does he name the Pactolus River, which flows into the same channel as these two rivers and rises in Tmolus, a mountain which he mentions;Hom. Il. 2.866, 21.835 neither does he mention Smyrna itself, nor the rest of the Ionian cities; nor the most of the Aeolian cities, though he mentions Miletus and Samos and Lesbos and Tenedos; nor yet the Lethaeus River, which flows past Magnesia, nor the Marsyas River, which rivers empty into the Maeander, which last he mentions by name, as alsothe Rhesus and Heptaporus and Caresus and Rhodius,Hom. Il. 12.20and the rest, most of which are no more than small streams. And when he names both many countries and cities, he sometimes names with them the rivers and mountains, but sometimes he does not. At any rate, he does not mention the rivers in Aetolia or Attica, nor in several other countries. Besides, if he mentions rivers far away and yet does not mention those that are very near, it is surely not because he was ignorant of them, since they were known to all others. Nor yet, surely, was he ignorant of peoples that were equally near, some of which he names and some not; for example he names the Lycians and the Solymi, but not the Milyae; nor yet the Pamphylians or Pisidians; and though he names the Paphlagonians, Phrygians, and Mysians, he does not name the Mariandyni; and he mentions the Amazons, but not the White Syrians, or Cappadocians, or Lycaonians, though he repeatedly mentions the Phoenicians and the Egyptians and the Ethiopians. And although he mentions the Alëian Plain and the Arimi,Hom. Il. 2.783 he is silent as to the tribe to which both belong. Such a test of the poet, therefore, is false; but the test is true only when it is shown that some false statement is made by him. But Apollodorus has not been proved correct in this case either, I mean when he was bold enough to say that the "proud Hippemolgi" and "Galactophagi" were fabrications of the poet. So much for Apollodorus. I now return to the part of my description that comes next in order. Above the region of Pharnacia and Trapezus are the Tibareni and the Chaldaei, whose country extends to Lesser Armenia. This country is fairly fertile. Lesser Armenia, like Sophene, was always in the possession of potentates, who at times were friendly to the other Armenians and at times minded their own affairs. They held as subjects the Chaldaei and the Tibareni, and therefore their empire extended to Trapezus and Pharnacia. But when Mithridates Eupator had increased in power, he established himself as master, not only of Colchis, but also of all these places, these having been ceded to him by Antipater, the son of Sisis. And he cared so much for these places that he built seventy-five strongholds in them and therein deposited most of his treasures. The most notable of these strongholds were these: Hydara and Basgoedariza and Sinoria; Sinoria was close to the borders of Greater Armenia, and this is why Theophanes changed its spelling to Synoria."Synoria" means "border-land." For as a whole the mountainous range of the Paryadres has numerous suitable places for such strongholds, since it is well-watered and woody, and is in many places marked by sheer ravines and cliffs; at any rate, it was here that most of his fortified treasuries were built; and at last, in fact, Mithridates fled for refuge into these farthermost parts of the kingdom of Pontus, when Pompey invaded the country, and having seized a well-watered mountain near Dasteira in Acilisene (near by, also, was the Euphrates, which separates Acilisene from Lesser Armenia), he stayed there until he was besieged and forced to flee across the mountains into Colchis and from there to the Bosporus. Near this place, in Lesser Armenia, Pompey built a city, Nicopolis,"Victory-city." which endures even to this day and is well peopled. -Now as for Lesser Armenia, it was ruled by different persons at different times, according to the will of the Romans, and finally by Archeläus. But the Tibareni and Chaldaei, extending as far as Colchis, and Pharnacia and Trapezus are ruled by Pythodoris, a woman who is wise and qualified to preside over affairs of state. She is the daughter of Pythodorus of Tralles. She became the wife of Polemon and reigned along with him for a time, and then, when he diedCf. 14. 1. 42. in the country of the Aspurgiani, as they are called, one of the barbarian tribes round Sindice, she succeeded to the rulership. She had two sons and a daughter by Polemon. Her daughter was married to Cotys the Sapaean,King of Odrysae (Book VII, Frag. 47). but he was treacherously slain,In A.D. 19 by his uncle, Rhescuporis, king of the Bosporus. and she lived in widowhood, because she had children by him; and the eldest of these is now in power.The king of Thrace. As for the sons of Pythodoris, one of themPolemon II. as a private citizen is assisting his mother in the administration of her empire, whereas the otherZenon. has recently been established as king of Greater Armenia. She herself married Archeläus and remained with him to the end;He died in A.D. 17. but she is living in widowhood now, and is in possession not only of the places above mentioned, but also of others still more charming, which I shall describe next. +Now as for Lesser Armenia, it was ruled by different persons at different times, according to the will of the Romans, and finally by Archeläus. But the Tibareni and Chaldaei, extending as far as Colchis, and Pharnacia and Trapezus are ruled by Pythodoris, a woman who is wise and qualified to preside over affairs of state. She is the daughter of Pythodorus of Tralles. She became the wife of Polemon and reigned along with him for a time, and then, when he diedCf. 14. 1. 42. in the country of the Aspurgiani, as they are called, one of the barbarian tribes round Sindice, she succeeded to the rulership. She had two sons and a daughter by Polemon. Her daughter was married to Cotys the Sapaean,King of Odrysae (Book VII, Frag. 47). but he was treacherously slain,In A.D. 19 by his uncle, Rhescuporis, king of the Bosporus. and she lived in widowhood, because she had children by him; and the eldest of these is now in power.The king of Thrace. As for the sons of Pythodoris, one of themPolemon II. as a private citizen is assisting his mother in the administration of her empire, whereas the otherZenon. has recently been established as king of Greater Armenia. She herself married Archeläus and remained with him to the end;He died in A.D. 17. but she is living in widowhood now, and is in possession not only of the places above mentioned, but also of others still more charming, which I shall describe next. Sidene and Themiscyra are contiguous to Pharnacia. And above these lies Phanaroea, which has the best portion of Pontus, for it is planted with olive trees, abounds in wine, and has all the other goodly attributes a country can have. On its eastern side it is protected by the Paryadres Mountain, in its length lying parallel to that mountain; and on its western side by the Lithrus and Ophlimus Mountains. It forms a valley of considerable breadth as well as length; and it is traversed by the Lycus River, which flows from Armenia, and by the Iris, which flows from the narrow passes near Amaseia. The two rivers meet at about the middle of the valley; and at their junction is situated a city which the first man who subjugated iti.e., Mithridates Eupator. called Eupatoria after his own name, but Pompey found it only half-finished and added to it territory and settlers, and called it Magnopolis. Now this city is situated in the middle of the plain, but Cabeira is situated close to the very foothills of the Paryadres Mountains about one hundred and fifty stadia farther south than Magnopolis, the same distance that Amaseia is farther west than Magnopolis. It was at Cabeira that the palace of Mithridates was built, and also the water-mill; and here were the zoological gardens, and, near by, the hunting grounds, and the mines. -Here, also, is Kainon Chorion,"New Place." as it is called, a rock that is sheer and fortified by nature, being less than two hundred stadia distant from Cabeira. It has on its summit a spring that sends forth much water, and at its foot a river and a deep ravine. The height of the rock above the necki.e., the "neck," or ridge, which forms the approach to rock (cp. the use of the word in section 39 following). is immense, so that it is impregnable; and it is enclosed by remarkable walls, except the part where they have been pulled down by the Romans. And the whole country around is so overgrown with forests, and so mountainous and waterless, that it is impossible for an enemy to encamp within one hundred and twenty stadia. Here it was that the most precious of the treasures of Mithridates were kept, which are now stored in the Capitolium, where they were dedicated by Pompey. Pythodoris possesses the whole of this country, which is adjacent to the barbarian country occupied by her, and also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. As for Cabeira, which by Pompey had been built into a city and called Diospolis,"City of Zeus." Pythodoris further adorned it and changed its name to Sebaste;In Latin, "Augusta." and she uses the city as a royal residence. It has also the temple of Men of Pharnaces,i.e., established by Pharnaces. as it is called,—the village-city Ameria, which has many temples servants, and also a sacred territory, the fruit of which is always reaped by the ordained priest. And the kings revered this temple so exceedingly that they proclaimed the "royal" oath as follows: "By the Fortune of the king and by Men of Pharnaces."Professor David M. Robinson says (in a private communication): "I think that *mh/n *farna/kou equals *tu/xh *basile/ws, since *mh/n equals *tu/xh on coins of Antioch." And this is also the temple of Selene,Goddess of the "Moon." like that among the Albanians and those in Phrygia,See 11. 4. 7 and 12. 8. 20. I mean that of Men in the place of the same name and that of MenSir William Ramsay (Journal of Hellenic Studies 1918, vol. 38, pp. 148 ff.) argues that "Men" is a grecized form for the Anatolian "Manes," the native god of the land of Ouramma; and "Manes Ourammoas was Hellenized as Zeus Ouruda-menos or Euruda-mennos." See also M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, p. 238, and Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. Antiq., s.v. "Lunus." Ascaeus"Ascaënus (*)askahno/s) is the regular spelling of the word, the spelling found in hundreds of inscriptions, whereas Ascaeus (*a)skai=os) has been found in only two inscriptions, according to Professor David M. Robinson. On this temple, see Sir W. M. Ramsay's "Excavations at Pisidian Antioch in 1912," The Athenaeum, London, March 8, Aug. 31, and Sept. 7, 1913. near the Antiocheia that is near PisidiaNote that Strabo, both here and in 12. 8. 14, refers to this Antioch as "the Antioch near Pisidia," not as "Pisidian Antioch," the appellation now in common use. Neither does Artemidorus (lived about 100 B.C.), as quoted by Strabo (12. 7. 2), name Antioch in his list of Pisidian cities. and that of Men in the country of the Antiocheians.i.e., in the territory of which Antiocheia was capital. At this "remote old Anatolian Sanctuary" (not to be confused with that of Men Ascaeus near Antiocheia), "Strabo does not say what epithet Men bore" (Ramsay is first article above cited). That of Men Ascaeus on Mt. Kara Kuyu has been excavated by Ramsay and Calder (J.H.S. 1912, pp 111-150, British School Annual 1911-12, XVIII, 37 ff., J.R.S. 1918, pp 107-145. The other, not yet found, "may have been," according to Professor Robinson, "at Saghir." +Here, also, is Kainon Chorion,"New Place." as it is called, a rock that is sheer and fortified by nature, being less than two hundred stadia distant from Cabeira. It has on its summit a spring that sends forth much water, and at its foot a river and a deep ravine. The height of the rock above the necki.e., the "neck," or ridge, which forms the approach to rock (cp. the use of the word in section 39 following). is immense, so that it is impregnable; and it is enclosed by remarkable walls, except the part where they have been pulled down by the Romans. And the whole country around is so overgrown with forests, and so mountainous and waterless, that it is impossible for an enemy to encamp within one hundred and twenty stadia. Here it was that the most precious of the treasures of Mithridates were kept, which are now stored in the Capitolium, where they were dedicated by Pompey. Pythodoris possesses the whole of this country, which is adjacent to the barbarian country occupied by her, and also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. As for Cabeira, which by Pompey had been built into a city and called Diospolis,"City of Zeus." Pythodoris further adorned it and changed its name to Sebaste;In Latin, "Augusta." and she uses the city as a royal residence. It has also the temple of Men of Pharnaces,i.e., established by Pharnaces. as it is called,—the village-city Ameria, which has many temples servants, and also a sacred territory, the fruit of which is always reaped by the ordained priest. And the kings revered this temple so exceedingly that they proclaimed the "royal" oath as follows: "By the Fortune of the king and by Men of Pharnaces."Professor David M. Robinson says (in a private communication): "I think that *mh/n *farna/kou equals *tu/xh *basile/ws, since *mh/n equals *tu/xh on coins of Antioch." And this is also the temple of Selene,Goddess of the "Moon." like that among the Albanians and those in Phrygia,See 11. 4. 7 and 12. 8. 20. I mean that of Men in the place of the same name and that of MenSir William Ramsay (Journal of Hellenic Studies 1918, vol. 38, pp. 148 ff.) argues that "Men" is a grecized form for the Anatolian "Manes," the native god of the land of Ouramma; and "Manes Ourammoas was Hellenized as Zeus Ouruda-menos or Euruda-mennos." See also M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, p. 238, and Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. Antiq., s.v. "Lunus." Ascaeus"Ascaënus (*)askahno/s) is the regular spelling of the word, the spelling found in hundreds of inscriptions, whereas Ascaeus (*a)skai=os) has been found in only two inscriptions, according to Professor David M. Robinson. On this temple, see Sir W. M. Ramsay's "Excavations at Pisidian Antioch in 1912," The Athenaeum, London, March 8, Aug. 31, and Sept. 7, 1913. near the Antiocheia that is near PisidiaNote that Strabo, both here and in 12. 8. 14, refers to this Antioch as "the Antioch near Pisidia," not as "Pisidian Antioch," the appellation now in common use. Neither does Artemidorus (lived about 100 B.C.), as quoted by Strabo (12. 7. 2), name Antioch in his list of Pisidian cities. and that of Men in the country of the Antiocheians.i.e., in the territory of which Antiocheia was capital. At this "remote old Anatolian Sanctuary" (not to be confused with that of Men Ascaeus near Antiocheia), "Strabo does not say what epithet Men bore" (Ramsay is first article above cited). That of Men Ascaeus on Mt. Kara Kuyu has been excavated by Ramsay and Calder (J.H.S. 1912, pp 111-150, British School Annual 1911-12, XVIII, 37 ff., J.R.S. 1918, pp 107-145. The other, not yet found, "may have been," according to Professor Robinson, "at Saghir." Above Phanaroea is the Pontic Comana, which bears the same name as the city in Greater Cappadocia, having been consecrated to the same goddess and copied after that city; and I might almost say that the courses which they have followed in their sacrifices, in their divine obsessions, and in their reverence for their priests, are about the same, and particularly in the times of the kings who reigned before this, I mean in the times when twice a year, during the "exoduses"i.e., "solemn processions." of the goddess, as they are called, the priest wore a diademAs a symbol of regal dignity. and ranked second in honor after the king. -Heretofore10. 4. 10. I have mentioned Dorylaüs the tactician, who was my mother's great grandfather, and also a second Dorylaüs, who was the nephew of the former and the son of Philetaerus, saying that, although he had received all the greatest honors from Eupator and in particular the priesthood of Comana, he was caught trying to cause the kingdom to revolt to the Romans; and when he was overthrown, the family was cast into disrepute along with him. But long afterwards Moaphernes, my mother's uncle, came into distinction just before the dissolution of the kingdom, and again they were unfortunate along with the king, both Moaphernes and his relatives, except some who revolted from the king beforehand, as did my maternal grandfather, who, seeing that the cause of the king was going badly in the war with Leucullus, and at the same time being alienated from him out of wrath at his recently having put to death his cousin Tibius and Tibius' son Theophilus, set out to avenge both them and himself; and, taking pledges from Leucullus, he caused fifteen garrisons to revolt to him; and although great promises were made in return for these services, yet, when Pompey, who succeeded Leucullus in the conduct of the war, went over, he took for enemies all who had in any way favored Leucullus, because of the hatred which had arisen between himself and Leucullus; and when he finished the war and returned home, he won so completely that the Senate would not ratify those honors which Leucullus had promised to certain of the people of Pontus, for, he said, it was unjust, when one man had brought the war to a successful issue, that the prizes and the distribution of the rewards should be placed in the hands of another man. -Now in the times of the kings the affairs of Comana were administered in the manner already described, but when Pompey took over the authority, he appointed Archeläus priest and included within his boundaries, in addition to the sacred land, a territory of two schoeni (that is, sixty stadia) in circuit and ordered the inhabitants to obey his rule. Now he was governor of these, and also master of the temple-servants who lived in the city, except that he was not empowered to sell them. And even hereAs well as in the Cappadocian Comana (12. 2. 3). the temple-servants were no fewer in number than six thousand. This Archeläus was the son of the Archeläus who was honored by Sulla and the Senate, and was also a friend of Gabinius,Consul 58 B.C.; in 57 B.C. went to Syria as proconsul. a man of consular rank. When Gabinius was sent into Syria, Archeläus himself also went there in the hope of sharing with him in his preparations for the Parthian War, but since the Senate would not permit him, he dismissed that hope and found another of greater importance. For it happened at that time that Ptolemaeus, the father of Cleopatra, had been banished by the Egyptians, and his daughter, elder sister of Cleopatra, was in possession of the kingdom; and since a husband of royal family was being sought for her, Archeläus proffered himself to her agents, pretending that he was the son of Mithridates Eupator; and he was accepted, but he reigned only six months. Now this Archeläus was slain by Gabinius in a pitched battle, when the latter was restoring Ptolemaeus to his kingdom. +Heretofore10. 4. 10. I have mentioned Dorylaüs the tactician, who was my mother's great grandfather, and also a second Dorylaüs, who was the nephew of the former and the son of Philetaerus, saying that, although he had received all the greatest honors from Eupator and in particular the priesthood of Comana, he was caught trying to cause the kingdom to revolt to the Romans; and when he was overthrown, the family was cast into disrepute along with him. But long afterwards Moaphernes, my mother's uncle, came into distinction just before the dissolution of the kingdom, and again they were unfortunate along with the king, both Moaphernes and his relatives, except some who revolted from the king beforehand, as did my maternal grandfather, who, seeing that the cause of the king was going badly in the war with Leucullus, and at the same time being alienated from him out of wrath at his recently having put to death his cousin Tibius and Tibius' son Theophilus, set out to avenge both them and himself; and, taking pledges from Leucullus, he caused fifteen garrisons to revolt to him; and although great promises were made in return for these services, yet, when Pompey, who succeeded Leucullus in the conduct of the war, went over, he took for enemies all who had in any way favored Leucullus, because of the hatred which had arisen between himself and Leucullus; and when he finished the war and returned home, he won so completely that the Senate would not ratify those honors which Leucullus had promised to certain of the people of Pontus, for, he said, it was unjust, when one man had brought the war to a successful issue, that the prizes and the distribution of the rewards should be placed in the hands of another man. +Now in the times of the kings the affairs of Comana were administered in the manner already described, but when Pompey took over the authority, he appointed Archeläus priest and included within his boundaries, in addition to the sacred land, a territory of two schoeni (that is, sixty stadia) in circuit and ordered the inhabitants to obey his rule. Now he was governor of these, and also master of the temple-servants who lived in the city, except that he was not empowered to sell them. And even hereAs well as in the Cappadocian Comana (12. 2. 3). the temple-servants were no fewer in number than six thousand. This Archeläus was the son of the Archeläus who was honored by Sulla and the Senate, and was also a friend of Gabinius,Consul 58 B.C.; in 57 B.C. went to Syria as proconsul. a man of consular rank. When Gabinius was sent into Syria, Archeläus himself also went there in the hope of sharing with him in his preparations for the Parthian War, but since the Senate would not permit him, he dismissed that hope and found another of greater importance. For it happened at that time that Ptolemaeus, the father of Cleopatra, had been banished by the Egyptians, and his daughter, elder sister of Cleopatra, was in possession of the kingdom; and since a husband of royal family was being sought for her, Archeläus proffered himself to her agents, pretending that he was the son of Mithridates Eupator; and he was accepted, but he reigned only six months. Now this Archeläus was slain by Gabinius in a pitched battle, when the latter was restoring Ptolemaeus to his kingdom. But his son succeeded to the priesthood; and then later, Lycomedes, to whom was assigned an additional territorySee section 34. of four hundred schoeni; but now that he has been deposed, the office is held by Dyteutus, son of Adiatorix, who is thought to have obtained the honor from Caesar Augustus because of his excellent qualities; for Caesar, after leading Adiatorix in triumph together with his wife and children, resolved to put him to death together with the eldest of his sons (for Dyteutus was the eldest), but when the second of the brothers told the soldiers who were leading them away to execution that he was the eldest, there was a contest between the two for a long time, until the parents persuaded Dyteutus to yield the victory to the younger, for he, they said, being more advanced in age, would be a more suitable guardian for his mother and for the remaining brother. And thus, they say, the younger was put to death with his father, whereas the elder was saved and obtained the honor of the priesthood. For learning about this, as it seems, after the men had already been put to death, Caesar was grieved, and he regarded the survivors as worthy of his favor and care, giving them the honor in question. Now Comana is a populous city and is a notable emporium for the people from Armenia; and at the times of the "exoduses"See section 32 above, and the footnote. of the goddess people assemble there from everywhere, from both the cities and the country, men together with women, to attend the festival. And there are certain others, also, who in accordance with a vow are always residing there, performing sacrifices in honor of the goddess. And the inhabitants live in luxury, and all their property is planted with vines; and there is a multitude of women who make gain from their persons, most of whom are dedicated to the goddess, for in a way the city is a lesser Corinth,See 8. 6. 20. for there too, on account of the multitude of courtesans, who were sacred to Aphrodite, outsiders resorted in great numbers and kept holiday. And the merchants and soldiers who went there squandered all their moneySee 8. 6. 20. so that the following proverb arose in reference to them: Not for every man is the voyage to Corinth. Such, then, is my account of Comana. -The whole of the country around is held by Pythodoris, to whom belong, not only Phanaroea, but also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. Concerning Phanaroea I have already spoken. As for Zelitis, it has a city Zela, fortified on a mound of Semiramis, with the temple of Anaïtis, who is also revered by the Armenians.Cf. 11. 14. 16. Now the sacred rites performed here are characterized by greater sanctity; and it is here that all the people of Pontus make their oaths concerning their matters of greatest importance. The large number of temple-servants and the honors of the priests were, in the time of the kings, of the same type as I have stated before, but at the present time everything is in the power of Pythodoris. Many persons had abused and reduced both the multitude of temple-servants and the rest of the resources of the temple. The adjacent territory, also, was reduced, having been divided into several domains—I mean Zelitis, as it is called (which has the city Zela on a mound); for in, early times the kings governed Zela, not as a city, but as a sacred precinct of the Persian gods, and the priest was the master of the whole thing. It was inhabited by the multitude of temple-servants, and by the priest, who had an abundance of resources; and the sacred territory as well as that of the priest was subject to him and his numerous attendants.Cf. 12. 3. 31. Pompey added many provinces to the boundaries of Zelitis, and named Zela, as he did Megalopolis, a city, and he united the latter and Culupene and Camisene into one state; the latter two border on both Lesser Armenia and Laviansene, and they contain rock-salt, and also an ancient fortress called Camisa, now in ruins. The later Roman prefects assigned a portion of these two governments to the priests of Comana, a portion to the priest of Zela, and a portion to Ateporix, a dynast of the family of tetrarchs of Galatia; but now that Ateporix has died, this portion, which is not large, is subject to the Romans, being called a province (and this little state is is a political organization of itself, the people having incorporated Carana into it, from which fact its country is called Caranitis), whereas the rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus. +The whole of the country around is held by Pythodoris, to whom belong, not only Phanaroea, but also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. Concerning Phanaroea I have already spoken. As for Zelitis, it has a city Zela, fortified on a mound of Semiramis, with the temple of Anaïtis, who is also revered by the Armenians.Cf. 11. 14. 16. Now the sacred rites performed here are characterized by greater sanctity; and it is here that all the people of Pontus make their oaths concerning their matters of greatest importance. The large number of temple-servants and the honors of the priests were, in the time of the kings, of the same type as I have stated before, but at the present time everything is in the power of Pythodoris. Many persons had abused and reduced both the multitude of temple-servants and the rest of the resources of the temple. The adjacent territory, also, was reduced, having been divided into several domains—I mean Zelitis, as it is called (which has the city Zela on a mound); for in, early times the kings governed Zela, not as a city, but as a sacred precinct of the Persian gods, and the priest was the master of the whole thing. It was inhabited by the multitude of temple-servants, and by the priest, who had an abundance of resources; and the sacred territory as well as that of the priest was subject to him and his numerous attendants.Cf. 12. 3. 31. Pompey added many provinces to the boundaries of Zelitis, and named Zela, as he did Megalopolis, a city, and he united the latter and Culupene and Camisene into one state; the latter two border on both Lesser Armenia and Laviansene, and they contain rock-salt, and also an ancient fortress called Camisa, now in ruins. The later Roman prefects assigned a portion of these two governments to the priests of Comana, a portion to the priest of Zela, and a portion to Ateporix, a dynast of the family of tetrarchs of Galatia; but now that Ateporix has died, this portion, which is not large, is subject to the Romans, being called a province (and this little state is is a political organization of itself, the people having incorporated Carana into it, from which fact its country is called Caranitis), whereas the rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus. There remain to be described the parts of the Pontus which lie between this country and the countries of the Amisenians and Sinopeans, which latter extend towards Cappadocia and Galatia and Paphlagonia. Now after the territory of the Amisenians, and extending to the Halys River, is Phazemonitis, which Pompey named Neapolitis, proclaiming the settlement at the village Phazemon a city and calling it Neapolis."New City." The northern side of this country is bounded by Gazelonitis and the country of the Amisenians; the western by the Halys River; the eastern by Phanaroea; and the remaining side by my country, that of the Amaseians, which is by far the largest and best of all. Now the part of Phazemonitis towards Phanaroea is covered by a lake which is like a sea in size, is called Stephane, abounds in fish, and has all round it abundant pastures of all kinds. On its shores lies a strong fortress, Icizari, now deserted; and, near by, a royal palace, now in ruins. The remainder of the country is in general bare of trees and productive of grain. Above the country of the Amaseians are situated the hot springs of the Phazemonitae, which are extremely good for the health, and also Sagylium, with a strong hold situated on a high steep mountain that runs up into a sharp peak. Sagylium also has an abundant reservoir of water, which is now in neglect, although it was useful to the kings for many purposes. Here Arsaces, one of the sons of Pharnaces, who was playing the dynast and attempting a revolution without permission from any of the prefects, was captured and slain.The translation conforms with a slight emendation of the Greek text. The MSS. make Strabo say that "Arsaces . . . was captured and slain by the sons of Pharnaces". He was captured, however, not by force, although the stronghold was taken by Polemon and Lycomedes, both of them kings, but by starvation, for he fled up into the mountain without provisions, being shut out from the plains, and he also found the wells of the reservoir choked up by huge rocks; for this had been done by order of Pompey, who ordered that the garrisons be pulled down and not be left useful to those who wished to flee up to them for the sake of robberies. Now it was in this way that Pompey arranged Phazemonitis for administrative purposes, but the later rulers distributed alsoi.e., as well as Zela and Megalopolis. this country among kings. My cityAmaseia. is situated in a large deep valley, through which flows the Iris River. Both by human foresight and by nature it is an admirably devised city, since it can at the same time afford the advantage of both a city and a fortress; for it is a high and precipitous rock, which descends abruptly to the river, and has on one side the wall on the edge of the river where the city is settled and on the other the wall that runs up on either side to the peaks. These peaks are two in number, are united with one another by nature, and are magnificently towered.This appears to mean that the two peaks ran up into two towers and not that they had towers built upon them. Within this circuit are both the palaces and monuments of the kings. The peaks are connected by a necki.e., isthmus-like ridge. which is altogether narrow, and is five or six stadia in height on either side as one goes up from the riverbanks and the suburbs; and from the neck to the peaks there remains another ascent of one stadium, which is sharp and superior to any kind of force. The rock also has reservoirs of water inside it, A water-supply of which the city cannot be deprived, since two tube-like channels have been hewn out, one towards the river and the other towards the neck. And two bridges have been built over the river, one from the city to the suburbs and the other from the suburbs to the outside territory; for it is at this bridge that the mountain which lies above the rock terminates. And there is a valley extending from the river which at first is not altogether wide, but it later widens out and forms the plain called Chiliocomum;i.e., "Plain of the thousand villages." and then comes the Diacopene and Pimolisene country, all of which is fertile, extending to the Halys River. These are the northern parts of the country of the Amaseians, and are about five hundred stadia in length. Then in order comes the remainder of their country, which is much longer than this, extending to Babanomus and Ximene, which latter itself extends as far as the Halys River. This, then, is the length of their country, whereas the breadth from the north to the south extends, not only to Zelitis, but also to Greater Cappadocia, as far as the Trocmi. In Ximene there are "halae"i.e., "salt-works." of rock-salt,Literally, salt obtained by digging or mining. On the salt-mines of northern India, see 5. 2. 6 and 15. 1. 30. after which the river is supposed to have been called "Halys." There are several demolished strongholds in my country, and also much deserted land, because of the Mithridatic War. However, it is all well supplied with trees; a part of it affords pasturage for horses and is adapted to the raising of the other animals; and the whole of it is beautifully adapted to habitation. Amaseia was also given to kings, though it is now a province.Roman province, of course. -There remains that part of the Pontic province which lies outside the Halys River, I mean the country round Mt. Olgassys, contiguous to Sinopis. Mt. Olgassys is extremely high and hard to travel. And temples that have been established everywhere on this mountain are held by the Paphlagonians. And round it lies fairly good territory, both Blaëne and Domanitis, through which latter flows the Amnias River. Here Mithridates Eupator utterly wiped out the forces of Nicomedes the Bithynian—not in person, however, since it happened that he was not even present, but through his generals. And while Nicomedes, fleeing with a few others, safely escaped to his home-land and from there sailed to Italy, Mithridates followed him and not only took Bithynia at the first assault but also took possession of Asia as far as Caria and Lycia. And here, too, a place was proclaimed a city, I mean Pompeiupolis"Pompey's city." On the history of this city, see J. G. C. Anderson in Anatolian Studies presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay, p. 6. Anderson's article is of great importance in the study of the time of the composition of Strabo's Geography. and in this city is Mt. Sandaracurgium,Mt. "Realgar (red sulphuret of arsenic) mine." not far away from Pimolisa, a royal fortress now in ruins, after which the country on either side of the river is called Pimolisene. Mt. Sandaracurgium is hollowed out in consequence of the mining done there, since the workmen have excavated great cavities beneath it. The mine used to be worked by publicans, who used as miners the slaves sold in the market because of their crimes; for, in addition to the painfulness of the work, they say that the air in the mines is both deadly and hard to endure on account of the grievous odor of the ore, so that the workmen are doomed to a quick death. What is more, the mine is often left idle because of the unprofitableness of it, since the workmen are not only more than two hundred in number, but are continually spent by disease and death.Hence the continual necessity of purchasing other slaves to replace them. So much be said concerning Pontus. -After Pompeiupolis comes the remainder of the interior of Paphlagonia, extending westwards as far as Bithynia. This country, small though it is, was governed by several rulers a little before my time, but, the family of kings having died out, it is now in possession of the Romans. At any rate, they give to the country that borders on Bithyniai.e., as being divided up into several domains. the names "Timonitis," "the country of Gezatorix," and also "Marmolitis," "Sanisene," and " Potamia. There was also a Cimiatene, in which was Cimiata, a strong fortress situated at the foot of the mountainous country of the Olgassys. This was used by Mithridates, surnamed Ctistes,i.e., "Founder" of Pontus as an independent kingdom; reigned 337-302 B.C. as a base of operations when he established himself as lord of Pontus; and his descendants preserved the succession down to Eupator. The last to reign over Paphlagonia was Deïotarus, the son of Castor, surnamed Philadelphus, who possessed Gangra, the royal residence of Morzeüs, which was at the same time a small town and a fortress. -Eudoxus mentions fish that are "dug up" in Paphlagonia "in dry places," but he does not distinguish the place; and he says that they are dug up "in moist places round the Ascanian Lake below Cius," without saying anything clear on the subject.Cf. the "dug mullets" in Celtica, 4. 1. 6. Since I am describing the part of Paphlagonia which borders on Pontus and since the Bithynians border on the Paphlagonians towards the west, I shall try to go over this region also; and then, taking a new beginning from the countries of these people and the Paphlagonians, I shall interweave my description of their regions with that of the regions which follow these in order towards the south as far as the Taurus —the regions that ran parallel to Pontus and Paphlagonia; for some such order and division is suggested by the nature of the regions. +There remains that part of the Pontic province which lies outside the Halys River, I mean the country round Mt. Olgassys, contiguous to Sinopis. Mt. Olgassys is extremely high and hard to travel. And temples that have been established everywhere on this mountain are held by the Paphlagonians. And round it lies fairly good territory, both Blaëne and Domanitis, through which latter flows the Amnias River. Here Mithridates Eupator utterly wiped out the forces of Nicomedes the Bithynian—not in person, however, since it happened that he was not even present, but through his generals. And while Nicomedes, fleeing with a few others, safely escaped to his home-land and from there sailed to Italy, Mithridates followed him and not only took Bithynia at the first assault but also took possession of Asia as far as Caria and Lycia. And here, too, a place was proclaimed a city, I mean Pompeiupolis"Pompey's city." On the history of this city, see J. G. C. Anderson in Anatolian Studies presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay, p. 6. Anderson's article is of great importance in the study of the time of the composition of Strabo's Geography. and in this city is Mt. Sandaracurgium,Mt. "Realgar (red sulphuret of arsenic) mine." not far away from Pimolisa, a royal fortress now in ruins, after which the country on either side of the river is called Pimolisene. Mt. Sandaracurgium is hollowed out in consequence of the mining done there, since the workmen have excavated great cavities beneath it. The mine used to be worked by publicans, who used as miners the slaves sold in the market because of their crimes; for, in addition to the painfulness of the work, they say that the air in the mines is both deadly and hard to endure on account of the grievous odor of the ore, so that the workmen are doomed to a quick death. What is more, the mine is often left idle because of the unprofitableness of it, since the workmen are not only more than two hundred in number, but are continually spent by disease and death.Hence the continual necessity of purchasing other slaves to replace them. So much be said concerning Pontus. +After Pompeiupolis comes the remainder of the interior of Paphlagonia, extending westwards as far as Bithynia. This country, small though it is, was governed by several rulers a little before my time, but, the family of kings having died out, it is now in possession of the Romans. At any rate, they give to the country that borders on Bithyniai.e., as being divided up into several domains. the names "Timonitis," "the country of Gezatorix," and also "Marmolitis," "Sanisene," and " Potamia. There was also a Cimiatene, in which was Cimiata, a strong fortress situated at the foot of the mountainous country of the Olgassys. This was used by Mithridates, surnamed Ctistes,i.e., "Founder" of Pontus as an independent kingdom; reigned 337-302 B.C. as a base of operations when he established himself as lord of Pontus; and his descendants preserved the succession down to Eupator. The last to reign over Paphlagonia was Deïotarus, the son of Castor, surnamed Philadelphus, who possessed Gangra, the royal residence of Morzeüs, which was at the same time a small town and a fortress. +Eudoxus mentions fish that are "dug up" in Paphlagonia "in dry places," but he does not distinguish the place; and he says that they are dug up "in moist places round the Ascanian Lake below Cius," without saying anything clear on the subject.Cf. the "dug mullets" in Celtica, 4. 1. 6. Since I am describing the part of Paphlagonia which borders on Pontus and since the Bithynians border on the Paphlagonians towards the west, I shall try to go over this region also; and then, taking a new beginning from the countries of these people and the Paphlagonians, I shall interweave my description of their regions with that of the regions which follow these in order towards the south as far as the Taurus —the regions that ran parallel to Pontus and Paphlagonia; for some such order and division is suggested by the nature of the regions.

@@ -948,15 +948,15 @@

-The Galatians, then, are to the south of the Paphlagonians. And of these there are three tribes; two of them, the Trocmi and the Tolistobogii, are named after their leaders, whereas the third, the Tectosages, is named after the tribe in Celtica.See 4. 1. 13. This country was occupied by the Galatae after they had wandered about for a long time, and after they had overrun the country that was subject to the Attalic and the Bithynian kings, until by voluntary cession they received the present Galatia, or Gallo-Graecia, as it is called. Leonnorius is generally reputed to have been the chief leader of their expedition across to Asia. The three tribes spoke the same language and differed from each other in no respect; and each was divided into four portions which were called tetrarchies, each tetrarchy having its own tetrarch, and also one judge and one military commander, both subject to the tetrarch, and two subordinate commanders. The Council of the twelve tetrarchs consisted of three hundred men, who assembled at Drynemetum, as it was called. Now the Council passed judgment upon murder cases, but the tetrarchs and the judges upon all others. Such, then, was the organization of Galatia long ago, but in my time the power has passed to three rulers, then to two; and then to one, Deïotarus, and then to Amyntas, who succeeded him. But at the present time the Romans possess both this country and the whole of the country that became subject to Amyntas, having united them into one province.25 B.C. -The Trocmi possess the parts near Pontus and Cappadocia. These are the most powerful of the parts occupied by the Galatians. They have three walled garrisons: Tavium, the emporium of the people in that part of the country, where are the colossal statue of Zeus in bronze and his sacred precinct, a place of refuge; and Mithridatium, which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, having separated it from the kingdom of Pontus; and third, Danala, where Pompey and Leucullus had their conference, Pompey coming there as successor of Leucullus in the command of the war, and Leucullus giving over to Pompey his authority and leaving the country to celebrate his triumph. The Trocmi, then, possess these parts, but the Tectosages the parts near Greater Phrygia in the neighborhood of Pessinus and Orcaorci. To the Tectosages belonged the fortress Ancyra, which bore the same name as the Phrygian town situated toward Lydia in the neighborhood of Blaudus. And the Tolistobogii border on the Bithynians and Phrygia "Epictetus" as it is called. Their fortresses are Blucium and Peïum, the former of which was the royal residence of Deïotarus and the latter the place where he kept his treasures. -Pessinus is the greatest of the emporiums in that part of the world, containing a temple of the Mother of the gods, which is an object of great veneration. They call her Agdistis. The priests were in ancient times potentates, I might call them, who reaped the fruits of a great priesthood, but at present the prerogatives of these have been much reduced, although the emporium still endures. The sacred precinct has been built up by the Attalic kings in a manner befitting a holy place, with a sanctuary and also with porticos of white marble. The Romans made the temple famous when, in accordance with oracles of the Sibyl, they sent for the statue of the goddess there, just as they did in the case of that of Asclepius at Epidaurus. There is also a mountain situated above the city, Dindymum, after which the country Dindymene was named, just as Cybele was named after Cybela. Near by, also, flows the Sangarius River; and on this river are the ancient habitations of the Phrygians, of Midas, and of Gordius, who lived even before his time, and of certain others,—habitations which preserve not even traces of cities, but are only villages slightly larger than the others, for instance, Gordium and Gorbeus, the royal residence of Castor the son of Saocondarius, where Deïotarus, Castor's father-in-law, slew him and his own daughter. And he pulled down the fortress and ruined most of the settlement. +The Galatians, then, are to the south of the Paphlagonians. And of these there are three tribes; two of them, the Trocmi and the Tolistobogii, are named after their leaders, whereas the third, the Tectosages, is named after the tribe in Celtica.See 4. 1. 13. This country was occupied by the Galatae after they had wandered about for a long time, and after they had overrun the country that was subject to the Attalic and the Bithynian kings, until by voluntary cession they received the present Galatia, or Gallo-Graecia, as it is called. Leonnorius is generally reputed to have been the chief leader of their expedition across to Asia. The three tribes spoke the same language and differed from each other in no respect; and each was divided into four portions which were called tetrarchies, each tetrarchy having its own tetrarch, and also one judge and one military commander, both subject to the tetrarch, and two subordinate commanders. The Council of the twelve tetrarchs consisted of three hundred men, who assembled at Drynemetum, as it was called. Now the Council passed judgment upon murder cases, but the tetrarchs and the judges upon all others. Such, then, was the organization of Galatia long ago, but in my time the power has passed to three rulers, then to two; and then to one, Deïotarus, and then to Amyntas, who succeeded him. But at the present time the Romans possess both this country and the whole of the country that became subject to Amyntas, having united them into one province.25 B.C. +The Trocmi possess the parts near Pontus and Cappadocia. These are the most powerful of the parts occupied by the Galatians. They have three walled garrisons: Tavium, the emporium of the people in that part of the country, where are the colossal statue of Zeus in bronze and his sacred precinct, a place of refuge; and Mithridatium, which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, having separated it from the kingdom of Pontus; and third, Danala, where Pompey and Leucullus had their conference, Pompey coming there as successor of Leucullus in the command of the war, and Leucullus giving over to Pompey his authority and leaving the country to celebrate his triumph. The Trocmi, then, possess these parts, but the Tectosages the parts near Greater Phrygia in the neighborhood of Pessinus and Orcaorci. To the Tectosages belonged the fortress Ancyra, which bore the same name as the Phrygian town situated toward Lydia in the neighborhood of Blaudus. And the Tolistobogii border on the Bithynians and Phrygia "Epictetus" as it is called. Their fortresses are Blucium and Peïum, the former of which was the royal residence of Deïotarus and the latter the place where he kept his treasures. +Pessinus is the greatest of the emporiums in that part of the world, containing a temple of the Mother of the gods, which is an object of great veneration. They call her Agdistis. The priests were in ancient times potentates, I might call them, who reaped the fruits of a great priesthood, but at present the prerogatives of these have been much reduced, although the emporium still endures. The sacred precinct has been built up by the Attalic kings in a manner befitting a holy place, with a sanctuary and also with porticos of white marble. The Romans made the temple famous when, in accordance with oracles of the Sibyl, they sent for the statue of the goddess there, just as they did in the case of that of Asclepius at Epidaurus. There is also a mountain situated above the city, Dindymum, after which the country Dindymene was named, just as Cybele was named after Cybela. Near by, also, flows the Sangarius River; and on this river are the ancient habitations of the Phrygians, of Midas, and of Gordius, who lived even before his time, and of certain others,—habitations which preserve not even traces of cities, but are only villages slightly larger than the others, for instance, Gordium and Gorbeus, the royal residence of Castor the son of Saocondarius, where Deïotarus, Castor's father-in-law, slew him and his own daughter. And he pulled down the fortress and ruined most of the settlement. After Galatia towards the south are situated Lake Tatta, which lies alongside Greater Cappadocia near Morimene but is a part of Greater Phrygia, and the country continuous with this lake and extending as far as the Taurus, most of which was held by Amyntas. Now lake Tatta is a natural salt-pan; and the water so easily congeals round everything that is immersed in it, that when people let down into it rings made of rope they draw up wreaths of salt, and that, on account of the congealing of the salt, the birds which touch the water with their wings fall on the spot and are thus caught.

-Such, then, is Tatta. And the regions round Orcaorci and Pitnissus, as also the plateaus of the Lycaonians, are cold, bare of trees, and grazed by wild asses, though there is a great scarcity of water; and even where it is possible to find water, then wells are the deepest in the world, just as in Soatra, where the water is actually sold (this is a village-city near Garsaüra). But still, although the country is unwatered,i.e., by streams. it is remarkably productive of sheep; but the wool is coarse, and yet some persons have acquired very great wealth from this alone. Amyntas had over three hundred flocks in this region. There are also two lakes in this region, the larger being Lake Coralis and the smaller Lake Trogitis. In this neighborhood is also Iconium, a town that is well settled and has a more prosperous territory than the above-mentioned ass-grazing country. This place was held by Polemon. Here the region in question is near the Taurus, which separates Cappadocia and Lycaonia from Cilicia Tracheia,See 14. 5. 1. which last lies above that region. The boundary between the Lycaonians and the Cappadocians lies between Coropassus, a village of the Lycaonians,and Garsaüra, a town of the Cappidocians. The distance between these strongholds is about one hundred and twenty stadia. +Such, then, is Tatta. And the regions round Orcaorci and Pitnissus, as also the plateaus of the Lycaonians, are cold, bare of trees, and grazed by wild asses, though there is a great scarcity of water; and even where it is possible to find water, then wells are the deepest in the world, just as in Soatra, where the water is actually sold (this is a village-city near Garsaüra). But still, although the country is unwatered,i.e., by streams. it is remarkably productive of sheep; but the wool is coarse, and yet some persons have acquired very great wealth from this alone. Amyntas had over three hundred flocks in this region. There are also two lakes in this region, the larger being Lake Coralis and the smaller Lake Trogitis. In this neighborhood is also Iconium, a town that is well settled and has a more prosperous territory than the above-mentioned ass-grazing country. This place was held by Polemon. Here the region in question is near the Taurus, which separates Cappadocia and Lycaonia from Cilicia Tracheia,See 14. 5. 1. which last lies above that region. The boundary between the Lycaonians and the Cappadocians lies between Coropassus, a village of the Lycaonians,and Garsaüra, a town of the Cappidocians. The distance between these strongholds is about one hundred and twenty stadia. To Lycaonia belongs also Isaurice, near the Taurus itself, which has the two lsauras, villages bearing the same name, one of which is called Old lsaura, and the other New Isaura, which is well-fortified. Numerous other villages were subject to these, and they all were settlements of robbers. They were a source of much trouble to the Romans and in particular to Publius Servilius, surnamed Isauricus, with whom I was acquainted; he subjected these places to the Romans and also destroyed most of the strongholds of the pirates that were situated on the sea. On the side of Isaurice lies Derbe, which lies closer to Cappadocia than to any other country and was the royal seat of the tyrant Antipater Derbetes. He also possessed Laranda. But in my time Derbe and also the two lsauras have been held by Amyntas,The Galatian Amyntas who fought with Antony against Augustus at the battle of Actium (31 B.C.). who attacked and killed Derbetes, although he received Isaura from the Romans. And, indeed, after destroying the Old Isaura, he built for himself a royal residence there. And though he was building a new wall in the same place, he did not live to complete it, but was killed by the Cilicians, when he was invading the country of the Homonadeis and was captured by ambuscade. For, being in possession of the Antiocheia near Pisidia and of the country as far as the Apollonias near Apameia Cibotus and of certain parts of the country alongside the mountain, and of Lycaonia, he was trying to exterminate the Cilicians and the Pisidians, who from the Taurus were overrunning this country, which belonged to the Phrygians and the Cilicians; and he captured many places which previously had been impregnable, among which was Cremna. However, he did not even try to win Sandalium by force, which is situated between Cremna and Sagalassus. @@ -972,9 +972,9 @@

-Bordering on the Bithynians towards the south, as I have said,12. 4. 4 f. are the Mysians and Phrygians who live round the Mysian Olympus, as it is called. And each of these tribes is divided into two parts. For one part of Phrygia is called Greater Phrygia, the part over which Midas reigned, a part of which was occupied by the Galatians, whereas the other is called Lesser Phrygia, that on the Hellespont and round Olympus, I mean Phrygia Epictetus,Cf. 12. 4. 3 and footnote. as it is called. Mysia is likewise divided into two parts, I mean Olympene, which is continuous with Bithynia and Phrygia Epictetus, which, according to Artemidorus, was colonized by the Mysians who lived on the far side of the Ister,See 7. 3. 2, 10; 12. 3. 3, and 12. 4. 8. and, secondly, the country in the neighborhood of the Caïcus River and Pergamene, extending as far as Teuthrania and the outlets of the river. -But the boundaries of these parts have been so confused with one another, as I have often said,See 12. 4. 4. that it is uncertain even as to the country round Mt. Sipylus, which the ancients called Phrygia, whether it was a part of Greater Phrygia or of Lesser Phrygia, where lived, they say, the "Phrygian" Tantalus and Pelops and Niobe. But no matter which of the two opinions is correct, the confusion of the boundaries is obvious; for Pergamene and Elaïtis, where the Caïcus empties into the sea, and Teuthrania, situated between these two countries, where Teuthras lived and where Telephus was reared, lie between the Hellespont on the one side and the country round Sipylus and Magnesia, which lies at the foot of Sipylus, on the other; and therefore, as I have said before, it is a task to determine the boundaries (Apart are the boundaries of the Mysians and Phrygians).See 12. 4. 4. -And the Lydians and the Maeonians, whom Homer calls the Mëiones, are in some way confused both with these peoples and with one another, because some say that they are the same and others that they are different; and they are confused with these peopleAgain the Mysians and Phrygians. because some say that the Mysians were Thracians but others that they were Lydians, thus concurring with an ancient explanation given by Xanthus the Lydian and Menecrates of Elaea, who explain the origin of the name of the Mysians by saying that the oxya-tree is so named by the Lydians.i.e., the oxya-tree, a kind of beech-tree, which is called "oxya" by the Greeks, is called "mysos" by the Lydians. And the oxya-tree abounds in the neighborhood of Mt. Olympus, where they say that the decimated persons were put outi.e., one-tenth of the people were, in accordance with some religious vow, sent out of their country to the neighborhood of Mt. Olympus and there dedicated to the service of some god. and that their descendants were the Mysians of later times, so named after the oxya-tree, and that their language bears witness to this; for, they add, their language is, in a way, a mixture of the Lydian and the Phrygian languages, for the reason that, although they lived round Mt. Olympus for a time, yet when the Phrygians crossed over from Thrace and slew a ruler of Troy and of the country near it, those people took up their abode there, whereas the Mysians took up their abode above the sources of the Caïcus near Lydia. +Bordering on the Bithynians towards the south, as I have said,12. 4. 4 f. are the Mysians and Phrygians who live round the Mysian Olympus, as it is called. And each of these tribes is divided into two parts. For one part of Phrygia is called Greater Phrygia, the part over which Midas reigned, a part of which was occupied by the Galatians, whereas the other is called Lesser Phrygia, that on the Hellespont and round Olympus, I mean Phrygia Epictetus,Cf. 12. 4. 3 and footnote. as it is called. Mysia is likewise divided into two parts, I mean Olympene, which is continuous with Bithynia and Phrygia Epictetus, which, according to Artemidorus, was colonized by the Mysians who lived on the far side of the Ister,See 7. 3. 2, 10; 12. 3. 3, and 12. 4. 8. and, secondly, the country in the neighborhood of the Caïcus River and Pergamene, extending as far as Teuthrania and the outlets of the river. +But the boundaries of these parts have been so confused with one another, as I have often said,See 12. 4. 4. that it is uncertain even as to the country round Mt. Sipylus, which the ancients called Phrygia, whether it was a part of Greater Phrygia or of Lesser Phrygia, where lived, they say, the "Phrygian" Tantalus and Pelops and Niobe. But no matter which of the two opinions is correct, the confusion of the boundaries is obvious; for Pergamene and Elaïtis, where the Caïcus empties into the sea, and Teuthrania, situated between these two countries, where Teuthras lived and where Telephus was reared, lie between the Hellespont on the one side and the country round Sipylus and Magnesia, which lies at the foot of Sipylus, on the other; and therefore, as I have said before, it is a task to determine the boundaries (Apart are the boundaries of the Mysians and Phrygians).See 12. 4. 4. +And the Lydians and the Maeonians, whom Homer calls the Mëiones, are in some way confused both with these peoples and with one another, because some say that they are the same and others that they are different; and they are confused with these peopleAgain the Mysians and Phrygians. because some say that the Mysians were Thracians but others that they were Lydians, thus concurring with an ancient explanation given by Xanthus the Lydian and Menecrates of Elaea, who explain the origin of the name of the Mysians by saying that the oxya-tree is so named by the Lydians.i.e., the oxya-tree, a kind of beech-tree, which is called "oxya" by the Greeks, is called "mysos" by the Lydians. And the oxya-tree abounds in the neighborhood of Mt. Olympus, where they say that the decimated persons were put outi.e., one-tenth of the people were, in accordance with some religious vow, sent out of their country to the neighborhood of Mt. Olympus and there dedicated to the service of some god. and that their descendants were the Mysians of later times, so named after the oxya-tree, and that their language bears witness to this; for, they add, their language is, in a way, a mixture of the Lydian and the Phrygian languages, for the reason that, although they lived round Mt. Olympus for a time, yet when the Phrygians crossed over from Thrace and slew a ruler of Troy and of the country near it, those people took up their abode there, whereas the Mysians took up their abode above the sources of the Caïcus near Lydia. Contributing to the creation of myths of this kind are the confusion of the tribes there and the fertility of the country this side the Halys River, particularly that of the seaboard, on account of which attacks were made against it from numerous places and continually by peoples from the opposite mainland, or else the people near by would attack one another. Now it was particularly in the time of the Trojan War and after that time that invasions and migrations took place, since at the same time both the barbarians and the Greeks felt an impulse to acquire possession of the countries of others; but this was also the case before the Trojan War, for the tribe of the Pelasgians was then in existence, as also that of the Cauconians and Leleges. And, as I have said before,5. 2. 4 and 7. 7. 10. they wandered in ancient times over many regions of Europe. These tribes the poet makes the allies of the Trojans, but not as coming from the opposite mainland. The accounts both of the Phrygians and of the Mysians go back to earlier times than the Trojan War. The existence of two groups of Lycians arouses suspicion that they were of the same tribe, whether it was the Trojan Lycians or those near Caria that colonized the country of the other of the two.Cp. 12. 8. 7. And perhaps the same was also true in the case of the Cilicians, for these, too, were two-fold;Cp. 13. 1. 60. however, we are unable to get the same kind of evidence that the present tribe of Cilicians was already in existence before the Trojan War. Telephus might be thought to have come from Arcadia with his mother; and having become related to Teuthras, to whom he was a welcome guest, by the marriage of his mother to that ruler, was regarded as his son and also succeeded to the rulership of the Mysians. Not only the Carians, who in earlier times were islanders, but also the Leleges, as they say, became mainlanders with the aid of the Cretans, who founded, among other places, Miletus, having taken Sarpedon from the Cretan Miletus as founder; and they settled the Termilae in the country which is now called Lycia; and they say that these settlers were brought from Crete by Sarpedon, a brother of Minos and Rhadamanthus, and that he gave the name Termilae to the people who were formerly called Milyae, as Herodotus1. 173; 7. 92. says, and were in still earlier times called Solymi, but that when Lycus the son of Pandion went over there he named the people Lycians after himself. Now this account represents the Solymi and the Lycians as the same people, but the poet makes a distinction between them. At any rate, Bellerophontes set out from Lycia andfought with the glorious Solymi.Hom. Il. 6.184And likewise his son Peisander"Isander" is the spelling of the name in the Iliad.was slain when fighting the SolymiHom. Il. 6.204by Ares, as he says. And he also speaks of Sarpedon as a native of Lycia.Hom. Il. 6. 199 But the fact that the fertility of the country of which I am speakingThe country this side the Halys (section 4 above). was set before the powerful as a common prize of war is confirmed by many things which have taken place even subsequent to the Trojan War,i.e., as well as by events during, and prior to, that war. since even the Amazons took courage to attack it, against whom not only Priam, but also Bellerophontes, are said to have made expeditions; and the naming of ancient cities after the Amazons attests this fact. And in the Trojan Plain there is a hillwhich by men is called 'Batieia,' but by the immortals 'the tomb of the much-bounding Myrina,'Hom. Il. 2.813who, historians say, was one of the Amazons, inferring this from the epithet "much-bounding"; for they say that horses are called "well-bounding" because of their speed, and that Myrina, therefore, was called "much-bounding" because of the speed with which she drove her chariot. Myrina, therefore, is named after this Amazon. And the neighboring islands had the same experience because of their fertility; and Homer clearly testifies that, among these, Rhodes and Cos were already inhabited by Greeks before the Trojan War.See 14. 2. 7. @@ -982,128 +982,128 @@ Above the Propontis, then, there are two mountains, the Mysian Olympus and Mt. Ida. Now the region of the Bithynians lies at the foot of Olympus, whereas Troy is situated between Mt. Ida and the sea and borders on the mountain. As for Troy, I shall describe it and the parts adjacent to it towards the south later on,13. 1. 34, 35. but at present let me describe the country of Mt. Olympus and the parts which come next in order thereafter, extending as far as the Taurus and lying parallel to the parts which I have previously traversed. Mt. Olympus, then, is not only well settled all round but also has on its heights immense forests and places so well-fortified by nature that they can support bands of robbers; and among these bands there often arise tyrants who are able to maintain their power for a long time; for example, Cleon, who in my time was chieftain of the bands of robbers. Cleon was from the village Gordium, which he later enlarged, making it a city and calling it Juliopolis; but from the beginning he used the strongest of the strongholds, Callydium by name, as retreat and base of operations for the robbers. And he indeed proved useful to Antony, since he made an attack upon those who were levying money for LabienusQuintus Labienus, son of Titus Labienus the tribune. at the time when the latter held possession of Asia,40-39 B.C. and he hindered his preparations, but in the course of the Actian War, having revolted from Antony, he joined the generals of Caesar and was honored more than he deserved, since he also received, in addition to what Antony had given him, what Caesar gave him, so that he was invested with the guise of dynast, from being a robber, that is, he was priest of Zeus Abrettenus, a Mysian god, and held subject a part of Morene, which, like Abrettene, is also Mysian, and received at last the priesthood of Comana in Pontus, although he died within a month's time after he went down to Comana. He was carried off by an acute disease, which either attacked him in consequence of excessive repletion or else, as the people round the temple said, was inflicted upon him because of the anger of the goddess; for the dwelling of both the priest and the priestess is within the circuit of the sacred precinct, and the sacred precinct, apart from its sanctity in other respects, is most conspicuously free from the impurity of the eating of swine's flesh; in fact, the city as a whole is free from it; and swine cannot even be brought into the city. Cleon, however, among the first things he did when he arrived, displayed the character of the robber by transgressing this custom, as though he had come, not as priest, but as corrupter of all that was sacred. Such, then, is Mt. Olympus; and towards the north it is inhabited all round by the Bithynians and Mygdonians and Doliones, whereas the rest of it is occupied by Mysians and Epicteti. Now the peoples round Cyzicus, from the Aesepus River to the Rhyndacus River and lake Dascylitis, are for the most part called Doliones, whereas the peoples who live next after these as far as the country of the Myrleians are called Mygdonians. Above lake Dascylitis lie two other lakes, large ones, I mean Lake Apolloniatis and Lake Miletopolitis. Near Lake Dascylitis is the city Dascylium, and near Lake Miletopolitis Miletopolis, and near the third lake "Apollonia on Rhyndacus," as it is called. But at the present time most of these places belong to the Cyziceni. -Cyzicus is an island in the Propontis, being connected with the mainland by two bridges; and it is not only most excellent in the fertility of its soil, but in size has a perimeter of about five hundred stadia. It has a city of the same name near the bridges themselves, and two harbors that can be closed, and more than two hundred ship-sheds. One part of the city is on level ground and the other is near a mountain called "Arcton-oros."i.e., "Mountain of the Bears." Above this mountain lies another mountain, Dindymus; it rises into a single peak, and it has a temple of Dindymene, mother of the gods, which was founded by the Argonauts. This city rivals the foremost of the cities of Asia in size, in beauty, and in its excellent administration of affairs both in peace and in war. And its adornment appears to be of a type similar to that of Rhodes and Massalia and ancient Carthage. Now I am omitting most details, but I may say that there are three directors who take care of the public buildings and the engines of war, and three who have charge of the treasure-houses, one of which contains arms and another engines of war and another grain. They prevent the grain from spoiling by mixing Chalcidic earthApparently a soil containing lime carbonate. with it. They showed in the Mithridatic war the advantage resulting from this preparation of theirs; for when the king unexpectedly came over against them with one hundred and fifty thousand men and with a large cavalry, and took possession of the mountain opposite the city, the mountain called Adrasteia, and of the suburb, and then, when he transferred his army to the neck of land above the city and was fighting them, not only on land, but also by sea with four hundred ships, the Cyziceni held out against all attacks, and, by digging a counter-tunnel, all but captured the king alive in his own tunnel; but he forestalled this by taking precautions and by withdrawing outside his tunnel: Leucullus, the Roman general, was able, though late, to send an auxiliary force to the city by night; and, too, as an aid to the Cyziceni, famine fell upon that multitudinous army, a thing which the king did not foresee, because he suffered a great loss of men before he left the island. But the Romans honored the city; and it is free to this day, and holds a large territory, not only that which it has held from ancient times, but also other territory presented to it by the Romans; for, of the Troad, they possess the parts round Zeleia on the far side of the Aesepus, as also the plain of Adrasteia, and, of Lake Dascylitis, they possess some parts, while the Byzantians possess the others. And in addition to Dolionis and Mygdonis they occupy a considerable territory extending as far as lake Miletopolitis and Lake Apolloniatis itself. It is through this region that the Rhyndacus River flows; this river has its sources in Azanitis, and then, receiving from Mysia Abrettene, among other rivers, the Macestus, which flows from Ancyra in Abäeitis, empties into the Propontis opposite the island Besbicos. In this island of the Cyziceni is a well-wooded mountain called Artace; and in front of this mountain lies an isle bearing the same name; and near by is a promontory called Melanus, which one passes on a coasting-voyage from Cyzicus to Priapus. -To Phrygia Epictetus belong the cities Azani, Nacolia, Cotiäeium, Midäeium, and Dorylaeum, and also Cadi, which, according to some writers, belongs to Mysia. Mysia extends in the interior from Olympene to Pergamene, and to the plain of Caïcus, as it is called; and therefore it lies between Mt. Ida and Catacecaumene, which latter is by some called Mysian and by others Maeonian. -Above Phrygia Epictetus towards the south is Greater Phrygia, which leaves on the left Pessinus and the region of Orcaorci and Lycaonia, and on the right the Maeonians and Lydians and Carians. In Epictetus are Phrygia "Paroreia,"i.e., the part of Phrygia "along the mountain." as it is called, and the part of Phrygia that lies towards Pisidia, and the parts round Amorium and Eumeneia and Synnada, and then Apameia Cibotus, as it is called, and Laodiceia, which two are the largest of the Phrygian cities. And in the neighborhood of these are situated towns, and. . . . .,There is a lacuna in the MSS. at this point which apparently should be supplied as follows: "places, among others." Aphrodisias, Colossae, Themisonium, Sanaüs, Metropolis, and Apollonias; but still farther away than these are Peltae, Tabae, Eucarpia, and Lysias. +Cyzicus is an island in the Propontis, being connected with the mainland by two bridges; and it is not only most excellent in the fertility of its soil, but in size has a perimeter of about five hundred stadia. It has a city of the same name near the bridges themselves, and two harbors that can be closed, and more than two hundred ship-sheds. One part of the city is on level ground and the other is near a mountain called "Arcton-oros."i.e., "Mountain of the Bears." Above this mountain lies another mountain, Dindymus; it rises into a single peak, and it has a temple of Dindymene, mother of the gods, which was founded by the Argonauts. This city rivals the foremost of the cities of Asia in size, in beauty, and in its excellent administration of affairs both in peace and in war. And its adornment appears to be of a type similar to that of Rhodes and Massalia and ancient Carthage. Now I am omitting most details, but I may say that there are three directors who take care of the public buildings and the engines of war, and three who have charge of the treasure-houses, one of which contains arms and another engines of war and another grain. They prevent the grain from spoiling by mixing Chalcidic earthApparently a soil containing lime carbonate. with it. They showed in the Mithridatic war the advantage resulting from this preparation of theirs; for when the king unexpectedly came over against them with one hundred and fifty thousand men and with a large cavalry, and took possession of the mountain opposite the city, the mountain called Adrasteia, and of the suburb, and then, when he transferred his army to the neck of land above the city and was fighting them, not only on land, but also by sea with four hundred ships, the Cyziceni held out against all attacks, and, by digging a counter-tunnel, all but captured the king alive in his own tunnel; but he forestalled this by taking precautions and by withdrawing outside his tunnel: Leucullus, the Roman general, was able, though late, to send an auxiliary force to the city by night; and, too, as an aid to the Cyziceni, famine fell upon that multitudinous army, a thing which the king did not foresee, because he suffered a great loss of men before he left the island. But the Romans honored the city; and it is free to this day, and holds a large territory, not only that which it has held from ancient times, but also other territory presented to it by the Romans; for, of the Troad, they possess the parts round Zeleia on the far side of the Aesepus, as also the plain of Adrasteia, and, of Lake Dascylitis, they possess some parts, while the Byzantians possess the others. And in addition to Dolionis and Mygdonis they occupy a considerable territory extending as far as lake Miletopolitis and Lake Apolloniatis itself. It is through this region that the Rhyndacus River flows; this river has its sources in Azanitis, and then, receiving from Mysia Abrettene, among other rivers, the Macestus, which flows from Ancyra in Abäeitis, empties into the Propontis opposite the island Besbicos. In this island of the Cyziceni is a well-wooded mountain called Artace; and in front of this mountain lies an isle bearing the same name; and near by is a promontory called Melanus, which one passes on a coasting-voyage from Cyzicus to Priapus. +To Phrygia Epictetus belong the cities Azani, Nacolia, Cotiäeium, Midäeium, and Dorylaeum, and also Cadi, which, according to some writers, belongs to Mysia. Mysia extends in the interior from Olympene to Pergamene, and to the plain of Caïcus, as it is called; and therefore it lies between Mt. Ida and Catacecaumene, which latter is by some called Mysian and by others Maeonian. +Above Phrygia Epictetus towards the south is Greater Phrygia, which leaves on the left Pessinus and the region of Orcaorci and Lycaonia, and on the right the Maeonians and Lydians and Carians. In Epictetus are Phrygia "Paroreia,"i.e., the part of Phrygia "along the mountain." as it is called, and the part of Phrygia that lies towards Pisidia, and the parts round Amorium and Eumeneia and Synnada, and then Apameia Cibotus, as it is called, and Laodiceia, which two are the largest of the Phrygian cities. And in the neighborhood of these are situated towns, and. . . . .,There is a lacuna in the MSS. at this point which apparently should be supplied as follows: "places, among others." Aphrodisias, Colossae, Themisonium, Sanaüs, Metropolis, and Apollonias; but still farther away than these are Peltae, Tabae, Eucarpia, and Lysias. Now Phrygia Paroreia has a kind of mountainous ridge extending from the east towards the west; and below it on either side lies a large plain. And there are cities near it: towards the north, Philomelium, and, on the other side, the Antiocheia near Pisidia, as it is called, the former lying wholly in a plain, whereas the latter is on a hill and has a colony of Romans. The latter was settled by Magnetans who lived near the Maeander River. The Romans set them free from their kings at the time when they gave over to Eumenes190 B.C. Strabo refers to Eumenes II, king of Pergamum, who reigned 197-159 B.C. the rest of Asia this side the Taurus. Here there was also a priesthood of Men Arcaeus,"Arcaeus" appears to be an error for "Ascaeus" (see 12. 3. 31 and footnote on "Men Ascaeus"). which had a number of temple-slaves and sacred places, but the priesthood was destroyed after the death of Amyntas by those who were sent thither as his inheritors. Synnada is not a large city; but there lies in front of it a plain planted with olives, about sixty stadia in circuit.Or does Strabo mean sixty stadia in extent? And beyond it is Docimaea, a village, and also the quarry of "Synnadic" marble (so the Romans call it, though the natives call it "Docimite" or "Docimaean ). At first this quarry yielded only stones of small size, but on account of the present extravagance of the Romans great monolithic pillars are taken from it, which in their variety of colors are nearly like the alabastrite marble; so that, although the transportation of such heavy burdens to the sea is difficult, still, both pillars and slabs, remarkable for their size and beauty, are conveyed to Rome. -Apameia is a great emporium of Asia, I mean Asia in the special sense of that term,i.e., Asia Minor. and ranks second only to Ephesus; for it is a common entrepôt for the merchandise from both Italy and Greece. Apameia is situated near the outlets of the Marsyas River, which flows through the middle of the city and has its sources in the city;i.e., in the city's territory, unless the text is corrupt and should be emended to read, "having its sources in Celaenae" (Groskurd), or "not far away from the city" (C. Müller), or "in the old city" (Corais) of Celaenae, whence, Strabo later says, "Antiochus made the inhabitants move to the present Apameia". it flows down to the suburbs, and then with violent and precipitate current joins the Maeander. The latter receives also another river, the Orgas, and traverses a level country with an easygoing and sluggish stream; and then, having by now become a large river, the Maeander flows for a time through Phrygia and then forms the boundary between Caria and Lydia at the Plain of Maeander, as it is called, where its course is so exceedingly winding that everything winding is called "meandering." And at last it flows through Caria itself, which is now occupied by the Ionians, and then empties between Miletus and Priene. It rises in a hill called Celaenae, on which there is a city which hears the same name as the hill; and it was from Celaenae that Antiochus SoterAntiochus "the Saviour." made the inhabitants move to the present Apameia, the city which he named after his mother Apama, who was the daughter of Artabazus and was given in marriage to Seleucus Nicator. And here is laid the scene of the myth of Olympus and of Marsyas and of the contest between Marsyas and Apollo. Above is situated a lake which produces the reed that is suitable for the mouth-pieces of pipes; and it is from this lake that pour the sources of both the Marsyas and the Maeander. +Apameia is a great emporium of Asia, I mean Asia in the special sense of that term,i.e., Asia Minor. and ranks second only to Ephesus; for it is a common entrepôt for the merchandise from both Italy and Greece. Apameia is situated near the outlets of the Marsyas River, which flows through the middle of the city and has its sources in the city;i.e., in the city's territory, unless the text is corrupt and should be emended to read, "having its sources in Celaenae" (Groskurd), or "not far away from the city" (C. Müller), or "in the old city" (Corais) of Celaenae, whence, Strabo later says, "Antiochus made the inhabitants move to the present Apameia". it flows down to the suburbs, and then with violent and precipitate current joins the Maeander. The latter receives also another river, the Orgas, and traverses a level country with an easygoing and sluggish stream; and then, having by now become a large river, the Maeander flows for a time through Phrygia and then forms the boundary between Caria and Lydia at the Plain of Maeander, as it is called, where its course is so exceedingly winding that everything winding is called "meandering." And at last it flows through Caria itself, which is now occupied by the Ionians, and then empties between Miletus and Priene. It rises in a hill called Celaenae, on which there is a city which hears the same name as the hill; and it was from Celaenae that Antiochus SoterAntiochus "the Saviour." made the inhabitants move to the present Apameia, the city which he named after his mother Apama, who was the daughter of Artabazus and was given in marriage to Seleucus Nicator. And here is laid the scene of the myth of Olympus and of Marsyas and of the contest between Marsyas and Apollo. Above is situated a lake which produces the reed that is suitable for the mouth-pieces of pipes; and it is from this lake that pour the sources of both the Marsyas and the Maeander. Laodiceia, though formerly small, grew large in our time and in that of our fathers, even though it had been damaged by siege in the time of Mithridates Eupator.King of Pontus 120-63 B.C. However, it was the fertility of its territory and the prosperity of certain of its citizens that made it great: at first Hieron, who left to the people an inheritance of more than two thousand talents and adorned the city with many dedicated offerings, and later Zeno the rhetorician and his son Polemon,Polemon I, king of Pontus and the Bosporus, and husband of Pythodoris. the latter of whom, because of his bravery and honesty, was thought worthy even of a kingdom, at first by Antony and later by Augustus. The country round Laodiceia produces sheep that are excellent, not only for the softness of their wool, in which they surpass even the Milesian wool, but also for its raven-black color,Cf. 3. 2. 6. so that the Laodiceians derive splendid revenue from it, as do also the neighboring Colosseni from the color which bears the same name.i.e., the "Colossian" wool, dyed purple or madder-red (see Pliny 25. 9. 67 and 21. 9.27). And here the Caprus River joins the Maeander, as does also the Lycus, a river of good size, after which the city is called the "Laodiceia near Lycus."i.e., to distinguish it from the several other Laodiceias. Above the city lies Mt. Cadmus, whence the Lycus flows, as does also another river of the same name as the mountain. But the Lycus flows under ground for the most part, and then, after emerging to the surface, unites with the other rivers, thus indicating that the country is full of holes and subject to earthquakes; for if any other country is subject to earthquakes, Laodiceia is, and so is Carura in the neighboring country. -Carura forms a boundary between Phrygia and Caria. It is a village; and it has inns, and also fountains of boiling-hot waters, some in the Maeander River and some above its banks. Moreover, it is said that once, when a brothel-keeper had taken lodging in the inns along with a large number of women, an earthquake took place by night, and that he, together with all the women, disappeared from sight. And I might almost say that the whole of the territory in the neighborhood of the Maeander is subject to earthquakes and is undermined with both fire and water as far as the interior; for, beginning at the plains, all these conditions extend through that country to the Charonia,See 5. 4. 5, and the note on "Plutonia." I mean the Charonium at Hierapolis and that at Acharaca in Nysaïs and that near Magnesia and Myus. In fact, the soil is not only friable and crumbly but is also full of saltsi.e., sodium chloride (salt), and perhaps other salts found in soil, as, for example, sodium carbonate and calcium sulphate—unless by the plural of the word Strabo means merely "salt-particles," as Tozer takes it. and easy to burn out.On "soil which is burnt out," see Vol. II, p. 454, footnote 1. And perhaps the Maeander is winding for this reason, because the stream often changes its course and, carrying down much silt, adds the silt at different times to different parts of the shore; however, it forcibly thrusts a part of the silt out to the high sea. And, in fact, by its deposits of silt, extending forty stadia, it has made Priene, which in earlier times was on the sea, an inland city."At the present day the coastline has been advanced so far, that the island of Lade, off Miletus, has become a hill in the middle of a plain" (Tozer, op. cit., p. 288). -Phrygia "Catacecaumene,""Burnt up." which is occupied by Lydians and Mysians, received its appellation for some such reason as follows: In Philadelphia, the city near it, not even the walls are safe, but in a sense are shaken and caused to crack every day. And the inhabitants are continually attentive to the disturbances in the earth and plan all structures with a view to their occurrence. And, among the other cities, Apameia was often shaken by earthquakes before the expedition of King Mithridates, who, when he went over to that country and saw that the city was in ruins, gave a hundred talents for its restoration; and it is said that the same thing took place in the time of Alexander. And this, in all probability, is why Poseidon is worshipped in their country, even though it is in the interior,Poseidon was not only the god of the sea, but also the "earth-shaker" (e)nosi/xqwnor e)nosi/gaios), and epithet frequently used in Homer. and why the city was called Celaenae,i.e., "Black." that is, after Celaenus, the son of Poseidon by Celaeno, one of the daughters of Danaüs, or else because of the "blackness" of the stone, which resulted from the burn-outs. And the story of Mt. Sipylus and its ruin should not be put down as mythical, for in our own times Magnesia, which lies at the foot of it, was laid low by earthquakes, at the time when not only Sardeis, but also the most famous of the other cities, were in many places seriously damaged. But the emperori.e., Tiberius (see Tac. Ann. 2.47). restored them by contributing money; just as his father in earlier times, when the inhabitants of Tralleis suffered their misfortune (when the gymnasium and other parts of the city collapsed), restored their city, as he also restored the city of the Laodiceians. +Carura forms a boundary between Phrygia and Caria. It is a village; and it has inns, and also fountains of boiling-hot waters, some in the Maeander River and some above its banks. Moreover, it is said that once, when a brothel-keeper had taken lodging in the inns along with a large number of women, an earthquake took place by night, and that he, together with all the women, disappeared from sight. And I might almost say that the whole of the territory in the neighborhood of the Maeander is subject to earthquakes and is undermined with both fire and water as far as the interior; for, beginning at the plains, all these conditions extend through that country to the Charonia,See 5. 4. 5, and the note on "Plutonia." I mean the Charonium at Hierapolis and that at Acharaca in Nysaïs and that near Magnesia and Myus. In fact, the soil is not only friable and crumbly but is also full of saltsi.e., sodium chloride (salt), and perhaps other salts found in soil, as, for example, sodium carbonate and calcium sulphate—unless by the plural of the word Strabo means merely "salt-particles," as Tozer takes it. and easy to burn out.On "soil which is burnt out," see Vol. II, p. 454, footnote 1. And perhaps the Maeander is winding for this reason, because the stream often changes its course and, carrying down much silt, adds the silt at different times to different parts of the shore; however, it forcibly thrusts a part of the silt out to the high sea. And, in fact, by its deposits of silt, extending forty stadia, it has made Priene, which in earlier times was on the sea, an inland city."At the present day the coastline has been advanced so far, that the island of Lade, off Miletus, has become a hill in the middle of a plain" (Tozer, op. cit., p. 288). +Phrygia "Catacecaumene,""Burnt up." which is occupied by Lydians and Mysians, received its appellation for some such reason as follows: In Philadelphia, the city near it, not even the walls are safe, but in a sense are shaken and caused to crack every day. And the inhabitants are continually attentive to the disturbances in the earth and plan all structures with a view to their occurrence. And, among the other cities, Apameia was often shaken by earthquakes before the expedition of King Mithridates, who, when he went over to that country and saw that the city was in ruins, gave a hundred talents for its restoration; and it is said that the same thing took place in the time of Alexander. And this, in all probability, is why Poseidon is worshipped in their country, even though it is in the interior,Poseidon was not only the god of the sea, but also the "earth-shaker" (e)nosi/xqwnor e)nosi/gaios), and epithet frequently used in Homer. and why the city was called Celaenae,i.e., "Black." that is, after Celaenus, the son of Poseidon by Celaeno, one of the daughters of Danaüs, or else because of the "blackness" of the stone, which resulted from the burn-outs. And the story of Mt. Sipylus and its ruin should not be put down as mythical, for in our own times Magnesia, which lies at the foot of it, was laid low by earthquakes, at the time when not only Sardeis, but also the most famous of the other cities, were in many places seriously damaged. But the emperori.e., Tiberius (see Tac. Ann. 2.47). restored them by contributing money; just as his father in earlier times, when the inhabitants of Tralleis suffered their misfortune (when the gymnasium and other parts of the city collapsed), restored their city, as he also restored the city of the Laodiceians. One should also hear the words of the ancient historians, as, for example, those of Xanthus, who wrote the history of Lydia, when he relates the strange changes that this country often underwent, to which I have already referred somewhere in a former part of my work.1. 3. 4. And in fact they make this the setting of the mythical story of the Arimi and of the throes of Typhon, calling it the CatacecaumeneCp. 13. 4. 11. country. Also, they do not hesitate to suspect that the parts of the country between the Maeander River and the Lydians are all of this nature, as well on account of the number of the lakes and rivers as on account of the numerous hollows in the earth. And the lakeNow called Chardak Ghieul. between Laodiceia and Apameia, although like a sea,i.e., in size and depth. emits an eflluvium that is filthy and of subterranean origin. And they say that lawsuits are brought against the god Maeander for altering the boundaries of the countries on his banks, that is, when the projecting elbows of land are swept away by him; and that when he is convicted the fines are paid from the tolls collected at the ferries. Between Laodiceia and Carura is a temple of Men Carus, as it is called, which is held in remarkable veneration. In my own time a great HerophileianHerophilus was one of the greatest physicians of antiquity. He was born at Chalcedon in Bithynia, and lived at Alexandria under Ptolemy I, who reigned 323-285 B.C. His specialty was dissection; and he was the author of several works, of which only fragments remain. school of medicine has been established by Zeuxis, and afterwards carried on by Alexander Philalethes,Alexander of Laodiceia; author of medical works of which only fragments remain. just as in the time of our fathers the Erasistrateian schoolErasistratus, the celebrated physician and anatomist, was born in the island of Ceos and flourished 300-260 B.C. was established by Hicesius, although at the present time the case is not at all the same as it used to be.The Greek for this last clause is obscure and probably corrupt. Strabo means either that schools like the two mentioned "no longer arise" or that one of the two schools mentioned (more probably the latter) "no longer flourishes the same as before." To ensure the latter thought Meineke (from conj. of Corais) emends the Greek text. -Writers mention certain Phrygian tribes that are no longer to be seen; for example, the Berecyntes. And Alcman says,On the pipe he played the Cerbesian, a Phrygian melody.And a certain pit that emits deadly eflluvia is spoken of as Cerbesian. This, indeed, is to be seen, but the people are no longer called Cerbesians. Aeschylus, in his Niobe, confounds things that are different; for example, Niobe says that she will be mindful of the house of Tantalus,those who have an altar of their paternal Zeus on the Idaean hill;Aesch. Fr. 162.2 (Nauck)and again,Sipylus in the Idaean land;Aesch. Fr. 163 (Nauck)and Tantalus says,I sow furrows that extend a ten days' journey, Berecyntian land, where is the site of Adrasteia, and where both Mt. Ida and the whole of the Erechtheian plain resound with the bleatings and bellowings of flocks.Aesch. Fr. 158.2 (Nauck)

+Writers mention certain Phrygian tribes that are no longer to be seen; for example, the Berecyntes. And Alcman says,On the pipe he played the Cerbesian, a Phrygian melody.And a certain pit that emits deadly eflluvia is spoken of as Cerbesian. This, indeed, is to be seen, but the people are no longer called Cerbesians. Aeschylus, in his Niobe, confounds things that are different; for example, Niobe says that she will be mindful of the house of Tantalus,those who have an altar of their paternal Zeus on the Idaean hill;Aesch. Fr. 162.2 (Nauck)and again,Sipylus in the Idaean land;Aesch. Fr. 163 (Nauck)and Tantalus says,I sow furrows that extend a ten days' journey, Berecyntian land, where is the site of Adrasteia, and where both Mt. Ida and the whole of the Erechtheian plain resound with the bleatings and bellowings of flocks.Aesch. Fr. 158.2 (Nauck)

Let this, then, mark the boundary of Phrygia.The translator must here record his obligations to Dr. Walter Leaf for his monumental works on the Troad: his Troy, Macmillan and Co., 1912, and his Strabo on the Troad, Cambridge, 1923, and his numerous monographs in classical periodicals. The results of his investigations in the Troad prove the great importance of similar investigations, on the spot, of various other portions of Strabo's "Inhabited World." The reader will find a map of Asia Minor in Vol. 5. of the Loeb edition. I shall now return again to the Propontis and the coast that comes next after the Aesepus River, and follow the same order of description as before. The first country on this seaboard is the Troad, the fame of which, although it is left in ruins and in desolation, nevertheless prompts in writers no ordinary prolixity. With this fact in view, I should ask the pardon of my readers and appeal to them not to fasten the blame for the length of my discussion upon me rather than upon those who strongly yearn for knowledge of the things that are famous and ancient. And my discussion is further prolonged by the number of the peoples who have colonized the country, both Greeks and barbarians, and by the historians, who do not write the same things on the same subjects, nor always clearly either; among the first of these is Homer, who leaves us to guess about most things. And it is necessary for me to arbitrate between his statements and those of the others, after I shall first have described in a summary way the nature of the region in question. -The seaboard of the Propontis, then, extends from Cyzicene and the region of the Aesepus and Granicus Rivers as far as Abydus and Sestus, whereas the parts round Ilium and Tenedos and the Trojan Alexandreia extend from Abydus to Lectum. Accordingly, Mt. Ida, which extends down to Lectum, lies above all these places. From Lectum to the Caïcus River, and to Canae,On the position of this promontory, see Leaf, Ann. Brit. School of Athens, XXII, p. 37, and Strabo on the Troad, p. xxxviii. as it is called, are the parts round Assus and Adramyttium and Atarneus and Pitane and the Elaïtic Gulf; and the island of the Lesbians extends alongside, and opposite, all these places. Then come next the parts round Cyme, extending to the Hermus and Phocaea, which latter constitutes the beginning of Ionia and the end of Aeolis. Such being the position of the places, the poet indicates in a general way that the Trojans held sway from the region of the Aesepus River and that of the present Cyzicene to the Caïcus River,See Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. xli. their country being divided by dynasties into eight, or nine, portions, whereas the mass of their auxiliary forces are enumerated among the allies. -But the later authors do not give the same boundaries, and they use their terms differently, thus allowing us several choices. The main cause of this difference has been the colonizations of the Greeks; less so, indeed, the Ionian colonization, for it was farther distant from the Troad; but most of all that of the Aeolians, for their colonies were scattered throughout the whole of the country from Cyzicene to the Caïcus River, and they went on still farther to occupy the country between the Caïcus and Hermus Rivers. In fact, the Aeolian colonization, they say, preceded the Ionian colonization by four generations, but suffered delays and took a longer time; for Orestes, they say, was the first leader of the expedition, but he died in Arcadia, and his son Penthilus succeeded him and advanced as far as Thrace sixty years after the Trojan War, about the time of the return of the Heracleidae to the Peloponnesus; and then ArchelaüsPausanius (3. 2. 1) spells his name "Echelas." the son of Penthilus led the Aeolian expedition across to the present Cyzicene near Dascylium; and Gras, the youngest son of Archelaüs, advanced to the Granicus River, and, being better equipped, led the greater part of his army across to Lesbos and occupied it. And they add that Cleues, son of Dorus, and Malaüs, also descendants of Agamemnon, had collected their army at about the same time as Penthilus, but that, whereas the fleet of Penthilus had already crossed over from Thrace to Asia, Cleues and Malaüs tarried a long time round Locris and Mt. Phricius, and only later crossed over and founded the Phryconian Cyme, so named after the Locrian mountain. +The seaboard of the Propontis, then, extends from Cyzicene and the region of the Aesepus and Granicus Rivers as far as Abydus and Sestus, whereas the parts round Ilium and Tenedos and the Trojan Alexandreia extend from Abydus to Lectum. Accordingly, Mt. Ida, which extends down to Lectum, lies above all these places. From Lectum to the Caïcus River, and to Canae,On the position of this promontory, see Leaf, Ann. Brit. School of Athens, XXII, p. 37, and Strabo on the Troad, p. xxxviii. as it is called, are the parts round Assus and Adramyttium and Atarneus and Pitane and the Elaïtic Gulf; and the island of the Lesbians extends alongside, and opposite, all these places. Then come next the parts round Cyme, extending to the Hermus and Phocaea, which latter constitutes the beginning of Ionia and the end of Aeolis. Such being the position of the places, the poet indicates in a general way that the Trojans held sway from the region of the Aesepus River and that of the present Cyzicene to the Caïcus River,See Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. xli. their country being divided by dynasties into eight, or nine, portions, whereas the mass of their auxiliary forces are enumerated among the allies. +But the later authors do not give the same boundaries, and they use their terms differently, thus allowing us several choices. The main cause of this difference has been the colonizations of the Greeks; less so, indeed, the Ionian colonization, for it was farther distant from the Troad; but most of all that of the Aeolians, for their colonies were scattered throughout the whole of the country from Cyzicene to the Caïcus River, and they went on still farther to occupy the country between the Caïcus and Hermus Rivers. In fact, the Aeolian colonization, they say, preceded the Ionian colonization by four generations, but suffered delays and took a longer time; for Orestes, they say, was the first leader of the expedition, but he died in Arcadia, and his son Penthilus succeeded him and advanced as far as Thrace sixty years after the Trojan War, about the time of the return of the Heracleidae to the Peloponnesus; and then ArchelaüsPausanius (3. 2. 1) spells his name "Echelas." the son of Penthilus led the Aeolian expedition across to the present Cyzicene near Dascylium; and Gras, the youngest son of Archelaüs, advanced to the Granicus River, and, being better equipped, led the greater part of his army across to Lesbos and occupied it. And they add that Cleues, son of Dorus, and Malaüs, also descendants of Agamemnon, had collected their army at about the same time as Penthilus, but that, whereas the fleet of Penthilus had already crossed over from Thrace to Asia, Cleues and Malaüs tarried a long time round Locris and Mt. Phricius, and only later crossed over and founded the Phryconian Cyme, so named after the Locrian mountain. The Aeolians, then, were scattered throughout the whole of that country which, as I have said, the poet called Trojan. As for later authorities, some apply the name to all Aeolis, but others to only a part of it; and some to the whole of Troy, but others to only a part of it, not wholly agreeing with one another about anything. For instance, in reference to the places on the Propontis, Homer makes the Troad begin at the Aesepus River,Hom. Il. 2.824 See section 9 following. whereas Eudoxus makes it begin at Priapus and Artace, the place on the island of the Cyziceni that lies opposite Priapus,See Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. 47. and thus contracts the limits; but Damastes contracts the country still more, making it begin at Parium; and, in fact, Damastes prolongs the Troad to Lectum, whereas other writers prolong it differently. Charon of Lampsacus diminishes its extent by three hundred stadia more, making it begin at Practius,Whether city or river (see 13. 1. 21). for that is the distance from Parium to Practius; however, he prolongs it to Adramyttium. Scylax of Caryanda makes it begin at Abydus; and similarly Ephorus says that Aeolis extends from Abydus to Cyme, while others define its extent differently.See Leaf's definition of the Troad. (Troy, p. 171). But the topography of Troy, in the proper sense of the term, is best marked by the position of Mt. Ida, a lofty mountain which faces the west and the western sea but makes a slight bend also towards the north and the northern seaboard. See Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. 48. This latter is the seaboard of the Propontis, extending from the strait in the neighborhood of Abydus to the Aesepus River and Cyzicene, whereas the western sea consists of the outer HellespontOn the meaning of the term Hellespont, see Book VII, Frag. 57(58), and Leaf (Strabo on the Troad, p. 50. and the Aegaean Sea. Mt. Ida has many foothills, is like the scolopendraA genus of myriapods including some of the largest centipedes. in shape, and is defined by its two extreme limits: by the promontory in the neighborhood of Zeleia and by the promontory called Lectum the former terminating in the interior slightly above Cyzicene (in fact, Zeleia now belongs to the Cyziceni), whereas Lectum extends to the Aegaean Sea, being situated on the coasting voyage between Tenedos and Lesbos. When the poet says that Hypnos and Heracame to many-fountained Ida, mother of wild beasts, to Lectum, where first the two left the sea,Hom. Il. 14.283he describes Lectum in accordance with the facts; for he rightly states that Lectum is a part of Mt. Ida, and that Lectum is the first place of disembarkation from the sea for those who would go up to Mt. Ida, and also that the mountain is "many-fountained," for there in particular the mountain is abundantly watered, as is shown by the large number of rivers there,all the rivers that flow forth from the Idaean mountains to the sea, Rhesus and HeptaporusHom. Il. 12.19and the following,The Granicus, Aesepus, Scamander, and Simoeis. all of which are named by the poet and are now to be seen by us. Now while Homer thus describes LectumHom. Il. 14. 284 and ZeleiaHom. Il. 2.824 as the outermost foothills of Mt. Ida in either direction, he also appropriately distinguishes Gargarus from them as a summit, calling it "topmost."Hom. Il. 14.292, 352; 15.152 And indeed at the present time people point out in the upper parts of Ida a place called Gargarum, after which the present Gargara, an Aeolian city, is named. Now between Zeleia and Lectum, beginning from the Propontis, are situated first the parts extending to the straits at Abydus, and then, outside the Propontis, the parts extending to Lectum. On doubling Lectum one encounters a large wide-open gulf, which is formed by Mt. Ida as it recedes from Lectum to the mainland, and by Canae, the promontory opposite Lectum on the other side. Some call it the Idaean Gulf, others the Adramyttene. On this gulfSee Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. xliv. are the cities of the Aeolians, extending to the outlets of the Hermus River, as I have already said.13. 1. 2 (see Leaf's article cited in footnote there). I have stated in the earlier parts of my workStrabo refers to his discussion of the meridian line drawn by Eratosthenes through Byzantium, Rhodes, Alexandria, Syene, and Meroe (see 2. 5. 7 and the Frontispiece in Vol. I of the Loeb text). that, as one sails from Byzantium towards the south, the route lies in a straight line, first to Sestus and Abydus through the middle of the Propontis, and then along the coast of Asia as far as Caria. It behooves one, then, to keep this supposition in mind as one listens to the following; and, if I speak of certain gulfs on the coast, one must think of the promontories which form them as lying in the same line, a meridian line, as it were. -Now as for Homer's statements, those who have studied the subject more carefullyStrabo refers to Demetrius of Scepsis and his followers. conjecture from them that the whole of this coast became subject to the Trojans, and, though divided into nine dynasties, was under the sway of Priam at the time of the Trojan War and was called Troy. And this is clear from his detailed statements. For instance, Achilles and his army, seeing at the outset that the inhabitants of Ilium were enclosed by walls, tried to carry on the war outside and, by making raids all round, to take away from them all the surrounding places:Twelve cities of men I have laid waste with my ships, and eleven, I declare, by land throughout the fertile land of Troy.Hom. Il. 9.328For by "Troy" he means the part of the mainland that was sacked by him; and, along with other places, Achilles also sacked the country opposite Lesbos in the neighborhood of Thebe and Lyrnessus and Pedasus,Hom. Il. 20.92 which last belonged to the Leleges, and also the country of Eurypylus the son of Telephus.But what a man was that son of Telephus who was slain by him with the bronze,Hom. Od. 11.518that is, the hero Eurypylus, slain by Neoptolemus. Now the poet says that these places were sacked, including Lesbos itself:when he himself took well-built Lesbos;Hom. Il. 9.129andhe sacked Lyrnessus and Pedasus;Hom. Il. 20.92andwhen he laid waste Lyrnessus and the walls of Thebe.Hom. Il. 2.691It was at Lyrnessus that Briseïs was taken captive,whom he carried away from Lyrnessus;Hom. Il. 2.690and it was at her capture, according to the poet, that Mynes and Epistrophus fell, as is shown by the lament of Briseïs over Patroclus:thou wouldst not even, not even, let me weep when swift Achilles slew my husband and sacked the city of divine Mynes;Hom. Il. 19.295for in calling Lyrnessus "the city of divine Mynes" the poet indicates that Mynes was dynast over it and that he fell in battle there. But it was at Thebe that Chryseïs was taken captive:We went into Thebe, the sacred city of Eëtion;Hom. Il. 1.366and the poet says that Chryseïs was part of the spoil brought from that place.Hom. Il. 1.369 Thence, too, came Andromache:Andromache, daughter of great hearted Eëtion; Eëtion who dwelt 'neath wooded Placus in Thebe Hypoplacia,The epithet means "'neath Placus." and was lord over the men of Cilicia.Hom. Il. 6.395This is the second Trojan dynasty after that of Mynes. And consistently with these facts writers think that the following statement of Andromache,Hector, woe is me! surely to one doom we were born, both of us—thou in Troy in the house of Priam, but I at Thebae,Hom. Il. 22.477should not be interpreted strictly, I mean the words "thou in Troy, but I at Thebae" (or Thebe), but as a case of hyperbaton, meaning "both of us in Troy—thou in the house of Priam, but I at Thebae." The third dynasty was that of the Leleges, which was also Trojan:Of Altes, who is lord over the war-loving Leleges,Hom. Il. 21.86by whose daughter Priam begot Lycaon and Polydorus. And indeed those who are placed under Hector in the Catalogue are called Trojans:The Trojans were led by great Hector of the flashing helmet.Hom. Il. 2.816And then come those under Aeneias:The Dardanians in turn were commanded by the valiant son of AnchisesHom. Il. 2.819and these, too, were Trojans; at any rate, the poet says,Aeneias, counsellor of the Trojans.Hom. Il. 20.83And then come the Lycians under Pandarus, and these also he calls Trojans:And those who dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, Aphneiï,Aphneiï is now taken merely as an adjective, meaning "wealthy" men, but Strabo seems to concur in the belief that the people in question were named "Aphneiï" after Lake "Aphnitis" (see 13. 1. 9). who drink the dark water of the Aesepus, Trojans; these in turn were commanded by Pandarus, the glorious son of Lycaon.Hom. Il. 2.824And this was the sixth dynasty. And indeed those who lived between the Aesepus River and Abydus were Trojans; for not only were the parts round Abydus subject to Asius,and they who dwelt about Percote and PractiusWhether city or river (see 13. 1. 21). and held Sestus and Abydus and goodly ArisbeOn Arisbe, see Leaf, Troy, 193 ff.—these in turn were commanded by Asius the son of Hyrtacus,Hom. Il. 2.835but a son of Priam lived at Abydus, pasturing mares, clearly his father's:But he smote Democoön, the bastard son of Priam, who had come at Priam's bidding from his swift mares;Hom. Il. 4.499while in Percote a son of Hicetaon was pasturing kine, he likewise pasturing kine that belonged to no other:i.e., the kine belonged to Priam. This son of Hicetaon, a kinsman of Hector (Hom. Il. 15.545), "dwelt in the house of Priam, who honored him equally with his own children" (Hom. Il. 15.551).And first he rebuked mighty Melanippus the son of Hicetaon, who until this time had been wont to feed the kine of shambling gait in Percote;Hom. Il. 15.546so that this country would be a part of the Troad, as also the next country after it as far as Adrasteia, for the leaders of the latter werethe two sons of Merops of Percote.Hom. Il. 2.831Accordingly, the people from Abydus to Adrasteia were all Trojans, although they were divided into two groups, one under Asius and the other under the sons of Merops, just as CiliciaThe Trojan Cilicia (see 13. 1. 70). also was divided into two parts, the Theban Cilicia and the Lyrnessian;See 13. 1. 60-61. but one might include in the Lyrnessian Cilicia the territory subject to Eurypylus, which lay next to the Lyrnessian Cilicia.The eight dynasties were (1) that of Mynes, (2) that of Eëtion, (3) that of Altes, (4) that of Hector, (5) that of Aeneias, (6) that of Pandarus, (7) that of Asius, and (8) that of the two sons of Merops. If, however, there were nine dynasties (see 13. 1. 2), we may assume that the ninth was that of Eurypylus (see 13. 1. 70), unless, as Choiseul-Gouffier (Voyage Pittoresque de Ia Grèce, vol. ii, cited by Gossellin think, it was that of the island of Lesbos. But that Priam was ruler of these countries, one and all, is clearly indicated by Achilles' words to Priam:And of thee, old sire, we hear that formerly thou wast blest; how of all that is enclosed by Lesbos, out at sea, city of Macar, and by Phrygia in the upland, and by the boundless Hellespont.Hom. Il. 24.534 The quotation is incomplete without the following words of Homer: "o'er all these, old sire, thou wast preeminent, they say, because of thy wealth and thy sons. +Now as for Homer's statements, those who have studied the subject more carefullyStrabo refers to Demetrius of Scepsis and his followers. conjecture from them that the whole of this coast became subject to the Trojans, and, though divided into nine dynasties, was under the sway of Priam at the time of the Trojan War and was called Troy. And this is clear from his detailed statements. For instance, Achilles and his army, seeing at the outset that the inhabitants of Ilium were enclosed by walls, tried to carry on the war outside and, by making raids all round, to take away from them all the surrounding places:Twelve cities of men I have laid waste with my ships, and eleven, I declare, by land throughout the fertile land of Troy.Hom. Il. 9.328For by "Troy" he means the part of the mainland that was sacked by him; and, along with other places, Achilles also sacked the country opposite Lesbos in the neighborhood of Thebe and Lyrnessus and Pedasus,Hom. Il. 20.92 which last belonged to the Leleges, and also the country of Eurypylus the son of Telephus.But what a man was that son of Telephus who was slain by him with the bronze,Hom. Od. 11.518that is, the hero Eurypylus, slain by Neoptolemus. Now the poet says that these places were sacked, including Lesbos itself:when he himself took well-built Lesbos;Hom. Il. 9.129andhe sacked Lyrnessus and Pedasus;Hom. Il. 20.92andwhen he laid waste Lyrnessus and the walls of Thebe.Hom. Il. 2.691It was at Lyrnessus that Briseïs was taken captive,whom he carried away from Lyrnessus;Hom. Il. 2.690and it was at her capture, according to the poet, that Mynes and Epistrophus fell, as is shown by the lament of Briseïs over Patroclus:thou wouldst not even, not even, let me weep when swift Achilles slew my husband and sacked the city of divine Mynes;Hom. Il. 19.295for in calling Lyrnessus "the city of divine Mynes" the poet indicates that Mynes was dynast over it and that he fell in battle there. But it was at Thebe that Chryseïs was taken captive:We went into Thebe, the sacred city of Eëtion;Hom. Il. 1.366and the poet says that Chryseïs was part of the spoil brought from that place.Hom. Il. 1.369 Thence, too, came Andromache:Andromache, daughter of great hearted Eëtion; Eëtion who dwelt 'neath wooded Placus in Thebe Hypoplacia,The epithet means "'neath Placus." and was lord over the men of Cilicia.Hom. Il. 6.395This is the second Trojan dynasty after that of Mynes. And consistently with these facts writers think that the following statement of Andromache,Hector, woe is me! surely to one doom we were born, both of us—thou in Troy in the house of Priam, but I at Thebae,Hom. Il. 22.477should not be interpreted strictly, I mean the words "thou in Troy, but I at Thebae" (or Thebe), but as a case of hyperbaton, meaning "both of us in Troy—thou in the house of Priam, but I at Thebae." The third dynasty was that of the Leleges, which was also Trojan:Of Altes, who is lord over the war-loving Leleges,Hom. Il. 21.86by whose daughter Priam begot Lycaon and Polydorus. And indeed those who are placed under Hector in the Catalogue are called Trojans:The Trojans were led by great Hector of the flashing helmet.Hom. Il. 2.816And then come those under Aeneias:The Dardanians in turn were commanded by the valiant son of AnchisesHom. Il. 2.819and these, too, were Trojans; at any rate, the poet says,Aeneias, counsellor of the Trojans.Hom. Il. 20.83And then come the Lycians under Pandarus, and these also he calls Trojans:And those who dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, Aphneiï,Aphneiï is now taken merely as an adjective, meaning "wealthy" men, but Strabo seems to concur in the belief that the people in question were named "Aphneiï" after Lake "Aphnitis" (see 13. 1. 9). who drink the dark water of the Aesepus, Trojans; these in turn were commanded by Pandarus, the glorious son of Lycaon.Hom. Il. 2.824And this was the sixth dynasty. And indeed those who lived between the Aesepus River and Abydus were Trojans; for not only were the parts round Abydus subject to Asius,and they who dwelt about Percote and PractiusWhether city or river (see 13. 1. 21). and held Sestus and Abydus and goodly ArisbeOn Arisbe, see Leaf, Troy, 193 ff.—these in turn were commanded by Asius the son of Hyrtacus,Hom. Il. 2.835but a son of Priam lived at Abydus, pasturing mares, clearly his father's:But he smote Democoön, the bastard son of Priam, who had come at Priam's bidding from his swift mares;Hom. Il. 4.499while in Percote a son of Hicetaon was pasturing kine, he likewise pasturing kine that belonged to no other:i.e., the kine belonged to Priam. This son of Hicetaon, a kinsman of Hector (Hom. Il. 15.545), "dwelt in the house of Priam, who honored him equally with his own children" (Hom. Il. 15.551).And first he rebuked mighty Melanippus the son of Hicetaon, who until this time had been wont to feed the kine of shambling gait in Percote;Hom. Il. 15.546so that this country would be a part of the Troad, as also the next country after it as far as Adrasteia, for the leaders of the latter werethe two sons of Merops of Percote.Hom. Il. 2.831Accordingly, the people from Abydus to Adrasteia were all Trojans, although they were divided into two groups, one under Asius and the other under the sons of Merops, just as CiliciaThe Trojan Cilicia (see 13. 1. 70). also was divided into two parts, the Theban Cilicia and the Lyrnessian;See 13. 1. 60-61. but one might include in the Lyrnessian Cilicia the territory subject to Eurypylus, which lay next to the Lyrnessian Cilicia.The eight dynasties were (1) that of Mynes, (2) that of Eëtion, (3) that of Altes, (4) that of Hector, (5) that of Aeneias, (6) that of Pandarus, (7) that of Asius, and (8) that of the two sons of Merops. If, however, there were nine dynasties (see 13. 1. 2), we may assume that the ninth was that of Eurypylus (see 13. 1. 70), unless, as Choiseul-Gouffier (Voyage Pittoresque de Ia Grèce, vol. ii, cited by Gossellin think, it was that of the island of Lesbos. But that Priam was ruler of these countries, one and all, is clearly indicated by Achilles' words to Priam:And of thee, old sire, we hear that formerly thou wast blest; how of all that is enclosed by Lesbos, out at sea, city of Macar, and by Phrygia in the upland, and by the boundless Hellespont.Hom. Il. 24.534 The quotation is incomplete without the following words of Homer: "o'er all these, old sire, thou wast preeminent, they say, because of thy wealth and thy sons. Now such were the conditions at the time of the Trojan War, but all kinds of changes followed later; for the parts round Cyzicus as far as the Practius were colonized by Phrygians, and those round Abydus by Thracians; and still before these two by Bebryces and Dryopes.Leaf (Strabo on the Troad, p. 61 makes a strong case for emending "Dryopes" to "Doliones," but leaves the Greek text (p. 7) unchanged. And the country that lies next was colonized by the Treres, themselves also Thracians; and the Plain of Thebe by Lydians, then called Maeonians, and by the survivors of the Mysians who had formerly been subject to Telephus and Teuthras. So then, since the poet combines Aeolis and Troy, and since the Aeolians held possession of all the country from the Hermus RiverSee 13. 1. 1, and p. 40 of Leaf's article cited in footnote there. to the seaboard at Cyzicus, and founded their cities there, I too might not be guilty of describing them wrongly if I combined Aeolis, now properly so called, extending from the Hermus River to Lectum, and the country next after it, extending to the Aesepus River; for in my detailed treatment of the two, I shall distinguish them again, setting forth, along with the facts as they now are, the statements of Homer and others. According to Homer, then, the Troad begins after the city of the Cyziceni and the Aesepus River. And he so speaks of it:And those who dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, Aphneii,See footnote on Aphneii in 13. 1. 7. who drink the dark water of the Aesepus, Trojans; these in turn were commanded by Pandarus the glorious son of Lycaon.Hom. Il. 2.824These he also calls Lycians.See 13. 1. 7. And they are thought to have been called "Aphneii" after Lake "Aphnitis," for Lake Dascylitis is also called by that name. -Now ZeleiaOn the site of Zeleia, see Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. 66. is situated on the farthermost foothill of Mt. Ida, being one hundred and ninety stadia distant from Cyzicus and about eighty stadia from the nearest part of the sea, where the Aesepus empties. And the poet mentions severally, in continuous order, the places that lie along the coast after the Aesepus River:And they who held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and held Pityeia and the steep mountain of Tereia—these were led by Adrastus and Amphius of the linen corslet, the two sons of Merops of Percote.Hom. Il. 2.828These places lie below Zeleia,The places in question appear to have belonged to Zeleia. Leaf (op. cit., p. 65 translates: "are commanded by Zeleia"; but the present translator is sure that, up to the present passage, Strabo has always used u(popi/ptw in a purely geographical sense (e.g., cf. 9. 1. 15, and especially 12. 4. 6, where Strabo makes substantially the same statement concerning Zeleia as in the present passage). But see Leaf's note (op. cit.), p. 67. but they are occupied by Cyziceni and Priapeni even as far as the coast. Now near Zeleia is the Tarsius River,On this river see Leaf, work last cited p. 67. which is crossed twenty times by the same road, like the Heptaporus River,Strabo does not mean that the Heptaporus was crossed twenty times. The name itself means the river of "seven fords" (or ferries)..which is mentioned by the poet.Hom. Il. 12. 20 And the river that flows from Nicomedeia into Nicaea is crossed twenty-four times, and the river that flows from Pholoe into the Eleian countryi.e., Elis, in the Peloponnesus. is crossed many times . . . Scarthon twenty-five times,The text is corrupt; and "Scarthon," whether it applies to a river or a people, is otherwise unknown. However, this whole passage, "And the river that flows from Nicomedeia . . . crossed seventy-five times," appears to be a gloss, and is ejected from the text by Kramer and Meineke (see Leaf's Strabo and the Troad, p. 65, note 4). and the river that flows from the country of the Coscinii into Alabanda is crossed many times, and the river that flows from Tyana into Soli through the Taurus is crossed seventy-five times. +Now ZeleiaOn the site of Zeleia, see Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. 66. is situated on the farthermost foothill of Mt. Ida, being one hundred and ninety stadia distant from Cyzicus and about eighty stadia from the nearest part of the sea, where the Aesepus empties. And the poet mentions severally, in continuous order, the places that lie along the coast after the Aesepus River:And they who held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and held Pityeia and the steep mountain of Tereia—these were led by Adrastus and Amphius of the linen corslet, the two sons of Merops of Percote.Hom. Il. 2.828These places lie below Zeleia,The places in question appear to have belonged to Zeleia. Leaf (op. cit., p. 65 translates: "are commanded by Zeleia"; but the present translator is sure that, up to the present passage, Strabo has always used u(popi/ptw in a purely geographical sense (e.g., cf. 9. 1. 15, and especially 12. 4. 6, where Strabo makes substantially the same statement concerning Zeleia as in the present passage). But see Leaf's note (op. cit.), p. 67. but they are occupied by Cyziceni and Priapeni even as far as the coast. Now near Zeleia is the Tarsius River,On this river see Leaf, work last cited p. 67. which is crossed twenty times by the same road, like the Heptaporus River,Strabo does not mean that the Heptaporus was crossed twenty times. The name itself means the river of "seven fords" (or ferries)..which is mentioned by the poet.Hom. Il. 12. 20 And the river that flows from Nicomedeia into Nicaea is crossed twenty-four times, and the river that flows from Pholoe into the Eleian countryi.e., Elis, in the Peloponnesus. is crossed many times . . . Scarthon twenty-five times,The text is corrupt; and "Scarthon," whether it applies to a river or a people, is otherwise unknown. However, this whole passage, "And the river that flows from Nicomedeia . . . crossed seventy-five times," appears to be a gloss, and is ejected from the text by Kramer and Meineke (see Leaf's Strabo and the Troad, p. 65, note 4). and the river that flows from the country of the Coscinii into Alabanda is crossed many times, and the river that flows from Tyana into Soli through the Taurus is crossed seventy-five times. About . . .The number of stadia has fallen out of the MSS. stadia above the outlet of the Aesepus River is a hill, where is shown the tomb of Memnon, son of Tithonus; and near by is the village of Memnon. The Granicus River flows between the Aesepus River and Priapus, mostly through the plain of Adrasteia,See Leaf, work last cited, p. 70. where Alexander utterly defeated the satraps of Dareius in battle, and gained the whole of the country inside the Taurus and the Euphrates River. And on the Granicus was situated the city Sidene, with a large territory of the same name; but it is now in ruins. On the boundary between the territory of Cyzicus and that of Priapus is a place called Harpagia,The root "harpag-" means "snatch away." from which, according to some writers of myths, Ganymede was snatched, though others say that he was snatched in the neighborhood of the Dardanian Promontory, near Dardanus. PriapusOn the site of Priapus, see Leaf, p. 73. is a city on the sea, and also a harbor. Some say that it was founded by Milesians, who at the same time also colonized Abydus and Proconnesus, whereas others say that it was founded by Cyziceni. It was named after Priapus, who was worshipped there; then his worship was transferred thither from Orneae near Corinth, or else the inhabitants felt an impulse to worship the god because he was called the son of Dionysus and a nymph; for their country is abundantly supplied with the vine, both theirs and the countries which border next upon it, I mean those of the Pariani and the Lampsaceni. At any rate, Xerxes gave Lampsacus to Themistocles to supply him with wine. But it was by people of later times that Priapus was declared a god, for even Hesiod does not know of him; and he resembles the Attic deities Orthane, Conisalus, Tychon, and others like them. This country was called "Adrasteia"On the site of Adrasteia, see Leaf, p. 77. and "Plain of Adrasteia," in accordance with a custom whereby people gave two names to the same place, as "Thebe" and "Plain of Thebe," and "Mygdonia" and "Plain of Mygdonia." According to Callisthenes, among others, Adrasteia was named after King Adrastus, who was the first to found a temple of Nemesis. Now the city is situated between Priapus and Parium; and it has below it a plain that is named after it, in which there was an oracle of Apollo Actaeus and Artemis. . . .Three words in the Greek text here are corrupt. Strabo may have said that this temple was "on the shore," or "in the direction of Pityeia" (the same as Pitya; see section 15 following), or "in the direction of Pactye". But when the temple was torn down, the whole of its furnishings and stonework were transported to Parium, where was built an altar,This altar was a stadium (about 600 feet) in length (10. 5. 7). the work of Hermocreon, very remarkable for its size and beauty; but the oracle was abolished like that at Zeleia. Here, however, there is no temple of Adrasteia, nor yet of Nemesis, to be seen, although there is a temple of Adrasteia near Cyzicus. Antimachus says as follows:There is a great goddess Nemesis, who has obtained as her portion all these things from the Blessed.A not uncommon appellation of the gods. AdrestusNote the variant spelling of the name. was the first to build an altar to her beside the stream of the Aesepus River, where she is worshipped under the name of Adresteia. The city Parium is situated on the sea; it has a larger harbor than Priapus, and its territory has been increased at the expense of Priapus; for the Parians curried favor with the Attalic kings, to whom the territory of Priapus was subject, and by their permission cut off for themselves a large part of that territory. Here is told the mythical story that the Ophiogeneis"Serpent-born." are akin to the serpent tribe:See Leaf, work last cited, p. 85. and they say that the males of the Ophiogeneis cure snake-bitten people by continuous stroking, after the manner of enchanters, first transferring the livid color to their own bodies and then stopping both the inflammation and the pain. According to the myth, the original founder of the tribe, a certain hero, changed from a serpent into a man. Perhaps he was one of the Libyan Psylli,See 17. 1. 44. whose power persisted in his tribe for a certain time.See Fraser, Totemism and Exogamy, 1. 20, 2. 54 and 4. 178. Parium was founded by Milesians and Erythraeans and Parians. PityaAccording to the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (1933), cited by Leaf (Troy, p. 187, "Lampsacus was formerly called Pityeia, or, as others spell it, Pitya. Some say that Phrixus stored his treasure there and that the city was named after the treasure, for the Thracian word for treasure is 'pitye'" (but cf. the Greek word "pitys," "pine tree"). Strabo, however, places Pitya to the east of Parium, whereas Lampsacus lies to the west (see Leaf, l.c., pp. 185 ff.; and his Strabo on the Troad, p. 87). In section 18 (following) Strabo says that "Lampsacus was formerly called Pityussa." is in Pityus in the territory of Parium, lying below a pine covered mountain;Leaf (l.c.) translates, "hill shaped like a pine tree," adding (p. 187) that "the resemblance to a pine tree, so far as my personal observation went, means no more than that the hill slopes gently up to a rounded top." However, the Greek adjective probably means in the present passage "pine covered" (cf. the use of the same adjective in 8. 6. 22, where it applies to a sacred precinct on the Isthmus of Corinth). and it lies between Parium and Priapus in the direction of Linum, a place on the seashore, where are caught the Linusian snails, the best in the world. -On the coasting voyage from Parium to Priapus lie both the old Proconnesus and the present Proconnesus, the latter having a city and also a great quarry of white marble that is very highly commended; at any rate, the most beautiful works of arti.e., buildings, statues, and other marble structures (see 5. 2. 5 and 5. 3. 8, and the footnotes on "works of art"). in the cities of that part of the world, and especially those in Cyzicus, are made of this marble. Aristeas was a Proconnesian—the author of the Arimaspian Epic, as it is called—a charlatan if ever there was one.See 1. 2. 10, and Hdt. 4.13 +On the coasting voyage from Parium to Priapus lie both the old Proconnesus and the present Proconnesus, the latter having a city and also a great quarry of white marble that is very highly commended; at any rate, the most beautiful works of arti.e., buildings, statues, and other marble structures (see 5. 2. 5 and 5. 3. 8, and the footnotes on "works of art"). in the cities of that part of the world, and especially those in Cyzicus, are made of this marble. Aristeas was a Proconnesian—the author of the Arimaspian Epic, as it is called—a charlatan if ever there was one.See 1. 2. 10, and Hdt. 4.13 As for "the mountain of Tereia,"The mountain mentioned in the Hom. Il. 2.829 some say that it is the range of mountains in Peirossus which are occupied by the Cyziceni and are adjacent to Zeleia, where a royal hunting ground was arranged by the Lydians, and later by the Persians;Xen. Hell. 4.1.15 speaks of royal hunting grounds, "some in enclosed parks, others in open regions." but others point out a hill forty stadia from Lampsacus, on which there is a temple sacred to the mother of the gods, entitled "Tereia's" temple. Lampsacus,Now Lapsaki. On the site, see Leaf, p. 92. a!so, is a city on the sea, a notable city with a good harbor, and still flourishing, like Abydus. It is about one hundred and seventy stadia distant from Abydus; and it was formerly called Pityussa, as also, it is said, was Chios. On the opposite shore of the Chersonesus is Callipolis, a small town. It is on the headland and runs far out towards Asia in the direction of the city of the Lampsaceni, so that the passage across to Asia from it is no more than forty stadia. -In the interval between Lampsacus and Parium lay a city and river called Paesus; but the city is in ruins. The Paeseni changed their abode to Lampsacus, they too being colonists from the Milesians, like the Lampsaceni. But the poet refers to the place in two ways, at one time adding the first syllable,and the land of Apaesus,Hom. Il. 2.828and at another omitting it,a man of many possessions, who dwelt in Paesus.Hom. Il. 5.612And the river is now spelled in the latter way. Colonae,On the site of Colonae, see Leaf (Strabo on the Troad), p. 101. which lies above Lampsacus in the interior of Lampsacene, is also a colony of the Milesians; and there is another Colonae on the outer Hellespontine sea, which is one hundred and forty stadia distant from Ilium and is said to be the birthplace of Cycnus.King of Colonae, slain by Achilles in the Trojan War. Anaximenes says that there are also places in the Erythraean territory and in Phocis and in Thessaly that are called Colonae. And there is an Iliocolone in the territory of Parium. In the territory of Lampsacus is a place called GergithiumOn Gergithium, see Leaf, p. 102. which is rich in vines; and there was also a city called Gergitha from Gergithes in the territory of Cyme, for here too there was a city called Gergithes, in the feminine plural, the birthplace of Cephalon the Gergithian. And still today a place called Gergithium is pointed out in the territory of Cyme near Larissa. Now Neoptolemus,Fl. in the Alexandrian period; author of works entitled Glosses and On Epigrams. called the Glossographer, a notable man, was from Parium; and Charon the historianEarly historian; author of Persian History and Annals of the Lampsaceni. and AdeimantusKnown only as courtier of Demetrius Poliorcetes. and Anaximenes the rhetoricianSee Frazer's note on Paus. 6.18.2 and Metrodorus the comrade of Epicurus were from Lampsacus; and Epicurus himself was in a sense a Lampsacenian, having lived in Lampsacus and having been on intimate terms with the ablest men of that city, Idomeneus and Leonteus and their followers. It was from here that Agrippa transported the Fallen Lion, a work of Lysippus; and he dedicated it in the sacred precinct between the Lake and the Euripus."The Lake" seems surely to be the Stagnum Agrippae mentioned by Tac. Ann. 15.37, i.e., the Nemus Caesarum on the right bank of the Tiber (see A. Häbler, Hermes 19 (1884), p. 235). "The Stagnum Agrippae was apparently a pond constructed by Agrippa in connection with the Aqua Virgo and the canal called Euripus in the neighborhood of the Pantheon" (C. G. Ramsay, Annals of Tacitus, 15.37), or, as Leaf (op. cit., p. 108 puts it, "The Euripus is the channel filled with water set up by Caesar round the arena of the Circus Maximus at Rome to protect the spectators from the wild beasts." -After Lampsacus come Abydus and the intervening places of which the poet, who comprises with them the territory of Lampsacus and part of the territory of Parium (for these two cities were not yet in existence in the Trojan times), speaks as follows:And those who dwelt about Percote and Practius, and held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe—these in turn were led by Asius, the son of Hyrtacus, . . . who was brought by his sorrel horses from Arisbe, from the River Sellëeis.Hom. Il. 2.835In speaking thus, the poet seems to set forth Arisbe, whence he says Asius came, as the royal residence of Asius:who was brought by his horses from Arisbe, from the River Sellëeis.But these placesi.e., Arisbe, Percote, and the Sellëeis. Strabo himself locates the Practius (13.1. 4, 7, 8, 21). On the sites of these places, see Leaf's Troy, pp. 188 ff., his note in Jour. Hellenic Studies, XXXVII (1917), p. 26, and his Strabo on the Troad, pp. 108 ff. are so obscure that even investigators do not agree about them, except that they are in the neighborhood of Abydus and Lampsacus and Parium, and that the old Percote,Homer's Percote, on the sea. the site, underwent a change of name. -Of the rivers, the Sellëeis flows near Arisbe, as the poet says, if it be true that Asius came both from Arisbe and from the Sellëeis River. The River Practius is indeed in existence, but no city of that name is to be found, as some have wrongly thought. This river alsoi.e., as well as the Sellëeis. flows between Abydus and Lampsacus. Accordingly, the words,and dwelt about Practius,should be interpreted as applying to a river, as should also those other words,and those who dwelt beside the goodly Cephisus River,Hom. Il. 2.522andthose who had their famed estates about the Parthenius River.Hom. Il. 2.854There was also a city Arisba in Lesbos, whose territory is occupied by the Methymnaeans. And there is an Arisbus River in Thrace, as I have said before,Obviously in the lost portion of Book VII. near which are situated the Thracian Cebrenians. There are many names common to the Thracians and the Trojans; for example, there are Thracians called Scaeans, and a river Scaeus, and a Scaean Wall, and at Troy the Scaean Gates. And there are Thracian Xanthians, and in Troy-land a river Xanthus. And in Troy-land there is a river Arisbus which empties into the Hebrus, as also a city Arisbe. And there was a river Rhesus in Troy-land; and there was a Rhesus who was the king of the Thracians. And there is also, of the same name as this Asius, another Asius in Homer,who was maternal uncle to horse-taming Hector, and own brother to Hecabe, but son of Dymas, who dwelt in Phrygia by the streams of the Sangarius.Hom. Il. 16.717 +In the interval between Lampsacus and Parium lay a city and river called Paesus; but the city is in ruins. The Paeseni changed their abode to Lampsacus, they too being colonists from the Milesians, like the Lampsaceni. But the poet refers to the place in two ways, at one time adding the first syllable,and the land of Apaesus,Hom. Il. 2.828and at another omitting it,a man of many possessions, who dwelt in Paesus.Hom. Il. 5.612And the river is now spelled in the latter way. Colonae,On the site of Colonae, see Leaf (Strabo on the Troad), p. 101. which lies above Lampsacus in the interior of Lampsacene, is also a colony of the Milesians; and there is another Colonae on the outer Hellespontine sea, which is one hundred and forty stadia distant from Ilium and is said to be the birthplace of Cycnus.King of Colonae, slain by Achilles in the Trojan War. Anaximenes says that there are also places in the Erythraean territory and in Phocis and in Thessaly that are called Colonae. And there is an Iliocolone in the territory of Parium. In the territory of Lampsacus is a place called GergithiumOn Gergithium, see Leaf, p. 102. which is rich in vines; and there was also a city called Gergitha from Gergithes in the territory of Cyme, for here too there was a city called Gergithes, in the feminine plural, the birthplace of Cephalon the Gergithian. And still today a place called Gergithium is pointed out in the territory of Cyme near Larissa. Now Neoptolemus,Fl. in the Alexandrian period; author of works entitled Glosses and On Epigrams. called the Glossographer, a notable man, was from Parium; and Charon the historianEarly historian; author of Persian History and Annals of the Lampsaceni. and AdeimantusKnown only as courtier of Demetrius Poliorcetes. and Anaximenes the rhetoricianSee Frazer's note on Paus. 6.18.2 and Metrodorus the comrade of Epicurus were from Lampsacus; and Epicurus himself was in a sense a Lampsacenian, having lived in Lampsacus and having been on intimate terms with the ablest men of that city, Idomeneus and Leonteus and their followers. It was from here that Agrippa transported the Fallen Lion, a work of Lysippus; and he dedicated it in the sacred precinct between the Lake and the Euripus."The Lake" seems surely to be the Stagnum Agrippae mentioned by Tac. Ann. 15.37, i.e., the Nemus Caesarum on the right bank of the Tiber (see A. Häbler, Hermes 19 (1884), p. 235). "The Stagnum Agrippae was apparently a pond constructed by Agrippa in connection with the Aqua Virgo and the canal called Euripus in the neighborhood of the Pantheon" (C. G. Ramsay, Annals of Tacitus, 15.37), or, as Leaf (op. cit., p. 108 puts it, "The Euripus is the channel filled with water set up by Caesar round the arena of the Circus Maximus at Rome to protect the spectators from the wild beasts." +After Lampsacus come Abydus and the intervening places of which the poet, who comprises with them the territory of Lampsacus and part of the territory of Parium (for these two cities were not yet in existence in the Trojan times), speaks as follows:And those who dwelt about Percote and Practius, and held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe—these in turn were led by Asius, the son of Hyrtacus, . . . who was brought by his sorrel horses from Arisbe, from the River Sellëeis.Hom. Il. 2.835In speaking thus, the poet seems to set forth Arisbe, whence he says Asius came, as the royal residence of Asius:who was brought by his horses from Arisbe, from the River Sellëeis.But these placesi.e., Arisbe, Percote, and the Sellëeis. Strabo himself locates the Practius (13.1. 4, 7, 8, 21). On the sites of these places, see Leaf's Troy, pp. 188 ff., his note in Jour. Hellenic Studies, XXXVII (1917), p. 26, and his Strabo on the Troad, pp. 108 ff. are so obscure that even investigators do not agree about them, except that they are in the neighborhood of Abydus and Lampsacus and Parium, and that the old Percote,Homer's Percote, on the sea. the site, underwent a change of name. +Of the rivers, the Sellëeis flows near Arisbe, as the poet says, if it be true that Asius came both from Arisbe and from the Sellëeis River. The River Practius is indeed in existence, but no city of that name is to be found, as some have wrongly thought. This river alsoi.e., as well as the Sellëeis. flows between Abydus and Lampsacus. Accordingly, the words,and dwelt about Practius,should be interpreted as applying to a river, as should also those other words,and those who dwelt beside the goodly Cephisus River,Hom. Il. 2.522andthose who had their famed estates about the Parthenius River.Hom. Il. 2.854There was also a city Arisba in Lesbos, whose territory is occupied by the Methymnaeans. And there is an Arisbus River in Thrace, as I have said before,Obviously in the lost portion of Book VII. near which are situated the Thracian Cebrenians. There are many names common to the Thracians and the Trojans; for example, there are Thracians called Scaeans, and a river Scaeus, and a Scaean Wall, and at Troy the Scaean Gates. And there are Thracian Xanthians, and in Troy-land a river Xanthus. And in Troy-land there is a river Arisbus which empties into the Hebrus, as also a city Arisbe. And there was a river Rhesus in Troy-land; and there was a Rhesus who was the king of the Thracians. And there is also, of the same name as this Asius, another Asius in Homer,who was maternal uncle to horse-taming Hector, and own brother to Hecabe, but son of Dymas, who dwelt in Phrygia by the streams of the Sangarius.Hom. Il. 16.717 Abydus was founded by Milesians, being founded by permission of Gyges, king of the Lydians; for this district and the whole of the Troad were under his sway; and there is a promontory named Gygas near Dardanus. Abydus lies at the mouth of the Propontis and the Hellespont; and it is equidistant from Lampsacus and Ilium, about one hundred and seventy stadia.On the site of Abydus, see Leaf, Strabo on the Troad, p. 117. Here, separating Europe and Asia, is the Heptastadium,i.e., "Strait of seven stadia." which was bridged by Xerxes. The European promontory that forms the narrows at the place of the bridge is called the Chersonesusi.e., "Land-island" or "Peninsula." because of its shape. And the place of the bridge lies opposite Abydus. SestusOn its site, see Leaf, work last cited, p. 119. is the best of the cities in the Chersonesus; and, on account of its proximity to Abydus, it was assigned to the same governor as Abydus in the times when governorships had not yet been delimited by continents. Now although Abydus and Sestus are about thirty stadia distant from one another from harbor to harbor, yet the line of the bridge across the strait is short, being drawn at an angle to that between the two cities, that is, from a point nearer than Abydus to the Propontis on the Abydus side to a point farther away from the Propontis on the Sestus side. Near Sestus is a place named Apobathra,i.e., "Place of Disembarkation." where the pontoon-bridge was attached to the shore. Sestus lies farther in towards the Propontis, farther up the stream that flows out of the Propontis. It is therefore easier to cross over from Sestus, first coasting a short distance to the Tower of Hero and then letting the ships make the passage across by the help of the current. But those who cross over from Abydus must first follow the coast in the opposite direction about eight stadia to a tower opposite Sestus, and then sail across obliquely and thus not have to meet the full force of the current. After the Trojan War Abydus was the home of Thracians, and then of Milesians. But when the cities were burned by Dareius, father of Xerxes, I mean the cities on the Propontis, Abydus shared in the same misfortune. He burned them because he had learned after his return from his attack upon the Scythians that the nomads were making preparations to cross the strait and attack him to avenge their sufferings, and was afraid that the cities would provide means for the passage of their army. And this too, in addition to the other changes and to the lapse of time, is a cause of the confusion into which the topography of the country has fallen. As for Sestus and the Chersonesus in general, I have already spoken of them in my description of the region of Thrace.See Book 7 Frags. 51, 55b, and 51a, 52, and 53. Theopompus says that Sestus is small but well fortified, and that it is connected with its harbor by a double wall of two plethra,i.e., about 200 feet (in breadth). and that for this reason, as also on account of the current, it is mistress of the passage. Above the territory of the Abydeni, in the Troad, lies Astyra. This city, which is in ruins, now belongs to the Abydeni, but in earlier times it was independent and had gold mines. These mines are now scant, being used up, like those on Mt. Tmolus in the neighborhood of the Pactolus River. From Abydus to the Aesepus the distance is said to be about seven hundred stadia, but less by straight sailing.According to Leaf (l.c., p. 135, the shortest course of a vessel between Abydus and the mouth of the Aesepus measures just about 700 stadia. Hence Strabo's authorities for his statement are in error if, as usual, the longer voyage is a coasting voyage, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, as against the shorter, or more direct, voyage. Leaf, however, forces the phrase "by straight sailing" to mean "a straight course wholly over the land," adding that "the meaning must be that it would be shorter if one would sail straight," and that "the expression is singularly infelicitous as applied to a journey by land in contrast to one by sea." -Outside Abydus lies the territory of Ilium—the parts on the shore extending to Lectum, and the places in the Trojan Plain, and the parts on the side of Mt. Ida that were subject to Aeneias. The poet names these last parts in two ways, at one time saying as follows:The Dardanii in turn were led by the valiant son of Anchises,Hom. Il. 2.819calling the inhabitants "Dardanii"; and at another time, "Dardani":The Trojans and Lycians and Dardani that fight in close combat.Hom. Il. 8.173And it is reasonable to suppose that this was in ancient times.the site of the Dardania mentioned by the poet when he says,At first Dardanus was begotten by Zeus the cloud-gatherer, and he founded Dardania;Hom. Il. 20.215for at the present time there is not so much as a trace of a city preserved in that territory.On the boundaries of Dardania, see Leaf (l.c., p.137). - PlatoPlat. Laws 677-679 conjectures, however, that after the time of the floods three kinds of civilization were formed: the first, that on the mountain tops, which was simple and wild, when men were in fear of the waters which still deeply covered the plains; the second, that on the foothills, when men were now gradually taking courage because the plains were beginning to be relieved of the waters; and the third, that in the plains. One might speak equally of a fourth and fifth, or even more, but last of all that on the seacoast and in the islands, when men had been finally released from all such fear; for the greater or less courage they took in approaching the sea would indicate several different stages of civilization and manners, first as in the case of the qualities of goodness and wildness, which in some way further served as a foundation for the milder qualities in the second stage. But in the second stage also there is a difference to be noted, I mean between the rustic and semi-rustic and civilized qualities; and, beginning with these last qualities, the gradual assumption of new names ended in the polite and highest culture, in accordance with the change of manners for the better along with the changes in places of abode and in modes of life. Now these differences, according to Plato,Plat. Laws 3.680 are suggested by the poet, who sets forth as an example of the first stage of civilization the life of the Cyclopes, who lived on uncultivated fruits and occupied the mountain tops, living in caves: “but all these things,” he says, “grow unsown and unploughed” for them. . . . And they have no assemblies for council, nor appointed laws, but they dwell on the tops of high mountains in hollow caves, and each is lawgiver to his children and his wives.Hom. Od. 9.109-114 (quoted by Plato in Plat. Laws 3.680). And as an example of the second stage, the life in the time of Dardanus, whofounded Dardania; for not yet had sacred Ilios been builded to be a city of mortal men, but they were living on the foothills of many-fountained Ida.Hom. Il. 20.216 (quoted by Plat. Laws 3.681). And of the third stage, the life in the plains in the time of Ilus;Plat. Laws 3.682 for he is the traditional founder of Ilium, and it was from him that the city took its name. And it is reasonable to suppose, also, that he was buried in the middle of the plain for this reason—that he was the first to take up his abode in the plains:And they sped past the tomb of ancient Ilus, son of Dardanus, through the middle of the plain past the wild fig tree.Hom. Il. 11.166Yet even Ilus did not have full courage, for he did not found the city at the place where it now is, but about thirty stadia higher up towards the east, and towards Mt. Ida and Dardania, at the place now called "Village of the Ilians."Schliemann's excavations, however, identify Hissarlik as the site of Homer's Troy. Hence "the site of Homer's Troy at 'the village of Ilians' is a mere figment" (Leaf, l.c., p. 141). But the people of the present Ilium, being fond of glory and wishing to show that their Ilium was the ancient city, have offered a troublesome argument to those who base their evidence on the poetry of Homer, for their Ilium does not appear to have been the Homeric city. Other inquirers also find that the city changed its site several times, but at last settled permanently where it now is at about the time of Croesus.King of Lydia, 560-546 B.C. I take for granted, then, that such removals into the parts lower down, which took place in those times, indicate different stages in modes of life and civilization; but this must be further investigated at another time. +Outside Abydus lies the territory of Ilium—the parts on the shore extending to Lectum, and the places in the Trojan Plain, and the parts on the side of Mt. Ida that were subject to Aeneias. The poet names these last parts in two ways, at one time saying as follows:The Dardanii in turn were led by the valiant son of Anchises,Hom. Il. 2.819calling the inhabitants "Dardanii"; and at another time, "Dardani":The Trojans and Lycians and Dardani that fight in close combat.Hom. Il. 8.173And it is reasonable to suppose that this was in ancient times.the site of the Dardania mentioned by the poet when he says,At first Dardanus was begotten by Zeus the cloud-gatherer, and he founded Dardania;Hom. Il. 20.215for at the present time there is not so much as a trace of a city preserved in that territory.On the boundaries of Dardania, see Leaf (l.c., p.137). + PlatoPlat. Laws 677-679 conjectures, however, that after the time of the floods three kinds of civilization were formed: the first, that on the mountain tops, which was simple and wild, when men were in fear of the waters which still deeply covered the plains; the second, that on the foothills, when men were now gradually taking courage because the plains were beginning to be relieved of the waters; and the third, that in the plains. One might speak equally of a fourth and fifth, or even more, but last of all that on the seacoast and in the islands, when men had been finally released from all such fear; for the greater or less courage they took in approaching the sea would indicate several different stages of civilization and manners, first as in the case of the qualities of goodness and wildness, which in some way further served as a foundation for the milder qualities in the second stage. But in the second stage also there is a difference to be noted, I mean between the rustic and semi-rustic and civilized qualities; and, beginning with these last qualities, the gradual assumption of new names ended in the polite and highest culture, in accordance with the change of manners for the better along with the changes in places of abode and in modes of life. Now these differences, according to Plato,Plat. Laws 3.680 are suggested by the poet, who sets forth as an example of the first stage of civilization the life of the Cyclopes, who lived on uncultivated fruits and occupied the mountain tops, living in caves: “but all these things,” he says, “grow unsown and unploughed” for them. . . . And they have no assemblies for council, nor appointed laws, but they dwell on the tops of high mountains in hollow caves, and each is lawgiver to his children and his wives.Hom. Od. 9.109-114 (quoted by Plato in Plat. Laws 3.680). And as an example of the second stage, the life in the time of Dardanus, whofounded Dardania; for not yet had sacred Ilios been builded to be a city of mortal men, but they were living on the foothills of many-fountained Ida.Hom. Il. 20.216 (quoted by Plat. Laws 3.681). And of the third stage, the life in the plains in the time of Ilus;Plat. Laws 3.682 for he is the traditional founder of Ilium, and it was from him that the city took its name. And it is reasonable to suppose, also, that he was buried in the middle of the plain for this reason—that he was the first to take up his abode in the plains:And they sped past the tomb of ancient Ilus, son of Dardanus, through the middle of the plain past the wild fig tree.Hom. Il. 11.166Yet even Ilus did not have full courage, for he did not found the city at the place where it now is, but about thirty stadia higher up towards the east, and towards Mt. Ida and Dardania, at the place now called "Village of the Ilians."Schliemann's excavations, however, identify Hissarlik as the site of Homer's Troy. Hence "the site of Homer's Troy at 'the village of Ilians' is a mere figment" (Leaf, l.c., p. 141). But the people of the present Ilium, being fond of glory and wishing to show that their Ilium was the ancient city, have offered a troublesome argument to those who base their evidence on the poetry of Homer, for their Ilium does not appear to have been the Homeric city. Other inquirers also find that the city changed its site several times, but at last settled permanently where it now is at about the time of Croesus.King of Lydia, 560-546 B.C. I take for granted, then, that such removals into the parts lower down, which took place in those times, indicate different stages in modes of life and civilization; but this must be further investigated at another time. It is said that the city of the present Ilians was for a time a mere village, having its temple of Athena, a small and cheap temple, but that when Alexander went up there after his victory at the GranicusThe first of the three battles by which he overthrew the Persian empire (334 B.C.). River he adorned the temple with votive offerings, gave the village the title of city, and ordered those in charge to improve it with buildings, and that he adjudged it free and exempt from tribute; and that later, after the overthrow of the Persians, he sent down a kindly letter to the place, promising to make a great city of it, and to build a magnificent sanctuary, and to proclaim sacred games.e.g., like the Olympic Games. But his untimely death prevented the fulfillment of this promise. But after his death LysimachusEither Strabo, or his authority, Demetrius of Scepsis, or the Greek text as it now stands, seems guilty of inconsistency in the passage "devoted especial attention to the city . . . and then cities bearing their own." Grote (Vol. I, chapter xv rearranges the Greek text in the following order: "devoted especial attention to Alexandreia" (not Ilium), "which had indeed already been founded by Antigonus and called Antigonia, but changed its name (for it was thought to be . . . then cities bearing their own name), and he built a temple . . . forty stadia in circuit." He omits "at that time he had already devoted attention to Alexandreia," and so does Leaf (op. cit., p. 142; but the latter, instead of rearranging the text, simply inserts "Alexandreia" after "city" in the first clause of the passage. Leaf (p. 143) adds the following important argument to those of Grote: "There is no trace whatever of any great wall at Ilium, though remains of one 40 stades in length could hardly have escaped notice. But there is at Alexandreia such a wall which is exactly the length mentioned by Strabo, and which is clearly referred to." devoted special attention to the city, and built a temple there and surrounded the city with a wall about forty stadia in circuit, and also incorporated into it the surrounding cities, which were now old and in bad plight. At that time he had already devoted attention to Alexandreia, which had indeed already been founded by Antigonus and called Antigonia, but had changed its name, for it was thought to be a pious thing for the successors of Alexander to found cities bearing his name before they founded cities bearing their own. And indeed the city endured and grew, and at present it not only has received a colony of Romans but is one of the notable cities of the world. -Also the Ilium of today was a kind of village-city when the Romans first set foot on Asia and expelled Antiochus the Great from the country this side of Taurus. At any rate, Demetrius of Scepsis says that, when as a lad he visited the city about that time, he found the settlement so neglected that the buildings did not so much as have tiled roofs. And Hegesianax says that when the Galatae crossed over from Europe they needed a stronghold and went up into the city for that reason, but left it at once because of its lack of walls. But later it was greatly improved. And then it was ruined again by the Romans under Fimbria, who took it by siege in the course of the Mithridatic war. Fimbria had been sent as quaestor with Valerius Flaccus the consul when the latter was appointedi.e., in 86 B.C. by Cinna the consul, the leader of the popular party at Rome. to the command against Mithridates; but Fimbria raised a mutiny and slew the consul in the neighborhood of Bithynia, and was himself set up as lord of the army; and when he advanced to Ilium, the llians would not admit him, as being a brigand, and therefore he applied force and captured the place on the eleventh day. And when he boasted that he himself had overpowered on the eleventh day the city which Agamemnon had only with difficulty captured in the tenth year, although the latter had with him on his expedition the fleet of a thousand vessels and the whole of Greece, one of the Ilians said: "Yes, for the city's champion was no Hector." Now Sulla came over and overthrew Fimbria, and on terms of agreement sent Mithridates away to his homeland, but he also consoled the Ilians by numerous improvements. In my time, however, the deified CaesarJulius Caesar. was far more thoughtful of them, at the same time also emulating the example of Alexander; for Alexander set out to provide for them on the basis of a renewal of ancient kinship, and also because at the same time he was fond of Homer; at any rate, we are told of a recension of the poetry of Homer, the Recension of the Casket, as it is called, which Alexander, along with Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, perused and to a certain extent annotated, and then deposited in a richly wrought casket which he had found amongst the Persian treasures.According to Plut. Alexander 8, "Alexander took with him Aristotle's recension of the poem, called the Iliad of the Casket, and always kept it lying beside his dagger under his pillow, as Onesicritus informs us"; and "the casket was the most precious of the treasures of Dareius" (ibid. 26). Accordingly, it was due both to his zeal for the poet and to his descent from the Aeacidae who reigned as kings of the Molossians—where, as we are also told, Andromache, who had been the wife of Hector, reigned as queen—that Alexander was kindly disposed towards the Ilians. But Caesar, not only being fond of Alexander, but also having better known evidences of kinship with the llians, felt encouraged to bestow kindness upon them with all the zest of youth: better known evidences, first, because he was a Roman, and because the Romans believe Aeneias to have been their original founder; and secondly, because the name Iulius was derived from that of a certain Iulus who was one of his ancestors,i.e., of the Julians gens. and this Iulus got his appellation from the Iulus who was one of the descendants of Aeneas. Caesar therefore allotted territory to them end also helped them to preserve their freedom and their immunity from taxation; and to this day they remain in possession of these favors. But that this is not the site of the ancient Ilium, if one considers the matter in accordance with Homer's account, is inferred from the following considerations. But first I must give a general description of the region in question, beginning at that point on the coast where I left off. +Also the Ilium of today was a kind of village-city when the Romans first set foot on Asia and expelled Antiochus the Great from the country this side of Taurus. At any rate, Demetrius of Scepsis says that, when as a lad he visited the city about that time, he found the settlement so neglected that the buildings did not so much as have tiled roofs. And Hegesianax says that when the Galatae crossed over from Europe they needed a stronghold and went up into the city for that reason, but left it at once because of its lack of walls. But later it was greatly improved. And then it was ruined again by the Romans under Fimbria, who took it by siege in the course of the Mithridatic war. Fimbria had been sent as quaestor with Valerius Flaccus the consul when the latter was appointedi.e., in 86 B.C. by Cinna the consul, the leader of the popular party at Rome. to the command against Mithridates; but Fimbria raised a mutiny and slew the consul in the neighborhood of Bithynia, and was himself set up as lord of the army; and when he advanced to Ilium, the llians would not admit him, as being a brigand, and therefore he applied force and captured the place on the eleventh day. And when he boasted that he himself had overpowered on the eleventh day the city which Agamemnon had only with difficulty captured in the tenth year, although the latter had with him on his expedition the fleet of a thousand vessels and the whole of Greece, one of the Ilians said: "Yes, for the city's champion was no Hector." Now Sulla came over and overthrew Fimbria, and on terms of agreement sent Mithridates away to his homeland, but he also consoled the Ilians by numerous improvements. In my time, however, the deified CaesarJulius Caesar. was far more thoughtful of them, at the same time also emulating the example of Alexander; for Alexander set out to provide for them on the basis of a renewal of ancient kinship, and also because at the same time he was fond of Homer; at any rate, we are told of a recension of the poetry of Homer, the Recension of the Casket, as it is called, which Alexander, along with Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, perused and to a certain extent annotated, and then deposited in a richly wrought casket which he had found amongst the Persian treasures.According to Plut. Alexander 8, "Alexander took with him Aristotle's recension of the poem, called the Iliad of the Casket, and always kept it lying beside his dagger under his pillow, as Onesicritus informs us"; and "the casket was the most precious of the treasures of Dareius" (ibid. 26). Accordingly, it was due both to his zeal for the poet and to his descent from the Aeacidae who reigned as kings of the Molossians—where, as we are also told, Andromache, who had been the wife of Hector, reigned as queen—that Alexander was kindly disposed towards the Ilians. But Caesar, not only being fond of Alexander, but also having better known evidences of kinship with the llians, felt encouraged to bestow kindness upon them with all the zest of youth: better known evidences, first, because he was a Roman, and because the Romans believe Aeneias to have been their original founder; and secondly, because the name Iulius was derived from that of a certain Iulus who was one of his ancestors,i.e., of the Julians gens. and this Iulus got his appellation from the Iulus who was one of the descendants of Aeneas. Caesar therefore allotted territory to them end also helped them to preserve their freedom and their immunity from taxation; and to this day they remain in possession of these favors. But that this is not the site of the ancient Ilium, if one considers the matter in accordance with Homer's account, is inferred from the following considerations. But first I must give a general description of the region in question, beginning at that point on the coast where I left off. After Abydus, then, comes the Dardanian Promontory, which I mentioned a little while ago,13. 1. 11. and also the city Dardanus, which is seventy stadia distant from Abydus. Between the two places empties the Rhodius River, opposite which, in the Chersonesus, is Cynos-Sema,See "Cyno-Sema." which is said to be the tomb of Hecabe. But some say that the Rhodius empties into the Aesepus. This too is one of the rivers mentioned by the poet:Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius.Hom. Il. 12.20Dardanus was an ancient settlement, but it was held in such contempt that it was oftentimes transplanted by some of the kings to Abydus and then resettled again by others on the ancient site. It was here that Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander, and Mithridates surnamed Eupator met and arranged the terms for the conclusion of the war. Near by is Ophrynium, near which, in a conspicuous place, is the sacred precinct of Hector.On the site of Ophrynium, see Leaf, p. 153. And next comes the LakeLeaf, p. 154, following Calvert, emends "Lake" to "Harbor." of Pteleos. Then come Rhoeteium, a city situated on a hill, and, adjacent to Rhoeteium, a low-lying shore, on which are a tomb and temple of Aias, and also a statue of him, which was taken up by Antony and carried of to Aegypt; but Augustus Caesar gave it back again to the Rhoeteians, just as he gave back other statues to their owners. For Antony took away the finest dedications from the most famous temples, to gratify the Egyptian woman,Cleopatra. but Augustus gave them back to the gods. -After Rhoeteium come Sigeium, a destroyed city, and the Naval Station and the Harbor of the Achaeans and the Achaean Camp and Stomalimne,"Mouth-of-the-marsh." as it is called, and the outlets of the Scamander; for after the Simoeis and the Scamander meet in the plain, they carry down great quantities of alluvium, silt up the coat, and form a blind mouth, lagoons, and marshes. Opposite the Sigeian Promontory on the Chersonesus are Eleussa"Eleussa" appears to be an error for "Eleus." and the temple of Protesilaüs, both of which I have mentioned in my description of Thrace.Book 7, Fr. 51, 54, 55. -The length of this coast, I mean on a straight voyage from Rhoeteium to Sigeium, and the monument of Achilles, is sixty stadia; and the whole of it lies below Ilium, not only the present Ilium, from which, at the Harbor of the Achaeans, it is about twelve stadia distant, but also the earlier Ilium, which lies thirty stadia farther inland in the direction of Mt. Ida. Now there are a temple and a monument of Achilles near Sigeium, as also monuments of Patroclus and Antilochus; and the Ilians offer sacrifices to all four heroes, both to these and to Aias. But they do not honor Heracles, giving as their reason his sacking of the city. But one might say that, although Heracles did sack it, yet he sacked it in such a way as still to leave it a city, even though damaged, for those who were later to sack it utterly; and for this reason the poet states it thus:He sacked the city of Ilios and widowed her streets;Hom. Il. 5.642for "widowed" means a loss of the male population, not a complete annihilation. But the others, whom they think fit to worship with sacrifices and to honor as gods, completely annihilated the city. Perhaps they might give as their reason for this that these waged a just war, whereas Heracles waged an unjust one "on account of the horses of Laomedon."Hom. Il. 5. 640 But writers set over against this reason the myth that it was not on account of the horses but of the reward offered for Hesione and the sea-monster.To appease the anger of Poseidon, Laomedon exposed his daughter Hesione on the promontory Agameia (see Stephanus s.v.) to be devoted by a sea-monster. Heracles promised to kill the monster and save Hesione if Laomedon would give him his immortal horses. Laomedon agreed. Heracles fulfilled his promise, but Laomedon refused to give up the horses, and hence the war. But let us disregard these reasons, for they end merely in controversies about myths. And perhaps we fail to notice certain more credible reasons why it occurred to the Ilians to honor some and not others. And it appears that the poet, in what he says about Heracles, represents the city as small, if it be true thatwith only six ships and fewer men he sacked the city of Ilium.Hom. Il. 5.641And it is clearly shown by this statement that Priam became great and king of kings from a small beginning, as I have said before.12. 8. 7, 13. 1. 7. Advancing a little farther along this shore, one comes to the Achaeïum, where begins the part of the mainland that belongs to Tenedos. -Such, are the places on the sea. Above these lies the Trojan Plain, which extends inland for many stadia in the direction of the east as far as Mt. Ida. The part of this plain alongside the mountain is narrow, extending on one side towards the south as far as the region of Scepsis, and on the other towards the north as far as the Lycians of Zeleia. This is the country which the poet makes subject to Aeneias and the sons of Antenor, calling it Dardania; and below this is Cebrenia, which is level for the most part and lies approximately parallel to Dardania; and in it there was once a city called Cebrene.So the name is spelled in section 47, but "Cebren" in section 52. Demetrius suspects that the territory of Ilium subject to Hector extended inland from the naval station as far a Cebrenia, for he says that the tomb of AlexanderParis. is pointed out there, as also that of Oenone, who, according to historians, had been the wife of Alexander before he carried off Helen. And, he continues, the poet mentionsCebriones, bastard son of glorious Priam,Hom. Il. 16.738after whom, as one may suppose, the country was named—or the city too, which is more plausible; and Cebrenia extends as far as the territory of Scepsis; and the Scamander, which flows between, is the boundary; and the Cebreni and Scepsians were always hostile to one another and at war until Antigonus settled both peoples together in Antigonia, as it was then called, or Alexandreia, as it is now called; now the Cebreni, he adds, remained with the rest in Alexandreia, but the Scepsians, by permission of Lysimachus, went back to their homeland. +After Rhoeteium come Sigeium, a destroyed city, and the Naval Station and the Harbor of the Achaeans and the Achaean Camp and Stomalimne,"Mouth-of-the-marsh." as it is called, and the outlets of the Scamander; for after the Simoeis and the Scamander meet in the plain, they carry down great quantities of alluvium, silt up the coat, and form a blind mouth, lagoons, and marshes. Opposite the Sigeian Promontory on the Chersonesus are Eleussa"Eleussa" appears to be an error for "Eleus." and the temple of Protesilaüs, both of which I have mentioned in my description of Thrace.Book 7, Fr. 51, 54, 55. +The length of this coast, I mean on a straight voyage from Rhoeteium to Sigeium, and the monument of Achilles, is sixty stadia; and the whole of it lies below Ilium, not only the present Ilium, from which, at the Harbor of the Achaeans, it is about twelve stadia distant, but also the earlier Ilium, which lies thirty stadia farther inland in the direction of Mt. Ida. Now there are a temple and a monument of Achilles near Sigeium, as also monuments of Patroclus and Antilochus; and the Ilians offer sacrifices to all four heroes, both to these and to Aias. But they do not honor Heracles, giving as their reason his sacking of the city. But one might say that, although Heracles did sack it, yet he sacked it in such a way as still to leave it a city, even though damaged, for those who were later to sack it utterly; and for this reason the poet states it thus:He sacked the city of Ilios and widowed her streets;Hom. Il. 5.642for "widowed" means a loss of the male population, not a complete annihilation. But the others, whom they think fit to worship with sacrifices and to honor as gods, completely annihilated the city. Perhaps they might give as their reason for this that these waged a just war, whereas Heracles waged an unjust one "on account of the horses of Laomedon."Hom. Il. 5. 640 But writers set over against this reason the myth that it was not on account of the horses but of the reward offered for Hesione and the sea-monster.To appease the anger of Poseidon, Laomedon exposed his daughter Hesione on the promontory Agameia (see Stephanus s.v.) to be devoted by a sea-monster. Heracles promised to kill the monster and save Hesione if Laomedon would give him his immortal horses. Laomedon agreed. Heracles fulfilled his promise, but Laomedon refused to give up the horses, and hence the war. But let us disregard these reasons, for they end merely in controversies about myths. And perhaps we fail to notice certain more credible reasons why it occurred to the Ilians to honor some and not others. And it appears that the poet, in what he says about Heracles, represents the city as small, if it be true thatwith only six ships and fewer men he sacked the city of Ilium.Hom. Il. 5.641And it is clearly shown by this statement that Priam became great and king of kings from a small beginning, as I have said before.12. 8. 7, 13. 1. 7. Advancing a little farther along this shore, one comes to the Achaeïum, where begins the part of the mainland that belongs to Tenedos. +Such, are the places on the sea. Above these lies the Trojan Plain, which extends inland for many stadia in the direction of the east as far as Mt. Ida. The part of this plain alongside the mountain is narrow, extending on one side towards the south as far as the region of Scepsis, and on the other towards the north as far as the Lycians of Zeleia. This is the country which the poet makes subject to Aeneias and the sons of Antenor, calling it Dardania; and below this is Cebrenia, which is level for the most part and lies approximately parallel to Dardania; and in it there was once a city called Cebrene.So the name is spelled in section 47, but "Cebren" in section 52. Demetrius suspects that the territory of Ilium subject to Hector extended inland from the naval station as far a Cebrenia, for he says that the tomb of AlexanderParis. is pointed out there, as also that of Oenone, who, according to historians, had been the wife of Alexander before he carried off Helen. And, he continues, the poet mentionsCebriones, bastard son of glorious Priam,Hom. Il. 16.738after whom, as one may suppose, the country was named—or the city too, which is more plausible; and Cebrenia extends as far as the territory of Scepsis; and the Scamander, which flows between, is the boundary; and the Cebreni and Scepsians were always hostile to one another and at war until Antigonus settled both peoples together in Antigonia, as it was then called, or Alexandreia, as it is now called; now the Cebreni, he adds, remained with the rest in Alexandreia, but the Scepsians, by permission of Lysimachus, went back to their homeland. From the mountain range of Ida in this region, according to Demetrius, two spurs extend to the sea, one straight to Rhoeteium and the other straight to Sigeium, forming together a semicircular line, and they end in the plain at the same distance from the sea as the present Ilium; this Ilium, accordingly, lies between the ends of the two spurs mentioned, whereas the old settlement lies between their beginnings; and, he adds, the spurs include both the Simoeisian Plain, through which the Simoeis runs, and the Scamandrian Plain, through which the Scamander flows. This is called the Trojan Plain in the special sense of the term; and here it is that the poet represents most of the fights as taking place, for it is wider; and here it is that we see pointed out the places named by the poet Erineus,"Fig-tree." Hom. Il. 6.433 the tomb of Aesyetes,Hom. Il. 2.793 Batieia,Hom. Il. 2.813 and the monument of Ilus.Hom. Il. 10.415 The Scamander and Simoeis Rivers, after running near to Sigeium and Rhoeteium respectively, meet a little in front of the present Ilium, and then issue towards Sigeium and form Stomalimne,See 13. 1. 31 and footnote. as it is called. The two plains above mentioned are separated from each other by a great neck of land which runs in a straight line between the aforesaid spurs, starting from the present Ilium, with which it is connected, and stretches as far as Cebrenia and, along with the spur's on either side,These spurs forming a semi-circular line, as stated above. forms a complete letter .i.e., the uncial letter written backwards. See Leaf's diagram, p. 175. A little above thisi.e., a little further inland than the country which has the shape of the letter in question. is the Village of the Ilians, where the ancient Ilium is thought to have been situated in earlier times, at a distance of thirty stadia from the present city. And ten stadia above the Village of the Ilians is Callicolone, a hill, past which, at a distance of five stadia, flows the Simoeis. It therefore becomes easy to understand, first, the reference to Ares:And over against her leaped Ares, like unto a dreadful whirlwind, in shrill tones cheering the Trojans from the topmost part of the city, and now again as he sped alongside Simoeis o'er Callicolone;Hom. Il. 20.51for if the battle was fought on the Scamandrian Plain, it is plausible that Ares should at one time shout his cheers from the acropolis and at another from the region near the Simoeis and Callicolone, up to which, in all probability, the battle would have extended. But since Callicolone is forty stadia distant from the present llium, for what useful purpose would the poet have taken in places so far away that the line of battle could not have reached them? Again, the words,And towards Thymbra fell the lot of the Lycians,Hom. Il. 10.430are more suitable to the ancient settlement, for the plain of Thymbra is near it, as also the Thymbrius River, which flows through the plain and empties into the Scamander at the temple of the Thymbraean Apollo, but Thymbra is actually fifty stadia distant from the present Ilium, And again, Erineus,See footnote on "Erineus," section 34 above. a place that is rugged and full of wild fig trees, lies at the foot of the ancient site, so that Andromache might appropriately say, Stay thy host beside Erineus, where best the city can be approached and the wall scaled,Hom. Il. 6.433but Erineus stands at a considerable distance from the present Ilium. Further, a little below Erineus is Phegus,Oak tree. in reference to which Achilles says,But so long as I was carrying on war amid the Achaeans, Hector was unwilling to rouse battle away from the wall, but would come only as far as the Scaean Gates and Phegus.Hom. Il. 9.352 -However, the Naval Station, still now so called, is so near the present Ilium that one might reasonably wonder at the witlessness of the Greeks and the faintheartedness of the Trojans; witlessness, if the Greeks kept the Naval Station unwalled for so long a time, when they were near to the city and to so great a multitude, both that in the city and that of the allies; for Homer says that the wall had only recently been built (or else it was not built at all, but fabricated and then abolished by the poet, as Aristotle says); and faintheartedness, if the Trojans, when the wall was built, could besiege it and break into the Naval Station itself and attack the ships, yet did not have the courage to march up and besiege the station when it was still unwalled and only a slight distance away; for it is near Sigeium, and the Scamander empties near it, at a distance of only twenty stadia from Ilium. But if one shall say that the Harbor of Achaeans, as it is now called, is the Naval Station, he will be speaking of a place that is still closer, only about twelve stadia distant from the city, even if one includes the plain by the sea, because the whole of this plain is a deposit of the rivers—I mean the plain by the sea in front of the city; so that, if the distance between the sea and the city is now twelve stadia, it must have been no more than half as great at that time. Further, the feigned story told by Odysseus to Eumaeus clearly indicates that the distance from the Naval Station to the city is great, for after saying,as when we led our ambush beneath the walls of Troy,Hom. Od. 14.469 he adds a little below,for we went very far from the ships.Hom. Od. 14.496And spies are sent forth to find whether the Trojans will stay by the ships "far away," far separated from their own walls,or will withdraw again to the city.Hom. Il. 10.209And Polydamas says,on both sides, friends, bethink ye well, for I, on my own part, bid you now to go to the city; afar from the walls are we.Hom. Il. 18.254Demetrius cites also Hestiaea of Alexandreia as a witness, a woman who wrote a work on Homer's Iliad and inquired whether the war took place round the present Ilium and the Trojan Plain, which latter the poet places between the city and the sea; for, she says, the plain now to be seen in front of the present Ilium is a later deposit of the rivers. +However, the Naval Station, still now so called, is so near the present Ilium that one might reasonably wonder at the witlessness of the Greeks and the faintheartedness of the Trojans; witlessness, if the Greeks kept the Naval Station unwalled for so long a time, when they were near to the city and to so great a multitude, both that in the city and that of the allies; for Homer says that the wall had only recently been built (or else it was not built at all, but fabricated and then abolished by the poet, as Aristotle says); and faintheartedness, if the Trojans, when the wall was built, could besiege it and break into the Naval Station itself and attack the ships, yet did not have the courage to march up and besiege the station when it was still unwalled and only a slight distance away; for it is near Sigeium, and the Scamander empties near it, at a distance of only twenty stadia from Ilium. But if one shall say that the Harbor of Achaeans, as it is now called, is the Naval Station, he will be speaking of a place that is still closer, only about twelve stadia distant from the city, even if one includes the plain by the sea, because the whole of this plain is a deposit of the rivers—I mean the plain by the sea in front of the city; so that, if the distance between the sea and the city is now twelve stadia, it must have been no more than half as great at that time. Further, the feigned story told by Odysseus to Eumaeus clearly indicates that the distance from the Naval Station to the city is great, for after saying,as when we led our ambush beneath the walls of Troy,Hom. Od. 14.469 he adds a little below,for we went very far from the ships.Hom. Od. 14.496And spies are sent forth to find whether the Trojans will stay by the ships "far away," far separated from their own walls,or will withdraw again to the city.Hom. Il. 10.209And Polydamas says,on both sides, friends, bethink ye well, for I, on my own part, bid you now to go to the city; afar from the walls are we.Hom. Il. 18.254Demetrius cites also Hestiaea of Alexandreia as a witness, a woman who wrote a work on Homer's Iliad and inquired whether the war took place round the present Ilium and the Trojan Plain, which latter the poet places between the city and the sea; for, she says, the plain now to be seen in front of the present Ilium is a later deposit of the rivers. Again, Polites,who was wont to sit as a sentinel of the Trojans, trusting in his fleetness of foot, on the topmost part of the barrow of aged Aesyetes,Hom. Il. 2.792was doing a foolish thing, for even though he sat on the topmost part of it, still he might have kept watch from the much greater height of the acropolis, at approximately the same distance, with no need of fleetness of foot for safety; for the barrow of Aesyetes now pointed out is five stadia distant on the road to Alexandreia. Neither is the "clear running space"See Hom. Il. 2.812 of Hector round the city easy to understand, for the present Ilium has no "clear running space," on account of the ridge that joins it. The ancient city, however, has a "clear running space" round it. But no trace of the ancient city survives; and naturally so, for while the cities all round it were sacked, but not completely destroyed, yet that city was so utterly demolished that all the stones were taken from it to rebuild the others. At any rate, Archaeanax of Mitylene is said to have built a wall round Sigeium with stones taken from there. Sigeium was seized by Athenians under Phrynon the Olympian victor, although the Lesbians laid claim to almost the whole of the Troad. Most of the settlements in the Troad belong, in fact, to the Lesbians, and some endure to this day, while others have disappeared. Pittacus of Mitylene, one of the Seven Wise Men, as they are called, sailed against Phrynon the generalThe Athenian general. and for a time carried on the war, but with poor management and ill consequences. It was at this time that the poet Alcaeus says that he himself, being sorely pressed in a certain battle, threw away his arms. He addresses his account of it to a certain herald, whom he had bidden to report to the people at home that "Alcaeus is safe, but his arms have been hung up as an offering to Ares by the Attic army in the temple of Athena Glaucopis."Only this fragment (Bergk.) of Alcaeus' poem, addressed to Melanippus (see Hdt. 5.95), is preserved. But the text has been so badly mutilated by the copyists that none of the conjectural restorations can with certainty be adopted; and hence the translator can give only the general sense of the passage. However, the whole reference to Alcaeus appears to be merely a note that has crept into the text from the margin (Meineke and Leaf omit the whole passage). But later, on being challenged to single combat by Phrynon, he took up his fishing-tackle, ran to meet him, entangled him in his fishing net, and stabbed and slew him with trident and dagger. But since the war still went on, Periander was chosen by both sides as arbiter and ended it. Demetrius says that Timaeus falsifies when he informs us that Periander fortified Achilleium against the Athenians with stones from Ilium, to help the army of Pittacus; for this place, he says, was indeed fortified by the Mitylenaeans against Sigeium, though not with such stones as those, nor yet by Periander. For how could the opponent of the Athenians have been chosen as arbiter? Achilleium is the place where stands the monument of Achilles and is only a small settlement. Sigeium, also, has been razed to the ground by the Ilians, because of its disobedience; for the whole of the coast as far as Dardanus was later subject to the Ilians and is now subject to them. In ancient times the most of it was subject to the Aeolians, so that Ephorus does not hesitate to apply the name Aeolis to the whole of the coast from Abydus to Cyme.See 13. 1. 4. Thucydides says that Troy was taken away from the Mitylenaeans by the Athenians in the Pachetian parti.e., the campaign of Paches, the Athenian general, who in 427 B.C. captured Mitylene (see Thuc. 3.18-49). of the Peloponnesian War. The present Ilians further tell us that the city was, in fact, not completely wiped out at its capture by the Achaeans and that it was never even deserted. At any rate the Locrian maidens, beginning a little later, were sent every year.To appease the wrath of Athena, caused after the Trojan War by the sacrilege of Aias the Locrian in her temple (he dragged Cassandra away from the altar of the Palladium), the Locrians were instructed by an oracle from Delphi to send to her temple (as temple slaves) at Ilium two maidens every year for a thousand years. It appears that the servitude of the maidens lasted for only one year, each pair being released at the end of the year when the next pair arrived, but that upon their return home they were forced to remain unmarried (see Leaf, Annual of the British School at Athens, XXI, p. 148-154). But this too is non-Homeric, for Homer knows not of the violation of Cassandra, but he says that she was a maiden at about that time,for heIdomeneus, son of Minos and King of Crete; one of the bravest heroes of the war. slew Othryoneus, a sojourner in Troy from Cabesus, who had but recently come, following after the rumor of war,Or perhaps "in quest of war's renown" (Leaf). and he was asking Cassandra in marriage, the comeliest of the daughters of Priam, without gifts of wooing,Hom. Il. 13.363. Homer mentions Cassandra in only two other places, Hom. Il. 24. 699 and Odyssey 11. 422 and yet he does not so much as mention any violation of her or say that the destruction of Aias in the shipwreck took place because of the wrath of Athena or any such cause; instead, he speaks of Aias as "hated by Athena,"Hom. Od. 4.502 in accordance with her general hatred (for since they one and all committed sacrilege against her temple, she was angry at them all), but says that he was destroyed by Poseidon because of his boastful speech.Hom. Od. 4.500 ff But the fact is that the Locrian maidens were first sent when the Persians were already in power. So the Ilians tell us, but Homer expressly states that the city was wiped out:The day shall come when sacred Ilios shall perish;Hom. Il. 6.448andsurely we have utterly destroyed the steep city of Priam,Hom. Od. 3.130by means of counsels and persuasiveness;This phrase is not found in the Iliad or Odyssey, but once before (1. 2. 4) Strabo has ascribed it to Homer.and in the tenth year the city of Priam was destroyed.Hom. Il. 12.15And other such evidences of the same thing are set forth; for example, that the wooden image of Athena now to be seen stands upright, whereas Homer clearly indicates that it was sitting, for orders are given to "put" the robeupon Athena's kneesHom. Il. 6.92Hom. Il. 6.273(comparethat never should there sit upon his knees a dear child).Hom. Il. 9.455For it is better to interpret iti.e., the Greek preposition e)pi/, which more naturally means "upon" rather than "beside." in this way than, as some do, to interpret it as meaning "to put the robe 'beside' her knees," comparing the wordsand she sits upon the hearth in the light of the fire,Hom. Od. 6.305which they take to mean "beside" the hearth. For how could one conceive of the dedication of a robe "beside" the knees? Moreover, others, changing the accent on gou/nasin"Knees." accenting it gouna/sin,They obviously took gouna/sin, if there ever was such a word, to mean "female suppliants." like quia/sin"Maenads." (in whichever of two ways they interpret it), talk on endlessly. . . There are to be seen many of the ancient wooden images of Athena in a sitting posture, as, for example, in Phocaea, Massalia, Rome, Chios, and several other places. Also the more recent writers agree that the city was wiped out, among whom is the orator Lycurgus, who, in mentioning the city of the Ilians, says:Who has not heard that once for all it was razed to the ground by the Greeks, and is uninhabited?Against Leocrates, 62. It is surmised that those who later thought of refounding the city regarded that site as ill-omened, either on account of its misfortune or also because, in accordance with an ancient custom, a curse had been laid upon it by Agamemnon, just as Croesus, after he destroyed Sidene, whither the tyrant Glaucias had fled for refuge, put a curse on any persons who should re-fortify the site; and that they therefore avoided that place and fortified another. Now the Astypalaeans who held possession of Rhoeteium were the first to settle Polium, now called Polisma, on the Simoeis River, but not on a well protected site; and therefore it was soon demolished. It was in the time of the Lydians that the present settlementi.e., of Ilium. was founded, as also the temple. It was not a city, however, and it was only after many ages, and gradually, as I have said,13. 1. 26. that it increased. But Hellanicus, to gratify the Ilians, "such is the spirit of that man,"A quotation from Hom. Il. 15.94 agrees with them that the present Ilium is the same as the ancient. When the city was wiped out, its territory was divided up between the inhabitants of Sigeium and Rhoeteium and several other neighboring peoples, but the territory was given back when the place was refounded. -The epithet "many fountained"Cf. 13. 1. 5. is thought to be especially applied to Mt. Ida because of the great number of rivers that flow from it, particularly in those parts below it where lie the territory of Dardanus—even as far as Scepsis—and the region of Ilium. Demetrius, who as a native was acquainted with the topography of the country, says in one place as follows: There is a hill of Ida called Cotylus; and this hill lies about one hundred and twenty stadia above Scepsis; and from it flow the Scamander, the Granicus, and the Aesepus, the two latter flowing towards the north and the Propontis and constituting a collection of streams from several sources, while the Scamander flows towards the west from only one source; and all the sources lie close together, being comprised within a distance of twenty stadia; but the end of the Aesepus stands farthest away from its beginning, approximately five hundred stadia. But it is a matter of argument what the poet means when he says:And they came to the two fair-flowing streams, where well up the two springs of eddying Scamander; for the one flows with soft waterHom. Il. 22.147(that is, with "hot water"), and the poet adds,and round about a smoke arises from it as if from a blazing fire, whereas the other even in summer flows forth cold as hail or chill snow.Hom. Il. 22.149But, in the first place, no hot waters are now to be found at the site,i.e., of Troy. and, secondly, the source of the Scamander is not to be found there, but in the mountain; and it has only one source, not two. It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that the hot spring has given out, and that the cold one is evacuated from the Scamander through an underground passage and rises to the surface here, or else that because of the nearness of the Scamander this water is called a source of the Scamander; for people are wont to ascribe several sources to one and the same river in this way. -The Scamander is joined by the Andirus, which flows from Caresene, a mountainous country settled with many villages and beautifully cultivated; it extends alongside Dardania as far as the regions of Zeleia and Pityeia. It is said that the country was named after the Caresus River, which is named by the poet,Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius,Hom. Il. 12.20and that the city of the same name as the river was torn down. Again, Demetrius says as follows: "The Rhesus River is now called Rhoeites, unless it be that the river which empties into the Granicus is the Rhesus. The Heptaporus, also called Polyporus, is crossed seven times by one travelling from the region of the Beautiful Pine to the village called Melaenae and the Asclepieium that was founded by Lysimachus. Concerning the Beautiful Pine, King Attalus the First writes as follows: "Its circumference is twenty-four feet; and its trunk rises to a height of sixty-seven feet from the root and then splits into three forks equidistant from one another, and then contracts again into one head, thus completing a total height of two plethra and fifteen cubits."About 225 feet. It is one hundred and eighty stadia distant from Adramyttium, to the north of it. The Caresus flows from Malus, a place situated between Palaescepsis and the Achaeïum, the part of the mainland that belongs to the Tenedians;See end of section 32. and it empties into the Aesepus. The Rhodius flows from Cleandria and Gordus, which are sixty stadia distant from the Beautiful Pine; and it empties into the Aenius."Aenius" appears to be an error for "Aesepus," as suggested by Kramer. See Leaf, p. 207. +The epithet "many fountained"Cf. 13. 1. 5. is thought to be especially applied to Mt. Ida because of the great number of rivers that flow from it, particularly in those parts below it where lie the territory of Dardanus—even as far as Scepsis—and the region of Ilium. Demetrius, who as a native was acquainted with the topography of the country, says in one place as follows: There is a hill of Ida called Cotylus; and this hill lies about one hundred and twenty stadia above Scepsis; and from it flow the Scamander, the Granicus, and the Aesepus, the two latter flowing towards the north and the Propontis and constituting a collection of streams from several sources, while the Scamander flows towards the west from only one source; and all the sources lie close together, being comprised within a distance of twenty stadia; but the end of the Aesepus stands farthest away from its beginning, approximately five hundred stadia. But it is a matter of argument what the poet means when he says:And they came to the two fair-flowing streams, where well up the two springs of eddying Scamander; for the one flows with soft waterHom. Il. 22.147(that is, with "hot water"), and the poet adds,and round about a smoke arises from it as if from a blazing fire, whereas the other even in summer flows forth cold as hail or chill snow.Hom. Il. 22.149But, in the first place, no hot waters are now to be found at the site,i.e., of Troy. and, secondly, the source of the Scamander is not to be found there, but in the mountain; and it has only one source, not two. It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that the hot spring has given out, and that the cold one is evacuated from the Scamander through an underground passage and rises to the surface here, or else that because of the nearness of the Scamander this water is called a source of the Scamander; for people are wont to ascribe several sources to one and the same river in this way. +The Scamander is joined by the Andirus, which flows from Caresene, a mountainous country settled with many villages and beautifully cultivated; it extends alongside Dardania as far as the regions of Zeleia and Pityeia. It is said that the country was named after the Caresus River, which is named by the poet,Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius,Hom. Il. 12.20and that the city of the same name as the river was torn down. Again, Demetrius says as follows: "The Rhesus River is now called Rhoeites, unless it be that the river which empties into the Granicus is the Rhesus. The Heptaporus, also called Polyporus, is crossed seven times by one travelling from the region of the Beautiful Pine to the village called Melaenae and the Asclepieium that was founded by Lysimachus. Concerning the Beautiful Pine, King Attalus the First writes as follows: "Its circumference is twenty-four feet; and its trunk rises to a height of sixty-seven feet from the root and then splits into three forks equidistant from one another, and then contracts again into one head, thus completing a total height of two plethra and fifteen cubits."About 225 feet. It is one hundred and eighty stadia distant from Adramyttium, to the north of it. The Caresus flows from Malus, a place situated between Palaescepsis and the Achaeïum, the part of the mainland that belongs to the Tenedians;See end of section 32. and it empties into the Aesepus. The Rhodius flows from Cleandria and Gordus, which are sixty stadia distant from the Beautiful Pine; and it empties into the Aenius."Aenius" appears to be an error for "Aesepus," as suggested by Kramer. See Leaf, p. 207. In the dale of the Aesepus, on the left of the stream, one comes first to Polichna, a place enclosed by walls; and then to Palaescepsis; and then to Alizonium (this last name having been fabricatedi.e., by Demetrius. to support the hypothesis about the Halizones, whom I have already discussed);12. 3. 20-27. and then to Caresus, which is deserted, and Caresene, and the river of the same name,The Caresus, of course. which also forms a notable dale, though smaller than that of the Aesepus; and next follow the plains and plateaux of Zeleia, which are beautifully cultivated. On the right of the Aesepus, between Polichna and Palaescepsis, one comes to NeaLeaf emends "Nea" ("New") to "Aenea". Come and Argyria,Silvertown. and this again is a name fabricated to support the same hypothesis, in order to save the words,where is the birthplace of silver.Hom. Il. 2.857Now where is Alybe, or Alope, or however they wish to alter the spelling of the name?See 12. 3. 21. For having once made their bold venture, they should have rubbed their facesi.e., to make them red and thus conceal their blushes of shame. and fabricated this name too, instead of leaving it lame and readily subject to detection. Now these things are open to objections of this kind, but, in the case of the others, or at least most of them, I take it for granted that we must give heed to himi.e., Demetrius of Scepsis. as a man who was acquainted with the region and a native of it, who gave enough thought to this subject to write thirty books of commentary on a little more than sixty lines of Homer, that is, on the Catalogue of the Trojans.Hom. Il. 2.816-877 He says, at any rate, that Palaescepsis is fifty stadia distant from Aenea and thirty from the Aesepus River, and that from this Palaescepsis"Old Scepsis". the same name was extended to several other sites. But I shall return to the coast at the point where I left off. -After the Sigeian Promontory and the Achilleium one comes to the Achaeïum, the part of the mainland that belongs to the Tenedians;See end of section 32. and to Tenedos itself, which is not more than forty stadia distant from the mainland. It is about eighty stadia in circumference, and has an Aeolian city and two harbors and a temple of Sminthian Apollo, as the poet testifies:And dost rule mightily over Tenedos, O Sminthian.Hom. Il. 1.38Round it lie several small islands, in particular two, which are called the Calydnae and are situated on the voyage to Lectum. And some give the name Calydna to Tenedos itself, while others call it Leucophrys. In it is laid the scene of the myth of Tennes,For this myth, see Paus. 10.14.1 after whom the island was named, as also that of Cycnus, a Thracian by birth and, according to some, father of Tennes and king of Colonae.On the myth of Cycnus, see Leaf, p. 219. -Both Larisa and Colonae used to be adjacent to the Achaeïum, formerly being on the part of the mainland that belonged to the Tenedians; and then one comes to the present Chrysa, which was founded on a rocky height above the sea, and to Hamaxitus, which lies below Lectum and adjacent to it. At the present time Alexandreia is adjacent to the Achaeïum; and those other towns, like several others of the strongholds, have been incorporated with Alexandreia, among them Cebrene and Neandria; and Alexandreia holds their territory. But the site on which Alexandreia now lies used to be called Sigia. +After the Sigeian Promontory and the Achilleium one comes to the Achaeïum, the part of the mainland that belongs to the Tenedians;See end of section 32. and to Tenedos itself, which is not more than forty stadia distant from the mainland. It is about eighty stadia in circumference, and has an Aeolian city and two harbors and a temple of Sminthian Apollo, as the poet testifies:And dost rule mightily over Tenedos, O Sminthian.Hom. Il. 1.38Round it lie several small islands, in particular two, which are called the Calydnae and are situated on the voyage to Lectum. And some give the name Calydna to Tenedos itself, while others call it Leucophrys. In it is laid the scene of the myth of Tennes,For this myth, see Paus. 10.14.1 after whom the island was named, as also that of Cycnus, a Thracian by birth and, according to some, father of Tennes and king of Colonae.On the myth of Cycnus, see Leaf, p. 219. +Both Larisa and Colonae used to be adjacent to the Achaeïum, formerly being on the part of the mainland that belonged to the Tenedians; and then one comes to the present Chrysa, which was founded on a rocky height above the sea, and to Hamaxitus, which lies below Lectum and adjacent to it. At the present time Alexandreia is adjacent to the Achaeïum; and those other towns, like several others of the strongholds, have been incorporated with Alexandreia, among them Cebrene and Neandria; and Alexandreia holds their territory. But the site on which Alexandreia now lies used to be called Sigia. In this Chrysa is also the temple of Sminthian Apollo; and the symbol which preserves the etymology of the name,Sminthian means "Mouse-god." I mean the mouse, lies beneath the foot of his image. These are the works of Scopas of Paros; and also the history, or myth, about the mice is associated with this place: When the Teucrians arrived from Crete (Callinus the elegiac poet was the first to hand down an account of these people, and many have followed him), they had an oracle which bade them to "stay on the spot where the earth-born should attack them"; and, he says the attack took place round Hamaxitus, for by night a great multitude of field-mice swarmed out of the ground and ate up all the leather in their arms and equipment; and the Teucrians remained there; and it was they who gave its name to Mt. Ida, naming it after the mountain in Crete. Heracleides of Pontus says that the mice which swarmed round the temple were regarded as sacred, and that for this reason the image was designed with its foot upon the mouse. Others say that a certain Teucer came from the deme of Troes, now called Xypeteones, in Attica, but that no Teucrians came from Crete. As a further sign of the close relationship of the Trojans with the people of Attica they record the fact the Erichthonius was one of the original founders on both tribes. Now this is the account of the more recent writer; but more in agreement with Homer are the traces to be seen in the plane of Thebe and in the Chrysa which was once founded there, which I shall soon discuss. The name of Smintheus is used in many places, for in the neighborhood of Hamaxitus itself, apart from the Sminthium at the temple, there are two places called Sminthia; and there are others in the neighboring territory of Larisa. And also in the territory of Parium there is a place called Sminthia, as also in Rhodes and in Lindus and in many other places. And they now call the temple Sminthium. Apart, at any rate,The Greek for these four words seems to be corrupt. lie both the Halesian Plain, of no great size, and inland from Lectum, and the Tragasaean salt-pan near Hamaxitus, where salt is naturally caused to congeal by the Etesian winds. On Lectum is to be seen an altar of the twelve gods, said to have been founded by Agamemnon. These places are all in sight of Ilium, at a distance of about two hundred stadia or a little more; and the same is the case with the places round Abydus on the other side, although Abydus is a little closer. On doubling Lectum one comes next to the most notable cities of the Aeolians, and to the Gulf of Adramyttium, on which the poet obviously places the majority of the Leleges, as also the Cilicians, who were twofold.See 13. 1. 7, 60. Here too is the shore-land of the Mitylenaeans, with certain villagesCoryphantis and Heracleia are named in section 51. belonging to the Mitylenaeans who live on the mainland. The same gulf is also called the Idaean Gulf, for the ridge which extends from Lectum to Mt. Ida lies above the first part of the gulf, where the poet represents the Leleges as first settled.Hom. Il. 10.429 But I have already discussed these matters.13. 1. 7. I must now add that Homer speaks of a Pedasus, a city of the Leleges, as subject to lord Altes:Of Altes, who is lord over the war-loving Leleges, who hold steep Pedasus on the Satnioeis.Hom. Il. 21.86And the site of the place, now deserted, is still to be seen. Some write, though wrongly, "at the foot of Satnioeis,"i.e., u(po/ for e)pi/ in the Homeric passage quoted. as though the city lay at the foot of a mountain called Satnioeis; but there is no mountain here called Satinoeis, but only a river of that name, on which the city is situated; but the city is now deserted. The poet names the river, for, according to him, he wounded Satnius with a thrust of his spear, even the son of Oenops, whom a peerless Naiad nymph bore unto Oenops, as he tended his herds by the banks of the Satnioeis;Hom. Il. 14.443and again:And he dwelt by the banks of the fair-flowing Satnioeis in steep Pedasus.Hom. Il. 6.34And in later times it was called Satnioeis, though some called it Saphnioeis. It is only a large winter torrent, but the naming of it by the poet has made it worthy of mention. These places are continuous with Dardania and Scepsia, and are, as it were, a second Dardania, but it is lower-lying. -To the Assians and the Gargarians now belong all the parts as far as the sea off Lesbos that are surrounded by the territory of Antandrus and that of the Cebrenians and Neandrians and Hamaxitans; for the Antandrians are situated above Hamaxitus, like it being situated inside Lectum, though farther inland and nearer to Ilium, for they are one hundred and thirty stadia distant from Ilium. Higher up than these are the Cebrenians, and still higher up than the latter are the Dardanians, who extend as far as Palaescepsis and Scepsis itself. Antandrus is called by Alcaeus "city of the Leleges":First, Antandrus, city of the LelegesAlcaeus Fr. 65 (Bergk). Leaf translates: "Antandros, first city of the Leleges". but it is placed by the Scepsian among the cities adjacent to their territory,Leaf translates: "But Demetrios puts it in the district adjacent (to the Leleges), so that it would fall within the territory of the Kilikes"; and in his commentary (p. 255) he says: "as the words stand, Strabo says that 'Demetrios places Antandros (not at Antandros but) in the neighborhood of Antandros.' That is nonsense however we look at it." Yet the Greek cannot mean the Demetrius transfers Antandrus, "a fixed point," to "the adjacent district," as Leaf interprets, but that he includes it among the cities (tai=s parakeime/nais) which he enumerates as Cilician. so that it would fall within the territory of the Cilicians; for the territory of the Cilicians is continuous with that of the Leleges, the former, rather than the latter, marking off the southern flank of Mt. Ida. But still the territory of the Cilicians also lies low and, rather than that of the Leleges, joins the part of the coast that is near Adramyttium.The interpretation of the Greek for this last sentence is somewhat doubtful. Cf. translation and commentary of Leaf (pp. 254-255, who regards the text as corrupt. For after Lectum one comes to a place called Polymedium, at a distance of forty stadia; then, at a distance of eighty,i.e., eighty stadia from Polymedium, not from Lectum, as thought by Thatcher Clark (American Journal of Archaeology, 4. 291 ff., quoted by Leaf. His interpretation, neither accepted nor definitely rejected by Leaf (p. 257, is not in accordance with Strabo's manner of enumerating distances, a fact apparently overlooked by both scholars. to Assus, slightly above the sea; and then, at a distance of one hundred and twenty,See preceding footnote. to Gargara, which lies on a promontorySo Clark; or "on a height," as Leaf translates (see his note). that forms the Adramyttene Gulf, in the special sense of that term; for the whole of the coast from Lectum to Canae is also called by this same name, in which is also included the Elaïtic Gulf. In the special sense of the term, however, only that part of it is called Adramyttene which is enclosed by that promontory on which Gargara lies and the promontory called Pyrrha, on which the AphrodisiumTemple of Aphrodite. is situated. The breadth of the mouth across from promontory to promontory is a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Inside is Antandrus, above which lies a mountain called Alexandreia, where the Judgment of Paris is said to have taken place, as also Aspaneus, the market for the timber from Mt. Ida; for here people bring it down and sell it to those who want it. And then comes Astyra, a village with a precinct sacred to the Astyrene Artemis. And quite near Astyra is Adramyttium, a city colonized by the Athenians, which has both a harbor and a naval station. Outside the gulf and the promontory called Pyrrha lies Cisthene, a deserted city with a harbor. Above it, in the interior, lie the copper mine and Perperene and Trarium and other settlements like these two. On the next stretch of coast one comes to the villages of the Mitylenaeans, I mean Coryphantis and Heracleia; and after these places to Attea, and then to Atarneus and Pitane and the outlets of the Caïcus River; and here we have already reached the Elaïtic Gulf. On the far side of the river lie Elaea and the rest of the gulf as far as Canae. But let me go back and discuss in detail the several places, if anything worthy of mention has been passed over; and first of all, Scepsis. +To the Assians and the Gargarians now belong all the parts as far as the sea off Lesbos that are surrounded by the territory of Antandrus and that of the Cebrenians and Neandrians and Hamaxitans; for the Antandrians are situated above Hamaxitus, like it being situated inside Lectum, though farther inland and nearer to Ilium, for they are one hundred and thirty stadia distant from Ilium. Higher up than these are the Cebrenians, and still higher up than the latter are the Dardanians, who extend as far as Palaescepsis and Scepsis itself. Antandrus is called by Alcaeus "city of the Leleges":First, Antandrus, city of the LelegesAlcaeus Fr. 65 (Bergk). Leaf translates: "Antandros, first city of the Leleges". but it is placed by the Scepsian among the cities adjacent to their territory,Leaf translates: "But Demetrios puts it in the district adjacent (to the Leleges), so that it would fall within the territory of the Kilikes"; and in his commentary (p. 255) he says: "as the words stand, Strabo says that 'Demetrios places Antandros (not at Antandros but) in the neighborhood of Antandros.' That is nonsense however we look at it." Yet the Greek cannot mean the Demetrius transfers Antandrus, "a fixed point," to "the adjacent district," as Leaf interprets, but that he includes it among the cities (tai=s parakeime/nais) which he enumerates as Cilician. so that it would fall within the territory of the Cilicians; for the territory of the Cilicians is continuous with that of the Leleges, the former, rather than the latter, marking off the southern flank of Mt. Ida. But still the territory of the Cilicians also lies low and, rather than that of the Leleges, joins the part of the coast that is near Adramyttium.The interpretation of the Greek for this last sentence is somewhat doubtful. Cf. translation and commentary of Leaf (pp. 254-255, who regards the text as corrupt. For after Lectum one comes to a place called Polymedium, at a distance of forty stadia; then, at a distance of eighty,i.e., eighty stadia from Polymedium, not from Lectum, as thought by Thatcher Clark (American Journal of Archaeology, 4. 291 ff., quoted by Leaf. His interpretation, neither accepted nor definitely rejected by Leaf (p. 257, is not in accordance with Strabo's manner of enumerating distances, a fact apparently overlooked by both scholars. to Assus, slightly above the sea; and then, at a distance of one hundred and twenty,See preceding footnote. to Gargara, which lies on a promontorySo Clark; or "on a height," as Leaf translates (see his note). that forms the Adramyttene Gulf, in the special sense of that term; for the whole of the coast from Lectum to Canae is also called by this same name, in which is also included the Elaïtic Gulf. In the special sense of the term, however, only that part of it is called Adramyttene which is enclosed by that promontory on which Gargara lies and the promontory called Pyrrha, on which the AphrodisiumTemple of Aphrodite. is situated. The breadth of the mouth across from promontory to promontory is a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Inside is Antandrus, above which lies a mountain called Alexandreia, where the Judgment of Paris is said to have taken place, as also Aspaneus, the market for the timber from Mt. Ida; for here people bring it down and sell it to those who want it. And then comes Astyra, a village with a precinct sacred to the Astyrene Artemis. And quite near Astyra is Adramyttium, a city colonized by the Athenians, which has both a harbor and a naval station. Outside the gulf and the promontory called Pyrrha lies Cisthene, a deserted city with a harbor. Above it, in the interior, lie the copper mine and Perperene and Trarium and other settlements like these two. On the next stretch of coast one comes to the villages of the Mitylenaeans, I mean Coryphantis and Heracleia; and after these places to Attea, and then to Atarneus and Pitane and the outlets of the Caïcus River; and here we have already reached the Elaïtic Gulf. On the far side of the river lie Elaea and the rest of the gulf as far as Canae. But let me go back and discuss in detail the several places, if anything worthy of mention has been passed over; and first of all, Scepsis. Palaescepsis lies above Cebren near the highest part of Mt. Ida, near Polichna; and it was then called Scepsis (whether for another reason or from the fact that the place is visible all round, if it is right to derive from Greek words names then used by barbarians),The Greek word "scepsis" means "a viewing," "an inspection." but later the inhabitants were removed sixty stadiaLeaf emends to "two hundred and sixty stadia". lower down to the present Scepsis by Scamandrius the son of Hector and Ascanius the son of Aeneias; and their two families are said to have held the kingship over Scepsis for a long time. After this they changed to an oligarchy, and then Milesians settled with them as fellow-citizens;See 14. 1. 6. and they began to live under a democracy. But the heirs of the royal family none the less continued to be called kings and retained certain prerogatives. Then the Scepsians were incorporated into Alexandreia by Antigonus; and then they were released by Lysimachus and went back to their home-land. -Demetrius thinks that Scepsis was also the royal residence of Aeneias, since it lies midway between the territory subject to Aeneias and Lyrnessus, to which latter he fled, according to Homer's statement, when he was being pursued by Achilles. At any rate, Achilles says:Dost thou not remember how from the kine, when thou wast all alone, I made thee run down the Idaean mountains with swift feet? And thence thou didst escape to Lyrnessus, but I rushed in pursuit of thee and sacked it.Hom. Il. 20.188However, the oft-repeated stories of Aeneias are not in agreement with the account which I have just given of the founders of Scepsis. For according to these stories he survived the war because of his enmity to Priam:For always he was wroth against goodly Priam, because, although he was brave amid warriors, Priam would not honor him at all;Hom. Il. 13.460and his fellow-rulers, the sons of Antenor and Antenor himself, survived because of the hospitality shown Menelaüs at Antenor's house. At any rate, SophoclesSoph. Fr. 10 (Nauck) says that at the capture of Troy a leopard's skin was put before the doors of Antenor as a sign that his house was to be left unpillaged; and Antenor and his children safely escaped to Thrace with the survivors of the Heneti, and from there got across to the Adriatic Henetice,As distinguished from that in Paphlagonia (see 5. 1. 4). as it is called, whereas Aeneias collected a host of followers and set sail with his father Anchises and his son Ascanius; and some say that he took up his abode near the Macedonian Olympus, others that he founded Capyae near Mantineia in Arcadia, deriving the name he gave the settlement from Capys, and others say that he landed at Aegesta in Sicily with Elymus the Trojan and took possession of Eryx and Lilybaeum, and gave the names Scamander and Simoeis to rivers near Aegesta, and that thence he went into the Latin country and made it his abode, in accordance with an oracle which bade him abide where he should eat up his table, and that this took place in the Latin country in the neighborhood of Lavinium, where a large loaf of bread was put down for a table, for want of a better table, and eaten up along with the meats upon it. Homer, however, appears not to be in agreement with either of the two stories, nor yet with the above account of the founders of Scepsis; for he clearly indicates that Aeneias remained in Troy and succeeded to the empire and bequeathed the succession thereto to his sons' sons, the family of the Priamidae having been wiped out:For already the race of Priam was hated, by the son of Cronus; and now verily the mighty Aeneias will rule over the Trojans, and his sons' sons that are hereafter to be born.Hom. Il. 20.306And in this case one cannot even save from rejection the succession of Scamandrius.The son of Hector, who, along with Ascanius, was said to have been king of Scepsis (section 52). And Homer is in far greater disagreement with those who speak of Aeneias as having wandered even as far as Italy and make him die there. Some write,the family of Aeneias will rule over all,i.e., they emend "Trojans" (*trw/essin to "all" (pa/ntessin) in the Homeric passage. and his sons' sons,meaning the Romans. -From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kingsStrabo refers to Eumenes II, who reigned 197-159 B.C. to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to ApelliconDied about 84 B.C. of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors.i.e., errors in the available texts of Aristotle. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts—a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both herei.e., at Rome. and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men. +Demetrius thinks that Scepsis was also the royal residence of Aeneias, since it lies midway between the territory subject to Aeneias and Lyrnessus, to which latter he fled, according to Homer's statement, when he was being pursued by Achilles. At any rate, Achilles says:Dost thou not remember how from the kine, when thou wast all alone, I made thee run down the Idaean mountains with swift feet? And thence thou didst escape to Lyrnessus, but I rushed in pursuit of thee and sacked it.Hom. Il. 20.188However, the oft-repeated stories of Aeneias are not in agreement with the account which I have just given of the founders of Scepsis. For according to these stories he survived the war because of his enmity to Priam:For always he was wroth against goodly Priam, because, although he was brave amid warriors, Priam would not honor him at all;Hom. Il. 13.460and his fellow-rulers, the sons of Antenor and Antenor himself, survived because of the hospitality shown Menelaüs at Antenor's house. At any rate, SophoclesSoph. Fr. 10 (Nauck) says that at the capture of Troy a leopard's skin was put before the doors of Antenor as a sign that his house was to be left unpillaged; and Antenor and his children safely escaped to Thrace with the survivors of the Heneti, and from there got across to the Adriatic Henetice,As distinguished from that in Paphlagonia (see 5. 1. 4). as it is called, whereas Aeneias collected a host of followers and set sail with his father Anchises and his son Ascanius; and some say that he took up his abode near the Macedonian Olympus, others that he founded Capyae near Mantineia in Arcadia, deriving the name he gave the settlement from Capys, and others say that he landed at Aegesta in Sicily with Elymus the Trojan and took possession of Eryx and Lilybaeum, and gave the names Scamander and Simoeis to rivers near Aegesta, and that thence he went into the Latin country and made it his abode, in accordance with an oracle which bade him abide where he should eat up his table, and that this took place in the Latin country in the neighborhood of Lavinium, where a large loaf of bread was put down for a table, for want of a better table, and eaten up along with the meats upon it. Homer, however, appears not to be in agreement with either of the two stories, nor yet with the above account of the founders of Scepsis; for he clearly indicates that Aeneias remained in Troy and succeeded to the empire and bequeathed the succession thereto to his sons' sons, the family of the Priamidae having been wiped out:For already the race of Priam was hated, by the son of Cronus; and now verily the mighty Aeneias will rule over the Trojans, and his sons' sons that are hereafter to be born.Hom. Il. 20.306And in this case one cannot even save from rejection the succession of Scamandrius.The son of Hector, who, along with Ascanius, was said to have been king of Scepsis (section 52). And Homer is in far greater disagreement with those who speak of Aeneias as having wandered even as far as Italy and make him die there. Some write,the family of Aeneias will rule over all,i.e., they emend "Trojans" (*trw/essin to "all" (pa/ntessin) in the Homeric passage. and his sons' sons,meaning the Romans. +From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kingsStrabo refers to Eumenes II, who reigned 197-159 B.C. to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to ApelliconDied about 84 B.C. of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors.i.e., errors in the available texts of Aristotle. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts—a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both herei.e., at Rome. and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men. From Scepsis came also Demetrius, whom I often mention, the grammarian who wrote a commentary on The Marshalling of the Trojan Forces, and was born at about the same time as Crates and Aristarchus; and later, Metrodorus, a man who changed from his pursuit of philosophy to political life, and taught rhetoric, for the most part, in his written works; and he used a brand-new style and dazzled many. On account of his reputation he succeeded, though a poor man, in marrying brilliantly in Chalcedon; and he passed for a Chalcedonian. And having paid court to Mithridates Eupator, he with his wife sailed away with him to Pontus; and he was treated with exceptional honor, being appointed to the judgeship from which there was no appeal to the king. However, his good fortune did not continue, but he incurred the enmity of men less just than himself and revolted from the king when he was on the embassy to Tigranes the Armenian.For the story see Plut. Lucullus 22 And Tigranes sent him back against his will to Eupator, who was already in flight from his ancestral realm; but Metrodorus died on the way, whether by order of the kingTigranes. or from disease; for both accounts are given of his death. So much for the Scepsians. After Scepsis come Andeira and Pioniae and the territory of Gargara. There is a stone in the neighborhood of Andeira which, when burned, becomes iron, and then, when heated in a furnace with a certain earth, distils mock-silver;i.e., zinc. and this, with the addition of copper, makes the "mixture," as it is called, which by some is called "mountaincopper."The Latin term is orichaleum. These are the places which the Leleges occupied; and the same is true of the places in the neighborhood of Assus. Assus is by nature strong and well-fortified; and the ascent to it from the sea and the harbor is very steep and long, so that the statement of Stratonicus the citharist in regard to it seems appropriate:Go to Assus, in order that thou mayest more quickly come to the doom of death.A precise quotation of Hom. Il. 6.143 except that Homer's a)=sson ("nearer") is changed to *)/asson ("to Assus"). The harbor is formed by a great mole. From Assus came Cleanthes, the Stoic philosopher who succeeded Zeno of Citium as head of the school and left it to Chrysippus of Soli. Here too Aristotle tarried, because of his relationship by marriage with the tyrant Hermeias. Hermeias was a eunuch, the slave of a certain banker;Eubulus. and on his arrival at Athens he became a pupil of both Plato and Aristotle. On his return he shared the tyranny with his master, who had already laid hold of the districts of Atarneus and Assus; and then Hermeias succeeded him and sent for both Aristotle and Xenocrates and took care of them; and he also married his brother's daughter to Aristotle. Memnon of Rhodes, who was at that time serving the Persians as general, made a pretence of friendship for Hermeias, and then invited him to come for a visit, both in the name of hospitality and at the same time for pretended business reasons; but he arrested him and sent him up to the king, where he was put to death by hanging. But the philosophers safely escaped by flight from the districts above-mentioned, which were seized by the Persians. MyrsilusThe historian of Methymna, who appears to have flourished about 300 B.C.; only fragments of his works remain. says that Assus was founded by the Methymnaeans; and Hellanicus too calls it an Aeolian city, just as also Gargara and Lamponia belonged to the Aeolians. For Gargara was founded by the Assians; but it was not well peopled, for the kings brought into it colonists from Miletopolis when they devastated that city, so that instead of Aeolians, according to Demetrius of Scepsis, the inhabitants of Gargara became semi-barbarians. According to Homer, however, all these places belonged to the Leleges, who by some are represented to be Carians, although by Homer they are mentioned apart:Towards the sea are the Carians and the Paeonians of the curved bow and the Leleges and the Cauconians.Hom. Il. 10.428They were therefore a different people from the Carians; and they lived between the people subject to Aeneias and the people whom the poet called Cilicians, but when they were pillaged by Achilles they migrated to Caria and took possession of the district round the present Halicarnassus.Cf. 7. 7. 2. However, the city Pedasus, now abandoned by them, is no longer in existence; but in the inland territory of the Halicarnassians there used to be a city Pedasa, so named by them; and the present territory is called Pedasis. It is said that as many as eight cities were settled in this territory by the Leleges, who in earlier times were so numerous that they not only took possession of that part of Caria which extends to Myndus and Bargylia, but also cut off for themselves a large portion of Pisidia. But later, when they went out on expeditions with the Carians, they became distributed throughout the whole of Greece, and the tribe disappeared. Of the eight cities, MausolusKing of Caria 377-353 B.C. The first "Mausoleum" was so named after him. united six into one city, Halicarnassus, as Callisthenes tells us, but kept Syangela and Myndus as they were. These are the Pedasians of whom Herodotus1. 175, 8. 104. says that when any misfortune was about to come upon them and their neighbors, the priestess of Athena would grow a beard; and that this happened to them three times. And there is also a small town called Pedasum in the present territory of Stratoniceia. And throughout the whole of Caria and in Miletus are to be seen tombs, fortifications, and traces of settlements of the Leleges. -After the Leleges, on the next stretch of coast, lived the Cilicians, according to Homer; I mean the stretch of coast now held by the Adramytteni and Atarneitae and Pitanaei, as far as the outlet of the Caïcus. The Cilicians, as I have said,13. 1. 7, 49. were divided into two dynasties,But cf. 13. 1. 70. one subject to Eëtion and one to Mynes. -Now Homer calls Thebe the city of Eëtion:We went into Thebe, the sacred city of Eëtion;Hom. Il. 1.366and he clearly indicates that also Chrysa, which had the temple of Sminthian Apollo, belonged to Eëtion, if it be true that Chryseïs was taken captive at Thebe, for he says,We went into Thebe, and laid it waste and brought hither all the spoil. And this they divided aright among themselves, but they chose out Chryseïs for the son of Atreus;Hom. Il. 1.366 ffand that Lyrnessus belonged to Mynes, since Achilleslaid waste Lyrnessus and the walls of ThebeHom. Il. 2.691and slew both Mynes and Epistrophus; so that when Briseïs says,thou wouldst not even let me,sc. "weep." when swift Achilles slew my husband and sacked the city of divine Mynes,Hom. Il. 19.295Homer cannot mean Thebe (for this belonged to Eëtion), but Lyrnessus. Both were situated in what was afterwards called the Plain of Thebe, which, on account of its fertility, is said to have been an object of contention between the Mysians and Lydians in earlier times, and later between the Greeks who colonized it from Aeolis and Lesbos. But the greater part of it is now held by the Adramytteni, for here lie both Thebe and Lyrnessus, the latter a natural stronghold; but both places are deserted. From Adramyttium the former is distant sixty stadia and the latter eighty-eight, in opposite directions.The site of Thebe has been definitely identified with that of the modern Edremid (see Leaf, p. 322). But that of Lyrnessus is uncertain. Leaf (p. 308, regarding the text as corrupt, reads merely "eighty" instead of "eighty-eight," and omits "in opposite directions". -In the territory of Adramyttium lie also Chrysa and Cilla. At any rate there is still today a place near Thebe called Cilla, where is a temple of the Cillaean Apollo; and the Cillaeus River, which runs from Mt. Ida, flows past it. These places lie near the territory of Antandrus. The Cillaeum in Lesbos is named after this Cilla; and there is also a Mt. Cillaeum between Gargara and Antandrus. Daës of Colonae says that the temple of the Cillaean Apollo was first founded in Colonae by the Aeolians who sailed from Greece; it is also said that a temple of Cillaean Apollo was established at Chrysa, though it is not clear whether he is the same as the Sminthian Apollo or distinct from him. -Chrysa was a small town on the sea, with a harbor; and near by, above it, lies Thebe. Here too was the temple of the Sminthian Apollo; and here lived Chryseïs. But the place is now utterly deserted; and the temple was transferred to the present Chrysa near Hamaxitus when the Cilicians were driven out, partly to PamphyliaCf 14. 4. 1. and partly to Hamaxitus. Those who are less acquainted with ancient history say that it was at this Chrysa that Chryses and Chryseïs lived, and that Homer mentions this place; but, in the first place, there is no harbor here, and yet Homer says,And when they had now arrived inside the deep harbor;Hom. Il. 1.432and, secondly, the temple is not on the sea, though Homer makes it on the sea;and out from the seafaring ship stepped Chryseïs. Here then did Odysseus of many wiles lead to the altar, and place in the arms of her dear father;Hom. Il. 1.438neither is it near Thebe, though Homer makes it near; at any rate, he speaks of Chryseïs as having been taken captive there. Again, neither is there any place called Cilla to be seen in the territory of the Alexandreians, nor any temple of Cillaean Apollo; but the poet couples the two,who dost stand over Chrysa and sacred Cilla.Hom. Il. 1.37But it is to be seen near by in the Plain of Thebe. And the voyage from the Cilician Chrysa to the Naval Station is about seven hundred stadia, approximately a day's voyage, such a distance, obviously, as that sailed by Odysseus;See Hom. Il. 1.430 ff for immediately upon disembarking he offered the sacrifice to the god, and since evening overtook him he remained on the spot and sailed away the next morning. But the distance from Hamaxitus is scarcely a third of that above mentioned, so that Odysseus could have completed the sacrifice and sailed back to the Naval Station on the same day. There is also a tomb of Cillus in the neighborhood of the temple of the Cillaean Apollo, a great barrow. He is said to have been the charioteer of Pelops and to have ruled over this region; and perhaps it was after him that Cilicia was named, or vice versa. -Now the story of the Teucrians and the mice—whence the epithet "Sminthian,"i.e., the "Sminthian" Apollo (Hom. Il. 1.39). since "sminthi" means "mice"—must be transferred to this place. And writers excuse this giving of epithets from small creatures by such examples as the following: It is from locusts,"Parnopes." they say, which the Oetaeans call "cornopes," that Heracles is worshipped among the Oetaeans as "Cornopion," for ridding them of locusts; and he is worshipped among the Erythraeans who live in Mimas as "Ipoctonus,""Ips-slayer." because he is the destroyer of the vine-eating ips;A kind of cynips. and in fact, they add, these are the only Erythraeans in whose country this creature is not to be found. And the Rhodians, who call erysibe"Mildew." "erythibe," have a temple of Apollo "Erythibius" in their country; and among the Aeolians in Asia a certain month is called Pornopion, since the Boeotians so call the locusts, and a sacrifice is offered to Apollo Pornopion. +After the Leleges, on the next stretch of coast, lived the Cilicians, according to Homer; I mean the stretch of coast now held by the Adramytteni and Atarneitae and Pitanaei, as far as the outlet of the Caïcus. The Cilicians, as I have said,13. 1. 7, 49. were divided into two dynasties,But cf. 13. 1. 70. one subject to Eëtion and one to Mynes. +Now Homer calls Thebe the city of Eëtion:We went into Thebe, the sacred city of Eëtion;Hom. Il. 1.366and he clearly indicates that also Chrysa, which had the temple of Sminthian Apollo, belonged to Eëtion, if it be true that Chryseïs was taken captive at Thebe, for he says,We went into Thebe, and laid it waste and brought hither all the spoil. And this they divided aright among themselves, but they chose out Chryseïs for the son of Atreus;Hom. Il. 1.366 ffand that Lyrnessus belonged to Mynes, since Achilleslaid waste Lyrnessus and the walls of ThebeHom. Il. 2.691and slew both Mynes and Epistrophus; so that when Briseïs says,thou wouldst not even let me,sc. "weep." when swift Achilles slew my husband and sacked the city of divine Mynes,Hom. Il. 19.295Homer cannot mean Thebe (for this belonged to Eëtion), but Lyrnessus. Both were situated in what was afterwards called the Plain of Thebe, which, on account of its fertility, is said to have been an object of contention between the Mysians and Lydians in earlier times, and later between the Greeks who colonized it from Aeolis and Lesbos. But the greater part of it is now held by the Adramytteni, for here lie both Thebe and Lyrnessus, the latter a natural stronghold; but both places are deserted. From Adramyttium the former is distant sixty stadia and the latter eighty-eight, in opposite directions.The site of Thebe has been definitely identified with that of the modern Edremid (see Leaf, p. 322). But that of Lyrnessus is uncertain. Leaf (p. 308, regarding the text as corrupt, reads merely "eighty" instead of "eighty-eight," and omits "in opposite directions". +In the territory of Adramyttium lie also Chrysa and Cilla. At any rate there is still today a place near Thebe called Cilla, where is a temple of the Cillaean Apollo; and the Cillaeus River, which runs from Mt. Ida, flows past it. These places lie near the territory of Antandrus. The Cillaeum in Lesbos is named after this Cilla; and there is also a Mt. Cillaeum between Gargara and Antandrus. Daës of Colonae says that the temple of the Cillaean Apollo was first founded in Colonae by the Aeolians who sailed from Greece; it is also said that a temple of Cillaean Apollo was established at Chrysa, though it is not clear whether he is the same as the Sminthian Apollo or distinct from him. +Chrysa was a small town on the sea, with a harbor; and near by, above it, lies Thebe. Here too was the temple of the Sminthian Apollo; and here lived Chryseïs. But the place is now utterly deserted; and the temple was transferred to the present Chrysa near Hamaxitus when the Cilicians were driven out, partly to PamphyliaCf 14. 4. 1. and partly to Hamaxitus. Those who are less acquainted with ancient history say that it was at this Chrysa that Chryses and Chryseïs lived, and that Homer mentions this place; but, in the first place, there is no harbor here, and yet Homer says,And when they had now arrived inside the deep harbor;Hom. Il. 1.432and, secondly, the temple is not on the sea, though Homer makes it on the sea;and out from the seafaring ship stepped Chryseïs. Here then did Odysseus of many wiles lead to the altar, and place in the arms of her dear father;Hom. Il. 1.438neither is it near Thebe, though Homer makes it near; at any rate, he speaks of Chryseïs as having been taken captive there. Again, neither is there any place called Cilla to be seen in the territory of the Alexandreians, nor any temple of Cillaean Apollo; but the poet couples the two,who dost stand over Chrysa and sacred Cilla.Hom. Il. 1.37But it is to be seen near by in the Plain of Thebe. And the voyage from the Cilician Chrysa to the Naval Station is about seven hundred stadia, approximately a day's voyage, such a distance, obviously, as that sailed by Odysseus;See Hom. Il. 1.430 ff for immediately upon disembarking he offered the sacrifice to the god, and since evening overtook him he remained on the spot and sailed away the next morning. But the distance from Hamaxitus is scarcely a third of that above mentioned, so that Odysseus could have completed the sacrifice and sailed back to the Naval Station on the same day. There is also a tomb of Cillus in the neighborhood of the temple of the Cillaean Apollo, a great barrow. He is said to have been the charioteer of Pelops and to have ruled over this region; and perhaps it was after him that Cilicia was named, or vice versa. +Now the story of the Teucrians and the mice—whence the epithet "Sminthian,"i.e., the "Sminthian" Apollo (Hom. Il. 1.39). since "sminthi" means "mice"—must be transferred to this place. And writers excuse this giving of epithets from small creatures by such examples as the following: It is from locusts,"Parnopes." they say, which the Oetaeans call "cornopes," that Heracles is worshipped among the Oetaeans as "Cornopion," for ridding them of locusts; and he is worshipped among the Erythraeans who live in Mimas as "Ipoctonus,""Ips-slayer." because he is the destroyer of the vine-eating ips;A kind of cynips. and in fact, they add, these are the only Erythraeans in whose country this creature is not to be found. And the Rhodians, who call erysibe"Mildew." "erythibe," have a temple of Apollo "Erythibius" in their country; and among the Aeolians in Asia a certain month is called Pornopion, since the Boeotians so call the locusts, and a sacrifice is offered to Apollo Pornopion. Now the territory round Adramyttium is Mysian, though it was once subject to the Lydians; and today there is a gate in Adramyttium which is called the Lydian Gate because, as they say, the city was founded by Lydians. And they say that the neighboring village Astyra belongs to Mysia. It was once a small town, where, in a sacred precinct, was the temple of the Astyrene Artemis, which was superintended, along with holy rites, by the Antandrians, who were its nearer neighbors. It is twenty stadia distant from the ancient Chrysa, which also had its temple in a sacred precinct. Here too was the Palisade of Achilles. And in the interior, fifty stadia away, is Thebe, now deserted, which the poet speaks of as "beneath wooded Placus";Hom. Il. 6.396 but, in the first place, the name "Placus" or "Plax" is not found there at all, and, secondly, no wooded place lies above it, though it is near Mt. Ida. Thebe is as much as seventy stadia distant from Astyra and sixty from Andeira. But all these are names of deserted or scantily peopled places, or of winter torrents; and they are often mentioned only because of their ancient history. Both Assus and Adramyttium are notable cities. But misfortune befell Adramyttium in the Mithridatic War, for the members of the city council were slaughtered, to please the king, by DiodorusThis Diodorus is otherwise unknown. the general, who pretended at the same time to be a philosopher of the Academy, a dispenser of justice, and a teacher of rhetoric. And indeed he also joined the king on his journey to Pontus; but when the king was overthrown he paid the penalty for his misdeeds; for many charges were brought against him, all at the same time, and, being unable to bear the ignominy, he shamefully starved himself to death, in my own city. Another inhabitant of Adramyttium was the famous orator Xenocles,This Xenocles is otherwise unknown except for a reference to him by Cicero Brutus 91. who belonged to the Asiatic school and was as able a debater a ever lived, having even made a speech on behalf of Asia before the Senate,The Roman Senate. at the time when Asia was accused of Mithridatism. -Near Astyra is an abysmal lake called Sapra, which has an outbreak into a reefy seashore. Below Andeira is a temple sacred to the Andeirene Mother of the gods, and also a cave that runs underground as far as Palaea. Palaea is a settlement so named,i.e., "Old Settlement." at a distance of one hundred and thirty stadia from Andeira. The underground passage became known through the fact that a goat fell into the mouth of it and was found on the following day near Andeira by a shepherd who happened to have come to make sacrifice. Atarneus is the abode of the tyrant Hermeias; and then one comes to Pitane, an Aeolic city, which has two harbors, and the Evenus River, which flows past it, whence the aqueduct has been built by the Adramytteni. From Pitane came Arcesilaüs, of the Academy, a fellow-student with Zeno of Citium under Polemon. In Pitane there is also a place on the sea called "Atameus below Pitane," opposite the island called Eleussa. It is said that in Pitane bricks float on water, as is also the case with a certain earth"Rotten-stone." in Tyrrhenia, for the earth is lighter than an equal bulk of water, so that it floats. And Poseidonius says that in Iberia he saw bricks moulded from a clay-like earth, with which silver is cleaned, and that they floated on water. After Pitane one comes to the Caïcus River, which empties at a distance of thirty stadia into the Elaïtic Gulf, as it is called. On the far side of the Caïcus, twelve stadia distant from the river, is Elaea, an Aeolic city, which also is a seaport of the Pergamenians, being one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Pergamum. -Then, at a distance of a hundred stadia, one comes to Cane, the promontory which rises opposite Lectum and forms the Adramyttene Gulf, of which the Elaïtic gulf is a part. Canae is a small town of Locrians from Cynus, and lies in the Canaean territory opposite the southernmost ends of Lesbos. This territory extends as far as the Arginussae Islands and the promontory above them, which some call Aega, making it the same as the word for the animal;i.e., *)/aic, "goat." but the second syllable should be pronounced long, that is, "Aega," like Acta and Archa, for Aega used to be the name of the whole of the mountain which is now called Cane or Canae. The mountain is surrounded on the south and west by the sea, and on the east by the plain of the Caïcus, which lies below it, and on the north by the territory of Elaea. This mountain forms a fairly compact mass off to itself, though it slopes towards the Aegaean Sea, whence it got its name.It is not clear in the Greek whether Strabo says that the Aegean Sea got its name from Aega or vice versa. Elsewhere (8. 7. 4) he speaks of "Aegae in Boeotia from which it is probable that the Aegean Sea got its name." Later the promontory itself was called Aega, as in Sappho,A fragment otherwise unknown (Sappho Fr. 131 (Bergk)). but the rest was called Cane or Canae. -Between Elaea, Pitane, Atarneus, and Pergamum lies Teuthrania, which is at no greater distance than seventy stadia from any of them and is this side the Caïcus River; and the story told is that Teuthras was king of the Cilicians and Mysians. EuripidesEur. Fr. 696 (Nauck) says that Auge, with her child Telephus, was put by Aleus, her father, into a chest and submerged in the sea when he had detected her ruin by Heracles, but that by the providence of Athena the chest was carried across the sea and cast ashore at the mouth of the Caïcus, and that Teuthras rescued the prisoners, and treated the mother as his wife and the child as his own son.Cf. 12. 8. 2, 4. Now this is the myth, but there must have been some other issue of fortune through which the daughter of the Arcadian consorted with the king of the Mysians and her son succeeded to his kingdom. It is believed, at any rate, that both Teuthras and Telephus reigned as kings over the country round Teuthrania and the Caïcus, though Homer goes only so far as to mention the story thus:But what a man was the son of Telephus, the hero Eurypylus, whom he slew with the bronze; and round him were slain many comrades, Ceteians, on account of a woman's gifts.Hom. Od. 11.521The poet thus sets before us a puzzle instead of making a clear statement; for we neither know whom we should understand the poet to mean by the "Ceteians" nor what he means by "on account of the gifts of a woman";On the variant myths of Auge and Telephus see Estathius Hom. Od. 11.521; also Leaf's note and references (p. 340). but the grammarians too throw in petty myths, more to show their inventiveness than to solve questions. -However, let us dismiss these; and let us, taking that which is more obvious, say that, according to Homer, Eurypylus clearly reigned in the region of the Caïcus, so that perhaps a part of the Cilicians were subject to him, in which case there were three dynasties among them and not merely two.Cf. 13. 1. 7, 67. This statement is supported by the fact that there is to be seen in the territory of Elaea a torrential stream called the Ceteius; this empties into another like it, and this again into another, and they all end in the Caïcus. But the Caïcus does not flow from Ida, as BacchylidesA fragment otherwise unknown (Bacchyl. Fr. 66 (Bergk)). states; neither is Euripides correct in saying that Marsyasdwells in widely famed Celaenae, in the farthermost region of Ida;Eur. Fr. 1085 (Nauck) for Celaenae is very far from Ida, and the sources of the Caïcus are also very far, for they are to be seen in a plain. Temnus is a mountain which forms the boundary between this plain and the Plain of Apia, as it is called, which lies in the interior above the Plain of Thebe. From Temnus flows a river called Mysius, which empties into the Caïcus below its sources; and it was from this fact, as some interpret the passage, that Aeschylus said at the opening of the prologue to the Myrmidons,Oh! thou Caïcus and ye Mysian in-flows.Aesch. Fr. 143 (Nauck)Near the sources is a village called Gergitha, to which Attalus transferred the Gergithians of the Troad when he had destroyed their place. +Near Astyra is an abysmal lake called Sapra, which has an outbreak into a reefy seashore. Below Andeira is a temple sacred to the Andeirene Mother of the gods, and also a cave that runs underground as far as Palaea. Palaea is a settlement so named,i.e., "Old Settlement." at a distance of one hundred and thirty stadia from Andeira. The underground passage became known through the fact that a goat fell into the mouth of it and was found on the following day near Andeira by a shepherd who happened to have come to make sacrifice. Atarneus is the abode of the tyrant Hermeias; and then one comes to Pitane, an Aeolic city, which has two harbors, and the Evenus River, which flows past it, whence the aqueduct has been built by the Adramytteni. From Pitane came Arcesilaüs, of the Academy, a fellow-student with Zeno of Citium under Polemon. In Pitane there is also a place on the sea called "Atameus below Pitane," opposite the island called Eleussa. It is said that in Pitane bricks float on water, as is also the case with a certain earth"Rotten-stone." in Tyrrhenia, for the earth is lighter than an equal bulk of water, so that it floats. And Poseidonius says that in Iberia he saw bricks moulded from a clay-like earth, with which silver is cleaned, and that they floated on water. After Pitane one comes to the Caïcus River, which empties at a distance of thirty stadia into the Elaïtic Gulf, as it is called. On the far side of the Caïcus, twelve stadia distant from the river, is Elaea, an Aeolic city, which also is a seaport of the Pergamenians, being one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Pergamum. +Then, at a distance of a hundred stadia, one comes to Cane, the promontory which rises opposite Lectum and forms the Adramyttene Gulf, of which the Elaïtic gulf is a part. Canae is a small town of Locrians from Cynus, and lies in the Canaean territory opposite the southernmost ends of Lesbos. This territory extends as far as the Arginussae Islands and the promontory above them, which some call Aega, making it the same as the word for the animal;i.e., *)/aic, "goat." but the second syllable should be pronounced long, that is, "Aega," like Acta and Archa, for Aega used to be the name of the whole of the mountain which is now called Cane or Canae. The mountain is surrounded on the south and west by the sea, and on the east by the plain of the Caïcus, which lies below it, and on the north by the territory of Elaea. This mountain forms a fairly compact mass off to itself, though it slopes towards the Aegaean Sea, whence it got its name.It is not clear in the Greek whether Strabo says that the Aegean Sea got its name from Aega or vice versa. Elsewhere (8. 7. 4) he speaks of "Aegae in Boeotia from which it is probable that the Aegean Sea got its name." Later the promontory itself was called Aega, as in Sappho,A fragment otherwise unknown (Sappho Fr. 131 (Bergk)). but the rest was called Cane or Canae. +Between Elaea, Pitane, Atarneus, and Pergamum lies Teuthrania, which is at no greater distance than seventy stadia from any of them and is this side the Caïcus River; and the story told is that Teuthras was king of the Cilicians and Mysians. EuripidesEur. Fr. 696 (Nauck) says that Auge, with her child Telephus, was put by Aleus, her father, into a chest and submerged in the sea when he had detected her ruin by Heracles, but that by the providence of Athena the chest was carried across the sea and cast ashore at the mouth of the Caïcus, and that Teuthras rescued the prisoners, and treated the mother as his wife and the child as his own son.Cf. 12. 8. 2, 4. Now this is the myth, but there must have been some other issue of fortune through which the daughter of the Arcadian consorted with the king of the Mysians and her son succeeded to his kingdom. It is believed, at any rate, that both Teuthras and Telephus reigned as kings over the country round Teuthrania and the Caïcus, though Homer goes only so far as to mention the story thus:But what a man was the son of Telephus, the hero Eurypylus, whom he slew with the bronze; and round him were slain many comrades, Ceteians, on account of a woman's gifts.Hom. Od. 11.521The poet thus sets before us a puzzle instead of making a clear statement; for we neither know whom we should understand the poet to mean by the "Ceteians" nor what he means by "on account of the gifts of a woman";On the variant myths of Auge and Telephus see Estathius Hom. Od. 11.521; also Leaf's note and references (p. 340). but the grammarians too throw in petty myths, more to show their inventiveness than to solve questions. +However, let us dismiss these; and let us, taking that which is more obvious, say that, according to Homer, Eurypylus clearly reigned in the region of the Caïcus, so that perhaps a part of the Cilicians were subject to him, in which case there were three dynasties among them and not merely two.Cf. 13. 1. 7, 67. This statement is supported by the fact that there is to be seen in the territory of Elaea a torrential stream called the Ceteius; this empties into another like it, and this again into another, and they all end in the Caïcus. But the Caïcus does not flow from Ida, as BacchylidesA fragment otherwise unknown (Bacchyl. Fr. 66 (Bergk)). states; neither is Euripides correct in saying that Marsyasdwells in widely famed Celaenae, in the farthermost region of Ida;Eur. Fr. 1085 (Nauck) for Celaenae is very far from Ida, and the sources of the Caïcus are also very far, for they are to be seen in a plain. Temnus is a mountain which forms the boundary between this plain and the Plain of Apia, as it is called, which lies in the interior above the Plain of Thebe. From Temnus flows a river called Mysius, which empties into the Caïcus below its sources; and it was from this fact, as some interpret the passage, that Aeschylus said at the opening of the prologue to the Myrmidons,Oh! thou Caïcus and ye Mysian in-flows.Aesch. Fr. 143 (Nauck)Near the sources is a village called Gergitha, to which Attalus transferred the Gergithians of the Troad when he had destroyed their place.

Since Lesbos, an island worthy of a full account, lies alongside and opposite the coast which extends from Lectum to Canae, and also has small islands lying round it, some outside it and some between it and the mainland, it is now time to describe these; for these are Aeolian, and I might almost say that Lesbos is the metropolis of the Aeolian cities. But I must begin at the point whence I began to traverse the coast that lies opposite the island. Now as one sails from Lectum to Assus, the Lesbian country begins at Sigrium, its promontory on the north.But Sigrium was the westernmost promontory of the island. In this general neighborhood is also Methymna, a city of the Lesbians, sixty stadia distant from the coast that stretches from Polymedium to Assus. But while the perimeter which is filled out by the island as a whole is eleven hundred stadia, the several distances are as follows: From Methymna to Malia, the southernmostMore accurately, "southwesternmost." promontory to one keeping the island on the right, I mean at the point where Canae lies most directly opposite the island and precisely corresponds with it, the distance is three hundred and forty stadia; thence to Sigrium, which is the length of the island, five hundred and sixty; and then to Methymna, two hundred and ten.The total, 1110, being ten more than the round number given above. Mitylene, the largest city, lies between Methymna and Malia, being seventy stadia distant from Malia, one hundred and twenty from Canae, and the same distance from the Arginussae, which are three small islands lying near the mainland alongside Canae. In the interval between Mitylene and Methymna, in the neighborhood of a village called Aegeirus in the Methymnaean territory, the island is narrowest, with a passage of only twenty stadia over to the Euripus of the Pyrrhaeans. Pyrrha is situated on the western side of Lesbos at a distance of one hundred stadia from Malia. Mitylene has two harbors, of which the southern can be closed and holds only fifty triremes, but the northern is large and deep, and is sheltered by a mole. Off both lies a small island, which contains a part of the city that is settled there. And the city is well equipped with everything. -Mitylene has produced famous men: in early times, Pittacus, one of the Seven Wise Men; and the poet Alcaeus, and his brother Antimenidas, who, according to Alcaeus, won a great struggle when fighting on the side of the Babylonians, and rescued them from their toils by killing a warrior, the royal wrestler(as he says),who was but one short of five cubits in height.Alcaeus Fr. 33 (Bergk)And along with these flourished also Sappho, a marvellous woman; for in all the time of which we have record I do not know of the appearance of any woman who could rival Sappho, even in a slight degree, in the matter of poetry. The city was in those times ruled over by several tyrants because of the dissensions among the inhabitants; and these dissensions are the subject of the StasioticSeditious. poems, as they are called, of Alcaeus. And also PittacusReigned 589-579 B.C. was one of the tyrants. Now Alcaeus would rail alike at both Pittacus and the rest, Myrsilus and Melanchrus and the Cleanactidae and certain others, though even he himself was not innocent of revolutionary attempts; but even Pittacus himself used monarchy for the overthrow of the oligarchs, and then, after overthrowing them, restored to the city its independence. Diophanes the rhetorician was born much later; but Potamon, Lesbocles, Crinagoras, and Theophanes the historian in my time. Theophanes was also a statesman; and he became a friend to Pompey the Great, mostly through his very ability, and helped him to succeed in all his achievements; whence he not only adorned his native land, partly through Pompey and partly through himself, but also rendered himself the most illustrious of all the Greeks. He left a son, Marcus Pompey, whom Augustus Caesar once set up as Procurator of Asia, and who is now counted among the first of the friends of Tiberius. The Athenians were in danger of suffering an irreparable disgrace when they voted that all Mitylenaeans from youth upwards should be slain, but they changed their minds and their counter-decree reached the generals only one day before the order was to be executed. -Pyrrha has been razed to the ground, but its suburb is inhabited and has a harbor, whence there is a passage of eighty stadia over hills to Mitylene. Then, after Pyrrha, one comes to Eressus; it is situated on a hill and extends down to the sea. Then to Sigrium, twenty-eight stadia from Eressus. Both Theophrastus and Phanias, the peripatetic philosophers, disciples of Aristotle, were from Eressus. Theophrastus was at first called Tyrtamus, but Aristotle changed his name to Theophrastus, at the same time avoiding the cacophony of his name and signifying the fervor of his speech; for Aristotle made all his pupils eloquent, but Theophrastus most eloquent of all. Antissa, a city with a harbor, comes next in order after Sigrium. And then Methymna, whence came Arion, who, according to a myth told by Herodotus and his followers, safely escaped on a dolphin to Taenarum after being thrown into the sea by the pirates. Now Arion played, and sang to, the cithara; and Terpander, also, is said to have been an artist in the same music and to have been born in the same island, having been the first person to use the seven-stringed instead of the four-stringed lyre, as we are told in the verses attributed to him:For thee I, having dismissed four-toned song, shall sing new hymns to the tune of a seven-stringed cithara.Arion Fr. 4 (Bergk)Also Hellanicus the historian, and Cailias, who interpreted Sappho and Alcaeus, were Lesbians. +Mitylene has produced famous men: in early times, Pittacus, one of the Seven Wise Men; and the poet Alcaeus, and his brother Antimenidas, who, according to Alcaeus, won a great struggle when fighting on the side of the Babylonians, and rescued them from their toils by killing a warrior, the royal wrestler(as he says),who was but one short of five cubits in height.Alcaeus Fr. 33 (Bergk)And along with these flourished also Sappho, a marvellous woman; for in all the time of which we have record I do not know of the appearance of any woman who could rival Sappho, even in a slight degree, in the matter of poetry. The city was in those times ruled over by several tyrants because of the dissensions among the inhabitants; and these dissensions are the subject of the StasioticSeditious. poems, as they are called, of Alcaeus. And also PittacusReigned 589-579 B.C. was one of the tyrants. Now Alcaeus would rail alike at both Pittacus and the rest, Myrsilus and Melanchrus and the Cleanactidae and certain others, though even he himself was not innocent of revolutionary attempts; but even Pittacus himself used monarchy for the overthrow of the oligarchs, and then, after overthrowing them, restored to the city its independence. Diophanes the rhetorician was born much later; but Potamon, Lesbocles, Crinagoras, and Theophanes the historian in my time. Theophanes was also a statesman; and he became a friend to Pompey the Great, mostly through his very ability, and helped him to succeed in all his achievements; whence he not only adorned his native land, partly through Pompey and partly through himself, but also rendered himself the most illustrious of all the Greeks. He left a son, Marcus Pompey, whom Augustus Caesar once set up as Procurator of Asia, and who is now counted among the first of the friends of Tiberius. The Athenians were in danger of suffering an irreparable disgrace when they voted that all Mitylenaeans from youth upwards should be slain, but they changed their minds and their counter-decree reached the generals only one day before the order was to be executed. +Pyrrha has been razed to the ground, but its suburb is inhabited and has a harbor, whence there is a passage of eighty stadia over hills to Mitylene. Then, after Pyrrha, one comes to Eressus; it is situated on a hill and extends down to the sea. Then to Sigrium, twenty-eight stadia from Eressus. Both Theophrastus and Phanias, the peripatetic philosophers, disciples of Aristotle, were from Eressus. Theophrastus was at first called Tyrtamus, but Aristotle changed his name to Theophrastus, at the same time avoiding the cacophony of his name and signifying the fervor of his speech; for Aristotle made all his pupils eloquent, but Theophrastus most eloquent of all. Antissa, a city with a harbor, comes next in order after Sigrium. And then Methymna, whence came Arion, who, according to a myth told by Herodotus and his followers, safely escaped on a dolphin to Taenarum after being thrown into the sea by the pirates. Now Arion played, and sang to, the cithara; and Terpander, also, is said to have been an artist in the same music and to have been born in the same island, having been the first person to use the seven-stringed instead of the four-stringed lyre, as we are told in the verses attributed to him:For thee I, having dismissed four-toned song, shall sing new hymns to the tune of a seven-stringed cithara.Arion Fr. 4 (Bergk)Also Hellanicus the historian, and Cailias, who interpreted Sappho and Alcaeus, were Lesbians. In the strait between Asia and Lesbos there are about twenty small islands, but according to Timosthenes, forty. They are called Hecatonnesi, a compound name like Peloponnesus, the second letter n being customarily redundant in such compounds, as in the names Myonnesus, Proconnesus, and Halonnesus; and consequently we have Hecatonnesi, which means Apollonnesi, for Apollo is called Hecatus; for along the whole of this coast, as far as Tenedos, Apollo is highly honored, being called Sminthian or Cillaean or Grynian or by some other appellation. Near these islands is Pordoselene, which contains a city of the same name, and also, in front of this city, another island, larger and of the same name, which is uninhabited and has a temple sacred to Apollo. Some writers, to avoid the indecency of the names, say that in this place we should read "Poroselene," and that we should call Aspordenum, the rocky and barren mountain round Pergamum, "Asporenum," and the temple of the Mother of the gods there the temple of the "Asporene" mother.i.e., they avoid "pord," which, as also "perd," is the stem of an indecent Greek word. What, then, shall we say of Pordalis and Saperdes and Perdiccas, and of the phrase of Simonides,banished, 'pordacian' clothes and all,instead of "wet" clothes, and, somewhere in the early comedy,the place is 'pordacian,'that is, the place that is "marshy"? Lesbos is equidistant from Tenedos and Lemnos and Chios, one might say rather less than five hundred stadia.

-Since the Leleges and the Cilicians were so closely related to the Trojans, people inquire for the reason why they are not included with the Trojans in the Catalogue. But it is reasonable to suppose that because of the loss of their leaders and the sacking of their cities the few Cilicians that were left were placed under the command of Hector, for both Eëtion and his sons are said to have been slain before the Catalogue:i.e., before the marshalling of the troops as described in the Catalogue.Verily my father was slain by the goodly Achilles, who utterly sacked the well-peopled city of Cilicians, Thebe of the lofty gates. And the seven brothers of mine in our halls, all these on the same dayi.e., with Eëtion. went inside the home of Hades, for all were slain by swift-footed, goodly Achilles.Hom. Il. 6.414And so, in the same way, those subject to Mynes lost both their leaders and their city:And he laid low Mynes and Epistrophus, and sacked the city of godlike Mynes.Hom. Il. 2.692Hom. Il. 19.296But he makes the Leleges present at the battles when he says as follows:Towards the sea are situated the Carians and the Paeonians, with curved bows, and the Leleges and Caucones.Hom. Il. 10.428And again,he pierced with a sharp spear Satnius, son of Oenops, whom a noble Naiad nymph bore to Oenops, as he tended his herds beside the banks of the Satnioeis;Hom. Il. 14.443for they had not so completely disappeared that they did not have a separate organization of their own, since their king still survived,of Altes, who is lord over the war-loving Leleges,Hom. Il. 21.86and since their city had not been utterly wiped out, for the poet adds,who holds steep Pedasus on the Satnioeis.Hom. Il. 21.87However, the poet has omitted them in the Catalogue, not considering their organization sufficient to have a place in it, or else including them under the command of Hector because they were so closely related; for Lycaon, who was a brother of Hector, says,to a short span of life my mother, daughter of the old man Altes, bore me—Altes who is lord over the war-loving Leleges.Hom. Il. 21.84Such, then, are the probabilities in this matter. -And it is also a matter of reasoning from probabilities if one inquires as to the exact bounds to which the poet means that the Cilicians extended, and the Pelasgians, and also the Ceteians, as they are called, under the command of Eurypylus, who lived between those two peoples. Now as for the Cilicians and the peoples under the command of Eurypylus, all has been said about them that can be said, and that their country is in a general way bounded by the region of the Caïcus River. As for the Pelasgians, it is reasonable, both from the words of Homer and from history in general, to place them next in order after these peoples; for Homer says as follows:And Hippothoüs led the tribes of the Pelasgians that rage with the spear, them that dwelt in fertile Larisa; these were ruled by Hippothoüs and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, the two sons of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.Hom. Il. 2.840By these words he clearly indicates that the number of Pelasgians was considerable, for he says "tribes," not "tribe;" and he also specifies their abode as "in Larisa." Now there are many Larisas, but we must interpret him as meaning one of those that were near; and best of all one might rightly assume the one in the neighborhood of Cyme; for of the three Larisas the one near Hamaxitus was in plain sight of Ilium and very near it, within a distance of two hundred stadia, and therefore it could not be said with plausibility that Hippothoüs fell in the fight over Patroclus "far away from" this "Larisa," but rather from the Larisa near Cyme, for the distance between the two is about a thousand stadia. The third Larisa is a village in the territory of Ephesus in the Caÿster Plain; it is said to have been a city in earlier times, containing a temple of Larisaean Apollo and being situated closer to Mt. Tmolus than to Ephesus. It is one hundred and eighty stadia distant from Ephesus, and might therefore be placed under the Maeonians. But the Ephesians, having grown in power, later cut off for themselves much of the territory of the Maeonians, whom we now call Lydians, so that this could not be the Larisa of the Pelasgians either, but rather the one near Cyme. In fact we have no strong evidence that the Larisa in the Caÿster Plain was already in existence at that time, for we have no such evidence as to Ephesus either; but all Aeolian history, which arose but shortly after the Trojan times, bears testimony to the existence of the Larisa near Cyme. +Since the Leleges and the Cilicians were so closely related to the Trojans, people inquire for the reason why they are not included with the Trojans in the Catalogue. But it is reasonable to suppose that because of the loss of their leaders and the sacking of their cities the few Cilicians that were left were placed under the command of Hector, for both Eëtion and his sons are said to have been slain before the Catalogue:i.e., before the marshalling of the troops as described in the Catalogue.Verily my father was slain by the goodly Achilles, who utterly sacked the well-peopled city of Cilicians, Thebe of the lofty gates. And the seven brothers of mine in our halls, all these on the same dayi.e., with Eëtion. went inside the home of Hades, for all were slain by swift-footed, goodly Achilles.Hom. Il. 6.414And so, in the same way, those subject to Mynes lost both their leaders and their city:And he laid low Mynes and Epistrophus, and sacked the city of godlike Mynes.Hom. Il. 2.692Hom. Il. 19.296But he makes the Leleges present at the battles when he says as follows:Towards the sea are situated the Carians and the Paeonians, with curved bows, and the Leleges and Caucones.Hom. Il. 10.428And again,he pierced with a sharp spear Satnius, son of Oenops, whom a noble Naiad nymph bore to Oenops, as he tended his herds beside the banks of the Satnioeis;Hom. Il. 14.443for they had not so completely disappeared that they did not have a separate organization of their own, since their king still survived,of Altes, who is lord over the war-loving Leleges,Hom. Il. 21.86and since their city had not been utterly wiped out, for the poet adds,who holds steep Pedasus on the Satnioeis.Hom. Il. 21.87However, the poet has omitted them in the Catalogue, not considering their organization sufficient to have a place in it, or else including them under the command of Hector because they were so closely related; for Lycaon, who was a brother of Hector, says,to a short span of life my mother, daughter of the old man Altes, bore me—Altes who is lord over the war-loving Leleges.Hom. Il. 21.84Such, then, are the probabilities in this matter. +And it is also a matter of reasoning from probabilities if one inquires as to the exact bounds to which the poet means that the Cilicians extended, and the Pelasgians, and also the Ceteians, as they are called, under the command of Eurypylus, who lived between those two peoples. Now as for the Cilicians and the peoples under the command of Eurypylus, all has been said about them that can be said, and that their country is in a general way bounded by the region of the Caïcus River. As for the Pelasgians, it is reasonable, both from the words of Homer and from history in general, to place them next in order after these peoples; for Homer says as follows:And Hippothoüs led the tribes of the Pelasgians that rage with the spear, them that dwelt in fertile Larisa; these were ruled by Hippothoüs and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, the two sons of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.Hom. Il. 2.840By these words he clearly indicates that the number of Pelasgians was considerable, for he says "tribes," not "tribe;" and he also specifies their abode as "in Larisa." Now there are many Larisas, but we must interpret him as meaning one of those that were near; and best of all one might rightly assume the one in the neighborhood of Cyme; for of the three Larisas the one near Hamaxitus was in plain sight of Ilium and very near it, within a distance of two hundred stadia, and therefore it could not be said with plausibility that Hippothoüs fell in the fight over Patroclus "far away from" this "Larisa," but rather from the Larisa near Cyme, for the distance between the two is about a thousand stadia. The third Larisa is a village in the territory of Ephesus in the Caÿster Plain; it is said to have been a city in earlier times, containing a temple of Larisaean Apollo and being situated closer to Mt. Tmolus than to Ephesus. It is one hundred and eighty stadia distant from Ephesus, and might therefore be placed under the Maeonians. But the Ephesians, having grown in power, later cut off for themselves much of the territory of the Maeonians, whom we now call Lydians, so that this could not be the Larisa of the Pelasgians either, but rather the one near Cyme. In fact we have no strong evidence that the Larisa in the Caÿster Plain was already in existence at that time, for we have no such evidence as to Ephesus either; but all Aeolian history, which arose but shortly after the Trojan times, bears testimony to the existence of the Larisa near Cyme. For it is said that the people who set out from Phricium, the Locrian mountain above Thermopylae, put in at the place where Cyme now is, and finding the Pelasgians in bad plight because of the Trojan War, though still in possession of Larisa, which was about seventy stadia distant from Cyme, built on their frontier what is still today called Neon Teichos,"New wall." thirty stadia from Larisa, and that, having captured Larisa, they founded Cyme and settled there the survivors. And Cyme is called Cyme Phriconis after the Locrian mountain; and likewise Larisa is called Larisa Phriconis; but Larisa is now deserted. That the Pelasgians were a great tribe is said also to be the testimony of history in general: Menecrates of Elaea, at any rate, in his work On the Founding of Cities, says that the whole of what is now the Ionian coast, beginning at Mycale, as also the neighboring islands, were in earlier times inhabited by Pelasgians. But the Lesbians say that their people were placed under the command of Pylaeus, the man whom the poet calls the ruler of the Pelasgians,Hom. Il. 2.842 and that it is from him that the mountain in their country is still called Pylaeus. The Chians, also, say that the Pelasgians from Thessaly were their founders. But the Pelasgian race, ever wandering and quick to migrate, greatly increased and then rapidly disappeared, particularly at the time of the migration of the Aeolians and Ionians to Asia. -A peculiar thing happened in the case of the Larisaeans, I mean the Caÿstrian and the Phryconian Larisaeans and, third, those in Thessaly: they all held land that was deposited by rivers, by the Caÿster and by the Hermus and by the Peneius. It is at the Phryconian Larisa that Piasus is said to have been honored, who, they say, was ruler of the Pelasgians and fell in love with his daughter Larisa, and, having violated her, paid the penalty for the outrage; for, observing him leaning over a cask of wine, they say, she seized him by the legs, raised him, and plunged him into the cask. Such are the ancient accounts. -To the present Aeolian cities we must add Aegae, and also Temnus, the birthplace of Hermagoras, who wrote The Art of Rhetoric. These cities are situated in the mountainous country that lies above the territory of Cyme and that of the Phocians and that of the Smyrnaeans, along which flows the Hermus. Neither is Magnesia, which was under the command of Sipylus and has been adjudged a free city by the Romans, far from these cities. This city too has been damaged by the recent earthquakes. To the opposite parts, which incline towards the Caïcus, from Larisa across the Hermus to Cyme, the distance is seventy stadia; thence to Myrina, forty stadia; thence to Grynium, the same; and from there to Elaea. But, according to Artemidorus, one goes from Cyme to Adae, and then, forty stadia distant, to a promontory called Hydra, which with the opposite promontory Harmatus forms the Elaïtic Gulf. Now the width of the mouth of this gulf is about eighty stadia, but, including the sinuosities of the gulf, Myrina, an Aeolian city with a harbor, is at a distance of sixty stadia; and then one comes to the Harbor of the Achaeans, where are the altars of the twelve gods; and then to a town Grynium and an altar of Apollo and an ancient oracle and a costly shrine of white marble, to which the distance is forty stadia; and then seventy stadia to Elaea, with harbor and naval station belonging to the Attalic Kings, which was founded by Menestheus and the Athenians who took the expedition with him to Ilium. I have already spoken of the places that come next, those about Pitane and Atarneus and the others in that region. +A peculiar thing happened in the case of the Larisaeans, I mean the Caÿstrian and the Phryconian Larisaeans and, third, those in Thessaly: they all held land that was deposited by rivers, by the Caÿster and by the Hermus and by the Peneius. It is at the Phryconian Larisa that Piasus is said to have been honored, who, they say, was ruler of the Pelasgians and fell in love with his daughter Larisa, and, having violated her, paid the penalty for the outrage; for, observing him leaning over a cask of wine, they say, she seized him by the legs, raised him, and plunged him into the cask. Such are the ancient accounts. +To the present Aeolian cities we must add Aegae, and also Temnus, the birthplace of Hermagoras, who wrote The Art of Rhetoric. These cities are situated in the mountainous country that lies above the territory of Cyme and that of the Phocians and that of the Smyrnaeans, along which flows the Hermus. Neither is Magnesia, which was under the command of Sipylus and has been adjudged a free city by the Romans, far from these cities. This city too has been damaged by the recent earthquakes. To the opposite parts, which incline towards the Caïcus, from Larisa across the Hermus to Cyme, the distance is seventy stadia; thence to Myrina, forty stadia; thence to Grynium, the same; and from there to Elaea. But, according to Artemidorus, one goes from Cyme to Adae, and then, forty stadia distant, to a promontory called Hydra, which with the opposite promontory Harmatus forms the Elaïtic Gulf. Now the width of the mouth of this gulf is about eighty stadia, but, including the sinuosities of the gulf, Myrina, an Aeolian city with a harbor, is at a distance of sixty stadia; and then one comes to the Harbor of the Achaeans, where are the altars of the twelve gods; and then to a town Grynium and an altar of Apollo and an ancient oracle and a costly shrine of white marble, to which the distance is forty stadia; and then seventy stadia to Elaea, with harbor and naval station belonging to the Attalic Kings, which was founded by Menestheus and the Athenians who took the expedition with him to Ilium. I have already spoken of the places that come next, those about Pitane and Atarneus and the others in that region. The largest and best of the Aeolian cities is Cyme; and this with Lesbos might be called the metropolis of the rest of the cities, about thirty in number, of which not a few have disappeared. Cyme is ridiculed for its stupidity, owing to the repute, as some say, that not until three hundred years after the founding of the city did they sell the tolls of the harbor, and that before this time the people did not reap this revenue. They got the reputation, therefore, of being a people who learned late that they were living in a city by the sea. There is also another report of them, that, having borrowed money in the name of the state, they pledged their porticos as security, and then, failing to pay the money on the appointed day, were prohibited from walking in them; when it rained, however, their creditors, through a kind of shame, would bid them through a herald to go under the porticos; so the herald would cry out the words, "Go under the porticos," but the report went abroad that the Cymaeans did not understand that they were to go under the porticos when it rained unless they were given notice by the herald. Ephorus, a man indisputably noteworthy, a disciple of Isocrates the orator, and the author of the Historyand of the work on Inventions, was from this city; and so was Hesiod the poet, still earlier than Ephorus, for Hesiod himself states that his father Dius left Aeolian Cyme and migrated to Boeotia:And he settled near Helicon in a wretched village, Ascre, which is bad in winter, oppressive in summer, and pleasant at no time.Hes. WD 639-40 (quoted also in 9. 2. 25). But it is not agreed that Homer was from Cyme, for many peoples lay claim to him. It is agreed, however, that the name of the city was derived from an Amazon, as was Myrina from the Amazon who lies in the Trojan plain below Batieia,which verily men call Batieia, but the immortals the tomb of much-bounding Myrina.Hom. Il. 2.813Also quoted in 12. 8. 6. Ephorus, too, is ridiculed because, though unable to tell of deeds of his native land in his enumeration of the other achievements in history, and yet unwilling that it should be unmentioned, he exclaims as follows:At about the same time the Cymaeans were at peace.Since I have traversed at the same time the Trojan and Aeolian coasts, it would be next in order to treat cursorily the interior as far as the Taurus, observing the same order of approach.

A kind of hegemony is held over these places by Pergamum, which is a famous city and for a long time prospered along with the Attalic kings; indeed I must begin my next description here, and first I must show briefly the origin of the kings and the end to which they came. Now Pergamum was a treasure-hold of Lysimachus, the son of Agathocles, who was one of the successors of Alexander, and its people are settled on the very summit of the mountain; the mountain is cone-like and ends in a sharp peak. The custody of this stronghold and the treasure, which amounted to nine thousand talents, was entrusted to Philetaerus of Tieium, who was a eunuch from boyhood; for it came to pass at a certain burial, when a spectacle was being given at which many people were present, that the nurse who was carrying Philetaerus, still an infant, was caught in the crowd and pressed so hard that the child was incapacitated. He was a eunuch, therefore, but he was well trained and proved worthy of this trust. Now for a time he continued loyal to Lysimachus, but he had differences with Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, who slandered him, and so he caused Pergamum to revolt, and governed it to suit the occasion, since he saw that it was ripe for a change; for Lysimachus, beset with domestic troubles, was forced to slay his son Agathocles, and Seleucus Nicator invaded his country and overthrew him, and then he himself was overthrown and treacherously murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus. During these disorders the eunuch continued to be in charge of the fortress and to manage things through promises and courtesies in general, always catering to any man who was powerful or near at hand. At any rate, he continued lord of the stronghold and the treasure for twenty years. -He had two brothers, the elder of whom was Eumenes, the younger Attalus. Eumenes had a son of the same name, who succeeded to the rule of Pergamum, and was by this time sovereign of the places round about, so that he even joined battle with Antiochus the son of Seleucus near Sardeis and conquered him. He died after a reign of twenty-two years.263-241 B.C. Attalus, the son of Attalus and Antiochis, daughter of Achaeus, succeeded to the throne and was the first to be proclaimed king, after conquering the Galatians in a great battle. Attalus not only became a friend of the Romans but also fought on their side against Philip along with the fleet of the Rhodians. He died in old age, having reigned as king forty-three years;241-197 B.C. and he left four sons by Apollonis, a woman from Cyzicus, Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaerus, and Athenaeus. Now the two younger sons remained private citizens, but Eumenes, the elder of the other two, reigned as king. Eumenes fought on the side of the Romans against Antiochus the Great and against Perseus, and he received from the Romans all the country this side the Taurus that had been subject to Antiochus. But before that time the territory of Pergamum did not include many places that extended as far as the sea at the Elaïtic and Adramyttene Gulfs. He built up the city and planted Nicephorium with a grove, and the other elder brother,Others make e)kei=nos refer to Eumenes, but the present translator must make it refer too Attallus, unless the text is corrupt. from love of splendor, added sacred buildings and libraries and raised the settlement of Pergamum to what it now is. After a reign of forty-nine yearsBut he died in 159 B.C. (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Eumenes," p. 1103), thus having reigned 197-159 B.C. Eumenes left his empire to Attallus, his son by Stratonice, the daughter of Ariathres, king of the Cappadocians. He appointed his brother AttalusAttalus Philadelphus. as guardian both of his son, who was extremely young, and of the empire. After a reign of twenty-one years,159-138 B.C. his brother died an old man, having won success in many undertakings; for example, he helped Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, to defeat in war Alexander, the son of Antiochus, and he fought on the side of the Romans against the Pseudo-Philip, and in an expedition against Thrace he defeated Diegylis the king of the Caeni, and he slew Prusias, having incited his son Nicomedes against him, and he left his empire, under a guardian, to Attalus. Attalus, surnamed Philometor, reigned five years,138-133 B.C. died of disease, and left the Romans his heirs. The Romans proclaimed the country a province, calling it Asia, by the same name as the continent. The Caïcus flows past Pergamum, through the Caïcus Plain, as it is called, traversing land that is very fertile and about the best in Mysia. +He had two brothers, the elder of whom was Eumenes, the younger Attalus. Eumenes had a son of the same name, who succeeded to the rule of Pergamum, and was by this time sovereign of the places round about, so that he even joined battle with Antiochus the son of Seleucus near Sardeis and conquered him. He died after a reign of twenty-two years.263-241 B.C. Attalus, the son of Attalus and Antiochis, daughter of Achaeus, succeeded to the throne and was the first to be proclaimed king, after conquering the Galatians in a great battle. Attalus not only became a friend of the Romans but also fought on their side against Philip along with the fleet of the Rhodians. He died in old age, having reigned as king forty-three years;241-197 B.C. and he left four sons by Apollonis, a woman from Cyzicus, Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaerus, and Athenaeus. Now the two younger sons remained private citizens, but Eumenes, the elder of the other two, reigned as king. Eumenes fought on the side of the Romans against Antiochus the Great and against Perseus, and he received from the Romans all the country this side the Taurus that had been subject to Antiochus. But before that time the territory of Pergamum did not include many places that extended as far as the sea at the Elaïtic and Adramyttene Gulfs. He built up the city and planted Nicephorium with a grove, and the other elder brother,Others make e)kei=nos refer to Eumenes, but the present translator must make it refer too Attallus, unless the text is corrupt. from love of splendor, added sacred buildings and libraries and raised the settlement of Pergamum to what it now is. After a reign of forty-nine yearsBut he died in 159 B.C. (see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Eumenes," p. 1103), thus having reigned 197-159 B.C. Eumenes left his empire to Attallus, his son by Stratonice, the daughter of Ariathres, king of the Cappadocians. He appointed his brother AttalusAttalus Philadelphus. as guardian both of his son, who was extremely young, and of the empire. After a reign of twenty-one years,159-138 B.C. his brother died an old man, having won success in many undertakings; for example, he helped Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, to defeat in war Alexander, the son of Antiochus, and he fought on the side of the Romans against the Pseudo-Philip, and in an expedition against Thrace he defeated Diegylis the king of the Caeni, and he slew Prusias, having incited his son Nicomedes against him, and he left his empire, under a guardian, to Attalus. Attalus, surnamed Philometor, reigned five years,138-133 B.C. died of disease, and left the Romans his heirs. The Romans proclaimed the country a province, calling it Asia, by the same name as the continent. The Caïcus flows past Pergamum, through the Caïcus Plain, as it is called, traversing land that is very fertile and about the best in Mysia. Pergamenians have become famous in my time: Mithridates the son of Menodotus and of Adobogion. Menodotus was of the family of the tetrarch of the Galatians, and Adobogion, it is said, was also the concubine of King Mithridates,Mithridates the Great. and for this reason her relatives gave to the child the name of Mithridates, pretending that he was the son of the king. At any rate, he became a friend to the deified Caesar and reached so great preferment with him that he was appointed tetrarch from his mothers family and king both of the Bosporus and other territories. He was overthrown by Asander, who not only slew King Pharnaces but also took possession of the Bosporus. Mithridates, then, has been thought worthy of a great name, as has also Apollodorus the rhetorician, who wrote the work on Rhetoric and was the leader of the Apollodoreian sect, whatever in the world it is; for numerous philosophies were prevalent, but to pass judgment upon them is beyond my power, and among these are the sects of Apollodorus and Theodorus. But the friendship of Caesar Augustus has most of all exalted Apollodorus, who was his teacher in the art of speech. And Apollodorus had a notable pupil in Dionysius, surnamed Atticus, his fellow-citizen, for he was an able sophist and historian and speech-writer. -As one proceeds from the plain and the city towards the east, one comes to a city called Apollonia, which lies on an elevated site, and also, towards the south, to a mountain range, on crossing which, on the road to Sardeis, one comes to Thyateira, on the left-hand side, a settlement of the Macedonians, which by some is called the farthermost city of the Mysians. On the right is Apollonis, which is three hundred stadia distant from Pergamum, and the same distance from Sardeis, and it is named after the Cyzicene Apollonis. Next one comes to the plain of Hermus and to Sardeis. The country to the north of Pergamum is held for the most part by the Mysians, I mean the country on the right of the Abaeïtae, as they are called, on the borders of which is the EpictetusPhrygia Epictetus (see 12. 3. 7, 12. 4. 1, and 12. 4. 5. as far as Bithynia. -Sardeis is a great city, and, though of later date than the Trojan times, is nevertheless old, and has a strong citadel. It was the royal city of the Lydians, whom the poet calls Meïonians; and later writers call them Maeonians, some identifying them with the Lydians and others representing them as different, but it is better to call them the same people. Above Sardeis is situated Mt. Tmolus, a blest mountain, with a look-out on its summit, an arcade of white marble, a work of the Persians, whence there is a view of the plains below all round, particularly the Caÿster Plain. And round it dwell Lydians and Mysians and Macedonians. The Pactolus River flows from Mt. Tmolus; in early times a large quantity of gold-dust was brought down in it, whence, it is said, arose the fame of the riches of Croesus and his descendants. But the gold-dust has given out. The Pactolus runs down into the Hermus, into which also the Hyllus, now called the Phrygius, empties. These three, and other less significant rivers with them, meet and empty into the sea near Phocaea, as Herodotus says.Hdt. 1.80. The Hermus rises in Mysia, in the sacred mountain Dindymene, and flows through the Catacecaumene country into the territory of Sardeis and the contiguous plains, as I have already said,Cf. 13. 1. 2. to the sea. Below the city lie the plain of Sardeis and that of the Cyrus and that of the Hermus and that of the Caÿster, which are contiguous to one another and are the best of all plains. Within forty stadia from the city one comes to Gygaea,Lake Gygaea, Hom. Il. 2.865 which is mentioned by the poet, the name of which was later changed to Coloe, where is the temple of Coloënian Artemis, which is characterized by great holiness. They say that at the festivals here the baskets dance,Thought to be the baskets carried on the heads of maidens at festivals. though I do not know why in the world they talk marvels rather than tell the truth. -The verses of Homer are about as follows:Mnesthles and Antiphus, the two sons of Talaemenes, whose mother was Lake Gygaea, who led also the Meïonians, who were born at the foot of Tmolus;Hom. Il. 2.864but some add the following fourth verse:At the foot of snowy Tmolus, in the fertile land of Hyde.But there is no Hyde to be found in the country of the Lydians. Some also put Tychius there, of whom the poet says,far the best of workers in hide, who lived in Hyde.Hom. Il. 7.221And they add that the place is woody and subject to strokes of lightning, and that the Arimi live there, for after Homer's verse,in the land of the Arimi where men say is the couch of Typhon,Hom. Il. 2.783they insert the words,in a wooded place, in the fertile land of Hyde.But others lay the scene of this myth in Cilicia, and some lay it in Syria, and still others in the Pithecussae Islands, who say that among the Tyrrhenians "pitheci"i.e., monkeys. are called "arimi." Some call Sardeis Hyde, while others call its acropolis Hyde. But the ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. thinks that those writers are most plausible who place the Arimi in the Catacecaumene country in Mysia. But Pindar associates the Pithecussae which lie off the Cymaean territory, as also the territory in Sicily, with the territory in Cilicia, for he says that Typhon lies beneath Aetna:Once he dwelt in a far-famed Cilician cavern; now, however, his shaggy breast is o'er-pressed by the sea-girt shores above Cymae and by Sicily.Pind. P. 1.31And again,round about him lies Aetna with her haughty fetters,and again,but it was father Zeus that once amongst the Arimi, by necessity, alone of the gods, smote monstrous Typhon of the fifty heads.Pind. Fr. 93 (Bergk)But some understand that the Syrians are Arimi, who are now called the Arimaeans, and that the Cilicians in Troy, forced to migrate, settled again in Syria and cut off for themselves what is now called Cilicia. Callisthenes says that the Arimi, after whom the neighboring mountains are called Arima, are situated near Mt. Calycadnus and the promontory of Sarpedon near the Corycian cave itself. -Near Lake Coloe are the monuments of the kings. At Sardeis is the great mound, on a lofty base, of Alyattes, built, as HerodotusHdt. 1.93. says, by the common people of the city, most of the work on which was done by prostitutes; and he says that all women of that country prostituted themselves; and some call the tomb of Alyattes a monument of prostitution. Some report that Lake Coloe is an artificial lake, made to receive the overflows which take place when the rivers are full. Hypaepa is a city which one comes to on the descent from Mt. Tmolus to the Caÿster Plain. -Callisthenes says that Sardeis was captured first by the Cimmerians, and then by the Treres and the Lycians, as is set forth by Callinus the elegiac poet, and lastly in the time of Cyrus and Croesus. But when Callinus says that the incursion of the Cimmerians was against the Esioneis, at the time of which Sardeis was captured, the ScepsianAgain Demetrius of Scepsis. and his followers surmise that the Asioneis were by Callinus called the Esioneis, in the Ionic dialect; for perhaps Meïonia, he says, was called Asia, and accordingly Homer likewise says,on the Asian mead about the streams of the Caÿster.Hom. Il. 2.461The city was later restored in a notable way because of the fertility of its territory, and was inferior to none of its neighbors, though recently it has lost many of its buildings through earthquakes. However, the forethought of Tiberius, our present ruler, has, by his beneficence, restored not only this city but many others—I mean all the cities that shared in the same misfortune at about the same time. +As one proceeds from the plain and the city towards the east, one comes to a city called Apollonia, which lies on an elevated site, and also, towards the south, to a mountain range, on crossing which, on the road to Sardeis, one comes to Thyateira, on the left-hand side, a settlement of the Macedonians, which by some is called the farthermost city of the Mysians. On the right is Apollonis, which is three hundred stadia distant from Pergamum, and the same distance from Sardeis, and it is named after the Cyzicene Apollonis. Next one comes to the plain of Hermus and to Sardeis. The country to the north of Pergamum is held for the most part by the Mysians, I mean the country on the right of the Abaeïtae, as they are called, on the borders of which is the EpictetusPhrygia Epictetus (see 12. 3. 7, 12. 4. 1, and 12. 4. 5. as far as Bithynia. +Sardeis is a great city, and, though of later date than the Trojan times, is nevertheless old, and has a strong citadel. It was the royal city of the Lydians, whom the poet calls Meïonians; and later writers call them Maeonians, some identifying them with the Lydians and others representing them as different, but it is better to call them the same people. Above Sardeis is situated Mt. Tmolus, a blest mountain, with a look-out on its summit, an arcade of white marble, a work of the Persians, whence there is a view of the plains below all round, particularly the Caÿster Plain. And round it dwell Lydians and Mysians and Macedonians. The Pactolus River flows from Mt. Tmolus; in early times a large quantity of gold-dust was brought down in it, whence, it is said, arose the fame of the riches of Croesus and his descendants. But the gold-dust has given out. The Pactolus runs down into the Hermus, into which also the Hyllus, now called the Phrygius, empties. These three, and other less significant rivers with them, meet and empty into the sea near Phocaea, as Herodotus says.Hdt. 1.80. The Hermus rises in Mysia, in the sacred mountain Dindymene, and flows through the Catacecaumene country into the territory of Sardeis and the contiguous plains, as I have already said,Cf. 13. 1. 2. to the sea. Below the city lie the plain of Sardeis and that of the Cyrus and that of the Hermus and that of the Caÿster, which are contiguous to one another and are the best of all plains. Within forty stadia from the city one comes to Gygaea,Lake Gygaea, Hom. Il. 2.865 which is mentioned by the poet, the name of which was later changed to Coloe, where is the temple of Coloënian Artemis, which is characterized by great holiness. They say that at the festivals here the baskets dance,Thought to be the baskets carried on the heads of maidens at festivals. though I do not know why in the world they talk marvels rather than tell the truth. +The verses of Homer are about as follows:Mnesthles and Antiphus, the two sons of Talaemenes, whose mother was Lake Gygaea, who led also the Meïonians, who were born at the foot of Tmolus;Hom. Il. 2.864but some add the following fourth verse:At the foot of snowy Tmolus, in the fertile land of Hyde.But there is no Hyde to be found in the country of the Lydians. Some also put Tychius there, of whom the poet says,far the best of workers in hide, who lived in Hyde.Hom. Il. 7.221And they add that the place is woody and subject to strokes of lightning, and that the Arimi live there, for after Homer's verse,in the land of the Arimi where men say is the couch of Typhon,Hom. Il. 2.783they insert the words,in a wooded place, in the fertile land of Hyde.But others lay the scene of this myth in Cilicia, and some lay it in Syria, and still others in the Pithecussae Islands, who say that among the Tyrrhenians "pitheci"i.e., monkeys. are called "arimi." Some call Sardeis Hyde, while others call its acropolis Hyde. But the ScepsianDemetrius of Scepsis. thinks that those writers are most plausible who place the Arimi in the Catacecaumene country in Mysia. But Pindar associates the Pithecussae which lie off the Cymaean territory, as also the territory in Sicily, with the territory in Cilicia, for he says that Typhon lies beneath Aetna:Once he dwelt in a far-famed Cilician cavern; now, however, his shaggy breast is o'er-pressed by the sea-girt shores above Cymae and by Sicily.Pind. P. 1.31And again,round about him lies Aetna with her haughty fetters,and again,but it was father Zeus that once amongst the Arimi, by necessity, alone of the gods, smote monstrous Typhon of the fifty heads.Pind. Fr. 93 (Bergk)But some understand that the Syrians are Arimi, who are now called the Arimaeans, and that the Cilicians in Troy, forced to migrate, settled again in Syria and cut off for themselves what is now called Cilicia. Callisthenes says that the Arimi, after whom the neighboring mountains are called Arima, are situated near Mt. Calycadnus and the promontory of Sarpedon near the Corycian cave itself. +Near Lake Coloe are the monuments of the kings. At Sardeis is the great mound, on a lofty base, of Alyattes, built, as HerodotusHdt. 1.93. says, by the common people of the city, most of the work on which was done by prostitutes; and he says that all women of that country prostituted themselves; and some call the tomb of Alyattes a monument of prostitution. Some report that Lake Coloe is an artificial lake, made to receive the overflows which take place when the rivers are full. Hypaepa is a city which one comes to on the descent from Mt. Tmolus to the Caÿster Plain. +Callisthenes says that Sardeis was captured first by the Cimmerians, and then by the Treres and the Lycians, as is set forth by Callinus the elegiac poet, and lastly in the time of Cyrus and Croesus. But when Callinus says that the incursion of the Cimmerians was against the Esioneis, at the time of which Sardeis was captured, the ScepsianAgain Demetrius of Scepsis. and his followers surmise that the Asioneis were by Callinus called the Esioneis, in the Ionic dialect; for perhaps Meïonia, he says, was called Asia, and accordingly Homer likewise says,on the Asian mead about the streams of the Caÿster.Hom. Il. 2.461The city was later restored in a notable way because of the fertility of its territory, and was inferior to none of its neighbors, though recently it has lost many of its buildings through earthquakes. However, the forethought of Tiberius, our present ruler, has, by his beneficence, restored not only this city but many others—I mean all the cities that shared in the same misfortune at about the same time. Notable men of the same family were born at Sardeis: the two Diodoruses, the orators, of whom the elder was called Zonas, a man who many times pleaded the cause of Asia; and at the time of the attack of King Mithridates, he was accused of trying to cause the cities to revolt from him, but in his defence he acquitted himself of the slander. The younger Diodorus, who was a friend of mine, is the author, not only of many historical treatises, but also of melic and other poems, which display full well the ancient style of writing. Xanthus, the ancient historian, is indeed called a Lydian, but whether or not he was from Sardeis I do not know. After the Lydians come the Mysians; and the city Philadelphia, ever subject to earthquakes. Incessantly the walls of the houses are cracked, different parts of the city being thus affected at different times. For this reason but few people live in the city, and most of them spend their lives as farmers in the country, since they have a fertile soil. Yet one may be surprised at the few, that they are so fond of the place when their dwellings are so insecure; and one might marvel still more at those who founded the city. -After this region one comes to the Catacecaumene country,i.e., "burnt" country, situated about the upper course of the Hermus and its tributaries. Hamilton (Researches, II, p. 136, quoted by Tozer (Selections, p. 289, confirms Strabo's account. as it is called, which has a length of five hundred stadia and a breadth of four hundred, whether it should be called Mysia or Meïonia (for both names are used); the whole of it is without trees except the vine that produces the Catacecaumenite wine, which in quality is inferior to none of the notable wines. The surface of the plain is covered with ashes, and the mountainous and rocky country is black, as though from conflagration. Now some conjecture that this resulted from thunderbolts and from fiery subterranean outbursts, and they do not hesitate to lay there the scene of the mythical story of Typhon; and Xanthus adds that a certain Arimus was king of this region; but it is not reasonable to suppose that all that country was burnt all at once by reason of such disturbances, but rather by reason of an earth-born fire, the sources of which have now been exhausted. Three pits are to be seen there, which are called "bellows," and they are forty stadia distant from each other. Above them lie rugged hills, which are reasonably supposed to have been heaped up by the hot masses blown forth from the earth. That such soil should be well adapted to the vine one might assume from the land of Catana, which was heaped with ashes and now produces excellent wine in great plenty. Some writers, judging from places like this, wittily remark that there is good reason for calling Dionysus "Pyrigenes.""Fire-born." +After this region one comes to the Catacecaumene country,i.e., "burnt" country, situated about the upper course of the Hermus and its tributaries. Hamilton (Researches, II, p. 136, quoted by Tozer (Selections, p. 289, confirms Strabo's account. as it is called, which has a length of five hundred stadia and a breadth of four hundred, whether it should be called Mysia or Meïonia (for both names are used); the whole of it is without trees except the vine that produces the Catacecaumenite wine, which in quality is inferior to none of the notable wines. The surface of the plain is covered with ashes, and the mountainous and rocky country is black, as though from conflagration. Now some conjecture that this resulted from thunderbolts and from fiery subterranean outbursts, and they do not hesitate to lay there the scene of the mythical story of Typhon; and Xanthus adds that a certain Arimus was king of this region; but it is not reasonable to suppose that all that country was burnt all at once by reason of such disturbances, but rather by reason of an earth-born fire, the sources of which have now been exhausted. Three pits are to be seen there, which are called "bellows," and they are forty stadia distant from each other. Above them lie rugged hills, which are reasonably supposed to have been heaped up by the hot masses blown forth from the earth. That such soil should be well adapted to the vine one might assume from the land of Catana, which was heaped with ashes and now produces excellent wine in great plenty. Some writers, judging from places like this, wittily remark that there is good reason for calling Dionysus "Pyrigenes.""Fire-born." The parts situated next to this region towards the south as far as the Taurus are so inwoven with one another that the Phrygian and the Carian and the Lydian parts, as also those of the Mysians, since they merge into one another, are hard to distinguish. To this confusion no little has been contributed by the fact that the Romans did not divide them according to tribes, but in another way organized their jurisdictions, within which they hold their popular assemblies and their courts. Mt. Tmolus is a quite contracted mass of mountain and has only a moderate circumference, its limits lying within the territory of the Lydians themselves; but the Mesogis extends in the opposite direction as far as Mycale, beginning at Celaenae, according to Theopompus. And therefore some parts of it are occupied by the Phrygians, I mean the parts near Celaenae and Apameia, and other parts by Mysians and Lydians, and other parts by Carians and Ionians. So, also, the rivers, particularly the Maeander, form the boundary between some of the tribes, but in cases where they flow through the middle of countries they make accurate distinction difficult. And the same is to be said of the plains that are situated on either side of the mountainous territory and of the river-land. Neither should I, perhaps, attend to such matters as closely as a surveyor must, but sketch them only so far as they have been transmitted by my predecessors. -Contiguous on the east to the Caÿster Plain, which lies between the Mesogis and the Tmolus, is the Cilbian Plain. It is extensive and well settled and has a fertile soil. Then comes the Hyrcanian Plain, a name given it by the Persians, who brought Hyrcanian colonists there (the Plain of Cyrus, like-wise, was given its name by the Persians). Then come the Peltine Plain (we are now in Phrygian territory) and the Cillanian and the Tabene Plains, which have towns with a mixed population of Phrygians, these towns also containing a Pisidian element; and it is after these that the plains themselves were named. -When one crosses over the Mesogis, between the Carians and the territory of Nysa, which latter is a country on the far side of the Maeander extending to Cibyratis and Cabalis, one comes to certain cities. First, near the Mesogis, opposite Laodiceia, to Hierapolis, where are the hot springs and the Plutonium, both of which have something marvellous about them; for the water of the springs so easily congeals and changes into stone that people conduct streams of it through ditches and thus make stone fences"The road overlooks many green spots, once vineyards and gardens, separated by partitions of the same material" (Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor, I. p. 288), quoted by Tozer, p. 290. consisting of single stones, while the Plutonium, below a small brow of the mountainous country that lies above it, is an opening of only moderate size, large enough to admit a man, but it reaches a considerable depth, and it is enclosed by a quadrilateral handrail, about half a plethrum in circumference, and this space is full of a vapour so misty and dense that one can scarcely see the ground. Now to those who approach the handrail anywhere round the enclosure the air is harmless, since the outside is free from that vapor in calm weather, for the vapor then stays inside the enclosure, but any animal that passes inside meets instant death. At any rate, bulls that are led into it fall and are dragged out dead; and I threw in sparrows and they immediately breathed their last and fell. But the Galli,Priests of Cybele. who are eunuchs, pass inside with such impunity that they even approach the opening, bend over it, and descend into it to a certain depth, though they hold their breath as much as they can (for I could see in their countenances an indication of a kind of suffocating attack, as it were),—whether this immunity belongs to all who are maimed in this way or only to those round the temple, or whether it is because of divine providence, as would be likely in the case of divine obsessions, or whether it is, the result of certain physical powers that are antidotes against the vapor. The changing of water into stone is said also to be the case with the rivers in Laodiceia, although their water is potable. The water at Hierapolis is remarkably adapted also to the dyeing of wool, so that wool dyed with the rootsMadder-root. rival those dyed with the coccusKermes-berries. or with the marine purple.Using this particular water, of course. And the supply of water is so abundant that the city is full of natural baths. +Contiguous on the east to the Caÿster Plain, which lies between the Mesogis and the Tmolus, is the Cilbian Plain. It is extensive and well settled and has a fertile soil. Then comes the Hyrcanian Plain, a name given it by the Persians, who brought Hyrcanian colonists there (the Plain of Cyrus, like-wise, was given its name by the Persians). Then come the Peltine Plain (we are now in Phrygian territory) and the Cillanian and the Tabene Plains, which have towns with a mixed population of Phrygians, these towns also containing a Pisidian element; and it is after these that the plains themselves were named. +When one crosses over the Mesogis, between the Carians and the territory of Nysa, which latter is a country on the far side of the Maeander extending to Cibyratis and Cabalis, one comes to certain cities. First, near the Mesogis, opposite Laodiceia, to Hierapolis, where are the hot springs and the Plutonium, both of which have something marvellous about them; for the water of the springs so easily congeals and changes into stone that people conduct streams of it through ditches and thus make stone fences"The road overlooks many green spots, once vineyards and gardens, separated by partitions of the same material" (Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor, I. p. 288), quoted by Tozer, p. 290. consisting of single stones, while the Plutonium, below a small brow of the mountainous country that lies above it, is an opening of only moderate size, large enough to admit a man, but it reaches a considerable depth, and it is enclosed by a quadrilateral handrail, about half a plethrum in circumference, and this space is full of a vapour so misty and dense that one can scarcely see the ground. Now to those who approach the handrail anywhere round the enclosure the air is harmless, since the outside is free from that vapor in calm weather, for the vapor then stays inside the enclosure, but any animal that passes inside meets instant death. At any rate, bulls that are led into it fall and are dragged out dead; and I threw in sparrows and they immediately breathed their last and fell. But the Galli,Priests of Cybele. who are eunuchs, pass inside with such impunity that they even approach the opening, bend over it, and descend into it to a certain depth, though they hold their breath as much as they can (for I could see in their countenances an indication of a kind of suffocating attack, as it were),—whether this immunity belongs to all who are maimed in this way or only to those round the temple, or whether it is because of divine providence, as would be likely in the case of divine obsessions, or whether it is, the result of certain physical powers that are antidotes against the vapor. The changing of water into stone is said also to be the case with the rivers in Laodiceia, although their water is potable. The water at Hierapolis is remarkably adapted also to the dyeing of wool, so that wool dyed with the rootsMadder-root. rival those dyed with the coccusKermes-berries. or with the marine purple.Using this particular water, of course. And the supply of water is so abundant that the city is full of natural baths. After Hierapolis one comes to the parts on the far side of the Maeander; I have already described12. 8. 13, 16, 17. those round Laodiceia and Aphrodisias and those extending as far as Carura. The next thereafter are the parts towards the west, I mean the city of the Antiocheians on the Maeander, where one finds himself already in Caria, and also the parts towards the south, I mean Greater Cibyra and Sinda and Cabalis, extending as far as the Taurus and Lycia. Now Antiocheia is a city of moderate size, and is situated on the Maeander itself in the region that lies near Phrygia, and there is a bridge over the river. Antiocheia has considerable territory on each side of the river, which is everywhere fertile, and it produces in greatest quantities the "Antiocheian" dried fig, as it is called, though they also name the same fig "three-leaved." This region, too, is much subject to earthquakes. Among these people arose a famous sophist, Diotrephes, whose complete course was taken by Hybreas, who became the greatest orator of my time. The Cabaleis are said to be the Solymi; at any rate, the hill that lies above the fortress of the Termessians is called Solymus, and the Termessians themselves are called Solymi. Near by is the Palisade of Bellerophon, and also the tomb of his son Peisander, who fell in the battle against the Solymi. This account agrees also with the words of the poet, for he says of Bellerophon,next he fought with the glorious Solymi,Hom. Il. 6.184and of his son,and PeisanderThe Homeric text reads "Isander" (see 12. 8. 5). his son was slain by Ares, insatiate of war, when he was fighting with the Solymi.Hom. Il. 6.203Termessus is a Pisidian city, which lies directly above Cibyra and very near it. It is said that the Cibyratae are descendants of the Lydians who took possession of Cabalis, and later of the neighboring Pisidians, who settled there and transferred the city to another site, a site very strongly fortified and about one hundred stadia in circuit. It grew strong through its good laws; and its villages extended alongside it from Pisidia and the neighboring Milyas as far as Lycia and the PeraeaMainland territory. of the Rhodians. Three bordering cities were added to it, Bubon, Balbura, and 0enoandon, and the union was called Tetrapolis, each of the three having one vote, but Cibyra two; for Cibyra could send forth thirty thousand footsoldiers and two thousand horse. It was always ruled by tyrants; but still they ruled it with moderation. However, the tyranny ended in the time of Moagetes, when Murena overthrew it and included Balbura and Bubon within the territory of the Lycians. But none the less the jurisdiction of Cibyra is rated among the greatest in Asia. The Cibyratae used four languages, the Pisidian, that of the Solymi, Greek, and that of the Lydians;See A. H. Sayce, Anatolian Studies presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay, p. 396. but there is not even a trace of the language of the Lydians in Lydia. The easy embossing of iron is a peculiar thing at Cibyra. Milya is the mountainrange extending from the narrows at Termessus and from the pass that leads over through them to the region inside the Taurus towards Isinda, as far as Sagalassus and the country of the Apameians.

@@ -1113,15 +1113,15 @@ It remains for me to speak of the Ionians and the Carians and the seaboard outside the Taurus, which last is occupied by Lycians, Pamphylians, and Cilicians; for in this way I can finish my entire description of the peninsula, the isthmus of which, as I was saying,12.1.3. is the road which leads over from the Pontic Sea to the Issic Sea.For map of Asia Minor, see Loeb Vol. 5 (at end). The coasting voyage round Ionia is about three thousand four hundred and thirty stadia, this distance being so great because of the gulfs and the fact that the country forms a peninsula of unusual extent; but the distance in a straight line across the isthmus is not great. For instance, merely the distance from Ephesus to Smyrna is a journey, in a straight line, of three hundred and twenty stadia, for the distance to Metropolis is one hundred and twenty stadia and the remainder to Smyrna, whereas the coasting voyage is but slightly short of two thousand two hundred. Be that as it may, the bounds of the Ionian coast extend from the Poseidium of the Milesians, and from the Carian frontiers, as far as Phocaea and the Hermus River, which latter is the limit of the Ionian seaboard. Pherecydes says concerning this seaboard that Miletus and Myus and the parts round Mycale and Ephesus were in earlier times occupied by Carians, and that the coast next thereafter, as far as Phocaea and Chios and Samos, which were ruled by Ancaeus, was occupied by Leleges, but that both were driven out by the Ionians and took refuge in the remaining parts of Caria. He says that Androclus, legitimate son of Codrus the king of Athens, was the leader of the Ionian colonization, which was later than the Aeolian, and that he became the founder of Ephesus; and for this reason, it is said, the royal seat of the Ionians was established there. And still now the descendants of his family are called kings; and they have certain honors, I mean the privilege of front seats at the games and of wearing purple robes as insignia of royal descent, and staff instead of sceptre, and of the superintendence of the sacrifices in honor of the Eleusinian Demeter. Miletus was founded by Neleus, a Pylian by birth. The Messenians and the Pylians pretend a kind of kinship with one another, according to which the more recent poets call Nestor a Messenian; and they say that many of the Pylians accompanied Melanthus, father of Codrus, and his followers to Athens, and that, accordingly, all this people sent forth the colonizing expedition in common with the Ionians. There is an altar, erected by Neleus, to be seen on the Poseidium. Myus was founded by Cydrelus, bastard son of Codrus; Lebedus by Andropompus, who seized a place called Artis; Colophon by Andraemon a Pylian, according to Mimnermus in his Nanno;A fragment (Mimnermus Fr. 10 (Bergk)) otherwise unknown. Priene by Aepytus the son of Neleus, and then later by Philotas, who brought a colony from Thebes; Teos, at first by Athamas, for which reason it is by Anacreon called Athamantis, and at the time of the Ionian colonization by Nauclus, bastard son of Codrus, and after him by Apoecus and Damasus, who were Athenians, and Geres, a Boeotian; Erythrae by Cnopus, he too a bastard son of Codrus; Phocaea by the Athenians under Philogenes; Clazomenae by Paralus; Chios by Egertius, who brought with him a mixed crowd; Samos by Tembrion, and then later by Procles. -These are the twelve Ionian cities,8. 7. 1. but at a later time Smyrna was added, being induced by the Ephesians to join the Ionian League; for the Ephesians were fellow-inhabitants of the Smyrnaeans in ancient times, when Ephesus was also called Smyrna. And Callinus somewhere so names it, when he calls the Ephesians Smyrnaeans in the prayer to Zeus,and pity the Smyrnaeans; and again,remember, if ever the Smyrnaeans burnt up beautiful thighs of oxen in sacrifice to thee.Callinus Fr. 2 (Bergk)Smyrna was an Amazon who took possession of Ephesus; and hence the name both of the inhabitants and of the city, just as certain of the Ephesians were called Sisyrbitae after Sisyrbe. Also a certain place belonging to Ephesus was called Smyrna, as Hipponax plainly indicates:He lived behind the city in Smyrna between Tracheia and Lepra Acte;Hipponax Fr. 44 (Bergk)for the name Lepra Acte was given to Mt. Prion, which lies above the present city and has on it a part of the city's wall. At any rate, the possessions behind Prion are still now referred to as in the "opistholeprian" territory,i.e., in the territory "behind Lepra." and the country alongside the mountain round Coressus was called "Tracheia."i.e., "Rugged" country. The city was in ancient times round the Athenaeum, which is now outside the city near the Hypelaeus,A fountain. as it is called; so that Smyrna was near the present gymnasium, behind the present city, but between Tracheia and Lepra Acte. On departing from the Ephesians, the Smyrnaeans marched to the place where Smyrna now is, which was in the possession of the Leleges, and, having driven them out, they founded the ancient Smyrna, which is about twenty stadia distant from the present Smyrna. But later, being driven out by the Aeolians, they fled for refuge to Colophon, and then with the Colophonians returned to their own land and took it back, as Mimnermus tells us in his Nanno, after recalling that Smyrna was always an object of contention:After we left Pylus, the steep city of Neleus, we came by ship to lovely Asia, and with our overweening might settled in beloved Colophon, taking the initiative in grievous insolence. And from there, setting out from the Astëeis River, by the will of the gods we took Aeolian Smyrna.Mimnermus Fr. 9 (Bergk)So much, then, on this subject. But I must again go over the several parts in detail, beginning with the principal places, those where the foundings first took place, I mean those round Miletus and Ephesus; for these are the best and most famous cities. +These are the twelve Ionian cities,8. 7. 1. but at a later time Smyrna was added, being induced by the Ephesians to join the Ionian League; for the Ephesians were fellow-inhabitants of the Smyrnaeans in ancient times, when Ephesus was also called Smyrna. And Callinus somewhere so names it, when he calls the Ephesians Smyrnaeans in the prayer to Zeus,and pity the Smyrnaeans; and again,remember, if ever the Smyrnaeans burnt up beautiful thighs of oxen in sacrifice to thee.Callinus Fr. 2 (Bergk)Smyrna was an Amazon who took possession of Ephesus; and hence the name both of the inhabitants and of the city, just as certain of the Ephesians were called Sisyrbitae after Sisyrbe. Also a certain place belonging to Ephesus was called Smyrna, as Hipponax plainly indicates:He lived behind the city in Smyrna between Tracheia and Lepra Acte;Hipponax Fr. 44 (Bergk)for the name Lepra Acte was given to Mt. Prion, which lies above the present city and has on it a part of the city's wall. At any rate, the possessions behind Prion are still now referred to as in the "opistholeprian" territory,i.e., in the territory "behind Lepra." and the country alongside the mountain round Coressus was called "Tracheia."i.e., "Rugged" country. The city was in ancient times round the Athenaeum, which is now outside the city near the Hypelaeus,A fountain. as it is called; so that Smyrna was near the present gymnasium, behind the present city, but between Tracheia and Lepra Acte. On departing from the Ephesians, the Smyrnaeans marched to the place where Smyrna now is, which was in the possession of the Leleges, and, having driven them out, they founded the ancient Smyrna, which is about twenty stadia distant from the present Smyrna. But later, being driven out by the Aeolians, they fled for refuge to Colophon, and then with the Colophonians returned to their own land and took it back, as Mimnermus tells us in his Nanno, after recalling that Smyrna was always an object of contention:After we left Pylus, the steep city of Neleus, we came by ship to lovely Asia, and with our overweening might settled in beloved Colophon, taking the initiative in grievous insolence. And from there, setting out from the Astëeis River, by the will of the gods we took Aeolian Smyrna.Mimnermus Fr. 9 (Bergk)So much, then, on this subject. But I must again go over the several parts in detail, beginning with the principal places, those where the foundings first took place, I mean those round Miletus and Ephesus; for these are the best and most famous cities. Next after the Poseidium of the Milesians, eighteen stadia inland, is the oracle of Apollo Didymeus among the Branchidae.i.e., at Didyma. On this temple see Hdt. 1.46, 5.36, 6.19 It was set on fire by Xerxes, as were also the other temples, except that at Ephesus. The Branchidae gave over the treasures of the god to the Persian king, and accompanied him in his flight in order to escape punishment for the robbing and the betrayal of the temple. But later the Milesians erected the largest temple in the world, though on account of its size it remained without a roof. At any rate, the circuit of the sacred enclosure holds a village settlement; and there is a magnificent sacred grove both inside and outside the enclosure; and other sacred enclosures contain the oracle and the shrines. Here is laid the scene of the myth of Branchus and the love of Apollo. The temple is adorned with costliest offerings consisting of early works of art. Thence to the city is no long journey, by land or by sea. Ephorus says: Miletus was first founded and fortified above the sea by the Cretans, where the Miletus of olden times is now situated, being settled by Sarpedon, who brought colonists from the Cretan Miletus and named the city after that Miletus, the place formerly being in the possession of the Leleges; but later Neleus and his followers fortified the present city. The present city has four harbors, one of which is large enough for a fleet. Many are the achievements of this city, but the greatest is the number of its colonizations; for the Euxine Pontus has been colonized everywhere by these people, as also the Propontis and several other regions. At any rate, Anaximenes of Lampsacus says that the Milesians colonized the islands Icaros and Leros; and, near the Hellespont, Limnae in the Chersonesus, as also Abydus and Arisba and Paesus in Asia; and Artace and Cyzicus in the island of the Cyziceni; and Scepsis in the interior of the Troad. I, however, in my detailed description speak of the other cities, which have been omitted by him. Both Milesians and Delians invoke an Apollo "Ulius," that is, as god of "health and healing," for the verb "ulein" means "to be healthy"; whence the noun "ule"i.e., a "healed wound"; also a "scar." and the salutation, "Both health and great joy to thee"; for Apollo is the god of healing. And Artemis has her name from the fact that she makes people "Artemeas."i.e., "safe and sound." And both HeliusThe Sun-god. and SeleneThe Mood-goddess. are closely associated with these, since they are the causes of the temperature of the air. And both pestilential diseases and sudden deaths are imputed to these gods. Notable men were born at Miletus: Thales, one of the Seven Wise Men, the first to begin the science of natural philosophyLiterally "physiology," which again shows the perversion of Greek scientific names in English (cf. Vol. I, p. 27, footnote 2). and mathematics among the Greeks, and his pupil Anaximander, and again the pupil of the latter, Anaximenes, and also Hecataeus, the author of the History, and, in my time, Aeschines the orator, who remained in exile to the end, since he spoke freely, beyond moderation, before Pompey the Great. But the city was unfortunate, since it shut its gates against Alexander and was taken by force, as was also the case with Halicarnassus; and also, before that time, it was taken by the Persians. And Callisthenes says that Phrynichus the tragic poet was fined a thousand drachmas by the Athenians because he wrote a play entitled The Capture of Miletus by Dareius. The island Lade lies close in front of Miletus, as do also the isles in the neighborhood of the Tragaeae, which afford anchorage for pirates. Next comes the Latmian Gulf, on which is situated "Heracleia below Latmus," as it is called, a small town that has an anchoring-place. It was at first called Latmus, the same name as the mountain that lies above it, which Hecataeus indicates, in his opinion, to be the same as that which by the poet is called "the mountain of the Phtheires"Hom. Il. 2.868 (for he says that the mountain of the Phtheires lies above Latmus), though some say that it is Mt. Grium, which is approximately parallel to Latmus and extends inland from Milesia towards the east through Caria to Euromus and Chalcetores.See 14. 2. 22. This mountain lies above Heracleia, and at a high elevation.Or rather, perhaps, "and in sight of it". At a slight distance away from it, after one has crossed a little river near Latmus, there is to be seen the sepulchre of Endymion, in a cave. Then from Heracleia to Pyrrha, a small town, there is a voyage of about one hundred stadia. -But the voyage from Miletus to Heracleia, including the sinuosities of the gulfs, is a little more than one hundred stadia, though that from Miletus to Pyrrha, in a straight course, is only thirty—so much longer is the journey along the coast. But in the case of famous places my reader must needs endure the dry part of such geography as this. +But the voyage from Miletus to Heracleia, including the sinuosities of the gulfs, is a little more than one hundred stadia, though that from Miletus to Pyrrha, in a straight course, is only thirty—so much longer is the journey along the coast. But in the case of famous places my reader must needs endure the dry part of such geography as this. The voyage from Pyrrha to the outlet of the Maeander River is fifty stadia, a place which consists of shallows and marshes; and, travelling in rowboats thirty stadia, one comes to the city Myus, one of the twelve Ionian cities, which, on account of its sparse population, has now been incorporated into Miletus. Xerxes is said to have given this city to Themistocles to supply him with fish, Magnesia to supply him with bread, and Lampsacus with wine. Thence, within four stadia, one comes to a village, the Carian Thymbria, near which is Aornum, a sacred cave, which is called Charonium, since it emits deadly vapors. Above it lies Magnesia on the Maeander, a colony of the Magnesians of Thessaly and the Cretans, of which I shall soon speak.Sections 39-40 following. -After the outlets of the Maeander comes the shore of Priene, above which lies Priene, and also the mountain Mycale, which is well supplied with wild animals and with trees. This mountain lies above the Samian territoryThe isle of Samos. and forms with it, on the far side of the promontory called Trogilian, a strait about seven stadia in width. Priene is by some writers called Cadme, since Philotas, who founded it, was a Boeotian. Bias, one of the Seven Wise Men, was a native of Priene, of whom Hipponax saysstronger in the pleading of his cases than Bias of Priene.Hipponax Fr. 79 (Bergk) +After the outlets of the Maeander comes the shore of Priene, above which lies Priene, and also the mountain Mycale, which is well supplied with wild animals and with trees. This mountain lies above the Samian territoryThe isle of Samos. and forms with it, on the far side of the promontory called Trogilian, a strait about seven stadia in width. Priene is by some writers called Cadme, since Philotas, who founded it, was a Boeotian. Bias, one of the Seven Wise Men, was a native of Priene, of whom Hipponax saysstronger in the pleading of his cases than Bias of Priene.Hipponax Fr. 79 (Bergk) Off the Trogilian promontory lies an isle of the same name. Thence the nearest passage across to Sunium is one thousand six hundred stadia; on the voyage one has at first Samos and Icaria and Corsia on the right, and the Melantian rocks on the left; and the remainder of the voyage is through the midst of the Cyclades islands. The Trogilian promontory itself is a kind of spur of Mt. Mycale. Close to Mycale lies another mountain, in the Ephesian territory, I mean Mt. Pactyes, in which the Mesogis terminates. The distance from the Trogilian promontory to Samosi.e., the city Samos. is forty stadia. Samos faces the south, both it and its harbor, which latter has a naval station. The greater part of it is on level ground, being washed by the sea, but a part of it reaches up into the mountain that lies above it. Now on the right, as one sails towards the city, is the Poseidium, a promontory which with Mt. Mycale forms the seven-stadia strait; and it has a temple of Poseidon; and in front of it lies an isle called Narthecis; and on the left is the suburb near the Heraeum, and also the Imbrasus River, and the Heraeum, which consists of an ancient temple and a great shrine, which latter is now a repository of tablets.Whether maps or paintings, or both, the translator does not know. Apart from the number of the tablets placed there, there are other repositories of votive tablets and some small chapels full of ancient works of art. And the temple, which is open to the sky, is likewise full of most excellent statues. Of these, three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stood upon one base; Antony took these statues away,See 13. 1. 30. but Augustus Caesar restored two of them, those of Athena and Heracles, to the same base, although he transferred the Zeus to the Capitolium, having erected there a small chapel for that statue. The voyage round the island of the Samians is six hundred stadia. In earlier times, when it was inhabited by Carians, it was called Parthenia, then Anthemus, then Melamphyllus, and then Samos, whether after some native hero or after someone who colonized it from Ithaca and Cephallenia.See 10. 2. 17. Now in Samos there is a promontory approximately facing Drepanum in Icaria which is called Ampelus, but the entire mountain which makes the whole of the island mountainous is called by the same name. The island does not produce good wine, although good wine is produced by the islands all round, and although most of the whole of the adjacent mainland produces the best of wines, for example, Chios and Lesbos and Cos. And indeed the Ephesian and Metropolitan wines are good; and Mt. Mesogis and Mt. Tmolus and the Catacecaumene country and Cnidos and Smyrna and other less significant places produce exceptionally good wine, whether for enjoyment or medicinal purposes. Now Samos is not altogether fortunate in regard to wines, but in all other respects it is a blest country, as is clear from the fact that it became an object of contention in war, and also from the fact that those who praise it do not hesitate to apply to it the proverb that "it produces even birds' milk," as Menander somewhere says. This was also the cause of the establishment of the tyrannies there, and of their enmity against the Athenians. @@ -1132,29 +1132,29 @@ After the Samian strait, near Mt. Mycale, as one sails to Ephesus, one comes, on the right, to the seaboard of the Ephesians; and a part of this seaboard is held by the Samians. First on the seaboard is the Panionium, lying three stadia above the sea where the Pan-Ionia, a common festival of the Ionians, are held, and where sacrifices are performed in honor of the Heliconian Poseidon; and Prienians serve as priests at this sacrifice, but I have spoken of them in my account of the Peloponnesus.8. 7. 2. Then comes Neapolis, which in earlier times belonged to the Ephesians, but now belongs to the Samians, who gave in exchange for it Marathesium, the more distant for the nearer place. Then comes Pygela, a small town, with a temple of Artemis Munychia, founded by Agamemnon and inhabited by a part of his troops; for it is said that some of his soldiers became afflicted with a disease of the buttocksIn Greek, with "pygalgia." and were called "diseased-buttocks," and that, being afflicted with this disease, they stayed there, and that the place thus received this appropriate name. Then comes the harbor called Panormus, with a temple of the Ephesian Artemis; and then the city Ephesus. On the same coast, slightly above the sea, is also Ortygia, which is a magnificent grove of all kinds of trees, of the cypress most of all. It is traversed by the Cenchrius River, where Leto is said to have bathed herself after her travail.Referring, of course, to the birth of Apollo and Artemis. For here is the mythical scene of the birth, and of the nurse Ortygia, and of the holy place where the birth took place, and of the olive tree near by, where the goddess is said first to have taken a rest after she was relieved from her travail. Above the grove lies Mt. Solmissus, where, it is said, the Curetes stationed themselves, and with the din of their arms frightened Hera out of her wits when she was jealously spying on Leto, and when they helped Leto to conceal from Hera the birth of her children. There are several temples in the place, some ancient and others built in later times; and in the ancient temples are many ancient wooden images, but in those of later times there are works of Scopas; for example, Leto holding a sceptre and Ortygia standing beside her with a child in each arm. A general festival is held there annually; and by a certain custom the youths vie for honor, particularly in the splendor of their banquets there. At that time, also, a special college of the Curetes holds symposiums and performs certain mystic sacrifices. The city of Ephesus was inhabited both by Carians and by Leleges, but Androclus drove them out and settled the most of those who had come with him round the Athenaeum and the Hypelaeus, though he also included a part of the country situated on the slopes of Mt. Coressus. Now Ephesus was thus inhabited until the time of Croesus, but later the people came down from the mountainside and abode round the present temple until the time of Alexander. Lysimachus built a wall round the present city, but the people were not agreeably disposed to change their abodes to it; and therefore he waited for a downpour of rain and himself took advantage of it and blocked the sewers so as to inundate the city; and the inhabitants were then glad to make the change. He named the city after his wife Arsinoe; the old name, however, prevailed. There was a senate, which was conscripted; and with these were associated the Epicleti,Men specially summoned, privy-councillors. as they were called, who administered all the affairs of the city. As for the temple of Artemis, its first architect was Chersiphron; and then another man made it larger. But when it was set on fire by a certain Herostratus, the citizens erected another and better one, having collected the ornaments of the women and their own individual belongings, and having sold also the pillars of the former temple. Testimony is borne to these facts by the decrees that were made at that time. Artemidorus says: Timaeus of Tauromenium, being ignorant of these decrees and being any way an envious and slanderous fellow (for which reason he was also called Epitimaeus),Calumniator. says that they exacted means for the restoration of the temple from the treasures deposited in their care by the Persians; but there were no treasures on deposit in their care at that time, and, even if there had been, they would have been burned along with the temple; and after the fire, when the roof was destroyed, who could have wished to keep deposits of treasure lying in a sacred enclosure that was open to the sky? Now Alexander, Artemidorus adds, promised the Ephesians to pay all expenses, both past and future, on condition that he should have the credit therefor on the inscription, but they were unwilling, just as they would have been far more unwilling to acquire glory by sacrilege and a spoliation of the temple.Referring, of course, to the charge that they took the Persian treasures. And Artemidorus praises the Ephesian who said to the kingAlexander. that it was inappropriate for a god to dedicate offerings to gods. -After the completion of the temple, which, he says, was the work of CheirocratesApparently an error for "Deinocrates," a Macedonian architect (cf. Vitruvius 1.1.4). (the same man who built Alexandreia and the same man who proposed to Alexander to fashion Mt. Athos into his likeness, representing him as pouring a libation from a kind of ewer into a broad bowl, and to make two cities, one on the right of the mountain and the other on the left, and a river flowing from one to the other)—after the completion of the temple, he says, the great number of dedications in general were secured by means of the high honor they paid their artists,Artemidorus means, of course, that the local artists were actuated by piety and patriotism. but the whole of the altar was filled, one might say, with the works of Praxiteles. They showed me also some of the works of Thrason, who made the chapel of Hecate, the waxen image of Penelope, and the old woman Eurycleia. They had eunuchs as priests, whom they called Megabyzi. And they were always in quest of persons from other places who were worthy of this preferment, and they held them in great honor. And it was obligatory for maidens to serve as colleagues with them in their priestly office. But though at the present some of their usages are being preserved, yet others are not; but the temple remains a place of refuge, the same as in earlier times, although the limits of the refuge have often been changed; for example, when Alexander extended them for a stadium, and when Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the roof and thought it went a little farther than a stadium, and when Antony doubled this distance and included within the refuge a part of the city. But this extension of the refuge proved harmful, and put the city in the power of criminals; and it was therefore nullified by Augustus Caesar. -The city has both an arsenal and a harbor. The mouth of the harbor was made narrower by the engineers,Literally, "architects." but they, along with the king who ordered it, were deceived as to the result, I mean Attalus Philadelphus; for he thought that the entrance would be deep enough for large merchant vessels—as also the harbor itself, which formerly had shallow places because of the silt deposited by the Caÿster River—if a mole were thrown up at the mouth, which was very wide, and therefore ordered that the mole should be built. But the result was the opposite, for the silt, thus hemmed in, made the whole of the harbor, as far as the mouth, more shallow. Before this time the ebb and flow of the tides would carry away the silt and draw it to the sea outside. Such, then, is the harbor; and the city, because of its advantageous situation in other respects, grows daily, and is the largest emporium in Asia this side the Taurus. +After the completion of the temple, which, he says, was the work of CheirocratesApparently an error for "Deinocrates," a Macedonian architect (cf. Vitruvius 1.1.4). (the same man who built Alexandreia and the same man who proposed to Alexander to fashion Mt. Athos into his likeness, representing him as pouring a libation from a kind of ewer into a broad bowl, and to make two cities, one on the right of the mountain and the other on the left, and a river flowing from one to the other)—after the completion of the temple, he says, the great number of dedications in general were secured by means of the high honor they paid their artists,Artemidorus means, of course, that the local artists were actuated by piety and patriotism. but the whole of the altar was filled, one might say, with the works of Praxiteles. They showed me also some of the works of Thrason, who made the chapel of Hecate, the waxen image of Penelope, and the old woman Eurycleia. They had eunuchs as priests, whom they called Megabyzi. And they were always in quest of persons from other places who were worthy of this preferment, and they held them in great honor. And it was obligatory for maidens to serve as colleagues with them in their priestly office. But though at the present some of their usages are being preserved, yet others are not; but the temple remains a place of refuge, the same as in earlier times, although the limits of the refuge have often been changed; for example, when Alexander extended them for a stadium, and when Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the roof and thought it went a little farther than a stadium, and when Antony doubled this distance and included within the refuge a part of the city. But this extension of the refuge proved harmful, and put the city in the power of criminals; and it was therefore nullified by Augustus Caesar. +The city has both an arsenal and a harbor. The mouth of the harbor was made narrower by the engineers,Literally, "architects." but they, along with the king who ordered it, were deceived as to the result, I mean Attalus Philadelphus; for he thought that the entrance would be deep enough for large merchant vessels—as also the harbor itself, which formerly had shallow places because of the silt deposited by the Caÿster River—if a mole were thrown up at the mouth, which was very wide, and therefore ordered that the mole should be built. But the result was the opposite, for the silt, thus hemmed in, made the whole of the harbor, as far as the mouth, more shallow. Before this time the ebb and flow of the tides would carry away the silt and draw it to the sea outside. Such, then, is the harbor; and the city, because of its advantageous situation in other respects, grows daily, and is the largest emporium in Asia this side the Taurus. Notable men have been born in this city: in ancient times, Heracleitus the Obscure, as he is called; and Hermodorus, concerning whom Heracleitus himself says:It were right for the Ephesians from youth upwards to be hanged, who banished their most useful man, saying: 'Let no man of us be most useful; otherwise, let him be elsewhere and with other people.'Hermodorus is reputed to have written certain laws for the Romans. And Hipponax the poet was from Ephesus; and so were Parrhasius the painter and Apelles, and more recently Alexander the orator, surnamed Lychnus,i.e., Lamp. who was a statesman, and wrote history, and left behind him poems in which he describes the position of the heavenly bodies and gives a geographic description of the continents, each forming the subject of a poem. -After the outlet of the Caÿster River comes a lake that runs inland from the sea, called Selinusia; and next comes another lake that is confluent with it, both affording great revenues. Of these revenues, though sacred, the kings deprived the goddess, but the Romans gave them back; and again the tax-gatherers forcibly converted the tolls to their own use; but when Artemidorus was sent on an embassy, as he says, he got the lakes back for the goddess, and he also won the decision over Heracleotis, which was in revolt,i.e., from Ephesus. his case being decided at Rome; and in return for this the city erected in the temple a golden image of him. In the innermost recess of the lake there is a temple of a king, which is said to have been built by Agamemnon. -Then one comes to the mountain Gallesius, and to Colophon, an Ionian city, and to the sacred precinct of Apollo Clarius, where there was once an ancient oracle. The story is told that Calchas the prophet, with Amphilochus the son of Amphiaräus, went there on foot on his return from Troy, and that having met near Clarus a prophet superior to himself, Mopsus, the son of Manto, the daughter of Teiresias, he died of grief. Now Hesiod revises the myth as follows, making Calchas propound to Mopsus this question:I am amazed in my heart at all these figs on this wild fig tree, small though it is; can you tell me the number?And he makes Mopsus reply:They are ten thousand in number, and their measure is a medimnus;About a bushel and a half. but there is one over, which you cannot put in the measure.i.e., the measure would hold only 9999 of these figs. "Thus he spake," Hesiod adds,and the number the measure could hold proved true. And then the eyes of Calchas were closed by the sleep of death.Hes. Fr. 160 (Rzach)But Pherecydes says that the question propounded by Calchas was in regard to a pregnant sow, how many pigs she carried, and that Mopsus said, "three, one of which is a female," and that when Mopsus proved to have spoken the truth, Calchas died of grief. Some say that Calchas propounded the question in regard to the sow, but that Mopsus propounded the question in regard to the wild fig tree, and that the latter spoke the truth but that the former did not, and died of grief, and in accordance with a certain oracle. Sophocles tells the oracle in his Reclaiming of Helen, that Calchas was destined to die when he met a prophet superior to himself, but he transfers the scene of the rivalry and of the death of Calchas to Cilicia. Such are the ancient stories. -The Colophonians once possessed notable naval and cavalry forces, in which latter they were so far superior to the others that wherever in wars that were hard to bring to an end, the cavalry of the Colophonians served as ally, the war came to an end; whence arose the proverb, "he put Colophon to it," which is quoted when a sure end is put to any affair. Native Colophonians, among those of whom we have record, were: Mimnermus, who was both a flute-player and elegiac poet; Xenophanes, the natural philosopher, who composed the "Silli"Satires, or lampoons, attacking Homer and Hesiod. in verse; and Pindar speaks also of a certain Polymnastus as one of the famous musicians:Thou knowest the voice, common to all, of Polymnastus the Colophonian.Pind. Fr. 188 (Bergk)And some say that Homer was from there. On a straight voyage it is seventy stadia from Ephesus, but if one includes the sinuosities of the gulfs it is one hundred and twenty. -After Colophon one comes to the mountain Coracius and to an isle sacred to Artemis, whither deer, it has been believed, swim across and give birth to their young. Then comes Lebedus, which is one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Colophon. This is the meeting-place and settlement of all the Dionysiac artists in Ionia as far as the Hellespont; and this is the place where both games and a general festal assembly are held every year in honor of Dionysus. They formerly lived in Teos, the city of the Ionians that comes next after Colophon, but when the sedition broke out they fled for refuge to Ephesus. And when Attalus settled them in Myonnesus between Teos and Lebedus the Tëians sent an embassy to beg of the Romans not to permit Myonnesus to be fortified against them; and they migrated to Lebedus, whose inhabitants gladly received them because of the dearth of population by which they were then afflicted. Teos, also, is one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Lebedus; and in the intervening distance there is an island Aspis, by some called Arconnesus. And Myonnesus is settled on a height that forms a peninsula. -Teos also is situated on a peninsula; and it has a harbor. Anacreon the melic poet was from Teos; in whose time the Tëians abandoned their city and migrated to, Abdera, a Thracian city, being unable to bear the insolence of the Persians; and hence the verse in reference to Abdera.Abdera, beautiful colony of the Tëians.But some of them returned again in later times. As I have already said,13. 1. 54. Apellicon also was a Tëian; and Hecataeus the historian was from the same city. And there is also another harbor to the north, thirty stadia distant from the city, called Gerrhaeïdae. -Then one comes to Chalcideis, and to the isthmus of the Chersonesus, belonging to the Tëians and Erythraeans. Now the latter people live this side the isthmus, but the Tëians and Clazomenians live on the isthmus itself; for the southern side of the isthmus, I mean the Chalcideis, is occupied by Tëians, but the northern by Clazomenians, where their territory joins the Erythraean. At the beginning of the isthmus lies the place called Hypocremnus, which lies between the Erythraean territory this side the isthmus and that of the Clazomenians on the other side. Above the Chalcideis is situated a sacred precinct consecrated to Alexander the son of Philip; and games, called the Alexandreia, are proclaimed by the general assembly of the Ionians and are celebrated there. The passage across the isthmus from the sacred precinct of Alexander and from the Chalcideis to Hypocremnus is fifty stadia, but the voyage round by sea is more than one thousand. Somewhere about the middle of the circuit is Erythrae, an Ionian city, which has a harbor, and also four isles lying off it, called Hippi.i.e., Horses. -Before coming to Erythrae, one comes first to a small town Erae belonging to the Tëians; and then to Corycus, a high mountain, and to a harbor at the foot of it, Casystes, and to another harbor called Erythras, and to several others in order thereafter. The waters along the coast of Mt. Corycus, they say, were everywhere the haunt of pirates, the Corycaeans, as they are called, who had found a new way of attacking vessels; for, they say, the Corycaeans would scatter themselves among the harbors, follow up the merchants whose vessels lay at anchor in them, and overhear what cargoes they had aboard and whither they were bound, and then come together and attack the merchants after they had put to sea and plunder their vessels; and hence it is that we call every person who is a busybody and tries to overhear private and secret conversations a Corycaean; and that we say in a proverb:Well then, the Corycaean was listening to this,when one thinks that he is doing or saying something in secret, but fails to keep it hidden because of persons who spy on him and are eager to learn what does not concern them. +After the outlet of the Caÿster River comes a lake that runs inland from the sea, called Selinusia; and next comes another lake that is confluent with it, both affording great revenues. Of these revenues, though sacred, the kings deprived the goddess, but the Romans gave them back; and again the tax-gatherers forcibly converted the tolls to their own use; but when Artemidorus was sent on an embassy, as he says, he got the lakes back for the goddess, and he also won the decision over Heracleotis, which was in revolt,i.e., from Ephesus. his case being decided at Rome; and in return for this the city erected in the temple a golden image of him. In the innermost recess of the lake there is a temple of a king, which is said to have been built by Agamemnon. +Then one comes to the mountain Gallesius, and to Colophon, an Ionian city, and to the sacred precinct of Apollo Clarius, where there was once an ancient oracle. The story is told that Calchas the prophet, with Amphilochus the son of Amphiaräus, went there on foot on his return from Troy, and that having met near Clarus a prophet superior to himself, Mopsus, the son of Manto, the daughter of Teiresias, he died of grief. Now Hesiod revises the myth as follows, making Calchas propound to Mopsus this question:I am amazed in my heart at all these figs on this wild fig tree, small though it is; can you tell me the number?And he makes Mopsus reply:They are ten thousand in number, and their measure is a medimnus;About a bushel and a half. but there is one over, which you cannot put in the measure.i.e., the measure would hold only 9999 of these figs. "Thus he spake," Hesiod adds,and the number the measure could hold proved true. And then the eyes of Calchas were closed by the sleep of death.Hes. Fr. 160 (Rzach)But Pherecydes says that the question propounded by Calchas was in regard to a pregnant sow, how many pigs she carried, and that Mopsus said, "three, one of which is a female," and that when Mopsus proved to have spoken the truth, Calchas died of grief. Some say that Calchas propounded the question in regard to the sow, but that Mopsus propounded the question in regard to the wild fig tree, and that the latter spoke the truth but that the former did not, and died of grief, and in accordance with a certain oracle. Sophocles tells the oracle in his Reclaiming of Helen, that Calchas was destined to die when he met a prophet superior to himself, but he transfers the scene of the rivalry and of the death of Calchas to Cilicia. Such are the ancient stories. +The Colophonians once possessed notable naval and cavalry forces, in which latter they were so far superior to the others that wherever in wars that were hard to bring to an end, the cavalry of the Colophonians served as ally, the war came to an end; whence arose the proverb, "he put Colophon to it," which is quoted when a sure end is put to any affair. Native Colophonians, among those of whom we have record, were: Mimnermus, who was both a flute-player and elegiac poet; Xenophanes, the natural philosopher, who composed the "Silli"Satires, or lampoons, attacking Homer and Hesiod. in verse; and Pindar speaks also of a certain Polymnastus as one of the famous musicians:Thou knowest the voice, common to all, of Polymnastus the Colophonian.Pind. Fr. 188 (Bergk)And some say that Homer was from there. On a straight voyage it is seventy stadia from Ephesus, but if one includes the sinuosities of the gulfs it is one hundred and twenty. +After Colophon one comes to the mountain Coracius and to an isle sacred to Artemis, whither deer, it has been believed, swim across and give birth to their young. Then comes Lebedus, which is one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Colophon. This is the meeting-place and settlement of all the Dionysiac artists in Ionia as far as the Hellespont; and this is the place where both games and a general festal assembly are held every year in honor of Dionysus. They formerly lived in Teos, the city of the Ionians that comes next after Colophon, but when the sedition broke out they fled for refuge to Ephesus. And when Attalus settled them in Myonnesus between Teos and Lebedus the Tëians sent an embassy to beg of the Romans not to permit Myonnesus to be fortified against them; and they migrated to Lebedus, whose inhabitants gladly received them because of the dearth of population by which they were then afflicted. Teos, also, is one hundred and twenty stadia distant from Lebedus; and in the intervening distance there is an island Aspis, by some called Arconnesus. And Myonnesus is settled on a height that forms a peninsula. +Teos also is situated on a peninsula; and it has a harbor. Anacreon the melic poet was from Teos; in whose time the Tëians abandoned their city and migrated to, Abdera, a Thracian city, being unable to bear the insolence of the Persians; and hence the verse in reference to Abdera.Abdera, beautiful colony of the Tëians.But some of them returned again in later times. As I have already said,13. 1. 54. Apellicon also was a Tëian; and Hecataeus the historian was from the same city. And there is also another harbor to the north, thirty stadia distant from the city, called Gerrhaeïdae. +Then one comes to Chalcideis, and to the isthmus of the Chersonesus, belonging to the Tëians and Erythraeans. Now the latter people live this side the isthmus, but the Tëians and Clazomenians live on the isthmus itself; for the southern side of the isthmus, I mean the Chalcideis, is occupied by Tëians, but the northern by Clazomenians, where their territory joins the Erythraean. At the beginning of the isthmus lies the place called Hypocremnus, which lies between the Erythraean territory this side the isthmus and that of the Clazomenians on the other side. Above the Chalcideis is situated a sacred precinct consecrated to Alexander the son of Philip; and games, called the Alexandreia, are proclaimed by the general assembly of the Ionians and are celebrated there. The passage across the isthmus from the sacred precinct of Alexander and from the Chalcideis to Hypocremnus is fifty stadia, but the voyage round by sea is more than one thousand. Somewhere about the middle of the circuit is Erythrae, an Ionian city, which has a harbor, and also four isles lying off it, called Hippi.i.e., Horses. +Before coming to Erythrae, one comes first to a small town Erae belonging to the Tëians; and then to Corycus, a high mountain, and to a harbor at the foot of it, Casystes, and to another harbor called Erythras, and to several others in order thereafter. The waters along the coast of Mt. Corycus, they say, were everywhere the haunt of pirates, the Corycaeans, as they are called, who had found a new way of attacking vessels; for, they say, the Corycaeans would scatter themselves among the harbors, follow up the merchants whose vessels lay at anchor in them, and overhear what cargoes they had aboard and whither they were bound, and then come together and attack the merchants after they had put to sea and plunder their vessels; and hence it is that we call every person who is a busybody and tries to overhear private and secret conversations a Corycaean; and that we say in a proverb:Well then, the Corycaean was listening to this,when one thinks that he is doing or saying something in secret, but fails to keep it hidden because of persons who spy on him and are eager to learn what does not concern them. After Mt. Corycus one comes to Halonnesos, a small island. Then to Argennum, a promontory of the Erythraean territory; it is very close to the Poseidium of the Chians, which latter forms a strait about sixty stadia in width. Between Erythrae and Hypocremnus lies Mimas, a lofty mountain, which is well supplied with game and well wooded. Then one comes to a village Cybelia, and to a promontory Melaena, as it is called, which has a millstone quarry. -Erythrae was the native city of Sibylla, a woman who was divinely inspired and had the gift of prophecy, one of the ancients. And in the time of Alexander there was another woman who likewise had the gift of prophecy; she was called Athenaïs, and was a native of the same city. And, in my time, Heracleides the Herophileian physician, fellow.pupil of Apollonius Mys,Mus, i.e., Mouse. was born there. -As for Chios, the voyage round it along the coast is nine hundred stadia; and it has a city with a good port and with a naval station for eighty ships. On making the voyage round it from the city, with the island on the right, one comes first to the Poseidium. Then to Phanae, a deep harbor, and to a temple of Apollo and a grove of palm trees. Then to Notium, a shore suited to the anchoring of vessels. Then to Laïus, this too a shore suited to the anchoring of vessels; whence to the city there is an isthmus of sixty stadia, but the voyage round, which I have just now described, is three hundred and sixty stadia. Then to Melaena, a promontory, opposite to which lies Psyra, an island fifty stadia distant from the promontory, lofty, and having a city of the same name. The circuit of the island is forty stadia. Then one comes to Ariusia, a rugged and harborless country, about thirty stadia in extent, which produces the best of the Grecian wines. Then to Pelinaeus, the highest mountain in the island. And the island also has a marble quarry. Famous natives of Chios are: Ion the tragic poet, and Theopompus the historian, and Theocritus the sophist. The two latter were political opponents of one another. The Chians also claim Homer, setting forth as strong testimony that the men called Homeridae were descendants of Homer's family; these are mentioned by Pindar:Whence also the Homeridae, singers of deftly woven lays, most often. . . .Pind. N. 2.1The Chians at one time possessed also a fleet, and attained to liberty and to maritime empire. The distance from Chios to Lesbos, sailing southwards, is about four hundred stadia. -After Hypocremnus one comes to Chytrium, the site on which Clazomenae was situated in earlier times. Then to the present Clazomenae, with eight small islands lying off it that are under cultivation. Anaxagoras, the natural philosopher, an illustrious man and associate of Anaximenes the Milesian, was a Clazomenian. And Archeläus the natural philosopher and Euripides the poet took his entire course. Then to a temple of Apollo and to hot springs, and to the gulf and the city of the Smyrnaeans. -Next one comes to another gulf, on which is the old Smyrna, twenty stadia distant from the present Smyrna. After Smyrna had been razed by the Lydians, its inhabitants continued for about four hundred years to live in villages. Then they were reassembled into a city by Antigonus, and afterwards by Lysimachus, and their city is now the most beautiful of all; a part of it is on a mountain and walled, but the greater part of it is in the plain near the harbor and near the Metröum and near the gymnasium. The division into streets is exceptionally good, in straight lines as far as possible; and the streets are paved with stone; and there are large quadrangular porticoes, with both lower and upper stories. There is also a library; and the Homereium, a quadrangular portico containing a shrine and wooden statueThe primary meaning of the Greek word here used for "statue," xoanon, is "a prehistoric statue "carved" of wood." of Homer; for the Smyrnaeans also lay especial claim to the poet; and indeed a bronze coin of theirs is called Homereium. The River Meles flows near the walls; and, in addition to the rest of the city's equipment, there is also a harbor that can be closed. But there is one error, not a small one, in the work of the engineers, that when they paved the streets they did not give them underground drainage; instead, filth covers the surface, and particularly during rains, when the cast-off filth is discharged upon the streets. It was here that Dolabella captured by siege, and slew, Trebonius, one of the men who treacherously murdered the deified Caesar; and he set freeOthers translate the verb "destroyed," or the like, but cf. its use in 8. 6. 14 and Hdt. 1.149 many parts of the city. +Erythrae was the native city of Sibylla, a woman who was divinely inspired and had the gift of prophecy, one of the ancients. And in the time of Alexander there was another woman who likewise had the gift of prophecy; she was called Athenaïs, and was a native of the same city. And, in my time, Heracleides the Herophileian physician, fellow.pupil of Apollonius Mys,Mus, i.e., Mouse. was born there. +As for Chios, the voyage round it along the coast is nine hundred stadia; and it has a city with a good port and with a naval station for eighty ships. On making the voyage round it from the city, with the island on the right, one comes first to the Poseidium. Then to Phanae, a deep harbor, and to a temple of Apollo and a grove of palm trees. Then to Notium, a shore suited to the anchoring of vessels. Then to Laïus, this too a shore suited to the anchoring of vessels; whence to the city there is an isthmus of sixty stadia, but the voyage round, which I have just now described, is three hundred and sixty stadia. Then to Melaena, a promontory, opposite to which lies Psyra, an island fifty stadia distant from the promontory, lofty, and having a city of the same name. The circuit of the island is forty stadia. Then one comes to Ariusia, a rugged and harborless country, about thirty stadia in extent, which produces the best of the Grecian wines. Then to Pelinaeus, the highest mountain in the island. And the island also has a marble quarry. Famous natives of Chios are: Ion the tragic poet, and Theopompus the historian, and Theocritus the sophist. The two latter were political opponents of one another. The Chians also claim Homer, setting forth as strong testimony that the men called Homeridae were descendants of Homer's family; these are mentioned by Pindar:Whence also the Homeridae, singers of deftly woven lays, most often. . . .Pind. N. 2.1The Chians at one time possessed also a fleet, and attained to liberty and to maritime empire. The distance from Chios to Lesbos, sailing southwards, is about four hundred stadia. +After Hypocremnus one comes to Chytrium, the site on which Clazomenae was situated in earlier times. Then to the present Clazomenae, with eight small islands lying off it that are under cultivation. Anaxagoras, the natural philosopher, an illustrious man and associate of Anaximenes the Milesian, was a Clazomenian. And Archeläus the natural philosopher and Euripides the poet took his entire course. Then to a temple of Apollo and to hot springs, and to the gulf and the city of the Smyrnaeans. +Next one comes to another gulf, on which is the old Smyrna, twenty stadia distant from the present Smyrna. After Smyrna had been razed by the Lydians, its inhabitants continued for about four hundred years to live in villages. Then they were reassembled into a city by Antigonus, and afterwards by Lysimachus, and their city is now the most beautiful of all; a part of it is on a mountain and walled, but the greater part of it is in the plain near the harbor and near the Metröum and near the gymnasium. The division into streets is exceptionally good, in straight lines as far as possible; and the streets are paved with stone; and there are large quadrangular porticoes, with both lower and upper stories. There is also a library; and the Homereium, a quadrangular portico containing a shrine and wooden statueThe primary meaning of the Greek word here used for "statue," xoanon, is "a prehistoric statue "carved" of wood." of Homer; for the Smyrnaeans also lay especial claim to the poet; and indeed a bronze coin of theirs is called Homereium. The River Meles flows near the walls; and, in addition to the rest of the city's equipment, there is also a harbor that can be closed. But there is one error, not a small one, in the work of the engineers, that when they paved the streets they did not give them underground drainage; instead, filth covers the surface, and particularly during rains, when the cast-off filth is discharged upon the streets. It was here that Dolabella captured by siege, and slew, Trebonius, one of the men who treacherously murdered the deified Caesar; and he set freeOthers translate the verb "destroyed," or the like, but cf. its use in 8. 6. 14 and Hdt. 1.149 many parts of the city. After Smyrna one comes to Leucae, a small town, which after the death of Attalus PhilometorSee 13. 4. 2. was caused to revolt by Aristonicus, who was reputed to belong to the royal family and intended to usurp the kingdom. Now he was banished from Smyrna, after being defeated in a naval battle near the Cymaean territory by the Ephesians, but he went up into the interior and quickly assembled a large number of resourceless people, and also of slaves, invited with a promise of freedom, whom he called Heliopolitae.Citizens of the city of Helius (Sun-god). Now he first fell upon Thyateira unexpectedly, and then got possession of Apollonis, and then set his efforts against other fortresses. But he did not last long; the cities immediately sent a large number of troops against him, and they were assisted by Nicomedes the Bithynian and by the kings of the Cappadocians. Then came five Roman ambassadors, and after that an army under Publius Crassus the consul,131 B.C. and after that Marcus Perpernas, who brought the war to an end, having captured Aristonicus alive and sent him to Rome. Now Aristonicus ended his life in prison; Perpernas died of disease; and Crassus, attacked by certain people in the neighborhood of Leucae, fell in battle. And Manius Aquillius came over as consul129 B.C. with ten lieutenants and organized the province into the form of government that still now endures. After Leucae one comes to Phocaea, on a gulf, concerning which I have already spoken in my account of Massalia. Then to the boundaries of the Ionians and the Aeolians; but I have already spoken of these. In the interior above the Ionian seaboard there remain to be described the places in the neighborhood of the road that leads from Ephesus to Antiocheia and the Maeander River. These places are occupied by Lydians and Carians mixed with Greeks. The first city one comes to after Ephesus is Magnesia, which is an Aeolian city and is called "Magnesia on the Maeander," for it is situated near that river. But it is much nearer the Lethaeus River, which empties into the Maeander and has its beginning in Mt. Pactyes, the mountain in the territory of the Ephesians. There is another Lethaeus in Gortyna, and another near Tricce, where Asclepius is said to have been born, and still another in the country of the Western Libyans. And the city lies in the plain near the mountain called Thorax, on which Daphitas the grammarian is said to have been crucified, because he reviled the kings in a distich:Purpled with stripes, mere filings of the treasure of Lysimachus, ye rule the Lydians and Phrygia.It is said that an oracle was given out that Daphitas should be on his guard against Thorax. -The Magnetans are thought to be descendants of Delphians who settled in the Didyman hills, in Thessaly, concerning whom Hesiod says:Or as the unwedded virgin who, dwelling on the holy Didyman hills, in the Dotian Plain, in front of Amyrus, bathed her foot in Lake Boebeïs.Hes. Fr. 122(Rzach)Also quoted in 9. 5. 22. Here was also the temple of Dindymene, Mother of the gods. According to tradition, the wife of Themistocles, some say his daughter, served as a priestess there. But the temple is not now in existence, because the city has been transferred to another site. In the present city is the temple of Artemis Leucophryene, which in the size of its shrine and in the number of its votive offerings is inferior to the temple at Ephesus, but in the harmony and skill shown in the structure of the sacred enclosure is far superior to it. And in size it surpasses all the sacred enclosures in Asia except two, that at Ephesus and that at Didymi. In ancient times, also, it came to pass that the Magnetans were utterly destroyed by the Treres, a Cimmerian tribe, although they had for a long time been a prosperous people, but the Milesians took possession of the place in the following year. Now Callinus mentions the Magnetans as still being a prosperous people and as being successful in their war against the Ephesians, but Archilochus is obviously already aware of the misfortune that befell them:to bewail the woes of the Thasians, not those of the Magnetans;Archil. Fr. 20 (Bergk) whence one may judge that he was more recent than Callinus. And Callinus recalls another, and earlier, invasion of the Cimmerians when he says:And now the army of the Cimmerians, mighty in deeds, advanceth,Callinus Fr. 3 (Bergk)in which he plainly indicates the capture of Sardeis. +The Magnetans are thought to be descendants of Delphians who settled in the Didyman hills, in Thessaly, concerning whom Hesiod says:Or as the unwedded virgin who, dwelling on the holy Didyman hills, in the Dotian Plain, in front of Amyrus, bathed her foot in Lake Boebeïs.Hes. Fr. 122(Rzach)Also quoted in 9. 5. 22. Here was also the temple of Dindymene, Mother of the gods. According to tradition, the wife of Themistocles, some say his daughter, served as a priestess there. But the temple is not now in existence, because the city has been transferred to another site. In the present city is the temple of Artemis Leucophryene, which in the size of its shrine and in the number of its votive offerings is inferior to the temple at Ephesus, but in the harmony and skill shown in the structure of the sacred enclosure is far superior to it. And in size it surpasses all the sacred enclosures in Asia except two, that at Ephesus and that at Didymi. In ancient times, also, it came to pass that the Magnetans were utterly destroyed by the Treres, a Cimmerian tribe, although they had for a long time been a prosperous people, but the Milesians took possession of the place in the following year. Now Callinus mentions the Magnetans as still being a prosperous people and as being successful in their war against the Ephesians, but Archilochus is obviously already aware of the misfortune that befell them:to bewail the woes of the Thasians, not those of the Magnetans;Archil. Fr. 20 (Bergk) whence one may judge that he was more recent than Callinus. And Callinus recalls another, and earlier, invasion of the Cimmerians when he says:And now the army of the Cimmerians, mighty in deeds, advanceth,Callinus Fr. 3 (Bergk)in which he plainly indicates the capture of Sardeis. Well-known natives of Magnesia are: Hegesias the orator, who, more than any other, initiated the Asiatic style, as it is called, whereby he corrupted the established Attic custom; and Simus the melic poet, he too a man who corrupted the style handed down by the earlier melic poets and introduced the Simoedia,A loose song. just as that style was corrupted still more by the Lysioedi and the Magoedi, and by Cleomachus the pugilist, who, having fallen in love with a certain cinaedusAn obscene talker. and with a young female slave who was kept as a prostitute by the cinaedus, imitated the style of dialects and mannerisms that was in vogue among the cinaedi. Sotades was the first man to write the talk of the cinaedi; and then Alexander the Aetolian. But though these two men imitated that talk in mere speech, Lysis accompanied it with song; and so did Simus, who was still earlier than he. As for Anaxenor, the citharoedeOne who played the cithara and sang to its accompaniment (cf. 9. 3. 10 and note on "the citharoedes")., the theatres exalted him, but Antony exalted him all he possibly could, since he even appointed him exactor of tribute from four cities, giving him a body.guard of soldiers. Further, his native land greatly increased his honors, having clad him in purple as consecrated to Zeus Sosipolis,City-Saviour. as is plainly indicated in his painted image in the market-place. And there is also a bronze statue of him in the theatre, with the inscription,Surely this is a beautiful thing, to listen to a singer such as this man is, like unto the gods in voice.Hom. Od. 9.3But the engraver, missing his guess, left out the last letter of the second verse, the base of the statue not being wide enough for its inclusion; so that he laid the city open to the charge of ignorance, Because of the ambiguity of the writing, as to whether the last word should be taken as in the nominative case or in the dative;i.e., as *A*G*D*H or *A*G*D*H*I. for many write the dative case without the iota, and even reject the ordinary usage as being without natural cause. After Magnesia comes the road to Tralleis, with Mt. Mesogis on the left, and, at the road itself and on the right, the plain of the Maeander River, which is occupied by Lydians and Carians, and by Ionians, both Milesians and Myesians, and also by the Aeolians of Magnesia. And the same kind of topographical account applies as far as Nysa and Antiocheia. The city of the Tralleians is situated upon a trapezium-shaped site, with a height fortified by nature; and the places all round are well defended. And it is as well peopled as any other city in Asia by people of means; and always some of its men hold the chief places in the province, being called Asiarchs. Among these was Pythodorus, originally a native of Nysa, but he changed his abode to Tralleis because of its celebrity; and with only a few others he stood out conspicuously as a friend of Pompey. And he came into possession of the wealth of a king, worth more than two thousand talents, which, though sold by the deified Caesar, was redeemed by him through his friendship with Pompey and was left by him unimpaired to his children. He was the father of Pythodoris, the present queen in Pontus, of whom I have already spoken.12. 3. 29, 31, 37. Pythodorus, then, flourished in my time, as also Menodorus, a man of learning, and otherwise august and grave, who held the priesthood of Zeus Larisaeus. But he was overthrown by a counter-party friendly to Dometius Ahenobarbus; and Dometius, relying on his informers, slew him, as guilty of causing the fleet to revolt. Here were born famous orators: Dionysocles and afterwards Damasus Scombrus. Tralleis is said to have been founded by Argives and by certain Tralleian Thracians, and hence the name. And the city was ruled for a short time by tyrants, the sons of Cratippus, at the time of the Mithridatic war. Nysa is situated near Mt. Mesogis, for the most part lying upon its slopes; and it is a double city, so to speak, for it is divided by a torrential stream that forms a gorge, which at one place has a bridge over it, joining the two cities, and at another is adorned with an amphitheatre, with a hidden underground passage for the torrential waters. Near the theatre are two heights, below one of which is the gymnasium of youths; and below the other is the market place and the gymnasium for older persons. The plain lies to the south of the city, as it does to the south of Tralleis. On the road between the Tralleians and Nysa is a village of the Nysaeans, not far from the city Acharaca, where is the Plutonium, with a costly sacred precinct and a shrine of Pluto and Core, and also the Charonium, a cave that lies above the sacred precinct, by nature wonderful; for they say that those who are diseased and give heed to the cures prescribed by these gods resort thither and live in the village near the cave among experienced priests, who on their behalf sleep in the cave and through dreams prescribe the cures. These are also the men who invoke the healing power of the gods. And they often bring the sick into the cave and leave them there, to remain in quiet, like animals in their lurking-holes, without food for many days. And sometimes the sick give heed also to their own dreams, but still they use those other men, as priests, to initiate them into the mysteries and to counsel them. To all others the place is forbidden and deadly. A festival is celebrated every year at Acharaca; and at that time in particular those who celebrate the festival can see and hear concerning all these things; and at the festival, too, about noon, the boys and young men of the gymnasium, nude and anointed with oil, take up a bull and with haste carry him up into the cave; and, when let loose, the bull goes forward a short distance, falls, and breathes out his life. -Thirty stadia from Nysa, after one crosses over Mt. Tmolus and the mountain called Mesogis, towards the region to the south of the Mesogis,The text, which seems to be corrupt, is recast and emended by Groskurd to read, "having crossed the Mesogis towards the region to the south of Tmolus." But the simple rectification of the text made by the present translator solves the difficulty quite as well. there is a place called Leimon,i.e., meadow. whither the Nysaeans and all the people about go to celebrate their festivals. And not far from Leimon is an entrance into the earth sacred to the same gods, which is said to extend down as far as Acharaca. The poet is said to name this meadow when he says, "On the Asian meadow"; and they point out a hero-temple of Caÿster and a certain Asius, and the Caÿster River that streams forth near by. +Thirty stadia from Nysa, after one crosses over Mt. Tmolus and the mountain called Mesogis, towards the region to the south of the Mesogis,The text, which seems to be corrupt, is recast and emended by Groskurd to read, "having crossed the Mesogis towards the region to the south of Tmolus." But the simple rectification of the text made by the present translator solves the difficulty quite as well. there is a place called Leimon,i.e., meadow. whither the Nysaeans and all the people about go to celebrate their festivals. And not far from Leimon is an entrance into the earth sacred to the same gods, which is said to extend down as far as Acharaca. The poet is said to name this meadow when he says, "On the Asian meadow"; and they point out a hero-temple of Caÿster and a certain Asius, and the Caÿster River that streams forth near by. The story is told that three brothers, Athymbrus and Athymbradus and Hydrelus, who came from Lacedaemon, founded the three cities which were named after them, but that the cities later became scantily populated, and that the city Nysa was founded by their inhabitants; but that Athymbrus is now regarded by them as their original founder. Near Nysa, on the far side of the Maeander River, are situated noteworthy settlements; I mean Coscinia and Orthosia; and this side the river, Briula, Mastaura and Acharaca, and above the city, on the mountain, Aroma (in which the letter rhoApparently an error for "in which name the letter omega is shortened to omicron (cp. the well-known Greek word Aroma, which may mean either "spice" or "arable land.") is short), whence comes the best Mesogitan wine, I mean the Aromian. Famous men born at Nysa are: Apollonius the Stoic philosopher, best of the disciples of Panaetius; and Menecrates, pupil of Aristarchus; and Aristodemus, his son, whose entire course, in his extreme old age, I in my youth took at Nysa; and Sostratus, the brother of Aristodemus, and another Aristodemus, his cousin, who trained Pompey the Great, proved themselves notable grammarians. But my teacher also taught rhetoric and had two schools, both in Rhodes and in his native land, teaching rhetoric in the morning and grammar in the evening; at Rome, however, when he was in charge of the children of Pompey the Great, he was content with the teaching of grammar. @@ -1169,10 +1169,10 @@ The city of the Rhodians lies on the eastern promontory of Rhodes; and it is so far superior to all others in harbors and roads and walls and improvements in general that I am unable to speak of any other city as equal to it, or even as almost equal to it, much less superior to it. It is remarkable also for its good order, and for its careful attention to the administration of affairs of state in general; and in particular to that of naval affairs, whereby it held the mastery of the sea for a long time and overthrew the business of piracy, and became a friend to the Romans and to all kings who favoured both the Romans and the Greeks. Consequently it not only has remained autonomous. but also has been adorned with many votive offerings, which for the most part are to be found in the Dionysium and the gymnasium, but partly in other places. The best of these are, first, the Colossus of Helius,The god of the Sun. of which the authorUnknown. of the iambic verse says,seven times ten cubits in height, the work of Chares the Lindian; but it now lies on the ground, having been thrown down by an earthquake and broken at the knees. In accordance with a certain oracle, the people did not raise it again. This, then, is the most excellent of the votive offerings (at any rate, it is by common agreement one of the Seven Wonders); and there are also the paintings of Protogenes, his IalysusTutelary hero of Rhodes and reputed grandson of Helius. and also his Satyr, the latter standing by a pillar, on top of which stood a male partridge. And at this partridge, as would be natural, the people were so agape when the picture had only recently been set up, that they would behold him with wonder but overlook the Satyr, although the latter was a very great success. But the partridge-breeders were still more amazed, bringing their tame partridges and placing them opposite the painted partridge; for their partridges would make their call to the painting and attract a mob of people. But when Protogenes saw that the main part of the work had become subordinate, he begged those who were in charge of the sacred precinct to permit him to go there and efface the partridge, and so he did. The Rhodians are concerned for the people in general, although their rule is not democratic; still, they wish to take care of their multitude of poor people. Accordingly, the people are supplied with provisions and the needy are supported by the well-to-do, by a certain ancestral custom; and there are certain liturgiesPublic offices to which the richer citizens were appointed. These citizens were usually appointed by rotation, according to their wealth, and they personally paid all the expenses connected with their offices. that supply provisions, so that at the same time the poor man receives his sustenance and the city does not run short of useful men, and in particular for the manning of the fleets. As for the roadsteads, some of them were kept hidden and forbidden to the people in general; and death was the penalty for any person who spied on them or passed inside them. And here too, as in Massalia and Cyzicus, everything relating to the architects, the manufacture of instruments of war, and the stores of arms and everything else are objects of exceptional care, and even more so than anywhere else. The Rhodians, like the people of Halicarnassus and Cnidus and Cos, are Dorians; for of the Dorians who founded Megara after the death of Codrus, some remained there, others took part with Althaemenes the Argive in the colonization of Crete, and others were distributed to Rhodes and to the cities just now mentioned. But these events are later than those mentioned by Homer, for Cnidus and Halicarnassus were not yet in existence, although Rhodes and Cos were; but they were inhabited by Heracleidae. Now when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood,he forthwith slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, who was then growing old; and straightway he built him ships, and when he had gathered together a great host he went in flight.Hom. Il. 2.662The poet then adds,he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, where his people settled in three divisions by tribes;and he names the cities of that time,Lindus, Ialysus, and Cameirus white with chalk,Hom. Il. 2.656the city of the Rhodians having not yet been founded. The poet, then, nowhere mentions Dorians by name here, but perhaps indicates Aeolians and Boeotians, if it be true that Heracles and Licymnius settled there. But if, as others say, Tlepolemus set forth from Argos and Tiryns, even so the colonization thence could not have been Dorian, for it must have taken place before the return of the Heracleidae. And of the Coans, also, Homer says, were led by Pheidippus and Antiphus, the two sons of lord Thessalus, son of HeraclesHom. Il. 2.678and these names indicate the Aeolian stock of people rather than the Dorian. In earlier times Rhodes was called Ophiussa and Stadia, and then Telchinis, after the Telchines, who took up their abode in the island. Some say that the Telchines are "maligners" and "sorcerers," who pour the water of the Styx mixed with sulphur upon animals and plants in order to destroy them. But others, on the contrary, say that since they excelled in workmanship they were "maligned" by rival workmen and thus received their bad reputation; and that they first came from Crete to Cypros, and then to Rhodes; and that they were the first to work iron and brass, and in fact fabricated the scythe for Cronus. Now I have already described them before,10. 3, 7, 19. but the number of the myths about them causes me to resume their description, filling up the gaps, if I have omitted anything. -After the Telchines, the Heliadae, according to the mythical story, took possession of the island; and to one of these, Cercaphus, and to his wife Cydippe, were born children who founded the cities that are named after them,Lindus, Ialysus, and Cameirus white with chalk.Hom. Il. 2.656But some say that Tlepolemus founded them and gave them the same names as those of certain daughters of Danäus. +After the Telchines, the Heliadae, according to the mythical story, took possession of the island; and to one of these, Cercaphus, and to his wife Cydippe, were born children who founded the cities that are named after them,Lindus, Ialysus, and Cameirus white with chalk.Hom. Il. 2.656But some say that Tlepolemus founded them and gave them the same names as those of certain daughters of Danäus. The present city was founded at the time of the Peloponnesian War by the same architect, as they say, who founded the Peiraeus. But the Peiraeus no longer endures, since it was badly damaged, first by the Lacedaemonians, who tore down the two walls, and later by Sulla, the Roman commander. -It is also related of the Rhodians that they have been prosperous by sea, not merely since the time when they founded the present city, but that even many years before the establishment of the Olympian Games they used to sail far away from their homeland to insure the safety of their people. Since that time, also, they have sailed as far as Iberia; and there they founded Rhodes,Cf. 3. 4. 8. of which the Massaliotes later took possession; among the Opici they founded Parthenope; and among the Daunians they, along with the Coans, founded Elpiae. Some say that the islands called the Gymnesiae were founded by them after their departure from Troy; and the larger of these, according to Timaeus, is the largest of all islands alter the seven—Sardinia, Sicily, Cypros, Crete, Euboea, Cyrnos, and Lesbos, but this is untrue, for there are others much larger. It is said that "gymnetes ""Light-armed foot-soldiers." are called "balearides"Also spelled "baliarides" (see 3. 5. 1). by the Phoenicians, and that on this account the Gymnesiae were called Balearides. Some of the Rhodians took up their abode round Sybaris in Chonia. The poet, too, seems to bear witness to the prosperity enjoyed by the Rhodians from ancient times, forthwith from the first founding of the three cities:and there hisReferring to Heracles. people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus, who is lord over gods and men; and upon them,wondrous wealth was shed by the son of Cronus.Hom. Il. 2.668Other writers refer these verses to a myth, and say that gold rained on the island at the time when Athena was born from the head of Zeus, as PindarPind. O. 7.61 states. The island has a circuit of nine hundred and twenty stadia. -As one sails from the city, with the island on the right, one comes first to Lindus, a city situated on a mountain and extending far towards the south and approximately towards Alexandria.According to Strabo (1. 4. 1 ff.), Rhodes and Alexandria lie on the same meridian. In Lindus there is a famous temple of Athena Lindia, founded by the daughters of Danäus. Now in earlier times the Lindians were under a separate government of their own, as were also the Cameirians and the Ialysians, but after this they all came together at Rhodes. Cleobulus, one of the Seven Wise Men, was a native of Lindus. +It is also related of the Rhodians that they have been prosperous by sea, not merely since the time when they founded the present city, but that even many years before the establishment of the Olympian Games they used to sail far away from their homeland to insure the safety of their people. Since that time, also, they have sailed as far as Iberia; and there they founded Rhodes,Cf. 3. 4. 8. of which the Massaliotes later took possession; among the Opici they founded Parthenope; and among the Daunians they, along with the Coans, founded Elpiae. Some say that the islands called the Gymnesiae were founded by them after their departure from Troy; and the larger of these, according to Timaeus, is the largest of all islands alter the seven—Sardinia, Sicily, Cypros, Crete, Euboea, Cyrnos, and Lesbos, but this is untrue, for there are others much larger. It is said that "gymnetes ""Light-armed foot-soldiers." are called "balearides"Also spelled "baliarides" (see 3. 5. 1). by the Phoenicians, and that on this account the Gymnesiae were called Balearides. Some of the Rhodians took up their abode round Sybaris in Chonia. The poet, too, seems to bear witness to the prosperity enjoyed by the Rhodians from ancient times, forthwith from the first founding of the three cities:and there hisReferring to Heracles. people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus, who is lord over gods and men; and upon them,wondrous wealth was shed by the son of Cronus.Hom. Il. 2.668Other writers refer these verses to a myth, and say that gold rained on the island at the time when Athena was born from the head of Zeus, as PindarPind. O. 7.61 states. The island has a circuit of nine hundred and twenty stadia. +As one sails from the city, with the island on the right, one comes first to Lindus, a city situated on a mountain and extending far towards the south and approximately towards Alexandria.According to Strabo (1. 4. 1 ff.), Rhodes and Alexandria lie on the same meridian. In Lindus there is a famous temple of Athena Lindia, founded by the daughters of Danäus. Now in earlier times the Lindians were under a separate government of their own, as were also the Cameirians and the Ialysians, but after this they all came together at Rhodes. Cleobulus, one of the Seven Wise Men, was a native of Lindus. After Lindus one comes to Ixia, a stronghold, and to Mnasyrium; then to Atabyris, the highest of the mountains there, which is sacred to Zeus Atabyrius; then to Cameirus; then to Ialysus, a village, above which there is an acropolis called Ochyroma; then to the city of the Rhodians, at a distance of about eighty stadia. Between these lies Thoantium, a kind of promontory; and it is off Thoantium, generally speaking, that Chalcia and the Sporades in the neighborhood of Chalcia lie, which I have mentioned before.10. 5. 14. Many men worthy of mention were native Rhodians, both commanders and athletes, among whom were the ancestors of Panaetius the philosopher; and, among statesmen and rhetoricians and philosophers, Panaetius himself and Stratocles and Andronicus, one of the Peripatetics, and Leonides the Stoic; and also, before their time, Praxiphanes and Hieronymus and Eudemus. Poseidonius engaged in affairs of state in Rhodes and taught there, although he was a native of Apameia in Syria, as was also the case with Apollonius MalacusHe taught rhetoric at Rhodes about 120 B.C. and Molon,Apollonius Molon (See 14. 2. 3). for they were Alabandians,Natives of Alabanda in Caria. pupils of Menecles the orator. Apollonius Malacus began his sojourn there earlier than Molon, and when, much later, Molon came, the former said to him, "you are a late 'molon,'""Molon" means "comer" (note the word play). instead of saying, "late 'elthon.'""Elthon" is the common word for "comer," whereas the other is poetic and comparatively rare. And Peisander the poet, who wrote the Heracleia, was also a Rhodian; and so was Simmias the grammarian, as also Aristocles of my own time. And Dionysius the Thracian and the Apollonius who wrote the Argonauts, though Alexandrians, were called Rhodians. As for Rhodes, I have said enough about it. As for the Carian coast that comes after Rhodes, beginning at Eleus and Loryma, it bends sharply back towards the north, and the voyage thereafter runs in a straight line as far as the Propontis, forming, as it were, a meridian line about five thousand stadia long, or slightly short of that distance. Along this line is situated the remainder of Caria, as are also the Ionians and the Aeolians and Troy and the parts round Cyzicus and Byzantium. After Loryma, then, one comes to Cynos-SemaCape Volpo. Cf. the reference to the Cynos-Sema at the entrance of the Hellespont, Book 7 Fr. 55. and to Syme, an island. @@ -1180,7 +1180,7 @@ Then to Halicarnassus, the royal residence of the dynasts of Caria, which was formerly called Zephyra. Here is the tomb of Mausolus,Hence "mausoleum." one of the Seven Wonders, a monument erected by Artemisia in honor of her husband; and here is the fountain called Salmacis, which has the slanderous repute, for what reason I do not know, of making effeminate all who drink from it. It seems that the effeminacy of man is laid to the charge of the air or of the water; yet it is not these, but rather riches and wanton living, that are the cause of effeminacy. Halicarnassus has an acropolis; and off the city lies Arconnesus. Its colonizers were, among others, Anthes and a number of Troezenians. Natives of Halicarnassus have been: Herodotus the historian, whom they later called a Thurian, because he took part in the colonization of Thurii; and Heracleitus the poet, the comrade of Callimachus; and, in my time, Dionysius the historian. This city, too, met a reverse when it was forcibly seized by Alexander. For Hecatomnus, the king of the Carians, had three sons, Mausolus and Hidrieus and Pixodarus, and two daughters. Mausolus, the eldest of the brothers, married Artemisia, the elder of the daughters, and Hidrieus, the second son, married Ada, the other sister. Mausolus became king and at last, childless, he left the empire to his wife, by whom the above-mentioned tomb was erected. But she pined away and died through grief for her husband, and Hidrieus then became ruler. He died from a disease and was succeeded by his wife Ada; but she was banished by Pixodarus, the remaining son of Hecatomnos. Having espoused the side of the Persians, he sent for a satrap to share the empire with him; and when he too departed from life, the satrap took possession of Halicarnassus. And when Alexander came over, the satrap sustained a siege. His wife was Ada, who was the daughter of Pixodarus by Aphenis, a Cappadocian woman. But Ada, the daughter of Hecatomnos, whom Pixodarus had banished, entreated Alexander and persuaded him to restore her to the kingdom of which she had been deprived, having promised to cooperate with him against the parts of the country which were in revolt, for those who held these parts, she said, were her own relations; and she also gave over to him Alinda, where she herself was residing. He assented and appointed her queen; and when the city, except the acropolis (it was a double acropolis), had been captured, he assigned to her the siege of the acropolis. This too was captured a little later, the siege having now become a matter of anger and personal enmity. Next one comes to a promontory, Termerium, belonging to the Myndians, opposite which lies Scandaria, a promontory of Cos, forty stadia distant from the mainland. And there is a place called Termerum above the promontory of Cos. -The city of the Coans was in ancient times called Astypalaea; and its people lived on another site, which was likewise on the sea. And then, on account of a sedition, they changed their abode to the present city, near Scandarium, and changed the name to Cos, the same as that of the island. Now the city is not large, but it is the most beautifully settled of all, and is most pleasing to behold as one sails from the high sea to its shore. The sizei.e., the circuit. of the island is about five hundred and fifty stadia. It is everywhere well supplied with fruits, but like Chios and Lesbos it is best in respect to its wine. Towards the south it has a promontory, Laceter, whence the distance to Nisyros is sixty stadia (but near Laceter there is a place called Halisarna), and on the west it has Drecanum and a village called Stomalimne. Now Drecanum is about two hundred stadia distant from the city, but Laceter adds thirty-five stadia to the length of the voyage. In the suburb is the Asclepïeium, a temple exceedingly famous and full of numerous votive offerings, among which is the Antigonus of Apelles. And Aphrodite AnadyomeneEmerging from the sea. used to be there,This, too, was a painting by Apelles. but it is now dedicated to the deified Caesar in Rome, Augustus thus having dedicated to his father the female founder of his family. It is said that the Coans got a remission of one hundred talents of the appointed tribute in return for the painting. And it is said that the dietetics practised by Hippocrates were derived mostly from the cures recorded on the votive tablets there. He, then, is one of the famous men from Cos; and so is Simus the physician; as also Philetas, at the same time poet and critic; and, in my time, Nicias, who also reigned as tyrant over the Coans; and Ariston, the pupil and heir of the Peripatetic;Ariston the Peripatetic (fl. third century B.C.), of Iulis in Ceos (see 10. 5. 6). See Pauly-Wissowa. and Theomnestus, a renowned harper, who was a political opponent of Nicias, was a native of the island. +The city of the Coans was in ancient times called Astypalaea; and its people lived on another site, which was likewise on the sea. And then, on account of a sedition, they changed their abode to the present city, near Scandarium, and changed the name to Cos, the same as that of the island. Now the city is not large, but it is the most beautifully settled of all, and is most pleasing to behold as one sails from the high sea to its shore. The sizei.e., the circuit. of the island is about five hundred and fifty stadia. It is everywhere well supplied with fruits, but like Chios and Lesbos it is best in respect to its wine. Towards the south it has a promontory, Laceter, whence the distance to Nisyros is sixty stadia (but near Laceter there is a place called Halisarna), and on the west it has Drecanum and a village called Stomalimne. Now Drecanum is about two hundred stadia distant from the city, but Laceter adds thirty-five stadia to the length of the voyage. In the suburb is the Asclepïeium, a temple exceedingly famous and full of numerous votive offerings, among which is the Antigonus of Apelles. And Aphrodite AnadyomeneEmerging from the sea. used to be there,This, too, was a painting by Apelles. but it is now dedicated to the deified Caesar in Rome, Augustus thus having dedicated to his father the female founder of his family. It is said that the Coans got a remission of one hundred talents of the appointed tribute in return for the painting. And it is said that the dietetics practised by Hippocrates were derived mostly from the cures recorded on the votive tablets there. He, then, is one of the famous men from Cos; and so is Simus the physician; as also Philetas, at the same time poet and critic; and, in my time, Nicias, who also reigned as tyrant over the Coans; and Ariston, the pupil and heir of the Peripatetic;Ariston the Peripatetic (fl. third century B.C.), of Iulis in Ceos (see 10. 5. 6). See Pauly-Wissowa. and Theomnestus, a renowned harper, who was a political opponent of Nicias, was a native of the island. On the coast of the mainland near the Myndian territory lies Astypalaea, a promontory; and also Zephyrium. Then forthwith one comes to Myndus, which has a harbor; and after Myndus to Bargylia, which is also a city; between the two is Caryanda, a harbor, and also an island bearing the same name, where the Caryandians lived. Here was born Scylax, the ancient historian. Near Bargylia is the temple of Artemis Cindyas, round which the rain is believed to fall without striking it. And there was once a place called Cindye. From Bargylia there was a man of note, the Epicurean Protarchus, who was the teacher of Demetrius called Lacon.i.e., the Laconian. Then one comes to Iasus, which lies on an island close to the mainland. It has a harbor; and the people gain most of their livelihood from the sea, for the sea here is well supplied with fish, but the soil of the country is rather poor. Indeed, people fabricate stories of this kind in regard to Iasus: When a citharoedeOne who played the cithara and sang to its accompaniment. was giving a recital, the people all listened for a time, but when the bell that announced the sale of fish rang, they all left him and went away to the fish market, except one man who was hard of hearing. The citharoede, therefore, went up to him and said: "Sir, I am grateful to you for the honor you have done me and for your love of music, for all the others except you went away the moment they heard the sound of the bell." And the man said, "What's that you say? Has the bell already rung?" And when the citharoede said "Yes," the man said, "Fare thee well," and himself arose and went away. Here was born the dialectician Diodorus, nicknamed Cronus, falsely so at the outset, for it was Apollonius his master who was called Cronus, but the nickname was transferred to him because of the true Cronus' lack of repute."Cronus" was a nickname for "Old Timer," "Old Dotard." Diodorus is said to have been given the nickname by Ptolemy Soter because he was unable immediately to solve some dialectic problem put forth by Stilpo. He became the head of the Megarian school of philosophy. After Iasus one comes to the Poseidium of the Milesians. In the interior are three noteworthy cities: Mylasa, Stratoniceia, and Alabanda. The others are dependencies of these or else of the cities on the coast, among which are Amyzon, Heracleia, Euromus, and Chalcetor. As for these, there is little to be said. @@ -1188,19 +1188,19 @@ Mylasa has had two notable men in my time, who were at once orators and leaders of the city, Euthydemus and Hybreas. Now Euthydemus, having inherited from his ancestors great wealth and high repute, and having added to these his own cleverness, was not only a great man in his native land, but was also thought worthy of the foremost honor in Asia. As for Hybreas, as he himself used to tell the story in his school and as confirmed by his fellow-citizens, his father left him a mule-driver and a wood-carrying mule. And, being supported by these, he became a pupil of Diotrephes of Antiocheia for a short time, and then came back and "surrendered himself to the office of market-clerk." But when he had been "tossed about" in this office and had made but little money, he began to apply himself to the affairs of state and to follow closely the speakers of the forum. He quickly grew in power, and was already an object of amazement in the lifetime of Euthydemus, but in particular after his death, having become master of the city. So long as Euthydemus lived he strongly prevailed, being at once powerful and useful to the city, so that even if there was something tyrannical about him, it was atoned for by the fact that it was attended by what was good for the city. At any rate, people applaud the following statement of Hybreas, made by him towards the end of a public speech: "Euthydemus: you are an evil necessary to the city, for we can live neither with you nor without you." However, although he had grown very strong and had the repute of being both a good citizen and orator, he stumbled in his political opposition to Labienus; for while the others, since they were without arms and inclined to peace, yielded to Labienus when he was coming against them with an army and an allied Parthian force, the Parthians by that time being in possession of Asia, yet Zeno of Laodiceia and Hybreas, both orators, refused to yield and caused their own cities to revolt. Hybreas also provoked Labienus, a lad who was irritable and full of folly, by a certain pronouncement; for when Labienus proclaimed himself Parthian Emperor, Hybreas said, "Then I too call myself Carian Emperor." Consequently Labienus set out against the city with cohortsThe Greek word might mean "legions" rather than "cohorts." of Roman soldiers in Asia that were already organized. Labienus did not seize Hybreas, however, since he had withdrawn to Rhodes, but he shamefully maltreated his home, with its costly furnishings, and plundered it. And he likewise damaged the whole of the city. But though Hybreas abandoned Asia, he came back and rehabilitated both himself and the city. So much, then, for Mylasa. Stratoniceia is a settlement of Macedonians. And this too was adorned with costly improvements by the kings. There are two temples in the country of the Stratoniceians, of which the most famous, that of Hecate, is at Lagina; and it draws great festal assemblies every year. And near the city is the temple of Zeus Chrysaoreus,Of the golden sword. the common possession of all Carians, whither they gather both to offer sacrifice and to deliberate on their common interests. Their League, which consists of villages, is called "Chrysaorian." And those who present the most villages have a preference in the vote,Cf. the votes of the Lycian cities, 14. 3. 3. like, for example, the people of Ceramus. The Stratoniceians also have a share in the League, although they are not of the Carian stock, but because they have villages belonging to the Chrysaorian League. Here, too, in the time of our fathers, was born a noteworthy man, Menippus, surnamed Catocas, whom Cicero, as he says in one of his writings,Cicero Brutus 91.315 applauded above all the Asiatic orators he had heard, comparing him with Xenocles and with the other orators who flourished in the latter's time. But there is also another Stratoniceia, "Stratoniceia near the Taurus," as it is called; it is a small town situated near the mountain. Alabanda is also situated at the foot of hills, two hills that are joined together in such a way that they present the appearance of an ass laden with panniers. And indeed Apollonius Malacus, in ridiculing the city both in regard to this and in regard to the large number of scorpions there, said that it was an "ass laden with panniers of scorpions." Both this city and Mylasa are full of these creatures, and so is the whole of the mountainous country between them. Alabanda is a city of people who live in luxury and debauchery, containing many girls who play the harp. Alabandians worthy of mention are two orators, brothers, I mean Menecles, whom I mentioned a little above,Section 13. and Hierocles, and also Apollonius and Molon,See section 13. who changed their abode to Rhodes. -Of the numerous accounts of the Carians, the one that is generally agreed upon is this, that the Carians were subject to the rule of Minos, being called Leleges at that time, and lived in the islands; then, having migrated to the mainland, they took possession of much of the coast and of the interior, taking it away from its previous possessors, who for the most part were Leleges and Pelasgians. In turn these were deprived of a part of their country by the Greeks, I mean Ionians and Dorians. As evidences of their zeal for military affairs, writers adduce shield-holders, shield-emblems, and crests, for all these are called "Carian." At least Anacreon says,Come, put thine arm through the shield-holder, work of the Carians.And Alcaeus says,shaking the Carian crest.Alcaeus Fr. 22 (Bergk) -When the poet says,MasthlesAn error, apparently, for "Nastes." in turn led the Carians, of barbarian speech,Hom. Il. 2.867 (note "Mesthles" in line 864). we have no reason to inquire how it is that, although he knew so many barbarian tribes, he speaks of the Carians alone as "of barbarian speech," but nowhere speaks of "barbarians." Thucydides,Thuc. 1.3. therefore, is not correct, for he says that Homer "did not use the term 'barbarians' either, because the Hellenes on their part had not yet been distinguished under one name as opposed to them"; for the poet himself refutes the statement that the Hellenes had not yet been so distinguished when he says,My husband, whose fame is wide through Hellas and mid-Argos.Hom. Od. 1.344i.e., throughout the whole of Greece. And again,And if thou dost wish to journey through Hellas and mid-Argos.Hom. Od. 15.80Further, if they were not called "barbarians," how could they properly be called a people "of barbarian speech?" So neither Thucydides is correct, nor Apollodorus the grammarian, who says that the general term was used by the Hellenes in a peculiar and abusive sense against the Carians, and in particular by the Ionians, who hated them because of their enmity and the continuous military campaigns; for it was right to name them barbarians in this sense. But I raise the question, Why does he call them people "of barbarian speech," but not even once calls them barbarians? "Because," Apollodorus replies, "the plural does not fall in with the metre; this is why he does not call them barbarians." But though this caseThe genitive (*barba/rwn). does not fall in with metre, the nominative case*ba/rbaroi. does not differ metrically from that of "Dardanians":*da/rdanoi.Trojans and Lycians and Dardanians.Hom. Il. 11.286 So, also, the word "Trojan," inof what kind the Trojan horses are.Hom. Il. 5.222Neither is he correct when he says that the language of the Carians is very harsh, for it is not, but even has very many Greek words mixed up with it, according to the Philip who wrote The Carica.The History of Caria. I suppose that the word "barbarian" was at first uttered onomatopoetically in reference to people who enunciated words only with difficulty and talked harshly and raucously, like our words "battarizein," "traulizein," and "psellizein";Meaning respectively, "stutter," "lisp," and "speak falteringly." for we are by nature very much inclined to denote sounds by words that sound like them, on account of their homogeneity. Wherefore onomatopoetic words abound in our language, as, for example, "celaryzein," and also "clange," "psophos," "boe," and "crotos,"Meaning respectively, "gurgle," "clang," "empty sound," "outcry," and "rattling noise." most of which are by now used in their proper sense. Accordingly, when all who pronounced words thickly were being called barbarians onomatopoetically, it appeared that the pronunciations of all alien races were likewise thick, I mean of those that were not Greek. Those, therefore, they called barbarians in the special sense of the term, at first derisively, meaning that they pronounced words thickly or harshly; and then we misused the word as a general ethnic term, thus making a logical distinction between the Greeks and all other races. The fact is, however, that through our long acquaintance and intercourse with the barbarians this effect was at last seen to be the result, not of a thick pronunciation or any natural defect in the vocal organs, but of the peculiarities of their several languages. And there appeared another faulty and barbarian-like pronunciation in our language, whenever any person speaking Greek did not pronounce it correctly, but pronounced the words like barbarians who are only beginning to learn Greek and are unable to speak it accurately, as is also the case with us in speaking their languages. This was particularly the case with the Carians, for, although the other peoples were not yet having very much intercourse with the Greeks nor even trying to live in Greek fashion or to learn our language—with the exception, perhaps, of rare persons who by chance, and singly, mingled with a few of the Greeks—yet the Carians roamed throughout the whole of Greece, serving on expeditions for pay. Already, therefore, the barbarous element in their Greek was strong, as a result of their expeditions in Greece; and after this it spread much more, from the time they took up their abode with the Greeks in the islands; and when they were driven thence into Asia, even here they were unable to live apart from the Greeks, I mean when the Ionians and Dorians later crossed over to Asia. The term "barbarize," also, has the same origin; for we are wont to use this too in reference to those who speak Greek badly, not to those who talk Carian. So, therefore, we must interpret the terms "speak barbarously" and "barbarously-speaking" as applying to those who speak Greek badly. And it was from the term "Carise" that the term "barbarize" was used in a different sense in works on the art of speaking Greek; and so was the term "soloecise," whether derived from Soli,The city in Cilicia, if not that in Cypros. or made up in some other way.Strabo means that grammarians used the word in its original, or unrestricted sense, i.e., as applying to speech only. In the meantime it had been used in a broad sense, "to behave like, or imitate, barbarians." -Artemidorus says that, as one goes from Physcus, in the Peraea of the Rhodians, to Ephesus, the distance to Lagina is eight hundred and fifty stadia; and thence to Alabanda, two hundred and fifty more; and to Tralleis, one hundred and sixty. But one comes to the road that leads into Tralleis after crossing the Maeander River, at about the middle of the journey,Between Alabanda and Tralleis. where are the boundaries of Caria. The distance all told from Physcus to the Maeander along the road to Ephesus amounts to one thousand one hundred and eighty stadia. Again, from the Maeander, traversing next in order the length of Ionia along the same road, the distance from the river to Tralleis is eighty stadia; then to Magnesia, one hundred and forty; to Ephesus, one hundred and twenty; to Smyrna, three hundred and twenty; and to Phocaea and the boundaries of Ionia, less than two hundred; so that the length of Ionia in a straight line would be, according to Artemidorus, slightly more than eight hundred stadia. Since there is a kind of common road constantly used by all who travel from Ephesus towards the east, Artemidorus traverses this too: from Ephesus to Carura, a boundary of Caria towards Phrygia, through Magnesia, Tralleis, Nysa, and Antiocheia, is a journey of seven hundred and forty stadia; and, from Carura, the journey in Phrygia, through Laodiceia, Apameia, Metropolis and Chelidonia."Chelidonia" is thought to be corrupt (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p. 1030). Now near the beginning of Paroreius,i.e., Phrygia "alongside the mountain." one comes to Holmi, about nine hundred and twenty stadia from Carura, and, near the end of Paroreius near Lycaonia, through Philomelium, to Tyriaeum, slightly more than five hundred. Then Lycaonia, through Laodiceia Catacecaumene,"Burnt." as far as Coropassus, eight hundred and forty stadia; from Coropassus in Lycaonia to Garsaura, a small town in Cappadocia, situated on its borders, one hundred and twenty; thence to Mazaca, the metropolis of the Cappadocians, through Soandum and Sadacora, six hundred and eighty; and thence to the Euphrates River, as far as Tomisa, a place in Sophene, through Herphae, a small town, one thousand four hundred and forty. The places on a straight line with these as far as India are the same in Artemidorus as they are in Eratosthenes. But Polybius says that we should rely most on Artemidorus in regard to the places here. He begins with Samosata in Commagene, which lies at the river crossing and at Zeugma, and states that the distance to Samosata, across the Taurus, from the boundaries of Cappadocia round Tomisa is four hundred and fifty stadia. +Of the numerous accounts of the Carians, the one that is generally agreed upon is this, that the Carians were subject to the rule of Minos, being called Leleges at that time, and lived in the islands; then, having migrated to the mainland, they took possession of much of the coast and of the interior, taking it away from its previous possessors, who for the most part were Leleges and Pelasgians. In turn these were deprived of a part of their country by the Greeks, I mean Ionians and Dorians. As evidences of their zeal for military affairs, writers adduce shield-holders, shield-emblems, and crests, for all these are called "Carian." At least Anacreon says,Come, put thine arm through the shield-holder, work of the Carians.And Alcaeus says,shaking the Carian crest.Alcaeus Fr. 22 (Bergk) +When the poet says,MasthlesAn error, apparently, for "Nastes." in turn led the Carians, of barbarian speech,Hom. Il. 2.867 (note "Mesthles" in line 864). we have no reason to inquire how it is that, although he knew so many barbarian tribes, he speaks of the Carians alone as "of barbarian speech," but nowhere speaks of "barbarians." Thucydides,Thuc. 1.3. therefore, is not correct, for he says that Homer "did not use the term 'barbarians' either, because the Hellenes on their part had not yet been distinguished under one name as opposed to them"; for the poet himself refutes the statement that the Hellenes had not yet been so distinguished when he says,My husband, whose fame is wide through Hellas and mid-Argos.Hom. Od. 1.344i.e., throughout the whole of Greece. And again,And if thou dost wish to journey through Hellas and mid-Argos.Hom. Od. 15.80Further, if they were not called "barbarians," how could they properly be called a people "of barbarian speech?" So neither Thucydides is correct, nor Apollodorus the grammarian, who says that the general term was used by the Hellenes in a peculiar and abusive sense against the Carians, and in particular by the Ionians, who hated them because of their enmity and the continuous military campaigns; for it was right to name them barbarians in this sense. But I raise the question, Why does he call them people "of barbarian speech," but not even once calls them barbarians? "Because," Apollodorus replies, "the plural does not fall in with the metre; this is why he does not call them barbarians." But though this caseThe genitive (*barba/rwn). does not fall in with metre, the nominative case*ba/rbaroi. does not differ metrically from that of "Dardanians":*da/rdanoi.Trojans and Lycians and Dardanians.Hom. Il. 11.286 So, also, the word "Trojan," inof what kind the Trojan horses are.Hom. Il. 5.222Neither is he correct when he says that the language of the Carians is very harsh, for it is not, but even has very many Greek words mixed up with it, according to the Philip who wrote The Carica.The History of Caria. I suppose that the word "barbarian" was at first uttered onomatopoetically in reference to people who enunciated words only with difficulty and talked harshly and raucously, like our words "battarizein," "traulizein," and "psellizein";Meaning respectively, "stutter," "lisp," and "speak falteringly." for we are by nature very much inclined to denote sounds by words that sound like them, on account of their homogeneity. Wherefore onomatopoetic words abound in our language, as, for example, "celaryzein," and also "clange," "psophos," "boe," and "crotos,"Meaning respectively, "gurgle," "clang," "empty sound," "outcry," and "rattling noise." most of which are by now used in their proper sense. Accordingly, when all who pronounced words thickly were being called barbarians onomatopoetically, it appeared that the pronunciations of all alien races were likewise thick, I mean of those that were not Greek. Those, therefore, they called barbarians in the special sense of the term, at first derisively, meaning that they pronounced words thickly or harshly; and then we misused the word as a general ethnic term, thus making a logical distinction between the Greeks and all other races. The fact is, however, that through our long acquaintance and intercourse with the barbarians this effect was at last seen to be the result, not of a thick pronunciation or any natural defect in the vocal organs, but of the peculiarities of their several languages. And there appeared another faulty and barbarian-like pronunciation in our language, whenever any person speaking Greek did not pronounce it correctly, but pronounced the words like barbarians who are only beginning to learn Greek and are unable to speak it accurately, as is also the case with us in speaking their languages. This was particularly the case with the Carians, for, although the other peoples were not yet having very much intercourse with the Greeks nor even trying to live in Greek fashion or to learn our language—with the exception, perhaps, of rare persons who by chance, and singly, mingled with a few of the Greeks—yet the Carians roamed throughout the whole of Greece, serving on expeditions for pay. Already, therefore, the barbarous element in their Greek was strong, as a result of their expeditions in Greece; and after this it spread much more, from the time they took up their abode with the Greeks in the islands; and when they were driven thence into Asia, even here they were unable to live apart from the Greeks, I mean when the Ionians and Dorians later crossed over to Asia. The term "barbarize," also, has the same origin; for we are wont to use this too in reference to those who speak Greek badly, not to those who talk Carian. So, therefore, we must interpret the terms "speak barbarously" and "barbarously-speaking" as applying to those who speak Greek badly. And it was from the term "Carise" that the term "barbarize" was used in a different sense in works on the art of speaking Greek; and so was the term "soloecise," whether derived from Soli,The city in Cilicia, if not that in Cypros. or made up in some other way.Strabo means that grammarians used the word in its original, or unrestricted sense, i.e., as applying to speech only. In the meantime it had been used in a broad sense, "to behave like, or imitate, barbarians." +Artemidorus says that, as one goes from Physcus, in the Peraea of the Rhodians, to Ephesus, the distance to Lagina is eight hundred and fifty stadia; and thence to Alabanda, two hundred and fifty more; and to Tralleis, one hundred and sixty. But one comes to the road that leads into Tralleis after crossing the Maeander River, at about the middle of the journey,Between Alabanda and Tralleis. where are the boundaries of Caria. The distance all told from Physcus to the Maeander along the road to Ephesus amounts to one thousand one hundred and eighty stadia. Again, from the Maeander, traversing next in order the length of Ionia along the same road, the distance from the river to Tralleis is eighty stadia; then to Magnesia, one hundred and forty; to Ephesus, one hundred and twenty; to Smyrna, three hundred and twenty; and to Phocaea and the boundaries of Ionia, less than two hundred; so that the length of Ionia in a straight line would be, according to Artemidorus, slightly more than eight hundred stadia. Since there is a kind of common road constantly used by all who travel from Ephesus towards the east, Artemidorus traverses this too: from Ephesus to Carura, a boundary of Caria towards Phrygia, through Magnesia, Tralleis, Nysa, and Antiocheia, is a journey of seven hundred and forty stadia; and, from Carura, the journey in Phrygia, through Laodiceia, Apameia, Metropolis and Chelidonia."Chelidonia" is thought to be corrupt (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p. 1030). Now near the beginning of Paroreius,i.e., Phrygia "alongside the mountain." one comes to Holmi, about nine hundred and twenty stadia from Carura, and, near the end of Paroreius near Lycaonia, through Philomelium, to Tyriaeum, slightly more than five hundred. Then Lycaonia, through Laodiceia Catacecaumene,"Burnt." as far as Coropassus, eight hundred and forty stadia; from Coropassus in Lycaonia to Garsaura, a small town in Cappadocia, situated on its borders, one hundred and twenty; thence to Mazaca, the metropolis of the Cappadocians, through Soandum and Sadacora, six hundred and eighty; and thence to the Euphrates River, as far as Tomisa, a place in Sophene, through Herphae, a small town, one thousand four hundred and forty. The places on a straight line with these as far as India are the same in Artemidorus as they are in Eratosthenes. But Polybius says that we should rely most on Artemidorus in regard to the places here. He begins with Samosata in Commagene, which lies at the river crossing and at Zeugma, and states that the distance to Samosata, across the Taurus, from the boundaries of Cappadocia round Tomisa is four hundred and fifty stadia.

-See map of Asia Minor at end of Loeb Vol. V.After the Peraea of the Rhodians, of which Daedala is a boundary, sailing next in order towards the rising sun, one comes to Lycia, which extends as far as Pamphylia; then to Pamphylia, extending as far as the Tracheian Cilicians;Referring to "Ciliacia Tracheia" (Rugged Cilicia"). and then to the country of these, extending as far as the other Cilicians living round the Gulf of Issus. These are parts of the peninsula, the isthmus of which, as I was saying, is the road from Issus to Amisus, or, according to some, Sinope, but they lie outside the Taurus on the narrow coast which extends from Lycia as far as the region of Soli, the present Pompeïopolis. Then forthwith the coast in the neighborhood of Soli, beginning at Soli and Tarsus, spreads out into plains. So then, when I have traversed this coast, my account of the whole peninsula will have been completed. Then I shall pass to the other parts of Asia that are outside the Taurus. And lastly I shall set forth my account of Libya. +See map of Asia Minor at end of Loeb Vol. V.After the Peraea of the Rhodians, of which Daedala is a boundary, sailing next in order towards the rising sun, one comes to Lycia, which extends as far as Pamphylia; then to Pamphylia, extending as far as the Tracheian Cilicians;Referring to "Ciliacia Tracheia" (Rugged Cilicia"). and then to the country of these, extending as far as the other Cilicians living round the Gulf of Issus. These are parts of the peninsula, the isthmus of which, as I was saying, is the road from Issus to Amisus, or, according to some, Sinope, but they lie outside the Taurus on the narrow coast which extends from Lycia as far as the region of Soli, the present Pompeïopolis. Then forthwith the coast in the neighborhood of Soli, beginning at Soli and Tarsus, spreads out into plains. So then, when I have traversed this coast, my account of the whole peninsula will have been completed. Then I shall pass to the other parts of Asia that are outside the Taurus. And lastly I shall set forth my account of Libya. After Daedala of the Rhodians, then, one comes to a mountain in Lycia which bears the same name as the city, Daedala, whence the whole voyage along the Lycian coast takes its beginning; this coast extends one thousand seven hundred and twenty stadia, and is rugged and hard to travel, but is exceedingly well supplied with harbors and inhabited by decent people. Indeed, the nature of the country, at least, is similar to both that of the Pamphylians and the Tracheian Cilicians, but the former used their places as bases of operation for the business of piracy, when they engaged in piracy themselves or offered them to pirates as markets for the sale of booty and as naval stations. In Side, at any rate, a city in Pamphylia, the dockyards stood open to the Cilicians, who would sell their captives at auction there, though admitting that these were freemen. But the Lycians continued living in such a civilized and decent way that, although the Pamphylians through their successes gained the mastery of the sea as far as Italy, still they themselves were stirred by no desire for shameful gain, but remained within the ancestral domain of the Lycian League. -There are twenty-three cities that share in the vote. They come together from each city to a general congress, after choosing whatever city they approve of. The largest of the cities control three votes each, the medium-sized two, and the rest one. In the same proportion, also, they make contributions and discharge other liturgies.i.e., public services performed at private expense. Artemidorus said that the six largest were Xanthus, Patara, Pinara, Olympus, Myra, and Tlos, the last named being situated near the pass that leads over into Cibyra. At the congress they first choose a "Lyciarch," and then other officials of the League; and general courts of justice are designated. In earlier times they would deliberate about war and peace and alliances, but now they naturally do not do so, since these matters necessarily lie in the power of the Romans, except, perhaps, when the Romans should give them permission or it should be for their benefit. Likewise, judges and magistrates are elected from the several cities in the same proportion. And since they lived under such a good government, they remained ever free under the Romans, thus retaining their ancestral usages; and they saw the pirates utterly wiped out, first by Servilius Isauricus, at the time that he demolished Isaura, and later by Pompey the Great, when he set fire to more than thirteen hundred boats and laid waste their settlements. Of the pirates who survived the fights,See 8. 7. 5. he brought some down to Soli, which he named Pompeïopolis, and the others to Dyme, where there was a dearth of population; it is now occupied by a colony of Romans. The poets, however, and especially the tragic poets, confuse the tribes, as, for example, the Trojans and the Mysians and the Lydians, whom they call Phrygians; and likewise the Lycians, whom they call Carians. +There are twenty-three cities that share in the vote. They come together from each city to a general congress, after choosing whatever city they approve of. The largest of the cities control three votes each, the medium-sized two, and the rest one. In the same proportion, also, they make contributions and discharge other liturgies.i.e., public services performed at private expense. Artemidorus said that the six largest were Xanthus, Patara, Pinara, Olympus, Myra, and Tlos, the last named being situated near the pass that leads over into Cibyra. At the congress they first choose a "Lyciarch," and then other officials of the League; and general courts of justice are designated. In earlier times they would deliberate about war and peace and alliances, but now they naturally do not do so, since these matters necessarily lie in the power of the Romans, except, perhaps, when the Romans should give them permission or it should be for their benefit. Likewise, judges and magistrates are elected from the several cities in the same proportion. And since they lived under such a good government, they remained ever free under the Romans, thus retaining their ancestral usages; and they saw the pirates utterly wiped out, first by Servilius Isauricus, at the time that he demolished Isaura, and later by Pompey the Great, when he set fire to more than thirteen hundred boats and laid waste their settlements. Of the pirates who survived the fights,See 8. 7. 5. he brought some down to Soli, which he named Pompeïopolis, and the others to Dyme, where there was a dearth of population; it is now occupied by a colony of Romans. The poets, however, and especially the tragic poets, confuse the tribes, as, for example, the Trojans and the Mysians and the Lydians, whom they call Phrygians; and likewise the Lycians, whom they call Carians. After Daedala, then, I mean the mountain in Lycia, one comes to a Lycian town near it, Telmessus, and to Telmessis, a promontory with a harbor. EumenesKing of Pergamum 197-159 B.C. received this place from the Romans in the Antiochian War, but when his kingdom was dissolved the Lycians got it back again. Then, next, one comes to Anticragus, a steep mountain, where is Carmylessus, an inhabited place situated in a ravine; and, after this, to Cragus, which has eight promontories and a city of the same name. The scene of the myth of Chimaera is laid in the neighborhood of these mountains. Chimaera, a ravine extending up from the shore, is not far from them. At the foot of Cragus, in the interior, lies Pinara, one of the largest cities in Lycia. Here Pandarus is held in honor, who may, perhaps, be identical with the Trojan hero, as when the poet says,The daughter of Pandareus, the nightingale of the greenwood,Hom. Od. 19.518for Pandareus is said to have been from Lycia. -Then one comes to the Xanthus River, which the people of earlier times called the Sirbis. Sailing up this river by rowboat for ten stadia one comes to the Letoüm; and proceeding sixty stadia beyond the temple one comes to the city of the Xanthians, the largest city in Lycia. After Xanthus, to Patara, which is also a large city, has a harbor, has a temple of Apollo, and was founded by Patarus. When Ptolemy Philadelphus repaired it, he called it Lycian Arsinoe, but the original name prevailed. +Then one comes to the Xanthus River, which the people of earlier times called the Sirbis. Sailing up this river by rowboat for ten stadia one comes to the Letoüm; and proceeding sixty stadia beyond the temple one comes to the city of the Xanthians, the largest city in Lycia. After Xanthus, to Patara, which is also a large city, has a harbor, has a temple of Apollo, and was founded by Patarus. When Ptolemy Philadelphus repaired it, he called it Lycian Arsinoe, but the original name prevailed. Then one comes to Myra, at a distance of twenty stadia above the sea, on a lofty hiIl. Then to the outlet of the Limyrus River, and then, going twenty stadia inland on foot, to Limyra, a small town. In the intervening distance on the coasting voyage there are numerous isles and harbors, among which are the island Megiste, with a city of the same name, and Cisthene. And in the interior are places called Phellus and Antiphellus and Chimaera, which last I have mentioned above. Then one comes to the promontory Hiera and to the Chelidoniae, three rugged islands, which are about equal in size and are about five stadia distant from one another. They lie about six stadia off the shore, and one of them has a landing-place for vessels. Here it is, according to the majority of writers, that the Taurus takes its beginning, not only because of the loftiness of the promontory and because it extends down from the Pisidian mountains that lie above Pamphylia, but also because of the islands that lie off it, presenting, as they do, a sort of conspicuous sign in the sea, like outskirts of a mountain. But in truth the mountainous tract is continuous from the Peraea of the Rhodians to the parts near Pisidia; and this tract too is called the Taurus. The Chelidoniae are likewise thought to lie approximately opposite to Canobus;i.e., approximately on the same meridian as Canobus in Egypt. and the passage thence to Canobus is said to be four thousand stadia. From the promontory Hiera to Olbia there remain three hundred and sixty-seven stadia; and on this stretch lie, not only Crambusa, but also Olympus, a large city and a mountain of the same name, which latter is also called Phoenicus. Then one comes to Corycus, a tract of sea-coast. Then one comes to Phaselis, with three harbors, a city of note, and to a lake. Above it lies Solyma, a mountain, and also Termessus, a Pisidian city situated near the defiles, through which there is a pass over the mountain to Milyas. Alexander destroyed Milyas for the reason that he wished to open the defiles. Near Phaselis, by the sea, there are defiles, through which Alexander led his army. And here there is a mountain called Climax, which lies near the Pamphylian Sea and leaves a narrow pass on the shore; and in calm weather this pass is free from water, so that it is passable for travellers, but when the sea is at flood-tide it is to a considerable extent hidden by the waves. Now the pass that leads over through the mountain is circuitous and steep, but in fair weather people use the pass along the shore. Alexander, meeting with a stormy season, and being a man who in general trusted to luck, set out before the waves had receded; and the result was that all day long his soldiers marched in water submerged to their navels. Now this city too is Lycian, being situated on the borders towards Pamphylia, but it has no part in the common League and is a separate organization to itself. @@ -1210,7 +1210,7 @@

After Phaselis one comes to Olbia, the beginning of Pamphylia, a large fortress; and after this to the Cataractes, as it is called, a river which dashes downThe Greek verb is "cataracts." in such volume and so impetuously that the noise can be heard from afar. Then to a city, Attaleia, so named after its founder Attalus Philadelphus, who also sent a colony to Corycus, a small neighboring town, and surrounded it with a greater circuit-wall. It is said that both Thebe and Lyrnessus are to be seen between Phaselis and Attaleia, a part of the Trojan Cilicians having been driven out of the plain of Thebe into Pamphylia, as Callisthenes states. -Then one comes to the Cestrus River; and, sailing sixty stadia up this river, one comes to Perge, a city; and near Perge, on a lofty site, to the temple of Artemis Pergaea, where a general festival is celebrated every year. Then, about forty stadia above the sea, one comes to Syllium, a lofty city that is visible from Perge. Then one comes to a very large lake, Capria; and after this, to the Eurymedon River; and, sailing sixty stadia up this river, to Aspendus, a city with a flourishing population and founded by the Argives. Above Aspendus lies Petnelissus. Then comes another river; and also numerous isles that lie off it. Then Side, a colony of the Cymaeans, which has a temple of Athena; and near by is the coast of the Lesser Cibyratae. Then the Melas River and a mooring-place. Then Ptolemaïs, a city. And after this come the boundaries of Pamphylia, and also Coracesium, the beginning of Cilicia Tracheia. The whole of the voyage along the coast of Pamphylia is six hundred and forty stadia. +Then one comes to the Cestrus River; and, sailing sixty stadia up this river, one comes to Perge, a city; and near Perge, on a lofty site, to the temple of Artemis Pergaea, where a general festival is celebrated every year. Then, about forty stadia above the sea, one comes to Syllium, a lofty city that is visible from Perge. Then one comes to a very large lake, Capria; and after this, to the Eurymedon River; and, sailing sixty stadia up this river, to Aspendus, a city with a flourishing population and founded by the Argives. Above Aspendus lies Petnelissus. Then comes another river; and also numerous isles that lie off it. Then Side, a colony of the Cymaeans, which has a temple of Athena; and near by is the coast of the Lesser Cibyratae. Then the Melas River and a mooring-place. Then Ptolemaïs, a city. And after this come the boundaries of Pamphylia, and also Coracesium, the beginning of Cilicia Tracheia. The whole of the voyage along the coast of Pamphylia is six hundred and forty stadia. HerodotusHdt. 7.91. says that the Pamphylians are the descendants of the peoples led by Amphilochus and Calchas, a miscellaneous throng who accompanied them from Troy; and that most of them remained here, but that some of them were scattered to numerous places on earth. Callinus says that Calchas died in Clarus, but that the peoples led by Mopsus passed over the Taurus, and that, though some remained in Pamphylia, the others were dispersed in Cilicia, and also in Syria as far even as Phoenicia.

@@ -1221,28 +1221,28 @@ After Coracesium, one comes to Arsinoe,"Arsinoe" is thought to be an error for "Sydrie," or "Syedra" or "Aunesis". a city; then to Hamaxia, a settlement on a hill, with a harbor, where ship-building timber is brought down. Most of this timber is cedar; and it appears that this region beyond others abounds in cedar-wood for ships; and it was on this account that Antony assigned this region to Cleopatra, since it was suited to the building of her fleets. Then one comes to Laertes, a stronghold on a breast-shaped hill, with a mooring-place. Then to Selinus, a city and river. Then to Cragus, a rock which is precipitous all round and near the sea. Then to Charadrus, a fortress, which also has a mooring-place (above it lies Mt. Andriclus); and the coast alongside it, called Platanistes, is rugged. Then to Anemurium, a promontory, where the mainland approaches closest to Cyprus, in the direction of the promontory of Crommyus,Cp. 14. 6. 3. the passage across being three hundred and fifty stadia. Now the coasting-voyage along Cilicia from the borders of Pamphylia to Anemurium is eight hundred and twenty stadia, whereas the rest, as far as Soli, is about five hundred stadia. On this latter one comes to Nagidus, the first city after Anemurium; then to Arsinoe, which has a landing-place; then to a place called Melania,Elsewhere (16. 2. 33) referred to as "Melaenae or Melaniae." and to Celenderis, a city with a harbor. Some writers, among whom is Artemidorus, make Celenderis, not Coracesium, the beginning of Cilicia. And he says that the distance from the Pelusian mouthThe mouth of the Nile at Pelusium. to Orthosia is three thousand nine hundred stadia; to the Orontes River, one thousand one hundred and thirty; to the GatesElsewhere (14. 5. 19), "Pylae" ("Gates") is called "a boundary between the Cilicians and the Syrians." next thereafter, five hundred and twenty-five; and to the bordersi.e., the western borders (Celenderis, according to Artemidorus). of the Cilicians, one thousand two hundred and sixty.Elsewhere (16. 2. 33) the MSS. give the figures of Artemidorus as follows: "From Orthosia to Pelusium, 3650 stadia, including the sinuosities of the gulfs: from Melaenae, or Melaniae, in Cilicia near Celenderis, to the common boundaries of Cilicia and Syria, 1900; thence to the Orontes, 520; and then to Orthosia, 1130." Groskurd, Forbiger and Meineke accept these figures and emend the present passage correspondingly. Then one comes to Holmi, where the present Seleuceians formerly lived; but when Seleuceia on the Calycadnus was founded, they migrated there; for immediately on doubling the shore, which forms a promontory called Sarpedon, one comes to the outlet of the Calycadnus. Near the Calycadnus is ,also Zephyrium, likewise a promontory. The river affords a voyage inland to Seleuceia, a city which is well-peopled and stands far aloof from the Cilician and Pamphylian usages. Here were born in my time noteworthy men of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenaeus and Xenarchus. Of these, Athenaeus engaged also in affairs of state and was for a time leader of the people in his native land; and then, having fallen into a friendship with Murena, he was captured along with Murena when in flight with him, after the plot against Augustus Caesar had been detected, but, being clearly proven guiltless, he was released by Caesar. And when, on his return to"To" is apparently an error for "from." Rome, the first men who met him were greeting him and questioning him, he repeated the following from Euripides:I am come, having left the vaults of the deadi.e., Hades. and the gates of darkness.Eur. Hec. 1But he survived his return only a short time, having been killed in the collapse, which took place in the night, of the house in which he lived. Xenarchus, however, of whom I was a pupil, did not tarry long at home, but resided at Alexandria and at Athens and finally at Rome, having chosen the life of a teacher; and having enjoyed the friendship both of Areius and of Caesar Augustus, he continued to be held in honor down to old age; but shortly before the end he lost his sight, and then died of a disease. After the Calycadnus one comes to the rock Poecile,i.e., the Pictured Rock. as it is called, which has steps hewn in it that lead to Seleuceia; then to Anemurium, a promontory, bearing the same name as the former,Section 3 above. and to Crambusa, an island, and to Corycus, a promontory, above which, at a distance of twenty stadia, is the Corycian cave, in which the best crocusCrocus sativus, which yields saffron. grows. It is a great circular hollow, with a rocky brow situated all round it that is everywhere quite high. Going down into it, one comes to a floor that is uneven and mostly rocky, but full of trees of the shrub kind, both the evergreen and those that are cultivated. And among these trees are dispersed also the plots of ground which produce the crocus. There is also a cave here, with a great spring, which sends forth a river of pure and transparent water; the river forthwith empties beneath the earth, and then, alter running invisible underground, issues forth into the sea. It is called Picrum Hydor.Bitter Water. -Then, after Corycus, one comes to Elaeussa, an island lying close to the mainland, which Archelaüs settled, making it a royal residence,See 12. 2. 7. after he had receivedi.e., from the Romans (see 12. 1. 4). the whole of Cilicia Tracheia except Seleuceia—the same way in which it was obtained formerly by AmyntasSee 12. 5. 1. and still earlier by Cleopatra;See section 3 above. for since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea—by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which have plains and farm-lands that are large and easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbors and fortresses and secret recesses—with all this in view, I say, the Romans thought that it was better for the region to be ruled by kings than to be under the Roman prefects sent to administer justice, who were not likely always to be present or to have armed forces with them. Thus Archelaüs received, in addition to Cappadocia, Cilicia Tracheia; and the boundaryi.e., on the east. of the latter, the river Lamus and the village of the same name, lies between Soli and Elaeussa. -Near the mountain ridges of the Taurusi.e., in Lycia. lies the piratical stronghold of Zenicetus—I mean Olympus, both mountain and fortress, whence are visible all Lycia and Pamphylia and Pisidia and Milyas; but when the mountain was captured by Isauricus,Servilius Isauricus. Zenicetus burnt himself up with his whole house. To him belonged also Corycus and Phaselis and many places in Pamphylia; but all were taken by Isauricus. -After Lamus one comes to Soli, a noteworthy city, the beginning of the other Cilicia, that which is round Issus; it was founded by Achaeans and Rhodians from Lindus. Since this city was of scant population, Pompey the Great settled in it those survivors of the pirates whom he judged most worthy of being saved and provided for;Cf. 8. 7. 5. and he changed its name to Pompëiopolis. Among the famous natives of Soli were: Chrysippus the Stoic philosopher, whose father had moved there from Tarsus; Philemon, the comic poet; and Aratus, who wrote the work entitled The Phaenomena, in verse. +Then, after Corycus, one comes to Elaeussa, an island lying close to the mainland, which Archelaüs settled, making it a royal residence,See 12. 2. 7. after he had receivedi.e., from the Romans (see 12. 1. 4). the whole of Cilicia Tracheia except Seleuceia—the same way in which it was obtained formerly by AmyntasSee 12. 5. 1. and still earlier by Cleopatra;See section 3 above. for since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea—by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which have plains and farm-lands that are large and easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbors and fortresses and secret recesses—with all this in view, I say, the Romans thought that it was better for the region to be ruled by kings than to be under the Roman prefects sent to administer justice, who were not likely always to be present or to have armed forces with them. Thus Archelaüs received, in addition to Cappadocia, Cilicia Tracheia; and the boundaryi.e., on the east. of the latter, the river Lamus and the village of the same name, lies between Soli and Elaeussa. +Near the mountain ridges of the Taurusi.e., in Lycia. lies the piratical stronghold of Zenicetus—I mean Olympus, both mountain and fortress, whence are visible all Lycia and Pamphylia and Pisidia and Milyas; but when the mountain was captured by Isauricus,Servilius Isauricus. Zenicetus burnt himself up with his whole house. To him belonged also Corycus and Phaselis and many places in Pamphylia; but all were taken by Isauricus. +After Lamus one comes to Soli, a noteworthy city, the beginning of the other Cilicia, that which is round Issus; it was founded by Achaeans and Rhodians from Lindus. Since this city was of scant population, Pompey the Great settled in it those survivors of the pirates whom he judged most worthy of being saved and provided for;Cf. 8. 7. 5. and he changed its name to Pompëiopolis. Among the famous natives of Soli were: Chrysippus the Stoic philosopher, whose father had moved there from Tarsus; Philemon, the comic poet; and Aratus, who wrote the work entitled The Phaenomena, in verse. Then to Zephyrium, which bears the same name as the place near Calycadnus.14. 5. 4. Then, a little above the sea, to Anchiale, which, according to Aristobulus, was founded by Sardanapallus. Here, he says, is the tomb of Sardanapallus, and a stone figure which represents the fingers of the right hand as snapping together, and the following inscription in Assyrian letters: "Sardanapallus, the son of Anacyndaraxes, built Anchiale and Tarsus in one day. Eat, drink, be merry, because all things else are not worth this," meaning the snapping of the fingers. Choerilus also mentions this inscription; and indeed the following verses are everywhere known:Mine are all that I have eaten, and the delights of love that I have enjoyed; but those numerous blessings have been left behind.The whole of the epigram, as found in some of the MSS., is as follows: "Well aware that thou art by nature mortal, magnify the desires of they heart, delighting thyself in merriments; there is no enjoyment for thee after death. For I too am dust, though I have reigned over great Ninus. Mine are all the food that I have eaten, and my loose indulgences, and the delights of love that I have enjoyed; but those numerous blessing have been left behind. This to mortal men is wise advice on how to live." Above Anchiale lies Cyinda, a fortress, which at one time was used as a treasury by the Macedonians. But the treasures were taken away by Eumenes, when he revolted from Antigonus. And still above this and Soli is a mountainous country, in which is a city Olbe, with a temple of Zeus, founded by Ajax the son of Teucer. The priest of this temple became dynast of Cilicia Tracheia; and then the country was beset by numerous tyrants, and the gangs of pirates were organized. And after the overthrow of these they called this country the domain of Teucer, and called the same also the priesthood of Teucer; and most of the priests were named Teucer or Ajax. But Aba, the daughter of Xenophanes, one of the tyrants, came into this family by marriage and herself took possession of the empire, her father having previously received it in the guise of guardian. But later both Antony and Cleopatra conferred it upon her as a favor, being moved by her courteous entreaties. And then she was overthrown, but the empire remained with her descendants. After Anchiale one comes to the outlets of the Cydnus, near the Rhegma, as it is called. It is a place that forms into a lake, having also ancient arsenals; and into it empties the Cydnus River, which flows through the middle of Tarsus and has its sources in the city Taurus, which lies above Tarsus. The lake is also the naval station of Tarsus. Now thus far the seaboard as a whole, beginning at the Peraea of the Rhodians, extends towards the equinoctial east from the equinoctial west,i.e., straight east and west. and then bends in the direction of winter sunriseSouth-east. as far as Issus, and then forthwith takes a bend towards the south as far as Phoenicia; and the remainder extends towards the west as far as the Pillarsi.e., the Pillars of Heracles at Gibraltar. and there ends. Now the truth is that the actual isthmus of the peninsula which I have described is that which extends from Tarsus and the outlet of the Cydnus to Amisus, for this is the shortest distance from Amisus to the boundaries of Cilicia; and the distance thence to Tarsus is one hundred and twenty stadia, and the distance from there to the outlet of the Cydnus is no more than that. And in fact to Issus, and the sea near it, there is no other road from Amisus which is shorter than that through Tarsus, and Tarsus is not nearer to Issus than to the Cydnus;i.e., the outlet of the Cydnus, at Rhegma. and therefore it is clear that in reality this would be the isthmus; but still people call that which extends as far as the Gulf of Issus the true isthmus, thus betraying the facts because of the significance of the gulf. And it is because of this very thing that I, without making any accurate distinctions, represent the line from Rhodes, which I have prolonged to the Cydnus, to be the same as the line extending as far as Issus, and also assert that the Taurus extends in a straight line with that line as far as India. As for Tarsus, it lies in a plain; and it was founded by the Argives who wandered with Triptolemus in quest of Io; and it is intersected in the middle by the Cydnus River, which flows past the very gymnasium of the young men. Now inasmuch as the source of the river is not very far away and its stream passes through a deep ravine and then empties immediately into the city, its discharge is both cold and swift; and hence it is helpful both to men and to cattle that are suffering from swollen sinews, if they immerse themselves in its waters. The people at Tarsus have devoted themselves so eagerly, not only to philosophy, but also to the whole round of education in general, that they have surpassed Athens, Alexandria, or any other place that can be named where there have been schools and lectures of philosophers. But it is so different from other cities that there the men who are fond of learning, are all natives, and foreigners are not inclined to sojourn there; neither do these natives stay there, but they complete their education abroad; and when they have completed it they are pleased to live abroad, and but few go back home. But the opposite is the case with the other cities which I have just mentioned except Alexandria; for many resort to them and pass time there with pleasure, but you would not see many of the natives either resorting to places outside their country through love of learning or eager about pursuing learning at home. With the Alexandrians, however, both things take place, for they admiti.e., to their schools. many foreigners and also send not a few of their own citizens abroad. Further, the city of Tarsus has all kinds of schools of rhetoric; and in general it not only has a flourishing population but also is most powerful, thus keeping up the reputation of the mother-city.i.e., in spite of the fact that so many able men leave the city and never return. The following men were natives of Tarsus: among the Stoics, Antipater and Archedemus and Nestor; and also the two Athenodoruses, one of whom, called Cordylion, lived with Marcus Cato and died at his house; and the other, the son of Sandon, called Cananites after some village, was Caesar's teacher and was greatly honored by him; and when he returned to his native land, now an old man, he broke up the government there established, which was being badly conducted by Boethus, among others, who was a bad poet and a bad citizen, having prevailed there by currying the favour of the people. He had been raised to prominence by Antony, who at the outset received favorably the poem which he had written upon the victory at Philippi, but still more by that facility prevalent among the Tarsians whereby he could instantly speak offhand and unceasingly on any given subject. Furthermore, Antony promised the Tarsians an office of gymnasiarch, but appointed Boethus instead of a gymnasiarch, and entrusted to him the expenditures. But Boethus was caught secreting, among other things, the olive-oil; and when he was being proven guilty by his accusers in the presence of Antony he deprecated Antony's wrath, saying, among other things, that "Just as Homer had hymned the praises of Achilles and Agamemnon and Odysseus, so I have hymned thine. It is not right, therefore, that I should be brought before you on such slanderous charges." When, however, the accuser caught the statement, he said, "Yes, but Homer did not steal Agamemnon's oil, nor yet that of Achilles, but you did; and therefore you shall be punished." However, he broke the wrath of Antony by courteous attentions, and no less than before kept on plundering the city until the overthrow of Antony. Finding the city in this plight, Athenodorus for a time tried to induce both Boethus and his partisans to change their course; but since they would abstain from no act of insolence, he used the authority given him by Caesar, condemned them to exile, and expelled them. These at first indicted him with the following inscription on the walls:Work for young men, counsels for the middle-aged, and flatulence for old men;and when he, taking the inscription as a joke, ordered the following words to be inscribed beside it, "thunder for old men," someone, contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with looseness of the bowels, profusely bespattered the door and wall of Athenodorus' house as he was passing by it at night. Athenodorus, while bringing accusations in the assembly against the faction, said: "One may see the sickly plight and the disaffection of the city in many ways, and in particular from its excrements." These men were Stoics; but the Nestor of my time, the teacher of Marcellus, son of Octavia the sister of Caesar, was an Academician. He too was at the head of the government of Tarsus, having succeeded Athenodorus; and he continued to be held in honor both by the prefects and in the city. -Among the other philosophers from Tarsus,whom I could well note and tell their names,Hom. Il. 3.235are Plutiades and Diogenes, who were among those philosophers that went round from city to city and conducted schools in an able manner. Diogenes also composed poems, as if by inspiration, when a subject was given him—for the most part tragic poems; and as for grammarians whose writings are extant, there are Artemidorus and Diodorus; and the best tragic poet among those enumerated in the "Pleias"i.e., the "Seven (Alexandrian) Stars," referring to the Pleiades, the seven daughters of Atlas, who were placed by Zeus among the stars and became one of the oldest Greek constellations. was Dionysides. But it is Rome that is best able to tell us the number of learned men from this city; for it is full of Tarsians and Alexandrians. Such is Tarsus. +Among the other philosophers from Tarsus,whom I could well note and tell their names,Hom. Il. 3.235are Plutiades and Diogenes, who were among those philosophers that went round from city to city and conducted schools in an able manner. Diogenes also composed poems, as if by inspiration, when a subject was given him—for the most part tragic poems; and as for grammarians whose writings are extant, there are Artemidorus and Diodorus; and the best tragic poet among those enumerated in the "Pleias"i.e., the "Seven (Alexandrian) Stars," referring to the Pleiades, the seven daughters of Atlas, who were placed by Zeus among the stars and became one of the oldest Greek constellations. was Dionysides. But it is Rome that is best able to tell us the number of learned men from this city; for it is full of Tarsians and Alexandrians. Such is Tarsus. After the Cydnus River one comes to the Pyramus River, which flows from Cataonia, a river which I have mentioned before.12. 2. 4. According to Artemidorus, the distance thence to Soli in a straight voyage is five hundred stadia. Near by, also, is Mallus, situated on a height, founded by Amphilochus and Mopsus, the latter the son of Apollo and Manto, concerning whom many myths are told. And indeed I, too, have mentioned them in my account of Calchas14. 1. 27. and of the quarrel between Calchas and Mopsus about their powers of divination. For some writers transfer this quarrel, Sophocles, for example, to Cilicia, which he, following the custom of tragic poets, calls Pamphylia,just as he calls Lycia "Caria"See 14. 3. 3. and Troy and Lydia "Phrygia." And Sophocles, among others, tells us that Calchas died there. But, according to the myth, the contest concerned, not only the power of divination, but also the sovereignty; for they say that Mopsus and Amphilochus went from Troy and founded Mallus, and that Amphilochus then went away to Argos, and, being dissatisfied with affairs there, returned to Mallus, but that, being excluded from a share in the government there, he fought a duel with Mopsus, and that both fell in the duel and were buried in places that were not in sight of one another. And today their tombs are to be seen in the neighborhood of Magarsa near the Pyramus River. ThisMallus. was the birthplace of Crates the grammarian, of whom Panaetius is said to have been a pupil. -Above this coast lies the Aleïan Plain, through which Philotas led the cavalry for Alexander, when Alexander led his phalanx from Soli along the coast and the territory of Mallus against Issus and the forces of Dareius. It is said that Alexander performed sacrifices to Amphilochus because of his kinship with the Argives. Hesiod says that Amphilochus was slain by Apollo at Soli; but others say that he was slain in the neighborhood of the Aleïan Plain, and others in Syria, when he was quitting the Aleïan Plain because of the quarrel. -After Mallus one comes to Aegaeae, a small town, with a mooring-place; and then to the Amanides Gates, with a mooring-place, where ends the mountain Amanus, which extends down from the Taurus and lies above Cilicia towards the east. It was always ruled by several powerful tyrants, who possessed strongholds; but in my time a notable man established himself as lord of all, and was named king by the Romans because of his manly virtues—I refer to Tarcondimotus, who bequeathed the succession to his posterity. +Above this coast lies the Aleïan Plain, through which Philotas led the cavalry for Alexander, when Alexander led his phalanx from Soli along the coast and the territory of Mallus against Issus and the forces of Dareius. It is said that Alexander performed sacrifices to Amphilochus because of his kinship with the Argives. Hesiod says that Amphilochus was slain by Apollo at Soli; but others say that he was slain in the neighborhood of the Aleïan Plain, and others in Syria, when he was quitting the Aleïan Plain because of the quarrel. +After Mallus one comes to Aegaeae, a small town, with a mooring-place; and then to the Amanides Gates, with a mooring-place, where ends the mountain Amanus, which extends down from the Taurus and lies above Cilicia towards the east. It was always ruled by several powerful tyrants, who possessed strongholds; but in my time a notable man established himself as lord of all, and was named king by the Romans because of his manly virtues—I refer to Tarcondimotus, who bequeathed the succession to his posterity. After Aegaeae, one comes to Issus, a small town with a mooring-place, and to the Pinarus River. It was here that the struggle between Alexander and Dareius occurred; and the gulf is called the Issic Gulf. On this gulf are situated the city Rhosus, the city Myriandrus, Alexandreia, Nicopolis, Mopsuestia, and Pylae, as it is called, which is the boundary between the Cilicians and the Syrians. In Cilicia is also the temple and oracle of the Sarpedonian Artemis; and the oracles are delivered by persons who are divinely inspired. After Cilicia the first Syrian city is Seleuceiain-Pieria, near which the Orontes River empties. The voyage from Seleuceia to Soli, on a straight course, is but little short of one thousand stadia. -Since the Cilicians in the Troad whom Homer mentions are far distant from the Cilicians outside the Taurus, some represent those in Troy as original colonizers of the latter, and point out certain places of the same name there, as, for example, Thebe and Lyrnessus in Pamphylia, whereas others of contrary opinion point out also an Aleïan Plain in the former.Now that the parts of the aforesaid peninsula outside the Taurus have been described, I must add what follows. +Since the Cilicians in the Troad whom Homer mentions are far distant from the Cilicians outside the Taurus, some represent those in Troy as original colonizers of the latter, and point out certain places of the same name there, as, for example, Thebe and Lyrnessus in Pamphylia, whereas others of contrary opinion point out also an Aleïan Plain in the former.Now that the parts of the aforesaid peninsula outside the Taurus have been described, I must add what follows. Apollodorus, in his work On the Catalogue of Ships, goes on to say to this effect, that all the allies of the Trojans from Asia were enumerated by the poet as being inhabitants of the peninsula, of which the narrowest isthmus is that between the innermost recess at Sinope and Issus. And the exterior sides of this peninsula, he says, which is triangular in shape, are unequal in length, one of them extending from Cilicia to the Chelidonian Islands, another from the Chelidonian Islands to the mouth of the Euxine, and the third thence back to Sinope. Now the assertion that the allies were alone those who lived in the peninsula can be proved wrong by the same arguments by which I have previously shown that the allies were not alone those who lived this side the Halys River.12. 3. 24. For just as the places round Pharnacia, in which, as I said, the Halizoni lived, are outside the Halys River, so also they are outside the isthmus, if indeed they are outside the narrows between Sinope and Issus; and not outside these alone, but also outside the true narrows between Amisus and Issus, for he too incorrectly defines the isthmus and its narrows, since he substitutes the former for the latter. But the greatest absurdity is this, that, after calling the peninsula triangular in shape, he represents the "exterior sides" as three in number; for when he speaks of the "exterior sides" he seems privily to exclude the side along the narrows, as though this too were a side, but not "exterior" or on the sea. If, then, these narrows were so shortened that the exterior side ending at Issus and that ending at Sinope lacked but little of joining one another, one might concede that the peninsula should be called triangular; but, as it is, since the narrows mentioned by him leave a distance of three thousand stadia between Issus and Sinope, it is ignorance and not knowledge of chorography to call such a four-sided figure triangular. Yet he published in the metre of comedyIambic verse. a work on chorography entitled A Description of the Earth. The same ignorance still remains even though one should reduce the isthmus to the minimum distance, I mean, to one-half of the whole distance, as given by those who have most belied the facts, among whom is also Artemidorus, that is, fifteen hundred stadia; for even this does contract the side along the narrows enough to make the peninsula a triangular figure. Neither does Artemidorus correctly distinguish the exterior sides when he speaks of "the side that extends from Issus as far as the Chelidonian Islands," for there still remains to this side the whole of the Lycian coast, which lies in a straight line with the side he mentions, as does also the Peraea of the Rhodians as far as Physcus. And thence the mainland bends and begins to form the second, or westerly, side extending as far as the Propontis and Byzantium. -But though Ephorus said that this peninsula was inhabited by sixteen tribes, of which three were Hellenic and the rest barbarian, except those that were mixed, adding that the Cilicians, Pamphylians, Lycians, Bithynians, Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, Trojans, and Carians lived on the sea, but the Pisidians, Mysians, Chalybians, Phrygians, and Milyans in the interior, Apollodorus, who passes judgment upon this matter, says that the tribe of the Galatians, which is more recent than the time of Ephorus, is a seventeenth, and that, of the aforesaid tribes, the Hellenic had not yet, in the time of the Trojan War, settled there, and that the barbarian tribes are much confused because of the lapse of time; and that the poet names in his Catalogue the tribes of the Trojans and of the Paphlagonians, as they are now named, and of the Mysians and Phrygians and Carians and Lycians, as also the Meïonians, instead of the Lydians, and other unknown peoples, as, for example, the Halizones and Caucones; and, outside the Catalogue, the Ceteians and the Solymi and the Cilicians from the plain of Thebe and the Leleges, but nowhere names the Pamphylians, Bithynians, Mariandynians, Pisidians, Chalybians, Milyans, or Cappadocians—some because they had not yet settled in this region, and others because they were included among other tribes, as, for example, the Hidrieis and the Termilae among the Carians, and the Doliones and Bebryces among the Phrygians. -But obviously Apollodorus does not pass a fair judgment upon the statement of Ephorus, and also confuses and falsifies the words of the poet; for he ought first to have asked Ephorus this question: Why he placed the Chalybians inside the peninsula when they were so far distant towards the east from both Sinope and Amisus? For those who say that the isthmus of this peninsula is the line from Issus to the Euxine make this line a kind of meridian, which some think should be the line to Sinope, and others, that to Amisus, but no one that to the land of the Chalybians, which is absolutely oblique; in fact, the meridian through the land of the Chalybians would be drawn through Lesser Armenia and the Euphrates, cutting off on this side of it the whole of Cappadocia, Commagene, Mt. Amanus, and the Issic Gulf. If, however, we should concede that the oblique line bounds the isthmus, at least most of these places, and Cappadocia in particular, would be cut off on this side, as also the country now called Pontus in the special sense of the term, which is a part of Cappadocia towards the Euxine; so that, if the land of the Chalybians must be set down as a part of the peninsula, much more should Cataonia and both Cappadocias, as also Lycaonia, which is itself omitted by him. Again, why did Ephorus place in the interior the Chalybians, whom the poet called Halizones, as I have already demonstrated?12. 3. 20. For it would have been better to divide them and set one part of them on the sea and the other in the interior, as should also be done in the case of Cappadocia and Cilicia; but Ephorus does not even name Cappadocia, and speaks only of the Cilicians on the sea. Now as for the people who were subject to Antipater Derbetes, and the Homonadeis and several other peoples who border on the Pisidians,men who do not know the sea and even do not eat food mingled with salt,Hom. Od. 11.122where are they to be placed? Neither does he say in regard to the Lydians or Meïones whether they are two peoples or the same, or whether they live separately by themselves or are included within another tribe. For it would be impossible to lose from sight so significant a tribe; and if Ephorus says nothing about it, would he not seem to have omitted something most important? +But though Ephorus said that this peninsula was inhabited by sixteen tribes, of which three were Hellenic and the rest barbarian, except those that were mixed, adding that the Cilicians, Pamphylians, Lycians, Bithynians, Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, Trojans, and Carians lived on the sea, but the Pisidians, Mysians, Chalybians, Phrygians, and Milyans in the interior, Apollodorus, who passes judgment upon this matter, says that the tribe of the Galatians, which is more recent than the time of Ephorus, is a seventeenth, and that, of the aforesaid tribes, the Hellenic had not yet, in the time of the Trojan War, settled there, and that the barbarian tribes are much confused because of the lapse of time; and that the poet names in his Catalogue the tribes of the Trojans and of the Paphlagonians, as they are now named, and of the Mysians and Phrygians and Carians and Lycians, as also the Meïonians, instead of the Lydians, and other unknown peoples, as, for example, the Halizones and Caucones; and, outside the Catalogue, the Ceteians and the Solymi and the Cilicians from the plain of Thebe and the Leleges, but nowhere names the Pamphylians, Bithynians, Mariandynians, Pisidians, Chalybians, Milyans, or Cappadocians—some because they had not yet settled in this region, and others because they were included among other tribes, as, for example, the Hidrieis and the Termilae among the Carians, and the Doliones and Bebryces among the Phrygians. +But obviously Apollodorus does not pass a fair judgment upon the statement of Ephorus, and also confuses and falsifies the words of the poet; for he ought first to have asked Ephorus this question: Why he placed the Chalybians inside the peninsula when they were so far distant towards the east from both Sinope and Amisus? For those who say that the isthmus of this peninsula is the line from Issus to the Euxine make this line a kind of meridian, which some think should be the line to Sinope, and others, that to Amisus, but no one that to the land of the Chalybians, which is absolutely oblique; in fact, the meridian through the land of the Chalybians would be drawn through Lesser Armenia and the Euphrates, cutting off on this side of it the whole of Cappadocia, Commagene, Mt. Amanus, and the Issic Gulf. If, however, we should concede that the oblique line bounds the isthmus, at least most of these places, and Cappadocia in particular, would be cut off on this side, as also the country now called Pontus in the special sense of the term, which is a part of Cappadocia towards the Euxine; so that, if the land of the Chalybians must be set down as a part of the peninsula, much more should Cataonia and both Cappadocias, as also Lycaonia, which is itself omitted by him. Again, why did Ephorus place in the interior the Chalybians, whom the poet called Halizones, as I have already demonstrated?12. 3. 20. For it would have been better to divide them and set one part of them on the sea and the other in the interior, as should also be done in the case of Cappadocia and Cilicia; but Ephorus does not even name Cappadocia, and speaks only of the Cilicians on the sea. Now as for the people who were subject to Antipater Derbetes, and the Homonadeis and several other peoples who border on the Pisidians,men who do not know the sea and even do not eat food mingled with salt,Hom. Od. 11.122where are they to be placed? Neither does he say in regard to the Lydians or Meïones whether they are two peoples or the same, or whether they live separately by themselves or are included within another tribe. For it would be impossible to lose from sight so significant a tribe; and if Ephorus says nothing about it, would he not seem to have omitted something most important? And who are the "mixed" tribes? For we would be unable to say that, as compared with the aforesaid places, others were either named or omitted by "him which we shall assign to the "mixed" tribes; neither can we call "mixed" any of these peoples themselves whom he has mentioned or omitted; for, even if they had become mixed, still the predominant element has made them either Hellenes or barbarians; and I know nothing of a third tribe of people that is "mixed." -And how can there be three Hellenic tribes that live on the peninsula? For if it is because the Athenians and the Ionians were the same people in ancient times, let also the Dorians and the Aeolians be called the same people; and thus there would be only two tribes. But if one should make distinctions in accordance with the customs of later times, as, for example, in accordance with dialects, then the tribes, like the dialects, would be four in number.Cf. 8. 1. 2. But this peninsula, particularly in accordance with the division of Ephorus, is inhabited, not only by Ionians, but also by Athenians, as I have shown in my account of the several places.14. 1. 3. ff. Now although it is worth while to raise such questions as these with reference to Ephorus, yet Apollodorus took no thought for them and also goes on to add to the sixteen tribes a seventeenth, that of the Galatians—in general a useful thing to do, but unnecessary for the passing of judgment upon what is said or omitted by Ephorus. But Apollodorus states the reason himself, that all this is later than the time of Ephorus. -Passing to the poet, Apollodorus rightly says that much confusion of the barbarian tribes has taken place from the Trojan times to the present because of the changes, for some of them have been added to, others have vanished, others have been dispersed, and others have been combined into one tribe. But he incorrectly sets forth as twofold the reason why the poet does not mention some of them; either because a country was not yet inhabited by this or that tribe or because this or that tribe was included within another; for instance, the poet fails to mention Cappadocia, Cataonia, and likewise Lycaonia, but for neither of these reasons, for we have no history of this kind in their case. Further, it is ridiculous that Apollodorus should concern himself about the reason why Homer omitted the Cappadocians and Lycaonians and speak in his defence, and yet should himself omit to tell the reason why Ephorus omitted them, and that too when he had cited the statement of the man for the very purpose of examining it and passing judgment upon it; and also to teach us why Homer mentioned Meïonians instead of Lydians, but not to remark that Ephorus mentions neither Lydians nor Meïonians. +And how can there be three Hellenic tribes that live on the peninsula? For if it is because the Athenians and the Ionians were the same people in ancient times, let also the Dorians and the Aeolians be called the same people; and thus there would be only two tribes. But if one should make distinctions in accordance with the customs of later times, as, for example, in accordance with dialects, then the tribes, like the dialects, would be four in number.Cf. 8. 1. 2. But this peninsula, particularly in accordance with the division of Ephorus, is inhabited, not only by Ionians, but also by Athenians, as I have shown in my account of the several places.14. 1. 3. ff. Now although it is worth while to raise such questions as these with reference to Ephorus, yet Apollodorus took no thought for them and also goes on to add to the sixteen tribes a seventeenth, that of the Galatians—in general a useful thing to do, but unnecessary for the passing of judgment upon what is said or omitted by Ephorus. But Apollodorus states the reason himself, that all this is later than the time of Ephorus. +Passing to the poet, Apollodorus rightly says that much confusion of the barbarian tribes has taken place from the Trojan times to the present because of the changes, for some of them have been added to, others have vanished, others have been dispersed, and others have been combined into one tribe. But he incorrectly sets forth as twofold the reason why the poet does not mention some of them; either because a country was not yet inhabited by this or that tribe or because this or that tribe was included within another; for instance, the poet fails to mention Cappadocia, Cataonia, and likewise Lycaonia, but for neither of these reasons, for we have no history of this kind in their case. Further, it is ridiculous that Apollodorus should concern himself about the reason why Homer omitted the Cappadocians and Lycaonians and speak in his defence, and yet should himself omit to tell the reason why Ephorus omitted them, and that too when he had cited the statement of the man for the very purpose of examining it and passing judgment upon it; and also to teach us why Homer mentioned Meïonians instead of Lydians, but not to remark that Ephorus mentions neither Lydians nor Meïonians. After saying that the poet mentions certain unknown tribes, Apollodorus rightly names the Cauconians, the Solymi, the Ceteians, the Leleges, and the Cilicians of the plain of Thebe; but the Halizones are a fabrication of his own, or rather of the first men who, not knowing who the Halizones were, wrote the name in several different waysSee 12. 3. 21. and fabricated the "birthplace of silver"See 12. 3. 24. and many other mines, all of which have given out. And in furtherance of their emulous desire they also collected the stories cited by Demetrius of Scepsis from Callisthenes and certain other writers, who were not free from the false notions about the Halizones. Likewise the wealth of Tantalus and the Pelopidae arose from the mines round Phrygia and Sipylus; that of Cadmus from those round Thrace and Mt. Pangaeus; that of Priam from the gold mines at Astyra near Abydus (of which still today there are small remains; here the amount of earth thrown out is considerable, and the excavations are signs of the mining in olden times); and that of Midas from those round Mt. Bermius; and that of Gyges and Alyattes and Croesus from those Lydia and from the region between Atarneus and Pergamum, where is a small deserted town, whose lands have been exhausted of ore. Still further one might find fault with Apollodorus, because, when the more recent writers make numerous innovations contrary to the statements of Homer, he is wont frequently to put these innovations to the test, but in the present case he not only has made small account of them, but also, on the contrary, identifies things that are not meant alike; for instance, Xanthus the Lydian says that it was after the Trojan War that the Phrygians came from Europe and the left-hand side of the Pontus, and that Scamandrius led them from the Berecyntes and Ascania, but Apollodorus adds to this the statement that Homer refers to this Ascania that is mentioned by Xanthus:And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania.Hom. Il. 2.862However, if this is so, the migration must have taken place later than the Trojan War, whereas the allied force mentioned by the poet came from the opposite mainland, from the Berecyntes and Ascania. Who, then, were the Phrygians,who were then encamped along the banks of the Sangarius,Hom. Il. 3.187when Priam says,for I too, being an ally, was numbered among these?Hom. Il. 3.188And how could Priam have sent for Phrygians from the Berecyntes, with whom he had no compact, and yet leave uninvited those who lived on his borders and to whom he had formerly been ally? And after speaking in this way about the Phrygians he adds also an account of the Mysians that is not in agreement with this; for he says that there is also a village in Mysia which is called Ascania, near a lake of the same name, whence flows the Ascanius River, which is mentioned by Euphorion,beside the waters of the Mysian Ascanius,and by Alexander the Aetolian,who have their homes on the Ascanian streams, on the lips of the Ascanian Lake, where dwelt Dolion, the son of Silenus and Melia.And he says that the country round Cyzicus, as one goes to Miletupolis, is called Dolionis and Mysia. If this is so, then, and if witness thereto is borne both by the places now pointed out and by the poets, what could have prevented Homer from mentioning this Ascania, and not the Ascania spoken of by Xanthus? I have discussed this before, in my account of the Mysians and Phrygians;7. 3. 2-3; 12. 3. 3; 12. 4. 5. and therefore let this be the end of that subject.

@@ -1254,6 +1254,6 @@ I have said somewhere14. 5. 3. that opposite to Anemurium, a cape of Cilicia Tracheia, is the promontory of the Cyprians, I mean the promontory of Crommyus, at a distance of three hundred and fifty stadia. Thence forthwith, keeping the island on the right and the mainland on the left, the voyage to the Cleides lies in a straight line towards the north-east, a distance of seven hundred stadia. In the interval is the city Lapathus, with a mooring-place and dockyards; it was founded by Laconians and Praxander, and opposite it lies Nagidus. Then one comes to Aphrodisium, where the island is narrow, for the passage across to Salamis is only seventy stadia. Then to the beach of the Achaeans, where Teucer, the founder of Salamis in Cypros, first landed, having been banished, as they say, by his father Telamon. Then to a city Carpasia, with a harbor. It is situated opposite the promontory Sarpedon; and the passage from Carpasia across the isthmus to the Carpasian Islands and the southern sea is thirty stadia. Then to a promontory and mountain. The mountain peak is called Olympus; and it has a temple of Aphrodite Acraea, which cannot be entered or seen by women. Off it, and near it, lie the Cleides, as also several other islands; and then one comes to the Carpasian Islands; and, after these, to Salamis, where Aristus the historian was born. Then to Arsinoe, a city and harbor. Then to another harbor, Leucolla. Then to a promontory, Pedalium, above which lies a hill that is rugged, high, trapezium-shaped, and sacred to Aphrodite, whereto the distance from the Cleides is six hundred stadia. Then comes the coasting-voyage to Citium, which for the most part is sinuous and rough. Citium has a harbor that can be closed; and here were born both Zeno, the original founder of the Stoic sect, and Apollonius, a physician. The distance thence to Berytus is one thousand five hundred stadia. Then to the city Amathus, and, in the interval, to a small town called Palaea, and to a breast-shaped mountain called Olympus. Then to Curias, which is peninsula-like, whereto the distance from Throni is seven hundred stadia. Then to a city Curium, which has a mooring-place and was founded by the Argives. One may therefore see at once the carelessness of the poet who wrote the elegy that begins,we hinds, sacred to Phoebus, racing across many billows, came hither in our swift course to escape the arrows of our pursuers,whether the author was Hedylus or someone else; for he says that the hinds set out from the Corycian heights and swam across from the Cilician shore to the beach of Curias, and further says thatit is a matter of untold amazement to men to think how we ran across the impassable stream by the aid of a vernal west wind;for while there is a voyage round the island from Corycus to the beach Curias, which is made neither by the aid of a west wind nor by keeping the island on the right nor on the left, there is no passage across the sea between the two places. At any rate, Curium is the beginning of the westerly voyage in the direction of Rhodes; and immediately one comes to a promontory, whence are flung those who touch the altar of Apollo. Then to Treta, and to Boosura, and to Palaepaphus, which last is situated at about ten stadia above the sea, has a mooring-place, and an ancient temple of the Paphian Aphrodite. Then to the promontory Zephyria, with a landing-place, and to another Arsinoe, which likewise has a landing-place and a temple and a sacred precinct. And at a little distance from the sea is Hierocepis. Then to Paphus, which was founded by Agapenor, and has both a harbor and well-built temples. It is sixty stadia distant from Palaepaphus by land; and on this road men together with women, who also assemble here from the other cities, hold an annual procession to Palaepaphus. Some say that the distance from Paphus to Alexandria is three thousand six hundred stadia. Then, after Paphus, one comes to the Acamas. Then, after the Acamas, towards the east, one sails to a city Arsinoe and the sacred precinct of Zeus. Then to a city Soli, with a harbor and a river and a temple of Aphrodite and Isis. It was founded by Phalerus and Acamas, Athenians; and the inhabitants are called Solians; and here was born Stasanor, one of the comrades of Alexander, who was thought worthy of a chief command; and above it, in the interior, lies a city Limenia. And then to the promontory of Crommyus. But why should one wonder at the poets, and particularly at writers of the kind that are wholly concerned about style, when we compare the statements of Damastes, who gives the length of the island as from north to south, "from Hierocepias," as he says, "to Cleides"? Neither is Eratosthenes correct, for, although he censures Damastes, he says that Hierocepias is not on the north but on the south; for it is not on the south either, but on the west, since it lies on the western side, where are also Paphus and the Acamas. Such is the geographical position of Cypros. In fertility Cypros is not inferior to any one of the islands, for it produces both good wine and good oil, and also a sufficient supply of grain for its own use. And at Tamassus there are abundant mines of copper, in which is found chalcanthiteSulphate of copper. and also the rust of copper, which latter is useful for its medicinal properties. Eratosthenes says that in ancient times the plains were thickly overgrown with forests, and therefore were covered with woods and not cultivated; that the mines helped a little against this, since the people would cut down the trees to burn the copper and the silver, and that the building of the fleets further helped, since the sea was now being navigated safely, that is, with naval forces, but that, because they could not thus prevail over the growth of the timber, they permitted anyone who wished, or was able, to cut out the timber and to keep the land thus cleared as his own property and exempt from taxes. -Now in the earlier times the several cities of the Cyprians were under the rule of tyrants, but from the time the Ptolemaic kings became established as lords of Aegypt Cypros too came into their power, the Romans often cooperating with them. But when the last Ptolemy that reigned, the brother of the father of Cleopatra, the queen in my time, was decreed to be both disagreeable and ungrateful to his benefactors, he was deposed, and the Romans took possession of the island; and it has become a praetorian province by itself. The chief cause of the ruin of the king was Publius Claudius Pulcher; for the latter, having fallen into the hands of the bands of pirates, the Cilicians then being at the height of their power, and, being asked for a ransom, sent a message to the king, begging him to send and rescue him. The king indeed sent a ransom, but so utterly small that the pirates disdained to take it and sent it back again, but released him without ransom. Having safely escaped, he remembered the favour of both; and, when he became tribune of the people, he was so powerful that he had Marcus Cato sent to take Cypros away from its possessor. Now the king killed himself beforehand, but Cato went over and took Cypros and disposed of the king's property and carried the money to the Roman treasury. From that time the island became a province, just as it is now—a praetorian province. During a short intervening time Antony gave it over to Cleopatra and her sister Arsinoe, but when he was overthrown his whole organization was overthrown with him.

+Now in the earlier times the several cities of the Cyprians were under the rule of tyrants, but from the time the Ptolemaic kings became established as lords of Aegypt Cypros too came into their power, the Romans often cooperating with them. But when the last Ptolemy that reigned, the brother of the father of Cleopatra, the queen in my time, was decreed to be both disagreeable and ungrateful to his benefactors, he was deposed, and the Romans took possession of the island; and it has become a praetorian province by itself. The chief cause of the ruin of the king was Publius Claudius Pulcher; for the latter, having fallen into the hands of the bands of pirates, the Cilicians then being at the height of their power, and, being asked for a ransom, sent a message to the king, begging him to send and rescue him. The king indeed sent a ransom, but so utterly small that the pirates disdained to take it and sent it back again, but released him without ransom. Having safely escaped, he remembered the favour of both; and, when he became tribune of the people, he was so powerful that he had Marcus Cato sent to take Cypros away from its possessor. Now the king killed himself beforehand, but Cato went over and took Cypros and disposed of the king's property and carried the money to the Roman treasury. From that time the island became a province, just as it is now—a praetorian province. During a short intervening time Antony gave it over to Cleopatra and her sister Arsinoe, but when he was overthrown his whole organization was overthrown with him.

diff --git a/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng2.xml b/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng2.xml index 11ea75714..bb7291156 100644 --- a/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng2.xml +++ b/data/tlg0099/tlg001/tlg0099.tlg001.perseus-eng2.xml @@ -165,13 +165,13 @@ in Pontus, which he has described in th lived during the reign of Augustus, and the earlier part of the -reign of Tiberius; for in the 13th bookBook xiii. c. iv. § 8. Vol. ii. page 405. he relates how Sardes +reign of Tiberius; for in the 13th bookBook xiii. c. iv. § 8. Vol. ii. page 405. he relates how Sardes and other cities, which had suffered severely from earthquakes, had been repaired by the provident care of Tiberius the present Emperor; but the exact date of his birth, as also of -his death, are subjects of conjecture only. Coraÿ and Groskurd conclude, though by a somewhat different argument, +his death, are subjects of conjecture only. Coraÿ and Groskurd conclude, though by a somewhat different argument, that he was born in the year B. C. 66, and the latter that @@ -181,7 +181,7 @@ Groskurd, proceeds on the assumption that Strabo was in his thirty-eighth year when he went from Gyaros to Corinth, -at which latter place Octavianus Cæsar was then staying on +at which latter place Octavianus Cæsar was then staying on his return to Rome after the battle of Actium, B. C. 31. We @@ -201,7 +201,7 @@ means of ascertaining. history of Strabo is to be collected from the scanty references -made to himself in the course of this work;Book x. c. iv. § 10, and book xii. c. iii. § 33. Vol. ii. pp. 197, 307, of this Translation for although a +made to himself in the course of this work;Book x. c. iv. § 10, and book xii. c. iii. § 33. Vol. ii. pp. 197, 307, of this Translation for although a writer of the Augustan age, his name and his works appear @@ -241,11 +241,11 @@ us some notices. She was of a distinguished family who had settled at Cnossus in Crete, and her ancestors had been intimately connected with Mithridates Euergetes and Mithridates Eupator, kings of Pontus; their fortunes consequently depended on those princes. -

Dorylaüs, her great grandfather, was a distinguished officer, +

Dorylaüs, her great grandfather, was a distinguished officer, and friend of Euergetes; but the latter being assassinated at -Sinope, whilst Dorylaüs was engaged in levying troops in +Sinope, whilst Dorylaüs was engaged in levying troops in Crete, he determined to remain there. In that island he obtained the highest honours, having successfully, as general of @@ -262,9 +262,9 @@ a daughter, who, says Strabo, was the mother of my mother.

Mithridates Eupator, who succeeded to the kingdom of Pontus on the death of his father, had formed from infancy a close -friendship with another Dorylaüs, son of Philetærus (brother +friendship with another Dorylaüs, son of Philetærus (brother -of the first-mentioned Dorylaüs), and besides conferring on him +of the first-mentioned Dorylaüs), and besides conferring on him distinguished honours, appointed him high priest of Comana @@ -274,7 +274,7 @@ Lagetas and Stratarchas, who were recalled from Crete. The prosperity of the family suddenly terminated by the discovery -of an intrigue carried on by Dorylaüs with the Romans, for +of an intrigue carried on by Dorylaüs with the Romans, for the overthrow of his benefactor. The motives assigned by @@ -289,7 +289,7 @@ Strabo for his disaffection and treachery were the declining prospects of the king, and the execution of his son Theophilus and a nephew Tibius. -

Dorylaüs made overtures to Lucullus for the revolt of the +

Dorylaüs made overtures to Lucullus for the revolt of the kingdom of Pontus to the Romans, and in return received great @@ -312,21 +312,21 @@ Strabo, or squinting, originally Greek, was used by Romans, and applied to the father of Pompey the Great, among others. How the geographer acquired this name is not related. -

When a very young man, he received instruction in grammar and rhetoric from Aristodemus, at Nysa in Caria.Book xiv. c. i. § 48. Vol. iii. p. 26. He +

When a very young man, he received instruction in grammar and rhetoric from Aristodemus, at Nysa in Caria.Book xiv. c. i. § 48. Vol. iii. p. 26. He afterwards studied philosophy under Xenarchus of Seleucia, -the Peripatetic philosopher.Book xiv. c. v. § 4. Vol. iii. p. 53. Strabo does not say whether he +the Peripatetic philosopher.Book xiv. c. v. § 4. Vol. iii. p. 53. Strabo does not say whether he heard him at Seleucia in Cilicia, or at Rome, where he afterwards taught. -

Strabo also attended the lessons of Tyrannio of Amisus,Book xii. c. iii. § 16. Vol. ii. p. 296, 380. +

Strabo also attended the lessons of Tyrannio of Amisus,Book xii. c. iii. § 16. Vol. ii. p. 296, 380. the grammarian. This must have been at Rome; for Tyrannio was made prisoner by Lucullus, B. C. 71, and carried to Rome. probably not later than B. C. 66. -

In book xvi.,c ii. § 24. Vol. iii. p. 173. Strabo states that he studied the philosophy +

In book xvi.,c ii. § 24. Vol. iii. p. 173. Strabo states that he studied the philosophy of Aristotle with Boethus of Sidon, who afterwards became a @@ -365,7 +365,7 @@ This valuable History is lost. that his father left him a good property. Much of his geographical information is the result of personal observation. -In a passage of his 2nd bookBook ii. c. v. § 10. Vol. i. p, 176, of this Translation. he thus speaks: Our descriptions shall consist of what we ourselves have observed in +In a passage of his 2nd bookBook ii. c. v. § 10. Vol. i. p, 176, of this Translation. he thus speaks: Our descriptions shall consist of what we ourselves have observed in our travels by land and sea, and of what we conceive to be @@ -480,7 +480,7 @@ furnished him with many valuable geographical facts for the countries as well of Asia as of Europe. He made some use -of Cæsar's description of France, the Alps, and Britain; he +of Cæsar's description of France, the Alps, and Britain; he alludes to the voyage of Publius Crassus in speaking of the @@ -501,13 +501,13 @@ he could have procured during his stay at Rome. knowledge was indispensable to the science of geography; he -says in book i.,Chap. i. § 20 that without some such assistance it would +says in book i.,Chap. i. § 20 that without some such assistance it would be impossible to be accurately acquainted with the configuration of the earth; and that every one who undertakes to give an accurate description of a place, should describe its astronomical and geometrical relations, and explain its extent, distance, -latitude, and climate.Chap. i. § 13. As the size of the earth, he says, has +latitude, and climate.Chap. i. § 13. As the size of the earth, he says, has been demonstrated by other writers, we shall take for granted @@ -523,7 +523,7 @@ have sailed; for they cannot perceive lights at a distance when placed at the same level as their eyes, but if raised on high, -they at once become perceptible.Chap. i. § 20. He also observes, our +they at once become perceptible.Chap. i. § 20. He also observes, our gnomons are, among other things, evidence of the revolution @@ -544,7 +544,7 @@ were pretty well determined in his time, as essential to his geographical description.

With regard to the lost continent of Atlantis, Strabo is -very cautious in criticisingBook ii. c. 3, § 6. Vol. i. p. 154. Poseidonius; he observes, he +very cautious in criticisingBook ii. c. 3, § 6. Vol. i. p. 154. Poseidonius; he observes, he did well, too, in citing the opinion of Plato, that the tradition @@ -567,7 +567,7 @@ as the poet did the wall of the Achivi. -vii. chap. vii. § 4, he says, From Apollonia to Macedonia is +vii. chap. vii. § 4, he says, From Apollonia to Macedonia is the Egnatian Way; its direction is towards the east, and the @@ -577,9 +577,9 @@ But reckoning, as the generality of persons do, a mile at eight stadia, there may be 4280 stadia. And, according to Polybius, who adds two plethra, which are a third of a stadium, -to every eight stadia we must add 178 stadia more,—a third +to every eight stadia we must add 178 stadia more,—a third -part of the number of miles. In book xi. chap. xi. § 5, he +part of the number of miles. In book xi. chap. xi. § 5, he compares the parasang with the stadium, and states that some @@ -622,7 +622,7 @@ measures throughout Greece, yet we find in the eastern countries, Babylon, Syria Greek states, feet longer than the Olympic, the origin of which -is to be explained by the coëxistence, in the Babylonian system, of a royal or sacred and a common foot and cubit, which +is to be explained by the coëxistence, in the Babylonian system, of a royal or sacred and a common foot and cubit, which were so related to one another, that the royal cubit was three @@ -639,7 +639,7 @@ reduced other standards, as the mile, the parasang, and the -schœnus, to the stadium. In addition to this, the most ancient +schœnus, to the stadium. In addition to this, the most ancient mode of reckoning distances was by the number of days required to perform the journey, and this was transferred into @@ -683,7 +683,7 @@ as regards the magnitude and divisions of the inhabited world. The most remarkable passage in this book is that in which -he conjectures the existence of the great Western Continents.Book i. c. iv. § 6. Vol. i. p. 102, of the Translation. +he conjectures the existence of the great Western Continents.Book i. c. iv. § 6. Vol. i. p. 102, of the Translation.

The 2nd book is chiefly occupied with some accounts of mathematical geography, and the Author defends against @@ -714,7 +714,7 @@ or plane surface. A short outline is given of seas, countries, and nations; and he concludes with remarks on the system of -climates,Book ii. c. i. i § 20. Vol. i. p. 119, of the Translation. and on the shadows projected by the sun. +climates,Book ii. c. i. i § 20. Vol. i. p. 119, of the Translation. and on the shadows projected by the sun.

The 3rd book commences with Iberia, and the subject of Europe is continued to the end of the 10th book. His references @@ -736,7 +736,7 @@ who had lived and been educated there. Some statements also are borrowed from Roman authors.

The 4th book contains Gallia, according to the four divisions then existing, viz. Gallia Narbonensis, Acquitanensis, -Lugdunensis, and the Belgæ; also Britain, with Ierne, and +Lugdunensis, and the Belgæ; also Britain, with Ierne, and Thule; and lastly, the Alps.

Here Eratosthenes and Ephorus are of little service. His @@ -767,7 +767,7 @@ neighbouring islands, Umbria, Samnium, Latium, and Rome, chiefly the result of the author's own researches and observations. The book concludes with some remarks on the inhabitants of the mountainous districts of Samnium and Campania.

The 6th book is a continuation of the same subject. Magna -Græcia, Sicily, and the adjacent islands, are noticed, and the +Græcia, Sicily, and the adjacent islands, are noticed, and the author concludes with a short discussion on the extent of the @@ -783,7 +783,7 @@ own observations; but the sources whence he takes his other account of Italy and the islands are the works of Polybius, Eratosthenes, Artemidorus, Ephorus, Fabius Pictor, -Cæcilius (of Cale Acte in Sicily), and some others, besides an +Cæcilius (of Cale Acte in Sicily), and some others, besides an anonymous chorographer, supposed to be a Roman, from the @@ -792,7 +792,7 @@ circumstance of his distances being given, not in stadia, but in Roman miles.

The 7th book relates, first, to the people north of the Danube, -—the Germans, Cimbri, Getæ, Dacians (particularly the European Scythians), and the Crimea; secondly, to the people +—the Germans, Cimbri, Getæ, Dacians (particularly the European Scythians), and the Crimea; secondly, to the people south of the Danube, viz. those inhabiting Illyricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, the eastern coast of Thrace to the Euxine, Epirus, Macedonia, Thrace, and the Hellespont. The latter part @@ -821,13 +821,13 @@ Greece, with the adjacent islands. The 8th comprises the Peloponnesus and its well-known seven provinces, Elis, Messenia, Laconia, Argolis, Corinthia with Sicyonia, Achaia, and -Arcadia: the 9th, Attica, with Megaris, Bœotia, Phocis, both +Arcadia: the 9th, Attica, with Megaris, Bœotia, Phocis, both -Locri and Thessaly: the 10th, Eubœa, Ætolia, and Acarnania, +Locri and Thessaly: the 10th, Eubœa, Ætolia, and Acarnania, with the islands. After a long digression on the subject of -the Curetes, the description of Europe closes with some account of Crete and the islands of the Ægean Sea. The design +the Curetes, the description of Europe closes with some account of Crete and the islands of the Ægean Sea. The design and construction of these three books differ considerably from @@ -835,7 +835,7 @@ the preceding. Homer is adopted as the foundation of his geographical descriptions; some things Strabo must have -learnt as an eye-witness, but more from vivâ voce communications at Athens or at Corinth. All is interwoven together +learnt as an eye-witness, but more from vivâ voce communications at Athens or at Corinth. All is interwoven together without any clear line of separation, and the result is some @@ -854,7 +854,7 @@ deed, maintains that he had seen the whole of it, and the Archipelago, but satisfactory proof of this is altogether wanting. -

The 11th book commences with the description of the countries separated from Europe by the Tanaïs or Don. Asia is divided by our author (who here follows Eratosthenes) into two +

The 11th book commences with the description of the countries separated from Europe by the Tanaïs or Don. Asia is divided by our author (who here follows Eratosthenes) into two parts by the Taurus, which runs in a direction east and west. @@ -886,7 +886,7 @@ For the third part, or Media and Armenia, are, Dellius, who wrote a history of the war against the Parthians, in which he -had served under Antony; Apollonides of Nicæa, who wrote +had served under Antony; Apollonides of Nicæa, who wrote a Periplus of Europe; and other writers before mentioned.

The 12th book commences with a detailed account of Anatolia, and contains the northern part. It was to have been @@ -928,13 +928,13 @@ of the Iliad, in which the forces of the Trojans are enumerated. A learned digression on the Leleges, Cilices, and Pelasgi, who -preceded the Æolians and Ionians in the occupation of the +preceded the Æolians and Ionians in the occupation of the country, is principally taken from Menecrates and Demetrius of Skepsis. The description then turns to the interior, and -the account of the Æolian cities is probably due to Poseidonius. Throughout this book are evidences of great care and +the account of the Æolian cities is probably due to Poseidonius. Throughout this book are evidences of great care and desire for accuracy.

The 14th book continues with the remainder of Anatolia, @@ -943,7 +943,7 @@ and an account of the islands Samos, Chios, Rhodes, and Cyprus. The authorities followed are, on the whole, the same as in the -previous book—Herodotus, Thucydides, Ephorus, Artemidorus, +previous book—Herodotus, Thucydides, Ephorus, Artemidorus, Eratosthenes, and Poseidonius; besides Pherecydes of Syros @@ -1017,7 +1017,7 @@ could describe nothing as an eye-witness, except the northwest of Syria. The acc Red Seas, are from Agatharchides; and much that he describes -of Arabia was obtained from his friends, Ælius Gallus and +of Arabia was obtained from his friends, Ælius Gallus and the Stoic, Athenodorus.

The 17th book concludes the work with the description of @@ -1026,7 +1026,7 @@ Egypt, Ethiopia, and the north coast of Africa. Strabo had travelled through the whole of Egypt, as far as Syene and -Philæ, and writes with the decided tone of an eye-witness. +Philæ, and writes with the decided tone of an eye-witness. Much verbal information, also, he collected at Alexandria. @@ -1034,7 +1034,7 @@ His most important written authorities are, for the Nile, Eratosthenes (who borr For the most remarkable events of Egyptian history, he had -Polybius, and for later times probably Poseidonius, besides vivâ +Polybius, and for later times probably Poseidonius, besides vivâ voce accounts.

For the oracle at Ammon, he had the historians of Alexander; for Ethiopia, the accounts of Petronius, who had carried on war there, Agatharchides, and Herodotus. Of Libya @@ -1048,8 +1048,8 @@ authorities, he had Iphicrates, who wrote on the plants and animals of Libya. The whole concludes with a short notice of the Roman Empire. -

The dates at which particular books were written, as attempted to be given by Groskurd and Coraÿ, must be received with caution. -

In book iv. c. vi. § 9, Strabo says that the Carni and Tau- +

The dates at which particular books were written, as attempted to be given by Groskurd and Coraÿ, must be received with caution. +

In book iv. c. vi. § 9, Strabo says that the Carni and Tau- @@ -1060,12 +1060,12 @@ of the Roman Empire. risci had quietly paid tribute for thirty-three years; and both these tribes were reduced to subjection by Tiberius and Drusus, B. C. 14. This book was therefore written in A. D. 19. -

In book vi. c. iv. § 2, Cæsar Germanicus is spoken of as +

In book vi. c. iv. § 2, Cæsar Germanicus is spoken of as still living. He died in Syria, A. D. 20 (19). This book was therefore written before that year. -

In book xii. c. viii. § 11, Strabo says that Cyzicus was +

In book xii. c. viii. § 11, Strabo says that Cyzicus was still a free state. It lost its liberty A. D. 25. This book was @@ -1088,7 +1088,7 @@ to this single manuscript we are indebted for the preservation of the work. Strabo himself describes the carelessness of -bad scribes both at Rome and Alexandria,Book xiii. c. i. § 54, vol. ii. p. 380. in the following +bad scribes both at Rome and Alexandria,Book xiii. c. i. § 54, vol. ii. p. 380. in the following expressive language: Some vendors of books, also, employed @@ -1103,7 +1103,7 @@ Kramer has done for the text, we can hope for little improvement, unless, what i manuscript should be discovered which is either derived from another source, or is a more correct copy. -

The following is some account of those in existence:— +

The following is some account of those in existence:—

Codices in the Imperial Library, Paris:

No. 1397 of the catalogue. This is the principal codex @@ -1140,7 +1140,7 @@ Geography, and was written in the East (not, however, by the same hand throughout), and brought from Constantinople to -Paris by the Abbé Servin in 1732, to whom it had been presented by a Greek named Maurocordato. Collated by Villebrune for Falconer, and partly by Kramer. +Paris by the Abbé Servin in 1732, to whom it had been presented by a Greek named Maurocordato. Collated by Villebrune for Falconer, and partly by Kramer.

No. 1408 contains the seventeen books, and appears to have been written towards the end of the 15th century. In @@ -1458,13 +1458,13 @@ have consulted it as a manuscript. by Aldus in 1516, and was taken from so corrupt a manuscript -that Coraÿ compares it to the Augean stable. The second +that Coraÿ compares it to the Augean stable. The second edition was a repetition of the Aldine, accompanied by the Latin translation of Guarini, and was published by Hopper -and Heresbach, at Bâsle, in 1549. The third edition, by Xylander, in 1570, was also a repetition of the text of Aldus; but +and Heresbach, at Bâsle, in 1549. The third edition, by Xylander, in 1570, was also a repetition of the text of Aldus; but a new Latin translation accompanied it. The fourth and fifth @@ -1533,7 +1533,7 @@ of which great expectations were formed. The deficiencies of his performance are strongly commented on by Kramer. Siebenkees lived to complete only the first six books; the remainder of the work was undertaken by Tzchucke, and conducted with greater skill and ability than by his predecessor. It was published in 1811, 6 vols. 8vo. -

The ninth edition is that by Coraÿ, Paris, 18151818, 4 vols. +

The ninth edition is that by Coraÿ, Paris, 18151818, 4 vols. 8vo. Kramer passes an unfavourable opinion on it. The editor, @@ -1568,13 +1568,13 @@ manuscripts. This edition surpasses all others in completeness, and little is le of Kramer's text, with some emendations of his own contained in his work, Vindiciarum Straboniarum Liber. Berlin, 1852. -

C. Miller and F. Dübner have also published the first vol., +

C. Miller and F. Dübner have also published the first vol., Paris, 1852, of a reprint of Kramer's text, with Meineke's corrections. It is accompanied by a new Latin translation, of -which the first six books are by Dübner, and the remainder +which the first six books are by Dübner, and the remainder by Miller.

In modern languages, we have a translation by Alfonso @@ -1592,9 +1592,9 @@ of the author's meaning. vols. 4to, from the year 1805 to 1819. The first three -books are translated by De la Porte du Theil and Coraÿ together. The 4th, 7th, 8th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th books are +books are translated by De la Porte du Theil and Coraÿ together. The 4th, 7th, 8th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th books are -by Coraÿ; the 5th, 6th, 9th, 10th, and 11th, by De la Porte +by Coraÿ; the 5th, 6th, 9th, 10th, and 11th, by De la Porte du Theil; on the death of the latter, Letronne undertook the @@ -1641,9 +1641,9 @@ A translation of the third book (Spain) by Lopez, was published at Madrid, 1788, and is well spoken of. The best translation -of the whole work—and too much cannot be said in praise of it +of the whole work—and too much cannot be said in praise of it -—is in German, by Groskurd, 4 vols. 8vo, Berlin, 18311834. The last volume contains a very copious index. +—is in German, by Groskurd, 4 vols. 8vo, Berlin, 18311834. The last volume contains a very copious index.

In conclusion, I have to acknowledge considerable obligations to the notes and prefaces of Groskurd, Kramer, the French translators, and others. @@ -1694,17 +1694,17 @@ Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.

SUMMARY.

-

That geographical investigation is not inconsistent with philosophy.—That +

That geographical investigation is not inconsistent with philosophy.—That -Homer gives proof of it throughout his poems.—That they who first wrote +Homer gives proof of it throughout his poems.—That they who first wrote on the science have omitted much, or given disjointed, defective, false, or -inconsistent accounts.—Proofs and demonstrations of the correctness of +inconsistent accounts.—Proofs and demonstrations of the correctness of this statement, with general heads containing a summary description of the -disposition of the whole habitable earth.—Credit to be attached to the +disposition of the whole habitable earth.—Credit to be attached to the probabilities and evident proofs that in many regions the land and sea have @@ -1726,9 +1726,9 @@ this is evident from many considerations. They who first ventured to handle the matter were distinguished men. -Homer, Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecatæus, (his fellow-citizen according to Eratosthenes,) Democritus, Eudoxus, +Homer, Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecatæus, (his fellow-citizen according to Eratosthenes,) Democritus, Eudoxus, -Dicæarchus, Ephorus, with many others, and after these +Dicæarchus, Ephorus, with many others, and after these Erastosthenes, Polybius, and Posidonius, all of them philosophers.

Nor is the great learning, through which alone this subject can be approached, possessed by any but a person acquainted with both human and divine things,ta\ qei/a kai\ a)nqrw/peia, the productions of nature and art. and these attainments @@ -1831,7 +1831,7 @@ Homer much information of which the great poet was entirely ignorant. the present is an instance, for Spain was to Homer a perfect terra in- -cognita. which had attracted the arms of Hercules,The Phœnician Hercules, anterior to the Grecian hero by two or +cognita. which had attracted the arms of Hercules,The Phœnician Hercules, anterior to the Grecian hero by two or three centuries. The date of his expedition, supposing it to have actually occurred, was about sixteen or seventeen hundred years before the @@ -1841,7 +1841,7 @@ extended rule, and finally of the Romans. There the airs of Zephyr breathe, there the poet feigned the fields of Elysium, -when he tells us Menelaus was sent thither by the gods:— +when he tells us Menelaus was sent thither by the gods:— @@ -1873,7 +1873,7 @@ Canary Islands; but as it is certain that Homer had never heard of these, it is probable that the passages adduced by Strabo have reference to the -Elysian Fields of Baïa in Campania. are on the extreme west of +Elysian Fields of Baïa in Campania. are on the extreme west of Maurusia,The Maurusia of the Greeks (the Mauritania of the Latins) is now @@ -1886,7 +1886,7 @@ Blest, from their contiguity to the Islands.

He tells us also, that the Ethiopians are far removed, and -bounded by the ocean: far removed,— +bounded by the ocean: far removed,— @@ -1901,7 +1901,7 @@ bounded by the ocean: far removed,— Nor was he mistaken in calling them separated into two -divisions, as we shall presently show: and next to the ocean,— +divisions, as we shall presently show: and next to the ocean,— @@ -1946,7 +1946,7 @@ hemisphere. Let no one any longer blame his ignorance for being merely acquainted with one Bear, when there are two. -It is probable that the second was not considered a constellation until, on the Phœnicians specially designating it, and employing it in navigation, it became known as one to the Greeks.We are informed by Diogenes Laertius, that Thales was the first to +It is probable that the second was not considered a constellation until, on the Phœnicians specially designating it, and employing it in navigation, it became known as one to the Greeks.We are informed by Diogenes Laertius, that Thales was the first to make known to the Greeks the constellation of the Lesser Bear. Now @@ -1954,7 +1954,7 @@ this philosopher flourished 600 years before the Christian era, and consequently it received from the Greeks, is proof that Thales owed his knowledge of it to -the Phœnicians. Conf. Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. iii. p. 160, Bohn's edition. +the Phœnicians. Conf. Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. iii. p. 160, Bohn's edition. Such is the case with the Hair of Berenice, and Canopus, @@ -1982,7 +1982,7 @@ with the Arctic Circle, which is masculine; instead of the Arctic Constellation, which is feminine. The expression of -Heraclitus is far more preferable and Homeric, who thus figuratively describes the Arctic Circle as the Bear,—The Bear +Heraclitus is far more preferable and Homeric, who thus figuratively describes the Arctic Circle as the Bear,—The Bear is the limit of the dawn and of the evening, and from the re- @@ -2060,7 +2060,7 @@ and does it not surround these extremities? Again, in the -Hoplopœia,The eighteenth book of the Iliad. he places the ocean in a circle round the border +Hoplopœia,The eighteenth book of the Iliad. he places the ocean in a circle round the border of Achilles' shield. Another proof of the extent of his knowledge, is his acquaintance with the ebb and flow of the sea, @@ -2081,7 +2081,7 @@ of the tide; every one knows that the movement is hardly perceptible in the Mediterranean. In the Euripus, which divides the Isle of Negropont -from Bœotia, the waters are observed to flow in opposite directions several times a day. It was from this that Homer probably drew his ideas; +from Bœotia, the waters are observed to flow in opposite directions several times a day. It was from this that Homer probably drew his ideas; and the regular current of the Hellespont, which carries the waters of the @@ -2116,7 +2116,7 @@ that he also describes a part of the ocean as a river, and the flow of a river; and that he is speaking of a part, and not the -whole, when he thus writes:— +whole, when he thus writes:— @@ -2124,7 +2124,7 @@ whole, when he thus writes:— When down the smooth Oceanus impell'd By prosperous gales, my galley, once again, Cleaving the billows of the spacious deep, -Had reach'd the Ææan isle.But when the ship left the stream of the river-ocean, and entered +Had reach'd the Ææan isle.But when the ship left the stream of the river-ocean, and entered on the wave of the wide-wayed sea. Odyssey xii. l.Odyssey xii. l. @@ -2150,7 +2150,7 @@ passage of Crates has reference to the opening of the twelfth book of the Odyssey, descriptive of Ulysses' departure from Cimmeria, after his visit -to the infernal regions. Those Cimmerians were the people who inhabited Campania, and the land round Baïa, near to lake Avernus, and the +to the infernal regions. Those Cimmerians were the people who inhabited Campania, and the land round Baïa, near to lake Avernus, and the entrance into Hades. As these places are situated close to the bay of @@ -2277,7 +2277,7 @@ familiar with themselves. About his time, or a little before, they had ravaged t phorus to Ionia. Their climate he characterizes as dismal, in -the following lines:— +the following lines:— @@ -2298,7 +2298,7 @@ speaks of the Mysians, a Thracian race, dwelling on the banks of the Ister. He knew also the whole ThracianAncient Thrace consisted of the modern provinces of Bulgaria and -Roumelia. coast adjacent thereto, as far as the Peneus,A river of Thessaly, named at present Salampria. for he mentions individually the Pæonians, Athos, the Axius,Now the river Vardari. and the neighbouring islands. From hence to ThesprotisThesprotis, in Epirus, opposite Corfu. is the Grecian +Roumelia. coast adjacent thereto, as far as the Peneus,A river of Thessaly, named at present Salampria. for he mentions individually the Pæonians, Athos, the Axius,Now the river Vardari. and the neighbouring islands. From hence to ThesprotisThesprotis, in Epirus, opposite Corfu. is the Grecian shore, with the whole of which he was acquainted. He was @@ -2345,7 +2345,7 @@ sight, and being tired of life. He was a man of very extensive learning: we shall first speak of him as a geometer and astronomer.

"It is supposed that Eratosthenes suggested to Ptolemy Euergetes the -construction of the large armillœ, or fixed circular instruments, which +construction of the large armillœ, or fixed circular instruments, which were long in use at Alexandria; but only because it is difficult to imagine @@ -2359,7 +2359,7 @@ We know of no observations of Eratosthenes in which they were probably employed, except those which led him to the obliquity of the ecliptic, -which he must have made to be 23° 51′ 20″; for he states the distance of +which he must have made to be 23° 51′ 20″; for he states the distance of the tropics to be eleven times the eighty-third part of the circumference. @@ -2422,7 +2422,7 @@ enough to say that the most distinct account, and one of the earliest, is found in the remaining work of Cleomedes.

"At Syene in Upper Egypt, which is supposed to be the same as, or near -to, the town of Assouan, (Lat. 24° 10′ N., Long. 32° 59′ E. of Greenwich,) +to, the town of Assouan, (Lat. 24° 10′ N., Long. 32° 59′ E. of Greenwich,) Eratosthenes was told (that he observed is very doubtful) that deep wells @@ -2434,7 +2434,7 @@ was on the tropic, and its latitude equal to the obliquity of the ecliptic, which, as we have seen, he had determined: he presumed that it was in -the same longitude as Alexandria, in which he was out about 3°, which +the same longitude as Alexandria, in which he was out about 3°, which is not enough to produce what would at that time have been a sensible @@ -2442,7 +2442,7 @@ error. By observations made at Alexandria, he determined the zenith of that place to be distant by the fiftieth part of the circumference from the -solstice, which was equivalent to saying that the arc of the meridian between the two places is 7° 12′. Cleomedes says that he used the ska/fh, +solstice, which was equivalent to saying that the arc of the meridian between the two places is 7° 12′. Cleomedes says that he used the ska/fh, or hemispherical dial of Berosus, in the determination of this latitude. @@ -2600,7 +2600,7 @@ his track are also well known as great men and true philosophers. The two immedi to Eratosthenes, were Anaximander, the disciple and fellow- -citizen of Thales, and Hecatæus the Milesian. Anaximander +citizen of Thales, and Hecatæus the Milesian. Anaximander @@ -2608,7 +2608,7 @@ citizen of Thales, and Hecatæus the Milesian. Anaximander -was the first to publish a geographical chart. Hecatæus left +was the first to publish a geographical chart. Hecatæus left a work [on the same subject], which we can identify as his @@ -2747,21 +2747,21 @@ is, according to them, of vast importance. Nestor prides him- -self on having associated with the Lapithæ,A people of Thessaly, on the banks of the Peneus. to whom he went, +self on having associated with the Lapithæ,A people of Thessaly, on the banks of the Peneus. to whom he went, having been invited thither from the ApianThe former name of the Morea, and more ancient than Peloponnesus. Iliad i. 270. land afar. -

So does Menelaus:— +

So does Menelaus:— -Cyprus, Phœnicia, Sidon, and the shores +Cyprus, Phœnicia, Sidon, and the shores Of Egypt, roaming without hope I reach'd; In distant Ethiopia thence arrived, And Libya, where the lambs their foreheads show -With budding horns defended soon as yean'd.Having wandered to Cyprus, and Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I +With budding horns defended soon as yean'd.Having wandered to Cyprus, and Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians, and Sidonians, and Erembi, and Libya, where @@ -2778,17 +2778,17 @@ Adding as a peculiarity of the country, -And of Egypt:—Where the sustaining earth is most prolific.Homer says, +And of Egypt:—Where the sustaining earth is most prolific.Homer says, -———tn=|plei=sta fe)o|ei zei/dwo|os a)/o|ouo|a +———tn=|plei=sta fe)o|ei zei/dwo|os a)/o|ouo|a Fa/o|maka.Odyssey iv. 229. -Which Cowper properly renders:— +Which Cowper properly renders:— @@ -2892,14 +2892,14 @@ the Ethiopians, and a third for the Greeks and Romans. What use would it be to the Indians if a geographer should -thus describe Bœotia to them, in the words of Homer:— +thus describe Bœotia to them, in the words of Homer:— The dwellers on the rocks Of Aulis follow'd, with the hardy clans -Of Hyria, Schœnus, Scolus.Iliad ii. 496. Four cities of Bœotia. The present name of Aulis is +Of Hyria, Schœnus, Scolus.Iliad ii. 496. Four cities of Bœotia. The present name of Aulis is Vathi, situated on the Strait of Negropont The modern names of the @@ -2975,17 +2975,17 @@ of Pelorus, who was executed on a like occasion. At the time of the expedition of Xerxes, the coasts of Greece were covered -with wrecks, and the emigrations from Æolia and Ionia furnish numerous instances of the same calamity. On the other +with wrecks, and the emigrations from Æolia and Ionia furnish numerous instances of the same calamity. On the other hand, matters have come to a prosperous termination, when judiciously directed by a knowledge of the locality. Thus it -was at the pass of Thermopylæ that Ephialtes is reported to +was at the pass of Thermopylæ that Ephialtes is reported to have pointed out to the Persians a pathway over the mountains, and so placed the band of Leonidas at their mercy, and -opened to the Barbarians a passage into Pylæ. But passing +opened to the Barbarians a passage into Pylæ. But passing over ancient occurrences, we think that the late expeditions @@ -3343,7 +3343,7 @@ as far as the Danube. And the Romans [have discovered to us] the entire west of Europe as far as the river Elbe, which divides Germany, and the country beyond the Ister to the river -Dniester. The country beyond this to the Mæotis,The Sea of Azof. and the +Dniester. The country beyond this to the Mæotis,The Sea of Azof. and the coasts extending along Colchis,Mingrelia; east of the Euxine. was brought to light by Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, and his generals. To the Parthians @@ -3426,7 +3426,7 @@ must also be able to choose who are the real guides whom it is your interest to follow. He considers Arcesilaus and Ariston -to be the coryphæi of the philosophers who flourished in his +to be the coryphæi of the philosophers who flourished in his time, and is ceaseless in his eulogies of Apelles and Bion, @@ -3525,7 +3525,7 @@ wisest of mankind. whom the son of Atreus, when he set out for Troy, gave -earnest charge to preserve his wife,Odyssey iii. 267. whom Ægisthus was +earnest charge to preserve his wife,Odyssey iii. 267. whom Ægisthus was unable to seduce, until leading the bard to a desert island, @@ -3547,9 +3547,9 @@ into his poetry all that he knew about the Ethiopians, Egypt, and Libya. Of all that related to Greece and the neighbouring places he entered even too minutely into the details, describing Thisbe as abounding in doves, Haliartus, grassy, -Anthedon, the far distant, Litæa, situated on the sources +Anthedon, the far distant, Litæa, situated on the sources -of the Cephissus,Thisbe, Haliartus, Anthedon, cities of Bœotia; Litæa, a city of Phocis. +of the Cephissus,Thisbe, Haliartus, Anthedon, cities of Bœotia; Litæa, a city of Phocis. The Cephissus, a large river, rising in the west of Phocis. and none of his epithets are without their @@ -3583,7 +3583,7 @@ him possessed of. To seek to invest him with all this knowledge is most likely t Hipparchus observes, that to assert he was acquainted with -every art and science, is like saying that an Attic eiresionèA harvest-wreath of laurel or olive wound round with wool, and +every art and science, is like saying that an Attic eiresionèA harvest-wreath of laurel or olive wound round with wool, and adorned with fruits, borne about by singing-boys at the Puaneyia and @@ -3591,7 +3591,7 @@ adorned with fruits, borne about by singing-boys at the Pu afterwards hung up at the house-door. The song was likewise called -eiresionè, which became the general name for all begging-songs. +eiresionè, which became the general name for all begging-songs. bears pears and apples.

As far as this goes, Eratosthenes, you are right enough; @@ -3752,7 +3752,7 @@ an imitation of poetry. Ornate poetry was the first to make its appearance, and was well received. Afterwards it was -closely imitated by writers in the time of Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecatæus. The metre was the only thing dispensed with, every other poetic grace being carefully preserved. +closely imitated by writers in the time of Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecatæus. The metre was the only thing dispensed with, every other poetic grace being carefully preserved. As time advanced, one after another of its beauties was @@ -3904,7 +3904,7 @@ of reason to devote themselves to piety, virtue, and honesty; superstition must therefore be employed, and even this is insufficient without the aid of the marvellous and the terrible. -For what are the thunderbolts, the ægis, the trident, the +For what are the thunderbolts, the ægis, the trident, the torches, the dragons, the barbed thyrses, the arms of the gods, @@ -3975,9 +3975,9 @@ not all, but many falsehoods, looked like the truth. Homer's narrative is founded on history. -He tells us that king Æolus governed the Lipari Islands, that +He tells us that king Æolus governed the Lipari Islands, that -around Mount Ætna and Leontini dwelt the Cyclopæ, and certain Læstrygonians inhospitable to strangers. That at that +around Mount Ætna and Leontini dwelt the Cyclopæ, and certain Læstrygonians inhospitable to strangers. That at that time the districts surrounding the strait were unapproachable; @@ -3998,7 +3998,7 @@ incursion made by the Cimmerians either during his life-time or just before.

-

Being acquainted with Colchis, and the voyage of Jason to Æa, and also with the historical and fabulous relations +

Being acquainted with Colchis, and the voyage of Jason to Æa, and also with the historical and fabulous relations concerning Circe and Medea, their enchantments and their @@ -4023,7 +4023,7 @@ near the CeraunianThe mountains of Chimera in Albania.Several small islands, or rather reefs, at the entrance of the Strait of +Cyaneæ, called by some the Symplegades,Several small islands, or rather reefs, at the entrance of the Strait of Constantinople. They took their name of Symplegades from the varying @@ -4033,9 +4033,9 @@ of the Strait. or Jostling Rocks, which render the passage through the Strait of Constantinople so difficult, also afforded matter to our poet. The -actual existence of a place named Æa, stamped credibility +actual existence of a place named Æa, stamped credibility -upon his Ææa; so did the Symplegades upon the Planctæ, +upon his Ææa; so did the Symplegades upon the Planctæ, (the Jostling Rocks upon the Wandering Rocks,) and the @@ -4074,14 +4074,14 @@ in his ship, he says, But Neptune, traversing in his return From Ethiopia's sons, the mountain heights -Of Solymè, descried him from afar.The powerful Shaker of the Earth, as he was returning from the +Of Solymè, descried him from afar.The powerful Shaker of the Earth, as he was returning from the Ethiopians, beheld him from a distance, from the mountains of the Solymi. Odyssey v. 282.Odyssey v. 282. -

It is probable he took his account of the one-eyed Cyclopæ +

It is probable he took his account of the one-eyed Cyclopæ -from Scythian history, for the Arimaspi, whom Aristæus +from Scythian history, for the Arimaspi, whom Aristæus of Proconnesus describes in his Tales of the Arimaspi, are @@ -4116,7 +4116,7 @@ received as fact, his Ocean, and Hades, the oxen of the sun, his hospitable reception by the goddesses, the metamorphoses, -the gigantic size of the Cyclopæ and Læstrygonians, the monstrous appearance of Scylla, the distance of the voyage, and +the gigantic size of the Cyclopæ and Læstrygonians, the monstrous appearance of Scylla, the distance of the voyage, and other similar particulars, all alike manifestly fabulous. It is @@ -4181,17 +4181,17 @@ stadia distant,The stadia here mentioned are 700 to a degre amount to rather more than 57 marine leagues, which is the distance in -a direct line from Cape Faro to the Capo della Minerva. near the Sirenussæ,The Sirenussæ are the rocks which form the southern cape of the +a direct line from Cape Faro to the Capo della Minerva. near the Sirenussæ,The Sirenussæ are the rocks which form the southern cape of the Gulf of Naples, and at the same time separate it from the Gulf of Salerno. This cape, which was also called the promontory of Minerva, from the -Athenæum which stood there, preserves to this day the name of Capo +Athenæum which stood there, preserves to this day the name of Capo della Minerva. a three-peaked rock -which separates the Gulfs of Cummæa and Posidonium. +which separates the Gulfs of Cummæa and Posidonium. Now, in the first place, this rock is not three-peaked, nor @@ -4203,7 +4203,7 @@ temple of the Sirens, and on the other side, next the Gulf of Posidonius, three little rocky and uninhabited islands, -named the Sirenes; upon the strait, is situated the Athenæum, from which the rocky angle itself takes its name. +named the Sirenes; upon the strait, is situated the Athenæum, from which the rocky angle itself takes its name.

Further, if those who describe the geography of certain @@ -4216,7 +4216,7 @@ reason why it should receive the greater credit. For example, in the investigati Sirenes, they differ in so far that one places them at Pelorus, -and the other at Sirenussæ, but neither of them dissents from +and the other at Sirenussæ, but neither of them dissents from the idea that it was some where near Sicily or Italy. They @@ -4232,7 +4232,7 @@ Parthenope, who was one of the Sirens, is shown at Naples, this only confirms us the more in our belief, for though a -third place is introduced to our notice, still as Naples is situated in the gulf called by Eratosthenes the Cumæan, and +third place is introduced to our notice, still as Naples is situated in the gulf called by Eratosthenes the Cumæan, and @@ -4240,7 +4240,7 @@ third place is introduced to our notice, still as Naples is situated in the gulf -which is formed by the Sirenussæ, we are more confident +which is formed by the Sirenussæ, we are more confident still that the position of the Sirenes was some where close by.

That the poet did not search for accuracy in every minor @@ -4262,15 +4262,15 @@ place near to Sicily and Italy, embraced this view of the case, and not only describes the places spoken of by Homer, but -also Ætna, the Isle of Ortygia,Now the Island of St. Marcian. near to Syracuse, and Tyrrhenia. As for Homer, he was altogether unacquainted with +also Ætna, the Isle of Ortygia,Now the Island of St. Marcian. near to Syracuse, and Tyrrhenia. As for Homer, he was altogether unacquainted with these places, and further, had no wish to lay the scene of the wanderings in any well-known locality. What! are then -Ætna and Tyrrhenia such well-known places, and Scyllæum, +Ætna and Tyrrhenia such well-known places, and Scyllæum, -Charybdis, Circæum,Monte Circello, near to Terracina. and the Sirenussæ, so obscure? Or is +Charybdis, Circæum,Monte Circello, near to Terracina. and the Sirenussæ, so obscure? Or is Hesiod so correct as never to write nonsense, but always follow in the wake of received opinions, while Homer blurts out @@ -4285,7 +4285,7 @@ scenes.

The conjecture of Polybius in regard to the particulars -of the wandering of Ulysses is excellent. He says that Æolus +of the wandering of Ulysses is excellent. He says that Æolus instructed sailors how to navigate the strait, a difficult matter @@ -4315,7 +4315,7 @@ and so it is that in each of the gods, we worship the discoverer of some useful art.

Having thus introduced his subject, he does not allow us to -consider the account of Æolus, nor yet the rest of the Odyssey, as altogether mythical. There is a spice of the fabulous +consider the account of Æolus, nor yet the rest of the Odyssey, as altogether mythical. There is a spice of the fabulous here, as well as in the Trojan War,The Iliad. but as respects Sicily, @@ -4344,7 +4344,7 @@ if she can any where take a larger whale. Odyssey xii. 95.< -accords well with what takes place around Scyllæum: for the +accords well with what takes place around Scyllæum: for the thunny-fish, carried in shoals by Italy, and not being able to @@ -4367,7 +4367,7 @@ prey of beasts more powerful than themselves."

He then goes on to describe the manner in which they -catch the sword-fish at Scyllæum. One look-out directs the +catch the sword-fish at Scyllæum. One look-out directs the whole body of fishers, who are in a vast number of small @@ -4419,13 +4419,13 @@ not surpassed by the chase of the wild boar. From these facts (he says) we may conclude that Ulysses' wanderings were close -to Sicily, since Homer describes ScyllaThere is a very fine medallion in the Bibliothèque Nationale de +to Sicily, since Homer describes ScyllaThere is a very fine medallion in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, portraying Scylla as half woman, half dolphin, with a trident in her left hand, and seizing a fish with her right. From her middle protrude two half-bodied dogs, who assist the monster in swimming. as engaging in a pur- -suit exactly similar to that which is carried on at Scyllæum. +suit exactly similar to that which is carried on at Scyllæum. As to Charybdis, he describes just what takes place at the @@ -4498,9 +4498,9 @@ beyond the ocean, as if impelled by favourable winds. An says Polybius, allowing the distance from MaleaCape Maleo off the Morea. The distance from this point to Gibraltar -is now estimated at 28° 34′. The 22,500 stadia of Polybius would equal +is now estimated at 28° 34′. The 22,500 stadia of Polybius would equal -32° 8′ 34″. He was therefore out in his calculation by 3° 34′ 34″. to the +32° 8′ 34″. He was therefore out in his calculation by 3° 34′ 34″. to the Pillars to be 22,500 stadia, and supposing the rate of @@ -4563,7 +4563,7 @@ and this, -and that the daughter of AtlasCalypso. dwells there. And the following concerning the Phæacians, +and that the daughter of AtlasCalypso. dwells there. And the following concerning the Phæacians, @@ -4595,17 +4595,17 @@ Otherwise, what poet or writer could have persuaded the Neapolitans to assert that they possessed the tomb of Parthe- -nopeThe ancient name of the city of Naples. the Siren, or the inhabitants of Cumæ, Dicæarchia,Puteoli, now Pozzuolo, in Campania. +nopeThe ancient name of the city of Naples. the Siren, or the inhabitants of Cumæ, Dicæarchia,Puteoli, now Pozzuolo, in Campania. and Vesuvius [to bear their testimony] to Pyriphlegethon, the -Marsh of Acherusia,Mare Morto, south of Baïa, and near to the ruins of Mycene. to the oracle of the dead which was near +Marsh of Acherusia,Mare Morto, south of Baïa, and near to the ruins of Mycene. to the oracle of the dead which was near Aornus,Aornus or Avernus: this lake, which lies about one mile north of -Baïa, still retains its ancient appellation. and to Baius and Misenus,Vide Virgil, Æneid vi. 162. the companions of Ulysses. The same is the case with the Sirenussæ, and the Strait +Baïa, still retains its ancient appellation. and to Baius and Misenus,Vide Virgil, Æneid vi. 162. the companions of Ulysses. The same is the case with the Sirenussæ, and the Strait -of Messina, and Scylla, and Charybdis, and Æolus, all which +of Messina, and Scylla, and Charybdis, and Æolus, all which things should neither be examined into too rigorously, nor @@ -4644,7 +4644,7 @@ wonderful narrations as Greece, and the countries thereto adjacent; witness the fables concerning Crete, Sicily, and the other islands; besides -those connected with Cithærum, Helicon,Cythæron and Helicon, two mountains of Bœotia, the latter of which +those connected with Cithærum, Helicon,Cythæron and Helicon, two mountains of Bœotia, the latter of which is now named Zagaro Voreni. Parnassus,Parnassus, a mountain of Phocis, near Delphi. Pelion,Pelion, a mountain of Magnesia, in Thessaly. @@ -4678,7 +4678,7 @@ his other [excellences] and also for the geography on which our attention is now engaged.

If any one were to do no more than merely read through -the Triptolemus of Sophocles, or the prologue to the Bacchæ +the Triptolemus of Sophocles, or the prologue to the Bacchæ of Euripides, and then compare them with the care taken by @@ -4733,11 +4733,11 @@ order, because here there was no necessity, but both the people and foreign countries he arranges correctly. Having -wandered to Cyprus, and Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I came +wandered to Cyprus, and Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians, and Sidonians, and Erembi, and Libya.Odyssey iv. 83. -Hipparchus has drawn attention to this. But the two tragedians where there was great necessity for proper arrangement, oneEuripides, Bacchæ, towards commencement. where he introduces Bacchus visiting the nations, +Hipparchus has drawn attention to this. But the two tragedians where there was great necessity for proper arrangement, oneEuripides, Bacchæ, towards commencement. where he introduces Bacchus visiting the nations, the otherSophocles. Triptolemus sowing the earth, have brought in @@ -4840,7 +4840,7 @@ absolute sense, that the west wind blows from Thrace; whereas he is not speaking the meeting of contrary winds near the bay of Melas,Now the Bay of Saros. on the -Thracian sea, itself a part of the Ægæan. For where Thrace +Thracian sea, itself a part of the Ægæan. For where Thrace forms a kind of promontory, where it borders on Macedonia,These two provinces are comprised in the modern division of Roumelia. A portion of Macedonia still maintains its ancient name Makidunia. @@ -4905,15 +4905,15 @@ blowing west, and the cold-producing north. Odyssey v. 295. Or was he ignorant that Thrace did not extend beyond the -Pæonian and Thessalian mountains.The western part of Thrace, afterwards named Macedonia; having +Pæonian and Thessalian mountains.The western part of Thrace, afterwards named Macedonia; having -Pæonia on the north, and Thessaly on the south. To be sure he was well +Pæonia on the north, and Thessaly on the south. To be sure he was well acquainted with the position of the countries adjoining Thrace in that direction, and does he not mention by name both the -maritime and inland districts, and tells us of the Magnetæ,The Magnetæ dwelt near to Mount Pelion and the Pelasgic Gulf, +maritime and inland districts, and tells us of the Magnetæ,The Magnetæ dwelt near to Mount Pelion and the Pelasgic Gulf, now the Bay of Volo. @@ -4921,11 +4921,11 @@ the Malians,These people dwelt between Mount Othrys, and th now the Gulf of Zeitun. and other Grecian [territories], all in order, as -far as Thesprotis;The maritime portion of Epirus opposite Corfu. also of the DolopesIn the time of Homer the Dolopes were the neighbours of the Pæonians, and dwelt in the north of that part of Thrace which afterwards +far as Thesprotis;The maritime portion of Epirus opposite Corfu. also of the DolopesIn the time of Homer the Dolopes were the neighbours of the Pæonians, and dwelt in the north of that part of Thrace which afterwards formed Macedonia. Later, however, they descended into Thessaly, and -established themselves around Pindus. bordering on Pæo- +established themselves around Pindus. bordering on Pæo- @@ -4933,7 +4933,7 @@ established themselves around Pindus. bordering on Pæo- -nia, and the Sellæ who inhabit the territory around DodonaDodona was in Epirus, but its exact position is not known. +nia, and the Sellæ who inhabit the territory around DodonaDodona was in Epirus, but its exact position is not known. as far as the [river] Achelous,Now Aspro-potamo, or the White River; this river flows into the @@ -5015,7 +5015,7 @@ acquainted with these subjects, such as Aristotle, Timosthenes, and Bion the astronomer, entertain so mistaken an opinion in -regard to the winds. They say that the north-east (Cæcias) +regard to the winds. They say that the north-east (Cæcias) blows from the commencement of summer, and that the southwest wind (Libs), which is exactly opposite to this, blows from @@ -5032,7 +5032,7 @@ he means the wind which is now called by us the north-west; and by the clear-blowing zephyr our west wind; our Leuco- -notus is his Argestes-notus, or clearing south wind,)Ao|ge/sths No/tos, the clearing south wind, Horace's Notus Albus;— +notus is his Argestes-notus, or clearing south wind,)Ao|ge/sths No/tos, the clearing south wind, Horace's Notus Albus;— in the improved compass of Aristotle, a)o|ge/sths was the north-west wind, @@ -5117,7 +5117,7 @@ not have described them, were it not that they were too generally known? By this expression is intended the Atlantic.—should tell us that Ethiopia was divided +the Exterior Sea,By this expression is intended the Atlantic.—should tell us that Ethiopia was divided into two parts, and yet nothing about those things which were @@ -5156,7 +5156,7 @@ erected, but on a desolate rock a little to the N. E. It received the same name as the island, to which it was joined by another pier. As to the -passage of Homer, (Odyssey iv. 354–357,) where he says that Pharos is +passage of Homer, (Odyssey iv. 354–357,) where he says that Pharos is one day's sail from the Egyptus, he does not mean Egypt, as Strabo fancies, but the mouth of the Nile, which river in his time was called the @@ -5174,7 +5174,7 @@ Egypt which we have just been speaking of: and thus we -demonstrate it:—Every one is prone to romance a little in +demonstrate it:—Every one is prone to romance a little in narrating his travels, and Menelaus was no exception to the @@ -5194,7 +5194,7 @@ ever ruled over Egypt; to this they added that in the days of that king, all Egypt, with the exception of the Thebaic nome, was but a -morass; and that none of the lands now seen below Lake Mœris, then +morass; and that none of the lands now seen below Lake Mœris, then existed; from the sea up to this place is a voyage by the river of seven @@ -5208,7 +5208,7 @@ Egypt to which the Hellenes navigate, is a land annexed to the Egyptians, and a just mentioned, for three days' sail, concerning which the priests relate -nothing, the country is just of the same description. Herod. ii. § 5. +nothing, the country is just of the same description. Herod. ii. § 5. that the whole of Egypt was a gift from the river; or if not @@ -5409,7 +5409,7 @@ way it may have been written, his interpretation is equally applicable to both; for what difference is there whether you -say thus—In our opinion there are two Ethiopias, one towards the east, the other to the west; or thus—For they +say thus—In our opinion there are two Ethiopias, one towards the east, the other to the west; or thus—For they are as well towards the east as the west? Secondly, He @@ -5539,7 +5539,7 @@ Ephorus, which Homer had probably fallen in with. He tells us it is reported by the Tartessians,The Tartessians were the inhabitants of the island of Tartessus, formed -by the two arms of the Bætis, (the present Guadalquiver,) near the mouth +by the two arms of the Bætis, (the present Guadalquiver,) near the mouth of this river. One of these arms being now dried up, the island is reunited to the mainland. It forms part of the present district of Andalusia. @@ -5547,7 +5547,7 @@ The tradition, says Gosselin, reported by Ephorus, seems to me to resemble that century. Procopius (Vandalicor. ii. 10) relates that there were two -columns at Tingis bearing the following inscription in the Phœnician +columns at Tingis bearing the following inscription in the Phœnician language, We are they who fled before the brigand Joshua, the son of @@ -5612,13 +5612,13 @@ uniting various distinct nations; so I affirm they designated as Ethiopia the whole of the southern countries towards the -ocean. Of this there is evidence, for Æschylus, in the Pro- +ocean. Of this there is evidence, for Æschylus, in the Pro- metheus Loosed,This piece is now lost. thus speaks: -There [is] the sacred wave, and the coralled bed of the Erythræan +There [is] the sacred wave, and the coralled bed of the Erythræan Sea, and [there] the luxuriant marsh of the Ethiopians, situated near @@ -5632,7 +5632,7 @@ steeds. And as the ocean holds the same position in respect to the -sun, and serves the same purpose throughout the whole southern region,to\ meshmbo|ino\n kli/ma. heÆschylus. therefore concludes that the Ethiopians inhabited the whole of the region. +sun, and serves the same purpose throughout the whole southern region,to\ meshmbo|ino\n kli/ma. heÆschylus. therefore concludes that the Ethiopians inhabited the whole of the region.

And Euripides in his PhaetonThis piece is now lost. says that Clymene was given @@ -5773,7 +5773,7 @@ your attention, you will there find both the ocean and Ethiopia. It is in a simi But Neptune, traversing in his return From Ethiopia's sons the mountain heights -Of Solymè, descried him from afar.The powerful shaker of the earth, as he was returning from the +Of Solymè, descried him from afar.The powerful shaker of the earth, as he was returning from the Ethiopians, beheld him from a distance, from the mountains of the Solymi, Odyssey v. 282.Odyssey v. 282. @@ -5817,11 +5817,11 @@ sense. Escaping, and from winter's cold, the cranes Take wing, and over ocean speed away. Woe to the land of dwarfs! prepared they fly -For slaughter of the small Pygmæan race.Which, after they have escaped the winter and immeasurable shower, +For slaughter of the small Pygmæan race.Which, after they have escaped the winter and immeasurable shower, with a clamour wing their way towards the streams of the ocean bearing -slaughter and fate to the Pygmæan men. Iliad iii. 3.Iliad iii. 3. +slaughter and fate to the Pygmæan men. Iliad iii. 3.Iliad iii. 3. @@ -5845,13 +5845,13 @@ at the approach of winter, we must likewise believe that the PygmiesPygmy, (pugmai=os,) a being whose length is a pugmh\, that is, from the -elbow to the hand. The Pygmæi were a fabulous nation of dwarfs, the +elbow to the hand. The Pygmæi were a fabulous nation of dwarfs, the Lilliputians of antiquity, who, according to Homer, had every spring to sustain a war against the cranes on the banks of Oceanus. They were -believed to have been descended from Pygmræus, a son of Dorus and +believed to have been descended from Pygmræus, a son of Dorus and grandson of Epaphus. Later writers usually place them near the sources @@ -5859,7 +5859,7 @@ of the Nile, whither the cranes are said to have migrated every year to take possession of the field of the Pygmies. The reports of them have -been embellished in a variety of ways by the ancients. Hecatæus, for +been embellished in a variety of ways by the ancients. Hecatæus, for example, related that they cut down every corn-ear with an axe, for they @@ -5905,7 +5905,7 @@ allowed to interfere with the meaning of the ancients. We do not speak of all the people who fought against Troy as -merely Achæans and Argives, though Homer describes the +merely Achæans and Argives, though Homer describes the whole under those two names. Similar to this is my remark @@ -5921,11 +5921,11 @@ parallel to the equator, consequently it could not form any considerable part of in equatorial division of the earth into two hemispheres by the ocean. and resembles a -river, being in length nearly 15,000 stadia,15,000 of the stadia employed by Strabo were equivalent to 21° 25′ +river, being in length nearly 15,000 stadia,15,000 of the stadia employed by Strabo were equivalent to 21° 25′ -13″. The distance from the Isthmus of Suez to the Strait of Bab-el- +13″. The distance from the Isthmus of Suez to the Strait of Bab-el- -Mandeb, following our better charts, is 20° 15′. Strabo says nearly 15,000 +Mandeb, following our better charts, is 20° 15′. Strabo says nearly 15,000 stadia; and this length may be considered just equal to that of the Arabian @@ -5981,7 +5981,7 @@ from our seaThe Mediterranean. by a little less than

From the sea to Heliopolis1500 stadiaFrom Heliopolis to Thebes4860 -—— +——6360
@@ -6078,7 +6078,7 @@ thing is clearly no evidence that a person is not acquainted with it.This is a very favourite axiom with Strabo, notwithstanding he too -often forgets it himself. Homer does not tell us of the change in the current of the Euripus, nor of Thermopylæ, nor of many other remarkable things well known to the Greeks; but was he therefore unacquainted with them? He describes to us, although +often forgets it himself.
Homer does not tell us of the change in the current of the Euripus, nor of Thermopylæ, nor of many other remarkable things well known to the Greeks; but was he therefore unacquainted with them? He describes to us, although these men, who are obstinately deaf, will not hear: they have @@ -6115,7 +6115,7 @@ of any other. We see then a twofold hyperbole in the expression that a man is more timid than a Phrygian hare.to possess an -estate shorter than a Lacedæmonian epistle; so excellence +estate shorter than a Lacedæmonian epistle; so excellence becomes more excellent, when the title of heaven-sent is @@ -6131,23 +6131,23 @@ when he applies this epithet to the Nile, it must only be understood in the way think it worth mentioning, especially to those who were acquainted with the fact, that the Nile had many mouths, since -this is a common feature of numerous other rivers. AlcæusAlcæus of Mitylene in the island of Lesbos, the earliest of the Æolian lyric poets, began to flourish in the forty-second Olympiad (B. C. +this is a common feature of numerous other rivers. AlcæusAlcæus of Mitylene in the island of Lesbos, the earliest of the Æolian lyric poets, began to flourish in the forty-second Olympiad (B. C. -610). In the second year of this Olympiad we find Cicis and Antimenidas, the brothers of Alcæus, fighting under Pittacus against Melanchrus, who is described as the tyrant of Lesbos, and who fell in the conflict. +610). In the second year of this Olympiad we find Cicis and Antimenidas, the brothers of Alcæus, fighting under Pittacus against Melanchrus, who is described as the tyrant of Lesbos, and who fell in the conflict. -Alcæus does not appear to have taken part with his brothers on this occasion; on the contrary, he speaks of Melanchrus in terms of high praise. +Alcæus does not appear to have taken part with his brothers on this occasion; on the contrary, he speaks of Melanchrus in terms of high praise. -Alcæus is mentioned in connexion with the war in Troas, between the +Alcæus is mentioned in connexion with the war in Troas, between the -Athenians and Mitylenæans, for the possession of Sigæum. During the +Athenians and Mitylenæans, for the possession of Sigæum. During the period which followed this war, the contest between the nobles and the -people of Mitylene was brought to a crisis. The party of Alcæus engaged actively on the side of the nobles, and was defeated. When he and +people of Mitylene was brought to a crisis. The party of Alcæus engaged actively on the side of the nobles, and was defeated. When he and his brother Antimenidas perceived that all hope of their restoration to -Mitylene was gone, they travelled over different countries. Alcæus visited +Mitylene was gone, they travelled over different countries. Alcæus visited Egypt, and appears to have written poems in which his adventures by @@ -6243,7 +6243,7 @@ the splendour of his palace: After numerous toils And perilous wanderings o'er the stormy deep, In the eighth year at last I brought them home. -Cyprus, Phœnicia, Sidon, and the shores +Cyprus, Phœnicia, Sidon, and the shores Of Egypt, roaming without hope, I reach'd, @@ -6256,7 +6256,7 @@ the splendour of his palace: I was brought in my ships, and I returned in the eighth year; having -wandered to Cyprus, and Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I came to the +wandered to Cyprus, and Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians and Sidonians, and Erembians, and Libya. Odyssey iv. 81.Odyssey iv. 81. @@ -6273,7 +6273,7 @@ the sailors, as those of the Ethiopians were. he could never have reached cataracts of the Nile. Next, who are the Sidonians? Certainly not the inhabitants of Phoenicia; for leaving mentioned -the genus, he would assuredly not particularize the species.Having mentioned the Phœnicians, amongst whom the Sidonians are +the genus, he would assuredly not particularize the species.Having mentioned the Phœnicians, amongst whom the Sidonians are comprised, he certainly would not have enumerated these latter as a @@ -6356,7 +6356,7 @@ ships. Odyssey iii. 301. -Cyprus, Phœnicia, and the Egyptians' land +Cyprus, Phœnicia, and the Egyptians' land I wandered through.Odyssey iv. 83.Odyssey iv. 83. @@ -6484,7 +6484,7 @@ were in the palace, Of gold, electrum, silver, ivory.Odyssey iv. 73.See Strabo's description of electrum, Book iii. c. -ii. § 8.Odyssey iv. 73. +ii. § 8.Odyssey iv. 73. Now the Ethiopians are possessed of none of these productions in any abundance, excepting ivory, being for the most @@ -6558,7 +6558,7 @@ breastplate of Agamemnon is said to be And we are told that the greater part of his wanderings were -in Phœnicia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, around Cyprus, and, in +in Phœnicia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, around Cyprus, and, in fact, the whole of our coasts and islands.Of the Mediterranean. Here, indeed, he @@ -6578,9 +6578,9 @@ Ethiopia, it is because he had reached the frontiers of that country next Egypt. contiguous to Thebes than they do now. At the present day the -nearest are the districts adjacent to Syene and Philæ,Philæ was built on a little island formed by the Nile, now called El-Heif. the former +nearest are the districts adjacent to Syene and Philæ,Philæ was built on a little island formed by the Nile, now called El-Heif. the former -town being entirely in Egypt, while Philæ is inhabited by a +town being entirely in Egypt, while Philæ is inhabited by a mixed population of Ethiopians and Egyptians. Supposing @@ -6596,7 +6596,7 @@ he himself tells us was situated on the very borders of the country: and, in fact, wherever he came to anchor, whether -at Æolia, Læstrygonia, or elsewhere, he is stated to have +at Æolia, Læstrygonia, or elsewhere, he is stated to have visited those places. In the same manner Menelaus is said @@ -6604,7 +6604,7 @@ to have been to Ethiopia and Libya, because here and there he touched at those places, and the port near Ardania above -ParætoniumEl-Baretun. A description of this place will be found in the +ParætoniumEl-Baretun. A description of this place will be found in the 17th book. is called after him the port of Menelaus.At this port it was that Agesilaus terminated his glorious career. @@ -6622,9 +6622,9 @@ its metropolis, he merely employs a common form of expression, for example, Trojans in general, mentions Hector in particular.Iliad xiii. 1. -For the sons of magnanimous Œneus were no more, nor was he himself +For the sons of magnanimous Œneus were no more, nor was he himself -surviving; moreover, fair-haired Meleager was dead.Iliad ii. 641. Having mentioned the sons of Æneus collectively, he +surviving; moreover, fair-haired Meleager was dead.Iliad ii. 641. Having mentioned the sons of Æneus collectively, he afterwards distinguishes one of them by name. @@ -6632,7 +6632,7 @@ afterwards distinguishes one of them by name. -He came to Ida—and to Gargarus.Iliad viii. 47.Gargarus was one of the highest peaks of Ida.Iliad viii. 47. +He came to Ida—and to Gargarus.Iliad viii. 47.Gargarus was one of the highest peaks of Ida.Iliad viii. 47. @@ -6642,7 +6642,7 @@ afterwards distinguishes one of them by name. -He possessed Eubœa, Chalcis, and Eretria.Iliad ii. 536. Chalcis and Eretria were two cities of Eubœa.Iliad ii. 536. +He possessed Eubœa, Chalcis, and Eretria.Iliad ii. 536. Chalcis and Eretria were two cities of Eubœa.Iliad ii. 536. @@ -6669,7 +6669,7 @@ would have been quite sufficient to say, -Having wandered to Cyprus, Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians.Odyssey iv. 83. +Having wandered to Cyprus, Phœnice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians.Odyssey iv. 83.

But that he might record his sojourn amongst the Sidonians, @@ -6710,11 +6710,11 @@ And also by Menelaus, who says to Telemachus, 'I give thee this bright beaker, argent all, But round encircled with a lip of gold. It is the work of Vulcan, which to me -The hero Phædimus presented, king +The hero Phædimus presented, king Of the Sidonians, when on my return Beneath his roof I lodged. I make it thine.I will give thee a wrought bowl: it is all silver, and the lips are -bound with gold; it is the work of Vulcan: the hero Phædimus, king +bound with gold; it is the work of Vulcan: the hero Phædimus, king of the Sidonians, gave it [to me], when his home sheltered me, as I was @@ -6748,8 +6748,8 @@ in exchange for Lycaon: Own'd not its like for elegance of form. Skilful Sidonian artists had around Embellish'd it, and o'er the sable deep -Phœnician merchants into Lemnos' port -Had borne it.But in beauty it much excelled [all] upon the whole earth, for the ingenious Sidonians had wrought it cunningly, and Phœnician men had carried it. Iliad xxiii. 742.Iliad xxiii. 742. +Phœnician merchants into Lemnos' port +Had borne it.But in beauty it much excelled [all] upon the whole earth, for the ingenious Sidonians had wrought it cunningly, and Phœnician men had carried it. Iliad xxiii. 742.Iliad xxiii. 742. @@ -6759,7 +6759,7 @@ in exchange for Lycaon: Erembi were: they who suppose the Arabs are intended, seem to deserve the most credit. -

Our Zeno reads the passage thus:— +

Our Zeno reads the passage thus:— @@ -6796,7 +6796,7 @@ the south,The Arabs and again between each of these affinity both to these people and to each other. And [Posidonius] believes there is a similarity in the names of these -different nations. Those whom we call Syrians style themselves Armenians and Arammæans, names greatly like those of +different nations. Those whom we call Syrians style themselves Armenians and Arammæans, names greatly like those of the Armenians, Arabs, and Erembi. Perhaps this [last] term @@ -6832,7 +6832,7 @@ was not much,) but probably to enhance the length of the journey and his meed of praise: for such distant travelling -was highly thought of. For example,— +was highly thought of. For example,— @@ -6896,7 +6896,7 @@ but they evidently labour under a certain confusion as to the different characters of history and fable. In the same category -must be reckoned those who place the Sidonians and Phœnicians in the Persian Gulf, or somewhere else in the Ocean, and +must be reckoned those who place the Sidonians and Phœnicians in the Persian Gulf, or somewhere else in the Ocean, and make the wanderings of Menelaus to have happened there. @@ -6908,10 +6908,10 @@ whom they describe as located on the shores of the [Indian] Ocean, and who they say were called Phoenicians from the -colour of the Erythræan Sea, while the others declare the +colour of the Erythræan Sea, while the others declare the -opposite.That is, that the Phœnicians and Sidonians dwelling around the Persian Gulf are colonies from those inhabiting the shores of the Mediterranean. -

Some again would transport Ethiopia into our Phœnicia, +opposite.That is, that the Phœnicians and Sidonians dwelling around the Persian Gulf are colonies from those inhabiting the shores of the Mediterranean. +

Some again would transport Ethiopia into our Phœnicia, and make Joppa the scene of the adventures of Andromeda;As to this fact, upon which almost all geographers are agreed, it is @@ -6937,7 +6937,7 @@ amongst others the Pygmies themselves; or AlcmanA celebrate Christian era, said to have been a native of Sardis in Lydia. Only three -short fragments of his writings are known to be in existence. for describing the Steganopodes;Men who covered themselves with their feet. or Æschylus for his Cyno- +short fragments of his writings are known to be in existence. for describing the Steganopodes;Men who covered themselves with their feet. or Æschylus for his Cyno- cephali,Dog-headed men. Sternophthalmi,People having their eyes in their breasts. and Monommati;One-eyed. when amongst @@ -7158,7 +7158,7 @@ objects to the statement of Neanthes of Cyzicus, that the Argonauts, when they sailed to the Phasis,A river of Colchis, hodie Fasz or Rion. founded at -Cyzicus the temples of the Idæan Mother.Cybele, so named because she had a temple on Mount Ida. Though their +Cyzicus the temples of the Idæan Mother.Cybele, so named because she had a temple on Mount Ida. Though their voyage is attested both by Homer and other writers, he @@ -7166,7 +7166,7 @@ denies that Homer had any knowledge whatever of the departure of Jason to the Ph contradicts the very words of Homer, but even his own assertions. The poet informs us that Achilles, having ravaged -LesbosAn island in the Ægæan, now Meteline. and other districts, spared LemnosHodie Lemno or Stalimene. and the adjoining +LesbosAn island in the Ægæan, now Meteline. and other districts, spared LemnosHodie Lemno or Stalimene. and the adjoining islands, on account of his relationship with Jason and his son @@ -7178,7 +7178,7 @@ he know of a relationship, identity of race, or other connexion existing between was nothing else than that they were both Thessalians, one -being of Iolcos,A town situated at the bottom of the Pelasgic Gulf, hodie Volo. the other of the Achæan Pthiotis,A country of Thessaly, which received its designation of Achæan +being of Iolcos,A town situated at the bottom of the Pelasgic Gulf, hodie Volo. the other of the Achæan Pthiotis,A country of Thessaly, which received its designation of Achæan from the same sovereign who left his name to Achaia in Peloponnesus. and yet @@ -7219,7 +7219,7 @@ the Argonauts, matters on the actual occurrence of which all the world is agreed. The tale then of their voyage in the -ocean from Æeta, was a mere fiction, for which he had no +ocean from Æeta, was a mere fiction, for which he had no authority in history. @@ -7236,9 +7236,9 @@ Ulysses and Menelaus; monuments of the actual occurrence of which remain to this day elsewhere than in the writings of -Homer. The city of Æa, close by the Phasis, is still pointed +Homer. The city of Æa, close by the Phasis, is still pointed -Out Æetes is generally believed to have reigned in Colchis, +Out Æetes is generally believed to have reigned in Colchis, the name is still common throughout the country, tales of the @@ -7246,7 +7246,7 @@ sorceress Medea are yet abroad, and the riches of the country in gold, silver, and iron, proclaim the motive of Jason's expedition, as well as of that which Phrixus had formerly undertaken. Traces both of one and the other still remain. -Such is Phrixium,Named Ideessa in the time of Strabo. Strabo, book xi. c. ii. § 18. midway between Colchis and Iberia, and +Such is Phrixium,Named Ideessa in the time of Strabo. Strabo, book xi. c. ii. § 18. midway between Colchis and Iberia, and the Jasonia, or towns of Jason, which are every where met @@ -7271,7 +7271,7 @@ Adriatic. Callimachus himself alludes to it where he says, [The temple of] Apollo and [the Isle of] Anaphe,Hodie The Isle of Nanfio. -Near to Laconian Thera.Now the Island of Callistè, founded by Theras the Lacedæmonian +Near to Laconian Thera.Now the Island of Callistè, founded by Theras the Lacedæmonian more than ten centuries before the Christian era. @@ -7283,8 +7283,8 @@ In the verses which commence, -I sing how the heroes from Cytæan Æeta, -Return'd again to ancient Æmonia.A name of Thessaly. +I sing how the heroes from Cytæan Æeta, +Return'd again to ancient Æmonia.A name of Thessaly. @@ -7329,7 +7329,7 @@ circumstances as they actually occurred, and paints others in the colours of fiction. He follows history when he tells us of -Æetes and Jason also, when he talks of Argo, and on the authority of [the actual city of Æa], feigns his city of Ææa, +Æetes and Jason also, when he talks of Argo, and on the authority of [the actual city of Æa], feigns his city of Ææa, when he settles Euneos in Lemnos, and makes that island @@ -7341,7 +7341,7 @@ the sorceress Circe -Sister by birth of the all-wise Æetes,Odyssey x. 137.Odyssey x. 137. +Sister by birth of the all-wise Æetes,Odyssey x. 137.Odyssey x. 137. @@ -7357,7 +7357,7 @@ exterior ocean as the sequel to their wanderings on their return home. Here, sup since, in that case, the expedition was directed to a populous -and well-known country. But if, as [Demetrius] of Skepsis asserts, on the authority of Mimnermus, Æetes dwelt by +and well-known country. But if, as [Demetrius] of Skepsis asserts, on the authority of Mimnermus, Æetes dwelt by the Ocean, and Jason was sent thither far east by Pelias, @@ -7372,7 +7372,7 @@ lands desert, uninhabited, and so far remote from us, be considered either glori -Nor as yet had Jason, having accomplished the arduous journey, carried off the splendid fleece from Æa, fulfilling the dangerous mission of +Nor as yet had Jason, having accomplished the arduous journey, carried off the splendid fleece from Æa, fulfilling the dangerous mission of the insolent Pelias, nor had they ploughed the glorious wave of the @@ -7382,7 +7382,7 @@ And again: -The city of Æetes, where the rays of the swift sun recline on their +The city of Æetes, where the rays of the swift sun recline on their golden bed by the shore of the ocean, which the noble Jason visited. @@ -7409,7 +7409,7 @@ perhaps they may have omitted many points altogether, and barely touched on others, are yet never guilty of wilfully falsifying their statements. To cite Damastes as an authority is -little better than to quote the Bergæan,Antiphanes of Berga, a city of Thrace. This writer was so noted for +little better than to quote the Bergæan,Antiphanes of Berga, a city of Thrace. This writer was so noted for his falsehoods, that beo|gai(=zein came to be a proverbial term for designating that vice. or Euemerus the @@ -7521,23 +7521,23 @@ tutelary deities. The sovereignty of the seas exercised by Minos, and the navigation carried on -by the Phœnicians, is well known. A little after the period +by the Phœnicians, is well known. A little after the period of the Trojan war they had penetrated beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and founded cities as well there as to the midst of -the African coast.The Phœnicians or Carthaginians despatched Hanno to found certain +the African coast.The Phœnicians or Carthaginians despatched Hanno to found certain colonies on the western coast of Africa, about a thousand years before the Christian era. Is it not correct to number amongst the -ancients Æneas,Strabo here follows the general belief that Æneas escaped to Italy +ancients Æneas,Strabo here follows the general belief that Æneas escaped to Italy after the sack of Troy, a fact clearly disproved by Homer, Iliad xx. 307, -who states that the posterity of Æneas were in his time reigning at +who states that the posterity of Æneas were in his time reigning at Troy. To this passage Strabo alludes in his 13th book, and, contrary @@ -7545,7 +7545,7 @@ to his general custom, hesitates whether to follow Homer's authority or that of certain grammarians who had mutilated the passage in order to -flatter the vanity of the Romans, who took pride in looking up to Æneas +flatter the vanity of the Romans, who took pride in looking up to Æneas and the Trojans as their ancestors. Antenor,Antenor having betrayed his Trojan countrymen was forced to fly. @@ -7738,7 +7738,7 @@ the ingress of foreign armies into Egypt. had been shallows reaching to t Arabian Gulf. The sea afterwards receding left the land uncovered, and the Lake Sirbonis remained, which having afterwards forced itself a passage, became a marsh. In like -manner the borders of the Lake Mœris resemble a sea-beach +manner the borders of the Lake Mœris resemble a sea-beach rather than the banks of a river. Every one will admit that @@ -7856,17 +7856,17 @@ be asserted that the influx was the same in both places, but owing to the interference of the ebb and flow of the sea, became imperceptible.

-

I rather make this inquiry:—If there were any reason +

I rather make this inquiry:—If there were any reason why, before the outlet was opened at Byzantium, the bed of the Euxine (being deeper than either that of the PropontisSea of Marmora. or of -the adjoining seaThe Ægæan.) should not gradually have become more +the adjoining seaThe Ægæan.) should not gradually have become more shallow by the deposit of the rivers which flow into it, allowing it formerly either to have been a sea, or merely a vast -lake greater than the Palus Mæotis? This proposition being +lake greater than the Palus Mæotis? This proposition being conceded, I would next ask, whether before this the bed of @@ -8018,7 +8018,7 @@ it blows from land the swell is still carried to the shore against the wind, as if by a peculiar motion of the sea itself. To this -the verses refer— +the verses refer— @@ -8126,7 +8126,7 @@ era. According to Pausanias, it was a second time destroyed by the shock of an earthquake, but again rebuilt by the inhabitants who survived. Bizone,A city placed by some in Thrace, but by others in Pontus; a more -probable opinion seems to be that Bizone was in Lower Mœsia, on the +probable opinion seems to be that Bizone was in Lower Mœsia, on the western side of the Euxine. Pomponius Mela asserts that Bizone was @@ -8140,7 +8140,7 @@ should rather think Sicily to have been disjoined from the main-land of Italy than cast up from the bottom of the sea by -the fires of Ætna, as the Lipari and PithecussanIschia. Isles have +the fires of Ætna, as the Lipari and PithecussanIschia. Isles have been. @@ -8173,7 +8173,7 @@ this piece of folly, notwithstanding the affirmation of mathematicians that engi mathematics. He tells us that DemetriusDemetrius Poliorcetes: the same intention is narrated by Pliny and -other historians of Julius Cæsar, Caligula, and Nero. intended to cut +other historians of Julius Cæsar, Caligula, and Nero. intended to cut through the Isthmus of Corinth, to open a passage for his @@ -8183,9 +8183,9 @@ measurements, reported that the level of the sea at the Gulf of Corinth was higher than at Cenchrea,Kankri. so that if he cut -through the isthmus, not only the coasts near Ægina, but +through the isthmus, not only the coasts near Ægina, but -even Ægina itself, with the neighbouring islands, would be +even Ægina itself, with the neighbouring islands, would be laid completely under water, while the passage would prove @@ -8244,7 +8244,7 @@ the current at the Strait of SicilyStrait of Messina.Gosselin observes that Le Père Babin, who had carefully examined +and at Chalcis seven times;Gosselin observes that Le Père Babin, who had carefully examined the currents of the Euripus of Chalcis, says that they are regular during @@ -8284,7 +8284,7 @@ lower than another. But who ever imagined the surface of the ocean to be on a slope, especially those who follow a system which supposes the four bodies we call elementary, to be -spherical.See Plutarch, de Plac. Philos. lib. i. c. 14, and Stobæus, Ecl. Phys. +spherical.See Plutarch, de Plac. Philos. lib. i. c. 14, and Stobæus, Ecl. Phys. lib. i. c. 18. For water is not like the earth, which being of a @@ -8305,7 +8305,7 @@ and assumes that kind of level which Archimedes has assigned it. the whole district now known as Gerra lay under shoal water -touching the bay of the Erythræan Sea,The Arabian Gulf. Mr. Stephenson, while examining the Temsah Lakes, anciently called the Bitter Lakes, discovered recent marine remains similar to those on the shores of the present sea, +touching the bay of the Erythræan Sea,The Arabian Gulf. Mr. Stephenson, while examining the Temsah Lakes, anciently called the Bitter Lakes, discovered recent marine remains similar to those on the shores of the present sea, clearly showing that the basin of the Temsah Lakes was the head of the @@ -8317,7 +8317,7 @@ certain amphibology lurks here under this description of the district lying under shoal water and touching the bay of the -Erythræan Sea; for to touchThis accusation may not seem quite fair to the English reader. +Erythræan Sea; for to touchThis accusation may not seem quite fair to the English reader. Touch is the nearest term in our language by which we can express the @@ -8338,19 +8338,19 @@ by the strait, became lower, and the land was left dry. touching, that the Mediterranean, being over-full, flowed into -the Erythræan Sea, and he inquires how it could happen, +the Erythræan Sea, and he inquires how it could happen, that as the Mediterranean flowed out by this new vent at the -Pillars of Hercules, the Erythræan Sea, which was all one +Pillars of Hercules, the Erythræan Sea, which was all one with it, did not flow away too, and thus become lower, but has always retained the same level? and since Eratosthenes supposes the whole exterior sea to be confluent, it follows that the -Western OceanThe Atlantic. and the Erythræan Sea are all one; and thus +Western OceanThe Atlantic. and the Erythræan Sea are all one; and thus -[remarks Hipparchus] as a necessary consequence, the sea beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the Erythræan Sea, and that also +[remarks Hipparchus] as a necessary consequence, the sea beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the Erythræan Sea, and that also which is confluent with it,Viz. the Mediterranean. have all the same level. @@ -8364,7 +8364,7 @@ which is confluent with it,Viz. the Mediterranean. h sequence of the repletion of the Mediterranean, it actually -flowed into the Erythræan Sea, but only that it approached +flowed into the Erythræan Sea, but only that it approached very near thereto: besides, it does not follow, that in one and @@ -8372,7 +8372,7 @@ the self-same sea, the level of its surface must be all the same; to instance the Mediterranean itself, no one, surely, will say it -is of the same height at LechæumThe western part of the town of Corinth situated in the sea of +is of the same height at LechæumThe western part of the town of Corinth situated in the sea of Crissa. Its modern name is Pelagio. and at Cenchrea.Kankri. This @@ -8490,7 +8490,7 @@ mentioned as causes of the inundations and other similar phenomena which are supposed to have produced Sicily, the -islands of Æolus,The Lipari Islands. and the Pitllecussæ, it may be as well to +islands of Æolus,The Lipari Islands. and the Pitllecussæ, it may be as well to compare with these others of a similar nature, which either @@ -8508,7 +8508,7 @@ circumstances concerning Thera and the Therasian Islands, situated in the strait between Crete and the Cyrenaic,There is some mistake here. Strabo himself elsewhere tells us that -the islands of Thera and Therasia were situated in the Ægæan Sea, near +the islands of Thera and Therasia were situated in the Ægæan Sea, near to the island of Nanfio. Thera @@ -8538,7 +8538,7 @@ there on the island a temple to the AsphalianEgripo. so that the fountains of Arethusa, a spring +Island of Eubœa,Egripo. so that the fountains of Arethusa, a spring in Chalcis, were completely obstructed, and after some time @@ -8566,7 +8566,7 @@ river of burning mud. will suffice us to narrate those which have been collected by Demetrius of Skepsis. -

Apropos of that passage of Homer:— +

Apropos of that passage of Homer:— @@ -8611,7 +8611,7 @@ in Anadoli. A part of the Troad still preserves the name of Troiaki. which swallowed up whole villages and overturned Mount -Sipylus;A mountain in Mæonia, close to the city of Magnesia. marshes then became lakes, and the city of Troy was +Sipylus;A mountain in Mæonia, close to the city of Magnesia. marshes then became lakes, and the city of Troy was covered by the waters.Ilus, who ascended the throne about 1400 years before the Christian @@ -8621,13 +8621,13 @@ of Troy stood on a hill, and was safe from the inundation. Pharos, near E was an island, may now be called a peninsula, and the same -may be said of Tyre and Clazomenæ.These two cities were built on little islets adjoining the continent. +may be said of Tyre and Clazomenæ.These two cities were built on little islets adjoining the continent. Alexander connected them with the mainland by means of jetties. -Clazomenæ was situated on the Gulf of Smyrna, near to a place now called +Clazomenæ was situated on the Gulf of Smyrna, near to a place now called -Vurla or Burla. The present appellation of Tyre, on the coast of Phœmicia, is Sur. +Vurla or Burla. The present appellation of Tyre, on the coast of Phœmicia, is Sur.

During my stay at Alexandria in Egypt the sea rose so high near PelusiumTineh. and Mount CasiusEl-Kas. as to overflow the @@ -8638,7 +8638,7 @@ journey from Casius into Phoenicia might have been undertaken by water. We shoul time to come the isthmusOf Suez. which separates the Egyptian seaThat part of the Mediterranean adjoining Egypt. -from the Erythræan,The Red Sea. should part asunder or subside, and becoming a strait, connect the outer and inner seas,The Red Sea and Mediterranean. similarly +from the Erythræan,The Red Sea. should part asunder or subside, and becoming a strait, connect the outer and inner seas,The Red Sea and Mediterranean. similarly to what has taken place at the strait of the Pillars.

At the commencement of this work will be found some @@ -8650,7 +8650,7 @@ at the same time, and which will greatly tend to strengthen our belief both in these works of nature and also in its other changes.

-

The Piræus having been formerly an island, and lying +

The Piræus having been formerly an island, and lying pe/o|an, or off the shore, is said to have thus received its name. @@ -8692,7 +8692,7 @@ one has been swallowed by an earthquake, the other covered by the waves. Near to Methone,Methone is the same town which Pausanias (l. ii. c.32)names Methona, -it was situated in the Argolis between Trœzene and Epidaurus. The above +it was situated in the Argolis between Trœzene and Epidaurus. The above writer tells us that in the reign of Antigonus, son of Demetrius king of @@ -8716,9 +8716,9 @@ of five stadia, and appeared in a state of agitation for twenty stadia, the heap being formed of fragments of rock as large as -towers. Both Arne and MideiaVide Strabo, b. ix. c. ii. § 34, 35. have been buried in the +towers. Both Arne and MideiaVide Strabo, b. ix. c. ii. § 34, 35. have been buried in the -waters of Lake Copaïs.In Bœotia. These towns the poet in his Cata- +waters of Lake Copaïs.In Bœotia. These towns the poet in his Cata- logueThe Second Iliad, or Catalogue of Ships. thus speaks of; @@ -8755,13 +8755,13 @@ Echinades,These are certain little islands at the mouth of modern Aspropotamo, which formed the boundary between Acarnania -and Ætolia. Now Curzolari. is now part of the mainland; the same has happened to some other of the islets near the Achelous, occasioned, +and Ætolia. Now Curzolari. is now part of the mainland; the same has happened to some other of the islets near the Achelous, occasioned, it is said, in the same way, by the alluvium carried into the sea by that river, and HesiodIt is supposed we should here read Herodotus. Conf. Herod. ii. 10. assures us that a like fate -awaits them all. Some of the Ætolian promontories were +awaits them all. Some of the Ætolian promontories were formerly islands. Asteria,Daskalio. called by Homer Asteris, is no @@ -8806,7 +8806,7 @@ Some have believed that Lesbos itself has been disjoined from Mount Ida in the same way as ProchytasProcita. and PithecussaIschia. -from Misenum,Miseno, the northern cape of the Gulf of Naples. CapreæCapri. from the Athenæum, Sicily from +from Misenum,Miseno, the northern cape of the Gulf of Naples. CapreæCapri. from the Athenæum, Sicily from @@ -8816,13 +8816,13 @@ from Misenum,Miseno, the northern cape of the Gulf of Naple Rhegium,Reggio. and Ossa from Olympus.These two mountains are separated from each other by the river -Penæus. Many changes similar +Penæus. Many changes similar to these have occurred elsewhere. The river Ladon in Arcadia ceased for some time its flow. Duris informs us that -the Rhagæ(paga/s,a rent or chink. This town was sixty miles from Ecbatana; +the Rhagæ(paga/s,a rent or chink. This town was sixty miles from Ecbatana; -it was named by the Arabs Raï, and is now in ruins. It is the Rhages +it was named by the Arabs Raï, and is now in ruins. It is the Rhages in Tobias. in Media gained that appellation from chasms @@ -8830,13 +8830,13 @@ made in the ground near the Gates of the CaspianCertain mou the rivers underwent various changes. Ion, in his satirical -composition of Omphale, has said of Eubœa, +composition of Omphale, has said of Eubœa, -The light wave of the Euripus has divided the land of Eubœa from +The light wave of the Euripus has divided the land of Eubœa from -Bœotia; separating the projecting land by a strait. +Bœotia; separating the projecting land by a strait. @@ -8847,23 +8847,23 @@ which formerly occurred throughout the whole of Greece, states that a great portion of the Lichadian Islands and of -KenæumA western promontory of Eubœa, called by the modern Greeks +KenæumA western promontory of Eubœa, called by the modern Greeks -Kabo Lithari. The Lichadian Islands, which now bear the name of Litada, are close by. were submerged; that the hot springs of ÆdepsusA city of Eubœa; hood. Dipso. +Kabo Lithari. The Lichadian Islands, which now bear the name of Litada, are close by. were submerged; that the hot springs of ÆdepsusA city of Eubœa; hood. Dipso. -and Thermopylæ were suppressed for three days, and that +and Thermopylæ were suppressed for three days, and that -when they commenced to run again those of Ædepsus gushed +when they commenced to run again those of Ædepsus gushed -from new fountains. That at OreusIn Eubœa, now Orio. on the sea-coast the +from new fountains. That at OreusIn Eubœa, now Orio. on the sea-coast the wall and nearly seven hundred houses fell at once. That the -greater part of Echinus,Now Echino; belonged to Thessaly and was near the sea. Phalara,Now Stillida; situated on the Bay of Zeitoun. and Heraclæa of TrachisA little town situated in a plain amongst the mountains. It received +greater part of Echinus,Now Echino; belonged to Thessaly and was near the sea. Phalara,Now Stillida; situated on the Bay of Zeitoun. and Heraclæa of TrachisA little town situated in a plain amongst the mountains. It received its name from a tradition that Hercules abode there during the time that -the pyre on Mount Œta was being prepared, into which he cast himself. +the pyre on Mount Œta was being prepared, into which he cast himself. were thrown down, Phalara being overturned from its very @@ -8887,11 +8887,11 @@ ThroniumA town close to Scarpheia; its ruins are said to be Palaio Kastro. more than half that number. That a torrent of water -gushed forth taking three directions, one to Scarphe and Thronium, another to Thermopylæ, and a third to the plains of +gushed forth taking three directions, one to Scarphe and Thronium, another to Thermopylæ, and a third to the plains of Daphnus in Phocis. That the springs of [many] rivers were -for several days dried up; that the course of the SperchiusNow Agriomela or Ellada, a river descending from Mount Œta, and +for several days dried up; that the course of the SperchiusNow Agriomela or Ellada, a river descending from Mount Œta, and emptying itself into the Bay of Zeitoun. @@ -8901,7 +8901,7 @@ that many parts of Alope, Cynus, and Opus were injured,Thre now called Kyno. -and the castle of Œum, which commands the latter city, entirely overturned. That part of the wall of ElateiaOne of the principal cities of Phocis, near the river Cephissus; a +and the castle of Œum, which commands the latter city, entirely overturned. That part of the wall of ElateiaOne of the principal cities of Phocis, near the river Cephissus; a little village called Leuta stands on the ancient site. was @@ -8915,7 +8915,7 @@ were precipitated into the sea by the falling of the tower. They also record that a large fissure was made [by the water] -through the midst of the island of Atalanta,The modern Talanta. opposite Eubœa,Egripo. +through the midst of the island of Atalanta,The modern Talanta. opposite Eubœa,Egripo. sufficient for ships to sail in; that the course of the channel @@ -8966,15 +8966,15 @@ bordering on the Adriatic Gulf. Similar emigrations were also undertaken by the nations of Greece, the Ionians, Dorians, -Achaians, and Æolians; and the Ænians,A small people of Thessaly, who latterly dwelt near Mount Œta, +Achaians, and Æolians; and the Ænians,A small people of Thessaly, who latterly dwelt near Mount Œta, -which separated them from Ætolia and Phocis. now next neighbours +which separated them from Ætolia and Phocis. now next neighbours -to the Ætolians, formerly dwelt near Dotium A city and plain in Thessaly, near to Mount Ossa. and Ossa, beyond +to the Ætolians, formerly dwelt near Dotium A city and plain in Thessaly, near to Mount Ossa. and Ossa, beyond -the Perrhæbi;A people of Macedon, at the time of Strabo dwelling north of the +the Perrhæbi;A people of Macedon, at the time of Strabo dwelling north of the -river Peneius. the Perrhæbi too are but wanderers here +river Peneius. the Perrhæbi too are but wanderers here themselves. Our present work furnishes numerous instances @@ -8982,9 +8982,9 @@ of the same kind. Some of these are familiar to most readers, but the migrations of the Carians, the Treres, the Teucrians, -and the Galatæ or Gauls,Few nations have wandered so far and wide as the Galatæ. We meet +and the Galatæ or Gauls,Few nations have wandered so far and wide as the Galatæ. We meet -with them in Europe, Asia, and Africa, under the various names of Galatæ +with them in Europe, Asia, and Africa, under the various names of Galatæ Galatians, Gauls, and Kelts. Galatia, in Asia Minor, was settled by one @@ -9041,13 +9041,13 @@ whence the north wind proceeded: Hypernotii therefore should be those who lived beyond the point of the procession of the south wind. The -remark of Herodotus will be found, lib. iv. § 36. It is simply this: Supposing Hyperboreans, there ought likewise to be Hypernotii. +remark of Herodotus will be found, lib. iv. § 36. It is simply this: Supposing Hyperboreans, there ought likewise to be Hypernotii. Eratosthenes calls this argument ridiculous, and compares -it to the sophism, that there are no epichærekaki,Those who exult over the misfortunes of their neighbours. inasmuch +it to the sophism, that there are no epichærekaki,Those who exult over the misfortunes of their neighbours. inasmuch -as there are no epichæragathi;Those who rejoice in others' prosperity. [adding] perhaps there are +as there are no epichæragathi;Those who rejoice in others' prosperity. [adding] perhaps there are Hypernotii; since at all events in Ethiopia Notus does not @@ -9195,7 +9195,7 @@ exact situation is unknown. the Cinnamon country, and Taprobane,

We will let pass the rest of his distances, since they are -something near,—but that the Dnieper is under the same +something near,—but that the Dnieper is under the same parallel as Thule, what man in his senses could ever agree to @@ -9252,7 +9252,7 @@ Pytheas states he observed at Marseilles being exactly equal to that which Hipparchus says he found at Byzantium; the -periods of observation being in both cases similar.The latitudes of Marseilles and Constantinople differ by 2° 16′ 21″. +periods of observation being in both cases similar.The latitudes of Marseilles and Constantinople differ by 2° 16′ 21″. Gosselin enters into a lengthened explanation on this subject, i. 158. Now @@ -9327,7 +9327,7 @@ fronting the Iberians, and inclining west, not less than 3000 stadia, and the headlands, including that of the Ostimii, named -Cabæum,Cape S. Mahé. and the adjoining islands, the last of which, named +Cabæum,Cape S. Mahé. and the adjoining islands, the last of which, named Uxisama,Ushant. is distant, according to Pytheas, a three days' sail. @@ -9423,7 +9423,7 @@ and Tanais,The Nile being thought to separate Africa from A or Don, Europe. have described them as islands; while others suppose them to be peninsulas connected by the isthmuses between -the Caspian and the Euxine Seas, and between the Erythræan +the Caspian and the Euxine Seas, and between the Erythræan SeaThe Red Sea. and Ecregma.The name of the mouth of the lake Sirbonis or Sebaket-Bardoil, @@ -9435,15 +9435,15 @@ Democritus observed, a bone of contention for angry litigants. Where there are no precise boundary marks, columns, or walls, -as at Colyttus and Melitè,Places in Attica. it is easy for us to say such a place +as at Colyttus and Melitè,Places in Attica. it is easy for us to say such a place -is Colyttus, and such another Melitè, but not so easy to show +is Colyttus, and such another Melitè, but not so easy to show the exact limits: thus disputes have frequently arisen concerning certain districts; that, for instance, between the -Argives and Lacedæmonians concerning [the possession of] +Argives and Lacedæmonians concerning [the possession of] -Thyrea,Probably Thyros, a place situated close to the sea, just at the boundary of the two countries. and that between the Athenians and Bœotians relative to Oropus.Oropo, on the confines of Attica and Bœotia. Further, in giving names to the three continents, the Greeks did not take into consideration the whole +Thyrea,Probably Thyros, a place situated close to the sea, just at the boundary of the two countries. and that between the Athenians and Bœotians relative to Oropus.Oropo, on the confines of Attica and Bœotia. Further, in giving names to the three continents, the Greeks did not take into consideration the whole habitable earth, but merely their own country and the land @@ -9501,7 +9501,7 @@ absurd, when he declares that he sees no advantage in being acquainted with the exact boundaries of countries, and then -cites the example of Colyttus and Melitè, which prove just +cites the example of Colyttus and Melitè, which prove just the contrary of his assertion. Surely if a want of certainty @@ -9615,7 +9615,7 @@ Pillars he draws the line through the Strait of Sicily,The southern extremities of Peloponnesus and Attica, to Rhodes -and the Gulf of Issus.The Gulf of Aïas. The town of Aïas has replaced Issus, at the eastern +and the Gulf of Issus.The Gulf of Aïas. The town of Aïas has replaced Issus, at the eastern extremity of the Mediterranean. He says, Through the whole of this @@ -9660,7 +9660,7 @@ mountains of the Caucasus,Strabo does not here mean the Cau several chains were known to the Greeks by the names of Paropamisus, -Emodi Montes, Imaüs, &c. there are 15,000 stadia, according to Patrocles, a writer whom we are bound to believe, both +Emodi Montes, Imaüs, &c. there are 15,000 stadia, according to Patrocles, a writer whom we are bound to believe, both on account of his worth, and the vast amount of his geographical attainments. Now since the distance from Meroe to @@ -9745,7 +9745,7 @@ the southern extremity of India is under the same parallel as Meroe; and who are they who estimateLiterally, estimate at so much, referring to the estimate at the -conclusion of § 2. the distance from +conclusion of § 2. the distance from Meroe to the parallel passing through Athens? Or who, again, @@ -9774,7 +9774,7 @@ himself acknowledges to be gigantic.

Besides, the credibility of Patrocles can be proved by a -variety of evidence—the princesSeleucus Nicator and Antiochus Soter. who confided to him so important trusts—the authors who follow his statements—and +variety of evidence—the princesSeleucus Nicator and Antiochus Soter. who confided to him so important trusts—the authors who follow his statements—and those, too, who criticise them, whose names Hipparchus has @@ -9883,7 +9883,7 @@ of falsehood. Both of these men were sent ambassadors to Palimbothra,Not Allahabad, as supposed by D'Anville, but Patelputer, or Patali- -putra, near Patna.—Megasthenes to Sandrocottus, Deimachus to +putra, near Patna.—Megasthenes to Sandrocottus, Deimachus to Allitrochades his son; and such are the notes of their residence @@ -10012,13 +10012,13 @@ identical with that of Keltica next the Ocean; for on proceeding 3700 stadia [no ocean.Gosselin remarks that these 3700, or rather 3800 stadia, on proceeding from Marseilles, would reach the latitude of Paris, and that of the -coasts in the neighbourhood of Tréguier. Eratosthenes and Hipparchus +coasts in the neighbourhood of Tréguier. Eratosthenes and Hipparchus -were out but 14′ and some seconds in their calculation of the latitude of +were out but 14′ and some seconds in their calculation of the latitude of -Marseilles; but Strabo's error touching the same amounted to 3° 43′ 28″; +Marseilles; but Strabo's error touching the same amounted to 3° 43′ 28″; -he consequently fixed the northern coasts of France at 45° 17′ 18″, which is about the latitude of the mouth of the Garonne. +he consequently fixed the northern coasts of France at 45° 17′ 18″, which is about the latitude of the mouth of the Garonne.

Again, we know that the Cinnamon Country is the @@ -10031,7 +10031,7 @@ which marks the commencement of the temperate zone, and likewise of the habitable earth, is distant from the equator -about 8800 stadia.These 8800 stadia, at 700 to a degree, amount to 12° 34′ 17″ of latitude. This would be about the middle of Abyssinia. And since he likewise says that from +about 8800 stadia.These 8800 stadia, at 700 to a degree, amount to 12° 34′ 17″ of latitude. This would be about the middle of Abyssinia. And since he likewise says that from the equator to the parallel of the Dnieper there are 34,000 @@ -10104,7 +10104,7 @@ shall find both of these nations lie beyond the temperate zone and habitable earth.These 30,000 stadia, added to the 12,600 of the preceding note, would -place Bactria under 60° 51′ 26″ north latitude, which is more than 24 +place Bactria under 60° 51′ 26″ north latitude, which is more than 24 degrees too far north. Who will venture to affirm such to be @@ -10122,7 +10122,7 @@ of the chainThis portion of the Taurus is called by the Ind blessed with such advantages must be very far from uninhabitable. It is said that in Hyrcania each vine produces a -metreteThis was the principal Greek liquid measure, and was 3–4ths of the +metreteThis was the principal Greek liquid measure, and was 3–4ths of the medimnus, the chief dry measure. The Attic metretes was half as large @@ -10130,7 +10130,7 @@ again as the Roman Amphora quadrantal, and contained a 7 gallons. Smith. of wine, and each fig tree 60 medimniThe medimnus contained nearly 12 imperial gallons, or 11 bushel. -This was the Attic medimnus; the Æginetan and Ptolemaic was half as +This was the Attic medimnus; the Æginetan and Ptolemaic was half as much again, or in the ratio of 3: 2 to the Attic. Smith. of fruit. That @@ -10183,13 +10183,13 @@ are much farther north than those adjoining the Taurus. Bagadania, a vast plain, situated between the mountains of -ArgæusMount Argæus still preserves the name of Ardgeh. The part of the +ArgæusMount Argæus still preserves the name of Ardgeh. The part of the Taurus here alluded to is called Ardoxt Dag. and Taurus, hardly produces any fruit trees, although south of the Euxine Sea by 3000 stadia; while the territory -round Sinope,Sinub. Amisus,Samsoun. and Phanarœa abounds in olives. +round Sinope,Sinub. Amisus,Samsoun. and Phanarœa abounds in olives.

The Oxus,The Gihon of the oriental writers. which divides Bactriana from Sogdiana, is said to be of such easy navigation that the wares of India are @@ -10198,7 +10198,7 @@ brought up it into the sea of Hyrcania,The Caspian. by various other rivers to the districts near the Euxine.Gosselin says, the Oxus, or Abi-amu, which now discharges itself into -Lake Aral, anciently communicated with the Caspian.—The vessels carrying Indian merchandise used to come down the Oxus into the Caspian; +Lake Aral, anciently communicated with the Caspian.—The vessels carrying Indian merchandise used to come down the Oxus into the Caspian; they then steered along the southern coasts till they reached the mouth @@ -10237,7 +10237,7 @@ its fruit to maturity, although the grapes are exceedingly small, and the vines are covered up all the winter. And in -the parts near the mouth of the Palus Mæotis, the frost is so +the parts near the mouth of the Palus Mæotis, the frost is so strong that a general of Mithridates defeated the barbarians @@ -10247,11 +10247,11 @@ very same spot in a naval fight in summer, when the ice was thawed. Eratosthenes furnishes us with the following -inscription, which he found in the temple of Æsculapius at +inscription, which he found in the temple of Æsculapius at -Panticapæeon,Kertsch in the Crimea. on a brazen vase which had been broken by +Panticapæeon,Kertsch in the Crimea. on a brazen vase which had been broken by -the frost:— +the frost:—

If any one doubts the intensity of our winter's cold, let him believe when he sees this vase. The priest Stratius @@ -10328,15 +10328,15 @@ if we give a summary of them in figures. Strabo supposes that Hipparchus, reckoning from the equator to the limits of the inhabited earth,8,800 stadia should have fixed the southern extremity of India more to the north by4,000 and the northern extremity of India, according to the measures of Deimachus, still more to the north by30,000 -——— +——— Total42,800 Now, Strabo adds, following Hipparchus, the northern shores of Keltica and the mouth of the Dnieper, are distant from the equator34,000 Ierne, in a climate almost uninhabitable, was, according to Strabo's own impression, situated to the north of Keltica5,000 -——— +——— 39,000 Then, according to Hipparchus, the habitable latitudes would extend still farther than Ierne by3,800 -——— +——— Total42,800 @@ -10407,7 +10407,7 @@ Would give a latitude of a little above 48 degrees. We afterwards find that Hipparchus placed the mouth of the Dnieper, and that part of France -here alluded to, under 48° 29′ 19″, and we know that at this latitude, which is only 20′ 56″ different from that of Paris, there is no real night during the longest days of the summer. He adds that this phenomenon is yet more remarkable in regions 6300Read 7700. stadia north of Marseilles, (these +here alluded to, under 48° 29′ 19″, and we know that at this latitude, which is only 20′ 56″ different from that of Paris, there is no real night during the longest days of the summer. He adds that this phenomenon is yet more remarkable in regions 6300Read 7700. stadia north of Marseilles, (these regions he supposes to be peopled by Kelts, but I believe are @@ -10423,7 +10423,7 @@ indications added by Hipparchus. stadia north of Marseilles it only rises four cubits, and not so much as three in the countries beyond, -and which I consider much farther north than Ierne.Strabo supposed the latitude of Ireland to be 52° 25′ 42″. Countries +and which I consider much farther north than Ierne.Strabo supposed the latitude of Ireland to be 52° 25′ 42″. Countries north of this he considered to be altogether uninhabitable on account of @@ -10546,7 +10546,7 @@ present polar star at 13 degrees. b of the Lesse the most northern of the seven principal stars of that constellation, and -set at 8° 45′. So that both Bears entirely disappeared beneath the horizon of Cape Comorin. These assertions, says Eratosthenes, arise from the +set at 8° 45′. So that both Bears entirely disappeared beneath the horizon of Cape Comorin. These assertions, says Eratosthenes, arise from the ignorance of Deimachus. For it is nothing else than ignorance to suppose that the autumnal equinox is not equally @@ -10627,7 +10627,7 @@ to Ethiopia, has given us the clima of Meroe. He says t that place the sun is vertical forty-five days before the summer solstice,This observation, taken at the time of Hipparchus, would indicate a -latitude of 16° 48′ 34″. he also informs us of the proportion of shadow +latitude of 16° 48′ 34″. he also informs us of the proportion of shadow thrown by the gnomon both at the equinoxes and solstices. @@ -10647,7 +10647,7 @@ are seen to set in that country, then certainly Meroe and the southern extremity of India cannot be under the same -parallel.Hipparchus fixed the latitude of Meroe at 16° 51′ 25″, and the extremity of India at 18°. In the time of Alexander, the Lesser Bear was +parallel.Hipparchus fixed the latitude of Meroe at 16° 51′ 25″, and the extremity of India at 18°. In the time of Alexander, the Lesser Bear was not observed to set for either of these latitudes. Strabo therefore drew @@ -10917,7 +10917,7 @@ south some distance shifts its course almost due east. first, but whether we are to regard it as one single straight -line, or two, seems to be undecided. He says,—From Thapsacus to Babylon, following the course of the Euphrates, there +line, or two, seems to be undecided. He says,—From Thapsacus to Babylon, following the course of the Euphrates, there are 4800 stadia; from thence to the mouth of the EuphratesThis ancient embouchure of the Euphrates is now known as Khor- @@ -10925,7 +10925,7 @@ Abdillah. and the city of Teredon, 3000Read 3300. more; from Thapsacus northward to the Gates of Armenia, having been measured, is -stated to be 1100 stadia, but the distance through Gordyæa +stated to be 1100 stadia, but the distance through Gordyæa and Armenia, not having yet been measured, is not given. @@ -10937,7 +10937,7 @@ does not appear to be less than 8000 stadia, and measured from certain headlands above 9000, the rest of the distance -through Parætacena and Media to the Caspian Gates being +through Parætacena and Media to the Caspian Gates being 3000 stadia. The rivers Tigris and Euphrates flowing @@ -10949,7 +10949,7 @@ from Armenia towards the south, after having passed the -Gordytæan mountains, and having formed a great circle which +Gordytæan mountains, and having formed a great circle which embraces the vast country of Mesopotamia, turn towards the @@ -10965,7 +10965,7 @@ about 200 stadia from the village of Opis,Situated on the T through Babylon, and so discharges itself into the Persian -Gulf. Thus the figure of Mesopotamia and Babylon resembles the cushion of a rower's bench.—Such are the words of +Gulf. Thus the figure of Mesopotamia and Babylon resembles the cushion of a rower's bench.—Such are the words of Eratosthenes. @@ -11027,7 +11027,7 @@ the inference would be just.A line drawn from the frontiers with the meridian an angle of about 500. One from the Caspian Gates -to Thapsacus would form with the parallel merely an angle of about 30° For then the line [from the +to Thapsacus would form with the parallel merely an angle of about 30° For then the line [from the common frontier of Carmania and Persia] to Babylon if produced to the meridian of Thapsacus, would appear to the eye @@ -11482,7 +11482,7 @@ there cannot be much less than 4000 stadia,It was a mistake to fancy that Rhodes and Alexandria were under the same meridian. The -Longitude of the two cities differs by 2° 22′ 45″. consequently there +Longitude of the two cities differs by 2° 22′ 45″. consequently there must be the same difference between the latitudes of Rhodes @@ -11523,7 +11523,7 @@ to his plan, we should have a right-angled triangle, with the right angle next to the frontiers of Carmania, and its hypotenuse less than one of the sides about the right angle! -Consequently Persia should be included in the second section.The following is a Resumé of the argument of Hipparchus, The +Consequently Persia should be included in the second section.The following is a Resumé of the argument of Hipparchus, The hypotenuse of the supposed triangle, or the line drawn from Babylon to @@ -11628,11 +11628,11 @@ have been excused; but since his mistakes involve thousands of stadia, we cannot pardon him, more especially since he has -laid it down that at a mere distance of 400 stadia,400 stadia, allowing 700 to a degree, would give 34′ 17″ latitude. +laid it down that at a mere distance of 400 stadia,400 stadia, allowing 700 to a degree, would give 34′ 17″ latitude. According to present astronomical calculations, the distance between the -parallels of Rhodes and Athens is 1° 36′ 30″. such as +parallels of Rhodes and Athens is 1° 36′ 30″. such as that between the parallels of Athens and Rhodes, there is a @@ -11650,7 +11650,7 @@ of the air; less, when we employ gnomons and dioptric instruments. Nothing is mo the parallel of Athens, or that of Rhodes and Caria, by means -of a gnomon, the difference resulting from so many stadiaViz. 400 stadia, or 34′ 17″ of latitude. +of a gnomon, the difference resulting from so many stadiaViz. 400 stadia, or 34′ 17″ of latitude. will be sensible. But when a geographer, in order to trace a @@ -11709,7 +11709,7 @@ the diagonal of a parallelogram was its length. For Thapsacus and the coasts of same parallel of latitude, but under parallels considerably -distant from each other,The difference of latitude between Thapsacus and Pelusium is about 4° 27′. and a line drawn from Thapsacus to +distant from each other,The difference of latitude between Thapsacus and Pelusium is about 4° 27′. and a line drawn from Thapsacus to Egypt would lie in a kind of diagonal or oblique direction @@ -11959,7 +11959,7 @@ would be much shorter. His mode of reasoning is after this fashion. He says, According to Eratosthenes, the mouth -of the Nile at Canopus,Moadieh, the mouth of the river close to Aboukir. and the Cyaneæ,Certain little islets at the mouth of the canal of Constantinople, in the +of the Nile at Canopus,Moadieh, the mouth of the river close to Aboukir. and the Cyaneæ,Certain little islets at the mouth of the canal of Constantinople, in the Black Sea. These islands want about a degree and a quarter of being @@ -11967,7 +11967,7 @@ under the same meridian as Moadieh. are under the same meridian, which is distant from that of Thapsacus 6300 -stadia. Now from the Cyaneæ to Mount Caspius, which is +stadia. Now from the Cyaneæ to Mount Caspius, which is situated close to the defileGosselin remarks, that the defile intended by Strabo, was probably @@ -11987,13 +11987,13 @@ pian Sea, there are 6600 stadia,Gosselin also observes, tha stadia of 700 to a degree. Consequently the difference between the -meridian of Thapsacus and that of Mount Caspius is as much as 4° 45′, +meridian of Thapsacus and that of Mount Caspius is as much as 4° 45′, -in place of the 300 stadia, or from 25′ to 26′ supposed by Hipparchus. so that, with the exception +in place of the 300 stadia, or from 25′ to 26′ supposed by Hipparchus. so that, with the exception of about 300 stadia, the distance from the meridian of the -Cyaneæ to that of Thapsacus, or to that of Mount Caspius, is +Cyaneæ to that of Thapsacus, or to that of Mount Caspius, is the same: and both Thapsacus and Mount Caspius are, so @@ -12034,13 +12034,13 @@ of 700 to a degree. and from Dioscurias to Caspius five days' journey, (w stadia,) the sum of these, as stated by Eratosthenes, would -amount to 9600 stadia. This Hipparchus abridges in the following manner. From the Cyaneæ to the Phasis are 5600 +amount to 9600 stadia. This Hipparchus abridges in the following manner. From the Cyaneæ to the Phasis are 5600 stadia, and from the Phasis to the Caspius 1000 more.According to our improved charts, the distance from the meridian of -the Cyaneæ to that of the Phasis is 6800 stadia, of 700 to a degree; from +the Cyaneæ to that of the Phasis is 6800 stadia, of 700 to a degree; from -the Cyaneæ to Mount Caspius, 8080. There +the Cyaneæ to Mount Caspius, 8080. There @@ -12155,11 +12155,11 @@ is, if, as he himself tells us, Caria and Rhodes are under the same meridian as Alexandria,It was an error alike shared in by Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, and -Strabo, that Alexandria and Rhodes were under the same meridian, notwithstanding the former of these cities is 2° 22′ 45″ east of the latter. and the Strait of Messina +Strabo, that Alexandria and Rhodes were under the same meridian, notwithstanding the former of these cities is 2° 22′ 45″ east of the latter. and the Strait of Messina under the same as Carthage,This is an error peculiar to Eratosthenes The meridians of Carthage -and the Strait of Messina differ by 5° 45′. for every one is agreed that the +and the Strait of Messina differ by 5° 45′. for every one is agreed that the voyage from Caria to the Strait of Sicily does not exceed @@ -12225,9 +12225,9 @@ only remark, that Timosthenes, Eratosthenes, and those who preceded them, were but ill acquainted with Iberia and Keltica,Spain and France. and a thousand times less with Germany, Britain, -and the land of the Getæ and Bastarnæ.The Getæ occupied the east of Moldavia and Bessarabia, between +and the land of the Getæ and Bastarnæ.The Getæ occupied the east of Moldavia and Bessarabia, between -the Danube and the Dniester. The Bastarnæ inhabited the north of +the Danube and the Dniester. The Bastarnæ inhabited the north of Moldavia and a part of the Ukraine. Their want of @@ -12341,7 +12341,7 @@ of this division. As Posidonius and Strabo estimated the breadth of the torrid zone at 8800 stadia, and Parmenides is said to have nearly doubled -it, this would give 17,600 stadia, or 25° 8′ 34″, taking this at 25° it would +it, this would give 17,600 stadia, or 25° 8′ 34″, taking this at 25° it would appear that Parmenides extended the torrid zone one degree beyond the @@ -12353,13 +12353,13 @@ varied for every latitude. Aristotle limited the temperate zone to those countries which had the constellation of the crown in their Arctic Circle, -the brilliant star of that constellation in his time had a northern declination of about 36° 30′, consequently he did not reckon that the temperate +the brilliant star of that constellation in his time had a northern declination of about 36° 30′, consequently he did not reckon that the temperate -zone reached farther north or south than 53° and a half. We shall see +zone reached farther north or south than 53° and a half. We shall see that Strabo adopted much the same opinion, fixing the northern bounds -of the habitable earth at 54° 25′ 42″. Gosselin. Both of these divisions Posidonius justly condemns, +of the habitable earth at 54° 25′ 42″. Gosselin. Both of these divisions Posidonius justly condemns, for the torrid zone is properly the space rendered uninhabitable by the heat. Whereas more than half of the space between the tropics is inhabited, as we may judge by the @@ -12451,13 +12451,13 @@ two halves, over which [every year] for the space of a fortnight, the sun is vertical.Viz. Posidonius allowed for each of these small zones a breadth of -about 30′, or 350 stadia, of 700 to a degree. These zones are remarkable +about 30′, or 350 stadia, of 700 to a degree. These zones are remarkable for being extremely arid and sandy, producing no vegetation with the exception of silphium,A plant, the juice of which was used in food and medicine. Bentley -supposes it to be the asa-fœtida, still much eaten as a relish in the East. and a parched grain somewhat +supposes it to be the asa-fœtida, still much eaten as a relish in the East. and a parched grain somewhat resembling wheat. This is caused by there being no mountains to attract the clouds and produce rain, nor any rivers @@ -12589,7 +12589,7 @@ the Intermediate zone.

Polybius, indeed, is wrong in bounding certain of his -zones by the arctic circles,That is, by arctic circles which differed in respect to various latitudes. See Book ii. chap. ii. § 2. p. 144. namely, the two which lie under +zones by the arctic circles,That is, by arctic circles which differed in respect to various latitudes. See Book ii. chap. ii. § 2. p. 144. namely, the two which lie under them, and the two between these and the tropics. The impropriety of using shifting points to mark the limits of those @@ -12707,7 +12707,7 @@ the ocean in particular his study. Africa, tells us that Herodotus was of opinion that some of those -sent out by Darius actually performed this enterprise;Strabo seems to confound the account (Herodotus iv. 44) of the expedition sent by Darius round southern Persia and Arabia with the circumnavigation of Libya, (Herod. iv. 42,) which Necho II. confided to the Phœnicians about 600 B. C., commanding them distinctly to return to Egypt through the passage of the Pillars of Hercules. See Humboldt's +sent out by Darius actually performed this enterprise;Strabo seems to confound the account (Herodotus iv. 44) of the expedition sent by Darius round southern Persia and Arabia with the circumnavigation of Libya, (Herod. iv. 42,) which Necho II. confided to the Phœnicians about 600 B. C., commanding them distinctly to return to Egypt through the passage of the Pillars of Hercules. See Humboldt's Cosmos, ii. 488, note, Bohn's edition. and @@ -12844,7 +12844,7 @@ the Red Sea having been brought to the coast of Crete by westerly currents.Pozzuolo, close by Naples. and then +out on his travels. First he visited Dicæarchia,Pozzuolo, close by Naples. and then Marseilles, and afterwards traversed the whole coast as far as @@ -12969,9 +12969,9 @@ that the voyage of the Magus,Round Africa. related b sufficient evidence, and also the account given by Herodotus -of those sent out [to explore] by Darius. But this BergæanA term by which incredible narrations were designated. It owes its +of those sent out [to explore] by Darius. But this BergæanA term by which incredible narrations were designated. It owes its -origin to Antiphanes, a writer born at Bergè, a city of Thrace, and famous +origin to Antiphanes, a writer born at Bergè, a city of Thrace, and famous for trumping up false and auld-world stories. Beo|gai/=zein, was a proverbial and polite term for lying. @@ -13193,7 +13193,7 @@ while some peculiarites are due to the nature of the country, others are the result of institutions and education. It is not -owing to the nature of the country, but rather to their education, that the Athenians cultivate eloquence, while the Lacedæmonians do not; nor yet the Thebans, who are nearer still. +owing to the nature of the country, but rather to their education, that the Athenians cultivate eloquence, while the Lacedæmonians do not; nor yet the Thebans, who are nearer still. Neither are the Babylonians and Egyptians philosophers by @@ -13273,7 +13273,7 @@ following expression of Aratus, astronomical poems, called Faino/mena and Dioshmei/a. It is from the -former of these that the above quotation is taken. Aratus, Phænom. v. 61.Phænom. v. 61. +former of these that the above quotation is taken. Aratus, Phænom. v. 61.Phænom. v. 61. However, if the reading of Posidonius be preferable to that of @@ -13309,7 +13309,7 @@ not his intention to examine the writings of the ancient geographers, but the st -such as Dicæarchus, Eratosthenes, (who was the last of those +such as Dicæarchus, Eratosthenes, (who was the last of those who [in his time] had laboured on geography,) and Pytheas, @@ -13356,7 +13356,7 @@ to the MessenianEvemerus, or Euhemerus, a Sicilian author o said to have sailed down the Red Sea and round the southern coasts of -Asia to a very great distance, until he came to an island called Panchæa. +Asia to a very great distance, until he came to an island called Panchæa. After his return from this voyage, he wrote a work entitled (Iera\ )Ana- @@ -13368,7 +13368,7 @@ temples of Greece; and Euhemerus chose it, because he pretended to have derived his information from public documents of that kind, which he -had discovered in his travels, especially in the island of Panchæa. The +had discovered in his travels, especially in the island of Panchæa. The work contained accounts of the several gods, whom Euhemerus represented @@ -13396,20 +13396,20 @@ find to be the case with Polybius and Dionysius. Vide Smith. rather than merely pretends to have sailed into one [unknown] country, -viz. Panchæa, but the latter, that he has visited the whole of +viz. Panchæa, but the latter, that he has visited the whole of the north of Europe as far as the ends of the earth; which statement, even had it been made by Mercury, we should not -have believed. Nevertheless Eratosthenes, who terms Euhemerus a Bergæan, gives credit to Pytheas, although even +have believed. Nevertheless Eratosthenes, who terms Euhemerus a Bergæan, gives credit to Pytheas, although even -Dicæarchus would not believe him. -

This argument, although even Dicæarchus would not believe him, is ridiculous, just as if Eratosthenes ought to take +Dicæarchus would not believe him. +

This argument, although even Dicæarchus would not believe him, is ridiculous, just as if Eratosthenes ought to take for his standard a writer whom Polybius is himself for ever -complaining of.Every one will observe, that this criticism of Strabo is entirely gratuitous and captious. Polybius cites Dicæarchus as a most credulous +complaining of.Every one will observe, that this criticism of Strabo is entirely gratuitous and captious. Polybius cites Dicæarchus as a most credulous writer, but states that even he would not believe Pytheas: how then @@ -13418,17 +13418,17 @@ could so distinguished a writer as Eratosthenes put faith in his nonsense? The distance from Cape Tenarum to the Strait of Messina is in proportion to the distance from the Strait of Messina to Gibraltar, about -3 to 10, not 3 to 7 as given by Dicæarchus. +3 to 10, not 3 to 7 as given by Dicæarchus.

I will not inquire, says Polybius, whether the statement concerning the 3000 stadia is correct or not, but 7000 stadia @@ -13501,14 +13501,14 @@ the 3000 stadia from the Peloponnesus to the Strait of Sicily, the whole taken together will give a straight lineViz. from the Peloponnesus to the Pillars of Hercules. above -double the length assigned by Dicæarchus; and, according to +double the length assigned by Dicæarchus; and, according to his system, you must add in addition to these the stadia at the recess of the Adriatic.

-

True, dear Polybius, (one might say,) this error [of Dicæarchus] is manifested by the proof which you yourself +

True, dear Polybius, (one might say,) this error [of Dicæarchus] is manifested by the proof which you yourself have given when you inform us that from the Peloponnesus @@ -13522,7 +13522,7 @@ coast of Albania. and from the Ceraunian Mountains to Iapygia, following the coast of Illyria on the right, -6150 stadia.In all 8250 stadia. But the statement of Dicæarchus, that the +6150 stadia.In all 8250 stadia. But the statement of Dicæarchus, that the @@ -13538,7 +13538,7 @@ incorrect. For almost every one is agreed that the distance measured straight across the sea is 12,000 stadia, and this coincides with the received calculation of the length of the inhabited earth, which is estimated at above 70,000 stadia; the -western portion of this from the Gulf of IssusIssus, now Aïas, a town of Cilicia on the confines of Syria, famous +western portion of this from the Gulf of IssusIssus, now Aïas, a town of Cilicia on the confines of Syria, famous for the battle between Alexander the Great and Darius, in consequence @@ -13612,7 +13612,7 @@ are 7000 stadia, and from the Pyrenees [to the same place] seilles, and little less than 8000 from the Pyrenees,These measures are taken along the coast, in stadia of 700 to a degree. Of these, from Marseilles to Gibraltar there are 9300, and from -the ancient promontory of Pyrenæum to Gibraltar 7380. Consequently +the ancient promontory of Pyrenæum to Gibraltar 7380. Consequently the corrections of Polybius were neither inaccurate nor uncalled for. he is @@ -13644,13 +13644,13 @@ makes conflicting statements concerning it. He tells us, for example, that the portion of this country situated on the sea- -coast as far as Gades is inhabited by Galatæ,Kelts. who possess +coast as far as Gades is inhabited by Galatæ,Kelts. who possess western Europe as far as Gades; nevertheless, in his account of Iberia he seems quite to have forgotten this, and makes -no mention of these Galatæ whatever. +no mention of these Galatæ whatever.

Again, however, Polybius makes an incorrect assertion, @@ -13681,9 +13681,9 @@ might have been simply stated, it is false that the river Don flows from the summer rising. For all who are acquainted with these localities inform us that this river flows -from the north into the Mæotis, so that the mouth of the +from the north into the Mæotis, so that the mouth of the -river lies under the same meridian as that of the Mæotis; +river lies under the same meridian as that of the Mæotis; and so in fact does the whole river as far as is known.This is an error into which Strabo fell with most of the ancient geographers. The course of the Don certainly begins from the north, but @@ -13691,7 +13691,7 @@ afterwards it turns eastward, and then suddenly shifts to the west. Sc that its entire course as known in the time of Strabo, differed from the -Palus Mæotis and Sea of Azof by about 9 degrees of longitude. Polybius +Palus Mæotis and Sea of Azof by about 9 degrees of longitude. Polybius is here more exact than Strabo. @@ -13716,14 +13716,14 @@ idle assertion, that the Don crosses these rivers, and then turns northward on its way to discharge itself into the -Mæbtis, it being well known that the outlets to this river are +Mæbtis, it being well known that the outlets to this river are -in the most northern and eastern portions of the lake.Palus Mæotis. +in the most northern and eastern portions of the lake.Palus Mæotis.

No less idle is the statement which has also been advanced. that the Don, after crossing the Caucasus, flows northward -and then turns towards the Mæotis.This was the opinion of Theophanes of Mytilene, who followed Pompey in his expeditions to the East. The Caucasus here mentioned is that +and then turns towards the Mæotis.This was the opinion of Theophanes of Mytilene, who followed Pompey in his expeditions to the East. The Caucasus here mentioned is that which bounds Georgia in the north, and from whence the modern river @@ -13731,7 +13731,7 @@ Kuban (the Vardanus of Pompey) takes its rise. This river does incline slightly to the north, and afterwards turns westward in its course to the -Palus Mæotis. It is possible that some confusion between this river and +Palus Mæotis. It is possible that some confusion between this river and the Don gave occasion to the belief that the latter rose in the Caucasus. No one, however, [with @@ -13831,9 +13831,9 @@ Chersonesus and the countries contiguous to the Strait,The Also a fifth, about the Kimmerian Bosphorus and the mouth -of the Mæotis. Let us allow [to Polybius] his two former +of the Mæotis. Let us allow [to Polybius] his two former -[promontories], they are clearly distinguished by unmistakeable bays; the first by the bay between CalpéThe Rock of Gibraltar. and the Sacred +[promontories], they are clearly distinguished by unmistakeable bays; the first by the bay between CalpéThe Rock of Gibraltar. and the Sacred PromontoryCape St. Vincent. where GadesCadiz. is situated, as also by the sea @@ -14196,7 +14196,7 @@ geometer, still in general appearance, and looked at roughly, it is a spheroid. five zones, with (1.) the equatorial circle described round it, -(2.) another parallel to this,Strabo supposed this circle at a distance of 38,100 stadia from the equator, or 54° 25′ 42″ or latitude. and defining the frigid zone of the northern hemisphere, and (3.) a circle passing through the poles, and cutting the two preceding circles at right angles. +(2.) another parallel to this,Strabo supposed this circle at a distance of 38,100 stadia from the equator, or 54° 25′ 42″ or latitude. and defining the frigid zone of the northern hemisphere, and (3.) a circle passing through the poles, and cutting the two preceding circles at right angles. The northern hemisphere contains two quarters of the earth, @@ -14380,9 +14380,9 @@ of the four-sixtieths, each sixtieth being equivalent to 4200 stadia,) and consequently from the [southern] boundaries of the habitable earth to the equator there are 8800 -stadia, and from Alexandria 21,800.These 21,800 stadia would give to Alexandria a latitude of 31° 8′ +stadia, and from Alexandria 21,800.These 21,800 stadia would give to Alexandria a latitude of 31° 8′ -34″; according to modern calculation it is 31° 11′ 20″ of latitude. The following presents Strabo's calculations of the latitude of the preceding +34″; according to modern calculation it is 31° 11′ 20″ of latitude. The following presents Strabo's calculations of the latitude of the preceding places in a tabular form. @@ -14391,11 +14391,11 @@ places in a tabular form. Names of places.Particular Distance.Total Distance.Latitudes.Stadia.Stadia. -Equator000° 0′ 0″ -Limits of the habitable earth8800880012° 34′ 17″ -Meroe30001180016° 51′ 25″ -Syene and the Tropic50001680024° 0′ 0″ -Alexandria50002180031° 8′ 34″ +Equator000° 0′ 0″ +Limits of the habitable earth8800880012° 34′ 17″ +Meroe30001180016° 51′ 25″ +Syene and the Tropic50001680024° 0′ 0″ +Alexandria50002180031° 8′ 34″
Again, every one is @@ -14410,13 +14410,13 @@ by Caria and Ionia to the Troad, Byzantium, and the Dnieper, is in a straight line with the course of the Nile.Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, and Strabo, all believed that the longitude -of Rhodes was the same as that of Alexandria, although actually it is 2° +of Rhodes was the same as that of Alexandria, although actually it is 2° -22′ 45″ west of that place. The coasts of Caria, Ionia, and the Troad +22′ 45″ west of that place. The coasts of Caria, Ionia, and the Troad -incline considerably to the west, while Byzantium is about 3° east of the +incline considerably to the west, while Byzantium is about 3° east of the -Troad, and the mouth of the Dnieper is above 3° 46′ east of Byzantium. +Troad, and the mouth of the Dnieper is above 3° 46′ east of Byzantium.

Taking therefore these distances, which have been ascertained by voyages, we have only to find out how far beyond the Dnieper the land is habitable, (being careful always to @@ -14432,13 +14432,13 @@ Scythians with which we are acquainted; they are nevertheless more south than th believed to be the most northerly region fitted for the habitation of man. -He gave it a latitude of 36,700 stadia, equivalent to 52° 25′ 42″, which +He gave it a latitude of 36,700 stadia, equivalent to 52° 25′ 42″, which answers to the southern portions of that island. we know of -beyond Britain. Beyond these Roxolani the country is uninhabitable on account of the severity of the climate. The SauromateThe Sauromatæ, or Sarmatians, occupied the lands north of the sea of +beyond Britain. Beyond these Roxolani the country is uninhabitable on account of the severity of the climate. The SauromateThe Sauromatæ, or Sarmatians, occupied the lands north of the sea of -Azof on either side of the Don. who live around the Mæotis, and the other ScythiansThe Scythians here spoken of dwelt between the Don and the +Azof on either side of the Don. who live around the Mæotis, and the other ScythiansThe Scythians here spoken of dwelt between the Don and the Wolga; east of this last river were the Eastern Scythians, who were @@ -14465,9 +14465,9 @@ it; [he does not say] whether Thule is an island, or whether it continues habitable up to the point where the summer -tropic becomes one with the arctic circle.The tropic being placed at 24° from the equator by Strabo, and most +tropic becomes one with the arctic circle.The tropic being placed at 24° from the equator by Strabo, and most -probably by Pytheas also, the latitude of Thule, according to the observation of this traveller, would be fixed at 66°, which corresponds with the +probably by Pytheas also, the latitude of Thule, according to the observation of this traveller, would be fixed at 66°, which corresponds with the north of Iceland. For myself, I @@ -14490,7 +14490,7 @@ and Britain, that the circle which passes over the Dnieper traverses Britain as well.Hipparchus placed Marseilles and Byzantium at 30,142 stadia, or -43° 3′ 38″ of latitude, and estimated the parallel for the centre of Britain at 33,942 stadia, or 48° 29′ 19″. Whereas Strabo only allowed for this latter 32,700 stadia, or 46° 42′ 51″. But the truth is that Pytheas, +43° 3′ 38″ of latitude, and estimated the parallel for the centre of Britain at 33,942 stadia, or 48° 29′ 19″. Whereas Strabo only allowed for this latter 32,700 stadia, or 46° 42′ 51″. But the truth is that Pytheas, who so frequently misleads people, deceives in this instance @@ -14499,12 +14499,12 @@ too. of Hercules, and passing over the Strait [of Messina], Athens, -and Rhodes, would lie under the same parallel of latitude.Viz. the 36° of latitude. The actual latitudes are as follow: +and Rhodes, would lie under the same parallel of latitude.Viz. the 36° of latitude. The actual latitudes are as follow:

The Pillars of Hercules, or Strait of Gibraltar, 360. -

The Strait of Messina, 38° 12′. -

Athens, 38° 5′. -

The middle of the Isle of Rhodes, 36° 18′; and the city, 36° 28′ 30″.

It +

The Strait of Messina, 38° 12′. +

Athens, 38° 5′. +

The middle of the Isle of Rhodes, 36° 18′; and the city, 36° 28′ 30″.

It is likewise admitted, that the line in passing from the Pillars to @@ -14528,19 +14528,19 @@ the Mediterranean. Consequently from the said line to the bottom of the bay is 2500 stadia; but to Marseilles the distance is rather less, in consequence of that city being more to -the south than the bottom of the bay.Strabo having allowed 25,400 stadia, or 36° 17′ 8″, for the latitude +the south than the bottom of the bay.Strabo having allowed 25,400 stadia, or 36° 17′ 8″, for the latitude of Rhodes and the Strait of Messina, determined the latitude of Marseilles -at 27,700 stadia, or 39° 34′ 17″; its real latitude being 43° 17′ 45″, as exactly stated by Pytheas. But since from +at 27,700 stadia, or 39° 34′ 17″; its real latitude being 43° 17′ 45″, as exactly stated by Pytheas. But since from Rhodes to Byzantium is about 4900Or about 70. The actual difference in latitude between Rhodes and -Byzantium is 4° 32′ 54″. stadia, it follows that +Byzantium is 4° 32′ 54″. stadia, it follows that -Byzantium must be far north of Marseilles.On the contrary, Marseilles is 2° 16′ 21″ north of Byzantium. The distance +Byzantium must be far north of Marseilles.On the contrary, Marseilles is 2° 16′ 21″ north of Byzantium. The distance -from this latter city to Britain is about the same as from Byzantium to the Dnieper.3800 stadia, or 5° 25′ 43″. How far it may be from Britain to the island of Ierne is not known. As to whether +from this latter city to Britain is about the same as from Byzantium to the Dnieper.3800 stadia, or 5° 25′ 43″. How far it may be from Britain to the island of Ierne is not known. As to whether beyond it there may still be habitable lands, it is not our business to inquire, as we stated before. It is sufficient for our @@ -14556,15 +14556,15 @@ so in this instance they should be placed about the same number of stadia north Stadia.Latitude. -From the equator to Alexandria21,80031° 8′ 34″ -From Alexandria to Rhodes, he computes in this instance 3600 stadia25,40036 17′ 8″ -From the parallel of Rhodes to Marseilles, about 2300 stadia27,70039° 34′ 17″ -From the parallel of Rhodes to the bottom of the Galatic Gulf, 2500 stadia27,90039° 51′ 25″ -From Marseilles to the northern extremity of Gaul, or the southern extremity of Britain, 3800 stadia31,50045° 0′ 0″ -From Marseilles to the middle of Britain, 5000 stadia32,70046° 42′ 51″ -From the northern extremity of Gaul to the parallel of the northern extremity of Britain, 2500 stadia34,00048° 34′ 17″ -From the northern extremity of Gaul to Ierne, 5000 stadia36,50052° 8′ 34″ -From the northern extremity of Britain to the limits of the habitable earth, 4000 stadia38,00054° 17′ 9″ +From the equator to Alexandria21,80031° 8′ 34″ +From Alexandria to Rhodes, he computes in this instance 3600 stadia25,40036 17′ 8″ +From the parallel of Rhodes to Marseilles, about 2300 stadia27,70039° 34′ 17″ +From the parallel of Rhodes to the bottom of the Galatic Gulf, 2500 stadia27,90039° 51′ 25″ +From Marseilles to the northern extremity of Gaul, or the southern extremity of Britain, 3800 stadia31,50045° 0′ 0″ +From Marseilles to the middle of Britain, 5000 stadia32,70046° 42′ 51″ +From the northern extremity of Gaul to the parallel of the northern extremity of Britain, 2500 stadia34,00048° 34′ 17″ +From the northern extremity of Gaul to Ierne, 5000 stadia36,50052° 8′ 34″ +From the northern extremity of Britain to the limits of the habitable earth, 4000 stadia38,00054° 17′ 9″
@@ -14608,13 +14608,13 @@ under 30,000 stadia.Namely, 29,300.Stadia.From Rhodes to Byzantium Strabo estimated4900From Byzantium to the Dnieper3800 -—– +—–8700From the Dnieper to the northern limits of the habitable earth4000 -—— +——12,700From Rhodes to the southern limits of the habitable earth16,600 -—— +——Total29,300
Its length from west to east is stated @@ -14722,7 +14722,7 @@ is over against Sardinia; and southward, from the Euxine to the frontiers of Ethiopia.Strabo was of Amasea, a city of Pontus, close to the Euxine. He -travelled through Egypt and reached Philæ, which is about 100 stadia +travelled through Egypt and reached Philæ, which is about 100 stadia above Syene, the commencement of Ethiopia. Of all the writers on Geography, @@ -14770,13 +14770,13 @@ which, after all, is a better servant of knowledge than sight itself.

-

Writers of the present day can describe with more certainty [than formerly] the Britons, the Germans, and the dwellers on either side of the Danube, the Getæ,The Getæ occupied a portion of present Moldavia; the Tyrigetæ +

Writers of the present day can describe with more certainty [than formerly] the Britons, the Germans, and the dwellers on either side of the Danube, the Getæ,The Getæ occupied a portion of present Moldavia; the Tyrigetæ -were those of the Getæ who dwelt along the banks of the Tyras or +were those of the Getæ who dwelt along the banks of the Tyras or -Dniester. the Tyrigetæ, the +Dniester. the Tyrigetæ, the -Bastarnæ,The Bastarnæ occupied the south and eastern portions of Poland. the tribes dwelling by the Caucasus, such as the +Bastarnæ,The Bastarnæ occupied the south and eastern portions of Poland. the tribes dwelling by the Caucasus, such as the @@ -14786,24 +14786,24 @@ Bastarnæ,The Bastarnæ occupied the south and ea Albanians and Iberians.The Georgians of the present day. We are besides possessed of a description of HyrcaniaCorcan. and Bactriana in the Histories of Parthia written by such men as Apollodorus of Artemita,The precise time when this writer lived is unknown. The work here -referred to is also mentioned by Athenæus, xv. p. 682. who +referred to is also mentioned by Athenæus, xv. p. 682. who leave detailed the boundaries [of those countries] with greater accuracy than other geographers.

The entrance of a Roman army into Arabia Felix under -the command of my friend and companion Ælius Gallus,Prefect of Egypt in the reign of Augustus. This expedition into Arabia completely failed, through the treachery of the guide, a Roman named +the command of my friend and companion Ælius Gallus,Prefect of Egypt in the reign of Augustus. This expedition into Arabia completely failed, through the treachery of the guide, a Roman named -Syllæus. A long account of it is given by Strabo in the 16th book. It +Syllæus. A long account of it is given by Strabo in the 16th book. It would be extremely interesting. says Professor Schmitz, to trace this -expedition of Ælius Gallus into Arabia, but our knowledge of that country is as yet too scanty to enable us to identify the route as described +expedition of Ælius Gallus into Arabia, but our knowledge of that country is as yet too scanty to enable us to identify the route as described by Strabo, who derived most of his information about Arabia from his -friend Ælius Gallus. +friend Ælius Gallus. and the traffic of the Alexandrian merchants whose vessels @@ -14873,7 +14873,7 @@ of Ierna; and its length by a line drawn from the west at right angles to the former, passing by the Pillars of Hercules -and the Strait of Sicily to Rhodes and the Gulf of Issus,The Gulf of Aïas. +and the Strait of Sicily to Rhodes and the Gulf of Issus,The Gulf of Aïas. then proceeding along the chain of the Taurus, which divides @@ -14948,15 +14948,15 @@ the promontory of the Iberians named the Sacred Promontory. It lies nearly in a line with Gades, the Pillars of Hercules, -the Strait of Sicily, and Rhodes;Cape St. Vincent is north of Cadiz by 30′ 30″, north of the Strait of +the Strait of Sicily, and Rhodes;Cape St. Vincent is north of Cadiz by 30′ 30″, north of the Strait of -Gibraltar, or Pillars of Hercules, by 1° 2′, south of the Strait of Messina by 1′ 10″, and north of Rhodes by 33′ 30″. for they say that the horologes accord, as also the periodical winds, and the duration +Gibraltar, or Pillars of Hercules, by 1° 2′, south of the Strait of Messina by 1′ 10″, and north of Rhodes by 33′ 30″. for they say that the horologes accord, as also the periodical winds, and the duration of the longest nights and days, which consist of fourteen and a half equinoctial hours. From the coast of Gades and Iberia -......... is said to have been formerly observed.Casaubon conjectures that the words to\n Ka/nwbon originally occupied the space of the lacuna. The passage would then stand thus—From the coast of Cadiz and Iberia the star Canopus is said to have been formerly observed. Groskurd rejects this, and proposes to read tou\s plnsiata/tous tou= Kanw/bou a(ste/o|as, the stars nearest to Canopus. But +......... is said to have been formerly observed.Casaubon conjectures that the words to\n Ka/nwbon originally occupied the space of the lacuna. The passage would then stand thus—From the coast of Cadiz and Iberia the star Canopus is said to have been formerly observed. Groskurd rejects this, and proposes to read tou\s plnsiata/tous tou= Kanw/bou a(ste/o|as, the stars nearest to Canopus. But this too is not certain, and the passage is otherwise evidently corrupt.

Posidonius relates, that from the top of a high house in @@ -15111,7 +15111,7 @@ but as the natural advantages of the place; these therefore it is evident we must notice. True it is, that to many a city -we may apply the reflection of DemosthenesDemosthenes, Philipp. III. edit. Reisk. t. i. p. 117, 1. 22.—Demosthenes is here alluding to the cities which different Grecian colonies had +we may apply the reflection of DemosthenesDemosthenes, Philipp. III. edit. Reisk. t. i. p. 117, 1. 22.—Demosthenes is here alluding to the cities which different Grecian colonies had founded in the maritime districts of Thrace. The principal of these was @@ -15287,17 +15287,17 @@ always excepting Sicily, which is larger and more fertile than any of our islands. The remainder are much smaller. Of -this number are, in the high sea, PandatariaVento Tiene. and Pontia,Ponza. and close to the shore Æthalia,Elba. Planasia,Saint Honorat. Pithecussa,Ischia. Prochyta,Procida. Capriæ,Capri. Leucosia,A small island off the Capo della Licosa. and many others On the otherThe western side. side of the Ligurian shore, and along the rest of the coast +this number are, in the high sea, PandatariaVento Tiene. and Pontia,Ponza. and close to the shore Æthalia,Elba. Planasia,Saint Honorat. Pithecussa,Ischia. Prochyta,Procida. Capriæ,Capri. Leucosia,A small island off the Capo della Licosa. and many others On the otherThe western side. side of the Ligurian shore, and along the rest of the coast -as far as the Pillars, there are but few islands; the GymnasisæMajorca and Minorca. +as far as the Pillars, there are but few islands; the GymnasisæMajorca and Minorca. -and EbususIviça. are of this number. There are likewise but +and EbususIviça. are of this number. There are likewise but few islands along the coasts of Libya and Sicily. We may -mention however Cossura,The island of Pantalaria. Ægimurus,Al Djamur, at the entrance of the Gulf of Tunis. and the Lipari +mention however Cossura,The island of Pantalaria. Ægimurus,Al Djamur, at the entrance of the Gulf of Tunis. and the Lipari -Islands, likewise called the Islands of Æolus. +Islands, likewise called the Islands of Æolus.

After Sicily and the straits on either side of it,The Strait of Messina, and the strait separating Sicily and Cape Bona on the African coast. there @@ -15378,7 +15378,7 @@ Pharos.Lesina. Opposite to Italy are the Islands of Sea of Sicily is said to be 4500 stadia from Pachynus to -Crete, and the same distance to Tænarus in Laconia.From Cape Pachynus or Passaro to Cape Krio, the ancient Criu- +Crete, and the same distance to Tænarus in Laconia.From Cape Pachynus or Passaro to Cape Krio, the ancient Criu- metopon, on the western extremity of the Island of Crete, measures 4516 @@ -15405,9 +15405,9 @@ Attica.A part of the modern Livadia. Their greatest Within are included the Islands of Cythera,Cerigo. Calauria,Poro, or Poros, near the little Island of Damala, and connected to it by a sand-bank. -Ægina,Egina or Engia. Salamis,Koluri. and certain of the Cyclades.Islands surrounding Delos. Adjacent to +Ægina,Egina or Engia. Salamis,Koluri. and certain of the Cyclades.Islands surrounding Delos. Adjacent to -these are the Ægæan Sea,Egio-Pelago. the Gulf of Melas,The Gulf of Saros. the Hellespont,The Dardanelles. +these are the Ægæan Sea,Egio-Pelago. the Gulf of Melas,The Gulf of Saros. the Hellespont,The Dardanelles. the Icarian and Carpathian Seas,The sea surrounding the Islands of Icaria and Carpathos, now Nikaria and Scarpanto. as far as Rhodes, Crete, @@ -15415,11 +15415,11 @@ Cnidus, and the commencement of Asia. [In these seas] are the Cyclades, the Sporades, and the islands opposite Caria, -Ionia, and Æolia, as far as the Troad, namely, Cos,Stanko. Samos,Samo. +Ionia, and Æolia, as far as the Troad, namely, Cos,Stanko. Samos,Samo. Chios,Skio. Lesbos,Mytileni. and Tenedos;Tenedo likewise on the Grecian side -as far as Macedonia and the borders of Thrace, Eubœa,Egripo, or Negropont. Scyros,Skyro. Peparethus,Probably Piperi; others suppose it to be Skopelo or Pelagonesi. Lemnos,Stalimene. Thasos,Thaso. Imbros,Imbro. Samothracia,Samothraki. and numerous others, of which it is our intention to speak +as far as Macedonia and the borders of Thrace, Eubœa,Egripo, or Negropont. Scyros,Skyro. Peparethus,Probably Piperi; others suppose it to be Skopelo or Pelagonesi. Lemnos,Stalimene. Thasos,Thaso. Imbros,Imbro. Samothracia,Samothraki. and numerous others, of which it is our intention to speak in detail. The length of this sea is about 4000 stadia, or rather @@ -15429,7 +15429,7 @@ in detail. The length of this sea is about 4000 stadia, or rather -more,The distance from the southern coast of Crete to the northern shores of the Ægæan is just 4200 stadia, or 120 marine leagues. its breadth about 2000.This is just the distance from Cape Colonna to Rhodes. It is surrounded by the +more,The distance from the southern coast of Crete to the northern shores of the Ægæan is just 4200 stadia, or 120 marine leagues. its breadth about 2000.This is just the distance from Cape Colonna to Rhodes. It is surrounded by the coast of Asia above mentioned, and by those of Greece from @@ -15438,7 +15438,7 @@ SuniumCape Colonna. northwards to the Thermaic Gulf< of Macedonia,Those of Kassandra, Monte-Santo, and Contessa. and as far as the Thracian Chersonesus.The peninsula of Gallipoli.

-

Here too is the strait, seven stadia in length, which is between SestosSemenik, or according to others, Jalowa. and Abydos,Maïto, or according to others, Avido. and through which the Ægæan +

Here too is the strait, seven stadia in length, which is between SestosSemenik, or according to others, Jalowa. and Abydos,Maïto, or according to others, Avido. and through which the Ægæan and Hellespont communicate with another sea to the north, @@ -15499,7 +15499,7 @@ western much more rounded than the other.

To the north of the eastern Gulf of the Pontus, is the -Lake Mæotis, whose perimeter is 9000 stadia or rather more. +Lake Mæotis, whose perimeter is 9000 stadia or rather more. It communicates with the Euxine by means of the Cimmerian @@ -15518,7 +15518,7 @@ thus formed a peninsula, notwithstanding Strabo describes it as an island. Its p islands around it.

-

Such and so great is the extent of the Ægæan Sea towards the north.The extent of the Ægæan amongst the ancients was the same as the +

Such and so great is the extent of the Ægæan Sea towards the north.The extent of the Ægæan amongst the ancients was the same as the Egio-Pelago, or Archipelago, with us. It was comprehended between the @@ -15526,7 +15526,7 @@ southern coasts of Crete, the western coasts of Peloponnesus, the southern coast Strabo however, in his description, seems to comprise under the name of -the Ægæan not only those parts of the Mediterranean south of the meridian of Cape Matapan, but also the Propontis and the Euxine, as far as +the Ægæan not only those parts of the Mediterranean south of the meridian of Cape Matapan, but also the Propontis and the Euxine, as far as the mouth of the river Halys, now Kizil-Ermak. In this however he @@ -15534,7 +15534,7 @@ seems to be unique. Again, starting from Rhodes, the [Mediterranean] form extending in an easterly direction from Cilicia to Issus, a distance of 5000 stadia, along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphylia, -and the whole of Cilicia. From thence Syria, Phœnicia, and +and the whole of Cilicia. From thence Syria, Phœnicia, and Egypt surround the sea to the south and west as far as Alexandria. The Island of Cyprus is situated in the Gulfs of @@ -15571,7 +15571,7 @@ of the Amazons. In fact the whole region within this line as far as Caria and Ionia, and the nations dwelling on this side -the Halys,Kizil-Ermak. is entirely surrounded by the Ægæan and the +the Halys,Kizil-Ermak. is entirely surrounded by the Ægæan and the aforementioned parts of the Mediterranean and Euxine Seas.Lit. the before-mentioned parts of the sea on either side. @@ -15582,7 +15582,7 @@ This is what we call Asia properly,Asia Minor, or Anadoli.< is the recess of the Greater Syrtes;The Sidra of the moderns. next to this Alexandria -in Egypt, and the mouths of the Nile; while the most northerly is the mouth of the Dnieper, or if the Mæotis be considered to belong to the Euxine, (and it certainly does appear +in Egypt, and the mouths of the Nile; while the most northerly is the mouth of the Dnieper, or if the Mæotis be considered to belong to the Euxine, (and it certainly does appear to form a part of it,) the mouth of the Don. The Strait @@ -15590,7 +15590,7 @@ at the Pillars is the most westerly point, and the most easterly is the said recess, in which DioscuriasIskouriah. is situated; and not, -as Eratosthenes falsely states, the Gulf of Issus,The Gulf of Aïas. which is +as Eratosthenes falsely states, the Gulf of Issus,The Gulf of Aïas. which is under the same meridian as AmisusSamsoun. and Themiscyra, and, @@ -15631,9 +15631,9 @@ other continents. of a small part, which cannot be dwelt in, on account of the -severity of the cold, and which borders on the Hamaxœci,Dwellers in waggons, or huts fixed on wheels for the purpose of transportation from one pasturage to another, as necessity might require. +severity of the cold, and which borders on the Hamaxœci,Dwellers in waggons, or huts fixed on wheels for the purpose of transportation from one pasturage to another, as necessity might require. -who dwell by the Don, Mæotis, and Dnieper. The wintry and mountainous parts of the habitable earth would +who dwell by the Don, Mæotis, and Dnieper. The wintry and mountainous parts of the habitable earth would seem to afford by nature but a miserable means of existence; nevertheless, by good management, places scarcely inhabited by any but robbers, may be got into condition. Thus @@ -15817,7 +15817,7 @@ the southern parts of Italy. The Adriatic Gulf, is the Gulf of Venice. This river flows from west to east, and discharges itself into -the Euxine Sea, leaving on its left the entire of Germany commencing from the Rhine, as well as the whole of the Getæ, +the Euxine Sea, leaving on its left the entire of Germany commencing from the Rhine, as well as the whole of the Getæ, @@ -15825,9 +15825,9 @@ the Euxine Sea, leaving on its left the entire of Germany commencing from the Rh -the Tyrigetæ, the Bastarni, and the Sauromati, as far as the +the Tyrigetæ, the Bastarni, and the Sauromati, as far as the -river Don, and the Lake Mæotis,The Getæ inhabited Moldavia. The Tyrigetæ, or Getæ of Tyras or +river Don, and the Lake Mæotis,The Getæ inhabited Moldavia. The Tyrigetæ, or Getæ of Tyras or the Dniester, dwelt on the banks of that river. The Bastarni inhabited @@ -15835,7 +15835,7 @@ the Ukraine. The Sarmatians, or Sauromatians, extended along either bank of the Don and the environs of the Sea of Azof, the ancient Palus -Mæotis. on its right being the +Mæotis. on its right being the whole of Thrace and Illyria,Thrace and Macedonia form part of the modern Roumelia: Illyria @@ -15844,13 +15844,13 @@ comprehended Dalmatia, Bosnia, Croatia, &c. and in fine the rest of G Without the Pillars, Gadeira,Cadiz. the Cassiterides,The Scilly Isles. and the -Britannic Isles. Within the Pillars are the Gymnesian Islands,Majorca and Minorca. the other little islands of the Phœnicians,Iviça, Formentera, Spalmador, &c. They were called Phœnician +Britannic Isles. Within the Pillars are the Gymnesian Islands,Majorca and Minorca. the other little islands of the Phœnicians,Iviça, Formentera, Spalmador, &c. They were called Phœnician Islands, because the Carthaginians had sent out a colony thither 160 years after the founding of their city. the Marseillais, and the Ligurians; those fronting Italy as far as the -islands of Æolus and Sicily, and the whole of thoseNamely all the islands of the Icnian and Ægæan Seas, from Corfu to +islands of Æolus and Sicily, and the whole of thoseNamely all the islands of the Icnian and Ægæan Seas, from Corfu to the Dardanelles. along @@ -15859,7 +15859,7 @@ Epirus and Greece, as far as Macedonia and the Thracian Chersonesus.

-

From the Don and the MæotisThe Sea of Azof. commences [Asia] on +

From the Don and the MæotisThe Sea of Azof. commences [Asia] on this side the Taurus; beyond these is [Asia] beyond the @@ -15877,7 +15877,7 @@ of these mountains [Asia] on this side the Taurus, and that on the south [Asia] beyond the Taurus. Consequently -the parts adjacent to the Mæotis and Don are on this side +the parts adjacent to the Mæotis and Don are on this side the Taurus. The first of these is the territory between the @@ -15896,13 +15896,13 @@ otherThe south. by the Isthmus where it is narrowest Scythians, who dwell along the said seaThe Bay of Bengal. and Mount Imaus. -These countries are possessed on the one side by the Mæotæ,Sarmatian Mæotæ in the Greek text, but apparently incorrect. +These countries are possessed on the one side by the Mæotæ,Sarmatian Mæotæ in the Greek text, but apparently incorrect. and the people dwelling between the Sea of Hyrcania and the Euxine as far as the Caucasus, the IberiansInhabitants of Georgia. and Albanians,Inhabitants of Shirvan. -viz. the Sauromatians, Scythians,The Scythians here alluded to are the Tartars of Kuban; the Achæans and Zygi are the modern Ziketi; the Heniochi are the Abkazeti. Achtæans, Zygi, and Heniochi: on the other side beyond the Sea of Hyrcania,East of the Caspian. by the +viz. the Sauromatians, Scythians,The Scythians here alluded to are the Tartars of Kuban; the Achæans and Zygi are the modern Ziketi; the Heniochi are the Abkazeti. Achtæans, Zygi, and Heniochi: on the other side beyond the Sea of Hyrcania,East of the Caspian. by the Scythians,These Scythians are the Tartars of the Kharasm. The Hyrcanians @@ -15930,11 +15930,11 @@ on the side of the Euxine and Propontis the Paphlagonians, Bithynians, Mysians, and Phrygia on the Hellespont, which -comprehends the Troad; and on the side of the Ægæan and +comprehends the Troad; and on the side of the Ægæan and -adjacent seas Æolia, Ionia, Caria, and Lycia. Inland is the +adjacent seas Æolia, Ionia, Caria, and Lycia. Inland is the -Phrygia which contains that portion of Gallo-Græcia styled +Phrygia which contains that portion of Gallo-Græcia styled Galatia, Phrygia Epictetus,The northern and western portions of Phrygia. the Lycaonians, and the Lydians. @@ -16005,7 +16005,7 @@ are the countries on this side the Euphrates; viz. the whole of Arabia Felix, bounded by the entire Arabian and Persian -Gulfs, together with the country of the Scenitæ and Phylarchi, +Gulfs, together with the country of the Scenitæ and Phylarchi, who are situated along the Euphrates and in Syria. Beyond @@ -16015,7 +16015,7 @@ and Arabians,The Troglodyte Arabians. and next these Cilicians,The Cilicians occupied the modern Itch-iili and Aladeuli; the -Trachiotæ or mountaineers, the former of these countries. both those styled Trachiotæ and others besides, +Trachiotæ or mountaineers, the former of these countries. both those styled Trachiotæ and others besides, and last of all the Pamphylians.Pamphylia is the modern Tekieh. @@ -16042,7 +16042,7 @@ become narrowed into a sharp peak, extending a little beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and giving to the country something -the figure of a trapezium. Its appearance, both by the accounts of other writers, and also the description given to ourselves by Cnæus Piso, who was governor of this province, is +the figure of a trapezium. Its appearance, both by the accounts of other writers, and also the description given to ourselves by Cnæus Piso, who was governor of this province, is that of a panther's skin, being dotted over with habitations @@ -16064,7 +16064,7 @@ Next the ocean it is likewise tolerably fitted for the habitation of man; but not so the centre of the country, which produces -silphium;Probably asa-fœtida. this for the most part is barren, rugged, and sandy; +silphium;Probably asa-fœtida. this for the most part is barren, rugged, and sandy; and the same is the case with regard to the whole of Asia @@ -16096,31 +16096,31 @@ frequently shifted. North of these the principal nations are -the Garamantes, the Pharusians, and the Nigritæ.The Garamantæ inhabited the Kawan; Garama, their capital, is now +the Garamantes, the Pharusians, and the Nigritæ.The Garamantæ inhabited the Kawan; Garama, their capital, is now -named Gherma. The Pharusians and Nigritæ dwelt south of the present +named Gherma. The Pharusians and Nigritæ dwelt south of the present kingdom of Morocco. Still -farther north are the Gætuli. Close to the sea, and adjoining it next Egypt, and as far as the Cyrenaic, dwell the +farther north are the Gætuli. Close to the sea, and adjoining it next Egypt, and as far as the Cyrenaic, dwell the -Marmaridæ.The Marmaridæ extended west from Egypt, as far as Catabathmus, +Marmaridæ.The Marmaridæ extended west from Egypt, as far as Catabathmus, near the present Cape Luco. AboveViz. to the south and west. the Cyrenaic and the SyrtesThe Gulfs of Sydra and Cabes. are the Psylli and Nasamones,The Psylli and Nasamones inhabited the eastern parts of the present -kingdom of Tripoli, above the Greater Syrtes and the desert of Barca. and certain of the Gætuli; and after +kingdom of Tripoli, above the Greater Syrtes and the desert of Barca. and certain of the Gætuli; and after -them the AsbystæThe Asbystæ were a people of Libya above Cyrene, where the temple +them the AsbystæThe Asbystæ were a people of Libya above Cyrene, where the temple -of Ammon stood; Jupiter is sometimes called on that account Asbysteus. and Byzacii,The Byzacii occupied the southern parts of the kingdom of Tunis. as far as Carthage. Carthage is vast. Adjoining it are the NumidæGreek, Nomades, or wandering shepherds, from which the Latins +of Ammon stood; Jupiter is sometimes called on that account Asbysteus. and Byzacii,The Byzacii occupied the southern parts of the kingdom of Tunis. as far as Carthage. Carthage is vast. Adjoining it are the NumidæGreek, Nomades, or wandering shepherds, from which the Latins -formed the name Numidæ. These people inhabited Algiers. ;of these people +formed the name Numidæ. These people inhabited Algiers. ;of these people the tribes best known to us are called the Masylies and the -Masuæsylii. The most westerly are the Maurusians.Carthage extended as far west as the promontory of Tretum, now +Masuæsylii. The most westerly are the Maurusians.Carthage extended as far west as the promontory of Tretum, now Sebta-Ras or the Seven Heads. From thence the Masylies inhabited as @@ -16134,7 +16134,7 @@ whole land, from Carthage to the Pillars of Hercules, is fertile. Nevertheless i the interior; and it does not seem improbable that the cause -why the name of Nomades,Numidæ. or Wanderers, was bestowed on +why the name of Nomades,Numidæ. or Wanderers, was bestowed on certain of these people originated in their not being able @@ -16151,7 +16151,7 @@ masters of the beasts and of husbandry. This finishes what we have to say on the continents.

-

It now remains for us to speak of the climata.The climata are zones parallel to the equator. The ancients generally reckoned seven climata, which in the time of Hipparchus terminated at 48° 30′ 35″, where the longest day consisted of sixteen hours. +

It now remains for us to speak of the climata.The climata are zones parallel to the equator. The ancients generally reckoned seven climata, which in the time of Hipparchus terminated at 48° 30′ 35″, where the longest day consisted of sixteen hours. He however multiplied these divisions and extended them farther towards @@ -16223,9 +16223,9 @@ to none but our own habitable earth, which is confined by certain boundaries; on the south by the parallel which -passes over the Cinnamon Country;According to Strabo, 12° 34′ 17″. on the north by that +passes over the Cinnamon Country;According to Strabo, 12° 34′ 17″. on the north by that -which passes over Ierna.According to Strabo, 52° 25′ 42″. But keeping in mind the scheme +which passes over Ierna.According to Strabo, 52° 25′ 42″. But keeping in mind the scheme of our geography, we have no occasion to mark all the @@ -16348,14 +16348,14 @@ the one sideThe west side. passes by Cyrene and the south of Carthage as far as the midst of Maurusia;Algiers and Fez. and on -the other sideThe eastern side. through Egypt,Lower Egypt is intended. Cœlosyria, Upper Syria, +the other sideThe eastern side. through Egypt,Lower Egypt is intended. Cœlosyria, Upper Syria, Babylonia, Susiana,Khosistan. Persia,The modern province of Fars. Carmania,Kerman. Upper Gedrosia,Upper Mekran and India.

-

At Ptolemais in Phœnicia,S. Jean d' Acre. and at SidonSeide. and Tyre,Tsur. +

At Ptolemais in Phœnicia,S. Jean d' Acre. and at SidonSeide. and Tyre,Tsur. the longest day consists of fourteen hours and a quarter. These @@ -16394,7 +16394,7 @@ in Egypt 7000 stadia to the north, above 28,800 stadia north of the equator, and 3400 stadia from the parallel of Rhodes; -it is south of Byzantium, Nicaæ,Isnik. and Marseilles 1500 stadia. +it is south of Byzantium, Nicaæ,Isnik. and Marseilles 1500 stadia. The parallel of LysimachiaEksemil is a little to the north, and according to Eratosthenes passes through Mysia,Karasi in Anadoli. Paphlagonia, @@ -16432,7 +16432,7 @@ Cassiopeia being brought within the arctic circle. These regions are situated around [the mouth of] the Dnieper and -the southern parts of the Mæotis, at a distance from the equator of 34,100 stadia; and the northern part of the horizon +the southern parts of the Mæotis, at a distance from the equator of 34,100 stadia; and the northern part of the horizon during almost all the summer nights is illuminated by the @@ -16446,7 +16446,7 @@ sunset to sunrise. For the summer tropic is distant from the -horizon only the half and the twelfth part of a signOr 17° 30′. This would indicate a latitude of 48° 38′ 40″. [of the +horizon only the half and the twelfth part of a signOr 17° 30′. This would indicate a latitude of 48° 38′ 40″. [of the zodiac], and this therefore is the greatest distance of the sun @@ -16462,7 +16462,7 @@ stadia,Read 23,100. for he says that [from the paral HellespontThe northern extremity of the Hellespont. there are 18,000 stadia, and thence to the Dnieper -5000 more. In regions distant 6300 stadia from Byzantium, and north of the Mæotis, the sun during the winter +5000 more. In regions distant 6300 stadia from Byzantium, and north of the Mæotis, the sun during the winter time is, when highest, six cubits [above the horizon]. The @@ -16653,7 +16653,7 @@ Strabo imagined that beyond this cape the African coast inclined to the south-east. In reality it advances eleven degrees and a half farther west -to Cape Verd, which is 8° 29′ west of Cape St. Vincent. The region adjacent to this cape they call in the Latin tongue Cu- +to Cape Verd, which is 8° 29′ west of Cape St. Vincent. The region adjacent to this cape they call in the Latin tongue Cu- @@ -16843,7 +16843,7 @@ it may be compared, in the excellence of its productions both of land and sea. This is the country through which the river -GuadalquiverBætis. flows. This river takes its rise from the same +GuadalquiverBætis. flows. This river takes its rise from the same parts as the GuadianaAnas. and the Tagus, and is between these @@ -16856,7 +16856,7 @@ south, and discharges itself at the same side of the coast as that river.

From this riverBeetis. the country has received the name of -Bætica; it is called Turdetania by the inhabitants, who are +Bætica; it is called Turdetania by the inhabitants, who are themselves denominated Turdetani, and Turduli. Some think @@ -16919,7 +16919,7 @@ assert that it was founded by Hercules; of this number is Timosthenes,This Timosthenes was the admiral of Ptolemy II. Strabo mentions -him repeatedly. who tells us it was anciently called Heraclæa, +him repeatedly. who tells us it was anciently called Heraclæa, and that vast walls and ship-sheds are still shown. @@ -16977,15 +16977,15 @@ estuary near to Asta and Nebrissa.HodieBætis. The island embraced by these mouths +way as you sail up a river. Immediately after are the two outlets of the Guadalquiver.Bætis. The island embraced by these mouths has a coast of a hundred stadia, or rather more according to others. Hereabouts is the Oracle of Menestheus,At or near the port of Menestheus just mentioned. and the tower -of Cæpio,Quintus Servilius Cæpio, a famous Roman general. Vide lib. iv. c. +of Cæpio,Quintus Servilius Cæpio, a famous Roman general. Vide lib. iv. c. -i. § 13. built upon a rock and washed on all sides by the +i. § 13. built upon a rock and washed on all sides by the sea. This is an admirable work, resembling the Pharos, and @@ -17026,7 +17026,7 @@ and from this latter place to Gadeira 70. CHAPTER II. -

TURDETANIA lies above the coast on this side the Guadiana,Anas. and is intersected by the river Guadalquiver.Bætis. It is +

TURDETANIA lies above the coast on this side the Guadiana,Anas. and is intersected by the river Guadalquiver.Bætis. It is bounded on the west and north by the river Guadiana; on the @@ -17052,15 +17052,15 @@ and sea; but the two which have acquired the greatest name and importance are, Corduba, founded by Marcellus,Cordova, situated on the Guadalquiver in Andalusia, We do not -know whether it were founded by the Marcellus who was prætor in +know whether it were founded by the Marcellus who was prætor in -Thither Iberia, and created consul in the year of Rome 601, or Marcellus who joined Pompey's party against Cæsar. This city served for +Thither Iberia, and created consul in the year of Rome 601, or Marcellus who joined Pompey's party against Cæsar. This city served for the winter quarters of the Romans, who during summer made war on the -inhabitants of the western and northern parts of Spain. It was the native place of the two Senecas and Lucan, and the chief emporium of Iberia. We may form some idea of the amount of its population from the number of those who perished when taken by Cæsar, as narrated by +inhabitants of the western and northern parts of Spain. It was the native place of the two Senecas and Lucan, and the chief emporium of Iberia. We may form some idea of the amount of its population from the number of those who perished when taken by Cæsar, as narrated by -Hirtius, Spanish War, § 34. But the period in which Cordova's glory +Hirtius, Spanish War, § 34. But the period in which Cordova's glory was at its zenith was during the empire of the Moors, in the eighth, ninth, @@ -17075,7 +17075,7 @@ fertility and extent, a considerable portion of the Guadalquiver flowing by it; in addition to this it has been from its commencement inhabited by picked men, whether natives or Romans; and it was the first colony planted by the Romans in these parts.

After this city and that of the Gaditanians, HispalisSeville. This city was surnamed Julia Romulensis. It was founded -by Cæsar, and regarded as the second city of the province, although, as +by Cæsar, and regarded as the second city of the province, although, as we see, in the time of Strabo it was only third-rate. is the @@ -17089,13 +17089,13 @@ most noted. This also is a Roman colony. Commerce is still carried on here, although at the present moment the city of -BætisStrabo is the only writer who mentions this city of Bætis. Casaubon +BætisStrabo is the only writer who mentions this city of Bætis. Casaubon and others are inclined to the opinion that the MSS. are corrupted, and that formerly another name stood here. though not so finely built, is outshining it, on account -of the honour it has received from the soldiers of Cæsar taking up their quarters there. +of the honour it has received from the soldiers of Cæsar taking up their quarters there.

After these are Italica,This city, the native place of the emperors Trajan and Adrian, and @@ -17110,7 +17110,7 @@ position is not determined. situated on the Guadalquiver; farther on are and besides these Munda,Monda, seven leagues west of Malaga. Ategua, Urso,Osuna. Tukkis,Hodie Martos, Pliny gave it the surname of Augusta Gemella. Julia,The Itucci of Pliny, to which he gives the surname Virtus Julia. -and Ægua, where the sons of Pompey were defeated. None of +and Ægua, where the sons of Pompey were defeated. None of these places are far from Corduba. Munda is in some sort @@ -17118,7 +17118,7 @@ regarded as the metropolis of the whole district. This place is distant from Carteia 1400We should probably read 430. stadia, and it was here that -Cnæus fled after his defeat, and sailing thence landed on a +Cnæus fled after his defeat, and sailing thence landed on a rocky height overlooking the sea, where he was murdered. @@ -17168,7 +17168,7 @@ runs parallel to the Guadalquiver,Betis. approaching Sisapo, both in that which is called the old town and the new. -There are copper and gold about the Cotinæ.Cotillas, or perhaps Constantina near Almaden. These mountains are on the left as you sail up the river; on the right +There are copper and gold about the Cotinæ.Cotillas, or perhaps Constantina near Almaden. These mountains are on the left as you sail up the river; on the right there is a vast and elevated plain, fertile, full of large trees, and @@ -17180,7 +17180,7 @@ It is also bordered by mountains containing metal, and extends as far as the Tag of necessity, be rugged and poor,Experience does not seem to warrant this conclusion. as indeed are those adjoining Carpetania, and still more those next the Kelti- -berians. The same is the case with Bæturia, the plains of +berians. The same is the case with Bæturia, the plains of which, bordering on the Guadiana, are arid. @@ -17280,7 +17280,7 @@ well answer the same purpose as rivers, founded cities and other settlements along them the same as along rivers. Of -this number are Asta, Nebrissa,Lebrixa. Onoba,Gibraleon. Ossonoba, Mænoba, +this number are Asta, Nebrissa,Lebrixa. Onoba,Gibraleon. Ossonoba, Mænoba, @@ -17337,7 +17337,7 @@ Turdetania, besides much oil, which is of the first quality;A people inhabiting the western parts of the Cau pose of covering fetch a talent. The stuffs manufactured by -the SaltiatæThis name occurs only in Strabo: of the various conjectures which +the SaltiatæThis name occurs only in Strabo: of the various conjectures which have been hazarded on the subject, one of the most probable seems to be that -we should read Saltigetæ, a people of Bastetania, mentioned by Ptolemy. are of incomparable texture. There is a super- +we should read Saltigetæ, a people of Bastetania, mentioned by Ptolemy. are of incomparable texture. There is a super- abundance of cattle, and a great variety of game: while, on @@ -17435,7 +17435,7 @@ purpose. The large amount of the exports from Turdetania is evinced by the size and number of their ships. Merchant- -vessels of the greatest size sail thence to DicæarchiaPozzuolo. and +vessels of the greatest size sail thence to DicæarchiaPozzuolo. and @@ -17478,17 +17478,17 @@ like a column. The congers are quite monstrous, far surpassing in size those of other fish of the same kind. It is said that in Carteia there -are kerukæA kind of shell-fish with a wreathed shell, which might be used as a +are kerukæA kind of shell-fish with a wreathed shell, which might be used as a sort of trumpet. It is mentioned by Aristotle. and cuttle-fish which would contain as much as -ten cotylæ.The cotyla held about three-fourths of a pint. In the parts more exterior there are lampreys +ten cotylæ.The cotyla held about three-fourths of a pint. In the parts more exterior there are lampreys -and congers weighing 80 minæ,This weight equalled 15 oz. 83 3/4 grs. and polypesa talent,The Euboic or Attic talent, which is here meant, equalled almost +and congers weighing 80 minæ,This weight equalled 15 oz. 83 3/4 grs. and polypesa talent,The Euboic or Attic talent, which is here meant, equalled almost 57 lb. also -teuthidæA kind of cuttle-fish or squid. two cubits in length, with other fish in proportion. +teuthidæA kind of cuttle-fish or squid. two cubits in length, with other fish in proportion. Shoals of rich fat thunny are driven hither from the sea-coast @@ -17567,7 +17567,7 @@ contrivances for washing the sand, and separating the gold from it; so that at the present day more gold is procured by -washing than by digging it from the mines. The Galatæ +washing than by digging it from the mines. The Galatæ affirm that the mines along the Kemmenus mountainsThe Cevennes. and @@ -17583,9 +17583,9 @@ those on this side. They say that sometimes amongst the grains of gold lumps have been found weighing half a pound, -these they call palœ; they need but little refining.Pliny, (lib. xxxiii. c. 4,) writing on the same subject, says, Inveni- +these they call palœ; they need but little refining.Pliny, (lib. xxxiii. c. 4,) writing on the same subject, says, Inveni- -untur ita massæ; necnon in puteis etiam denas excedentes libras. +untur ita massæ; necnon in puteis etiam denas excedentes libras. Palacras Hispani, alii palacranas, iidem quod minutum est balucem vocant. They @@ -17708,7 +17708,7 @@ since a fourth part of the ore which they extract from the copper mines is [pure] copper, while from the silver mines -one person has taken as much as a Eubœan talent. He says +one person has taken as much as a Eubœan talent. He says that tin is not found upon the surface, as authors commonly @@ -17747,7 +17747,7 @@ that there are 40,000 men regularly engaged in them, and that they yield daily to the Roman people [a revenue of] -25,000 drachmæ. The rest of the process I pass over, as it +25,000 drachmæ. The rest of the process I pass over, as it is too long, but as for the silver ore collected, he tells us that @@ -17776,7 +17776,7 @@ contain a small proportion of silver, but not sufficient to pay for the expense of refining.

-

Not far from Castlon is the mountain in which they report that the [river] GuadalquiverBætis. takes its rise. They call it +

Not far from Castlon is the mountain in which they report that the [river] GuadalquiverBætis. takes its rise. They call it silver mountain on account of the silver mines which it contains.The Sierra Cazorla. Polybius asserts that both the GuadianaAnas. and this river @@ -17890,11 +17890,11 @@ in the vicinity of Hades; perhaps also on account of the common hatred of the Io that in the time of Homer, or a little before, the Cimmerians -made an incursion as far as Æolia and Ionia. Always drawing his fables from certain real facts, his PlanetæWandering rocks. are modelled +made an incursion as far as Æolia and Ionia. Always drawing his fables from certain real facts, his PlanetæWandering rocks. are modelled -on the Cyaneæ. He describes them as dangerous rocks, as +on the Cyaneæ. He describes them as dangerous rocks, as -they tell us the Cyaneæan rocks are, [and] on which account [in +they tell us the Cyaneæan rocks are, [and] on which account [in fact] they are called Symplegades.Entwining or conflicting rocks. Euripides, Medea, verse 2, gives @@ -17904,7 +17904,7 @@ account of] Jason's navigating through the midst of them. The Straits of the PillarsGibraltar. and Sicily,The Strait of Messina. likewise, suggested to -him the fable of the Planetæ. Thus, even according to the +him the fable of the Planetæ. Thus, even according to the worst comments, from the fiction of Tartarus any one might @@ -17977,13 +17977,13 @@ home without fitting booty. Iliad ii. 298. -In the same way is related the wandering of Æneas, of Antenor, and of the Heneti; likewise of Diomedes, of Menelaus, +In the same way is related the wandering of Æneas, of Antenor, and of the Heneti; likewise of Diomedes, of Menelaus, of Ulysses,We should probably here read Menestheus. and of many others. Hence the poet, knowing of similar expeditions to the extremities of Iberia, and having -heard of its wealth and other excellencies, (which the Phœnicians had made known,) feigned this to be the region of the +heard of its wealth and other excellencies, (which the Phœnicians had made known,) feigned this to be the region of the Blessed, and the Plain of Elysium, where Proteus informs @@ -18055,7 +18055,7 @@ far distant from the extremities of Maurusia, and opposite to Gades.

-

I repeat that the Phœnicians were the discoverers [of +

I repeat that the Phœnicians were the discoverers [of these countries], for they possessed the better part of Iberia @@ -18132,13 +18132,13 @@ being of the same stock, but not to so great a degree, for they live for the most part scattered in villages. The Turdetani, on -the other hand, especially those who dwell about the Guadalquiver,Bæctis. have so entirely adopted the Roman mode of life, as +the other hand, especially those who dwell about the Guadalquiver,Bæctis. have so entirely adopted the Roman mode of life, as even to have forgotten their own language. They have for the most part become Latins,That is, been admitted to all the privileges of Roman citizenship. -Pliny tells us that in Bætica alone there were thirty cities enjoying this +Pliny tells us that in Bætica alone there were thirty cities enjoying this distinction. and received Roman colonists; @@ -18150,7 +18150,7 @@ such as Pax AugustaBeja in Alentejo: others, with less show capital of Estremadura. amongst the Keltici, Augusta-Eme- -ritaMerida. amongst the Turduli, Cæsar-AugustaSaragossa. amongst the +ritaMerida. amongst the Turduli, Cæsar-AugustaSaragossa. amongst the Keltiberians and certain other colonies, are proof of the change @@ -18179,7 +18179,7 @@ translators adopt 200; but the whole passage is so manifestly corrupt, that it scarcely seemed safe to hazard the correction. Here are estuaries, one of them more than 400 stadia from the said tower, -on a part of which Laccæa is situated.The text is here very corrupt, and the explanations of the editors +on a part of which Laccæa is situated.The text is here very corrupt, and the explanations of the editors and translators unsatisfactory. The breadth of @@ -18221,7 +18221,7 @@ the finest cities near the Tagus. The river contains much fish, and is full of oysters. It takes its rise amongst the Keltiberians, and flows through the [country of the] Vettones, -Carpetani, and Lusitani, towards the west;Literally towards the sunset at the equinox. to a certain distance it runs parallel with the GuadianaAnas. and Guadalquiver,Bætus. +Carpetani, and Lusitani, towards the west;Literally towards the sunset at the equinox. to a certain distance it runs parallel with the GuadianaAnas. and Guadalquiver,Bætus. but parts from them as they decline towards the southern @@ -18234,11 +18234,11 @@ Oretani are the most southern, extending in part as far as the sea-coast on this side the Pillars. Next these towards the -north are the Carpetani, then the Vettones and Vaccæi, through +north are the Carpetani, then the Vettones and Vaccæi, through whose [country] the DouroDurius. flows as it passes Acontia,This city is not mentioned elsewhere in Strabo. a -city of the Vaccæi. The Gallicians are the last, and inhabit +city of the Vaccæi. The Gallicians are the last, and inhabit for the most part a mountainous country: on this account @@ -18263,7 +18263,7 @@ this country is bounded by the Tagus, on the west and north by the ocean, on the east by the well-known nations of the -Carpetani, the Vettones, the Vaccæi, the Gallicians, and by +Carpetani, the Vettones, the Vaccæi, the Gallicians, and by others not worthy to be mentioned on account of their insignificance and obscurity. On the other hand, certain historians of the present day give the name of Lusitanians to all @@ -18307,15 +18307,15 @@ navigable but for a short distance. After these is the Douro,A city situated near Soria in Old Castile. and many other colonies -of the Keltiberians and Vaccæi; it is capable of being navigated in large vessels for a distance of nearly 800 stadia. +of the Keltiberians and Vaccæi; it is capable of being navigated in large vessels for a distance of nearly 800 stadia. Besides these there are other rivers, after which is the [river] -of Lethe, which some call the Limæa,Now the Lima. others the Belio,Xylander and many of the commentators propose to read )Obliouiw=na, or Oblivion, in place of Beliw=na. The conjecture seems extremely +of Lethe, which some call the Limæa,Now the Lima. others the Belio,Xylander and many of the commentators propose to read )Obliouiw=na, or Oblivion, in place of Beliw=na. The conjecture seems extremely probable. it -likewise rises amongst the Keltiberians and Vaccæi. After +likewise rises amongst the Keltiberians and Vaccæi. After @@ -18323,7 +18323,7 @@ likewise rises amongst the Keltiberians and Vaccæi. After -this is the Bænis, (some call it the Minius,The Minho of the present day.) by far the largest +this is the Bænis, (some call it the Minius,The Minho of the present day.) by far the largest river of Lusitania,The Minho is far surpassed in size, both by the Duero and the @@ -18364,7 +18364,7 @@ Around it dwell the Keltici, a kindred race to those who are situated along the Guadiana.Anas. They say that these latter, together with the Turduli, having undertaken an expedition -thither, quarrelled after they had crossed the river Lima,Limæa. +thither, quarrelled after they had crossed the river Lima,Limæa. and, besides the sedition, their leader having also died, they remained scattered there, and from this circumstance the river @@ -18378,7 +18378,7 @@ with the places designate as the Port of the Artabri. At the present day the Artabri are denominated the -Arotrebæ. About thirtyA few of the MSS. read fifty, which number seems to be counte- +Arotrebæ. About thirtyA few of the MSS. read fifty, which number seems to be counte- nanced by the statement of Pliny, that forty-six nations inhabited Lusitania: but then the limits he set to the country were more extended than @@ -18439,7 +18439,7 @@ number of javelins; some also use spears pointed with brass. They report that some of those who dwell near to the river -DouroDurius. imitate the Lacedæmonians in anointing their bodies +DouroDurius. imitate the Lacedæmonians in anointing their bodies with oil, using hot air-baths made of heated stones, bathing @@ -18597,7 +18597,7 @@ amongst all these is similar. But I am reluctant to fill my page with their names, and would fain escape the disagreeable task of writing them, unless perchance the Pleutauri, -the Bardyetæ, the Allotriges,Who the Pleutauri were, we do not know. The Bardyete appear to +the Bardyetæ, the Allotriges,Who the Pleutauri were, we do not know. The Bardyete appear to be the same people whom Strabo afterwards speaks of as Bardyiti, or @@ -18638,7 +18638,7 @@ that this ruggedness of character is increased by the barrenness of the mountain inhabit. At the present day, as I have remarked, all warfare -is put an end to, Augustus Cæsar having subdued the CantabriansInhabitants of Biscay. and the neighbouring nations, amongst whom the +is put an end to, Augustus Cæsar having subdued the CantabriansInhabitants of Biscay. and the neighbouring nations, amongst whom the system of pillage was mainly carried on in our day. So that @@ -18650,7 +18650,7 @@ the Ebro,Iberus. with the exception of the Tuisi, bear arms -for the Romans. Tiberius, who succeeded Augustus Cæsar, +for the Romans. Tiberius, who succeeded Augustus Cæsar, carried out his intention of placing a military force of three @@ -18712,9 +18712,9 @@ nomade tribes from the opposite coast, and there are great stores of salt-fish there. Some suppose it to be the same as -Mænaca, which tradition reports to be the farthest west of +Mænaca, which tradition reports to be the farthest west of -the cities of the Phocæi; but this is not the case, for Mænaca, +the cities of the Phocæi; but this is not the case, for Mænaca, which was situated at a greater distance from Calpe, is in ruins, @@ -18728,7 +18728,7 @@ to another reading; Pliny names it Sexi, with the surname of Firmum Julium; and Ptolemy, Sex. This is merely a difference relative to the -aspiration of the word, which was sometimes omitted, at other times expressed by the letters H or S indifferently. from which the salted fishMentioned by Pliny, Athenæus, Galen, and also by Martial, lib. vii. +aspiration of the word, which was sometimes omitted, at other times expressed by the letters H or S indifferently. from which the salted fishMentioned by Pliny, Athenæus, Galen, and also by Martial, lib. vii. Epigramm. 78, @@ -18737,7 +18737,7 @@ Epigramm. 78, Cum Saxetani ponatur cauda lacerti; -Et bene si cœnas, conchis inuncta tibi est; +Et bene si cœnas, conchis inuncta tibi est; Sumen, aprum, leporem, boletos, ostrea, mullos, Mittis; habes nec cor, Papile, nec genium. @@ -18746,7 +18746,7 @@ bearing that name takes its appellation.

After these comes Abdera,Adra. founded likewise by the -Phœnicians. Above these places, in the mountains, the city +Phœnicians. Above these places, in the mountains, the city of UlysseaLisbon. is shown, containing a temple to Minerva, according to the testimony of Posidonius, Artemidorus, and @@ -18834,9 +18834,9 @@ feed on the leaves and root of the lotusStrabo, or rather A of lotus mentioned by the ancients. That whereof they ate the roots and -the grain is the lotus of the Nile, and a plant of the species nymphtœa. The lotus alluded to in this instance is a shrub, (the rhamnus lotus of +the grain is the lotus of the Nile, and a plant of the species nymphtœa. The lotus alluded to in this instance is a shrub, (the rhamnus lotus of -Linnæcus,) named seedra by the inhabitants of Barbary, with whom the +Linnæcus,) named seedra by the inhabitants of Barbary, with whom the fruit is an article of food. Herodotus mentions both kinds, (lib. ii. c. 92, @@ -18948,7 +18948,7 @@ sovereignties, having to conquer first one, then another; in fact, it occupied nearly two centuries, or even longer, before -they had subdued the whole.—I return to my description. +they had subdued the whole.—I return to my description.

After AbderaAdra. is New Carthage,Carthagena. founded by Asdrubal, @@ -19050,7 +19050,7 @@ the metropolis, not only of [the country lying] on this side the Ebro, but also of a great part of what lies beyond. The -near vicinity of the Gymnesian Islands,Majorca and Minorca. and Ebusus,Iviça. which +near vicinity of the Gymnesian Islands,Majorca and Minorca. and Ebusus,Iviça. which are all of considerable importance, are sufficient to inform one @@ -19063,7 +19063,7 @@ affirms that it scarcely possesses an anchorage.

The whole coast from the Pillars up to this place wants -harbours, but all the way from here to Emporium,Ampurias. the countries of the Leëtani, the Lartolæetæ, and others, are both +harbours, but all the way from here to Emporium,Ampurias. the countries of the Leëtani, the Lartolæetæ, and others, are both furnished with excellent harbours and fertile. Emporium was @@ -19081,7 +19081,7 @@ distant from the Pyrenees, and the confines of Iberia and Keltica. This is a very fine region, and possesses good ports. -Here also is Rhodope,Sic text. Siebenkees and Coray propose to read (Po/dos, and Casaubon also (Po/dh, now Rosas. a small town of the Emporitæ, but +Here also is Rhodope,Sic text. Siebenkees and Coray propose to read (Po/dos, and Casaubon also (Po/dh, now Rosas. a small town of the Emporitæ, but some say it was founded by the Rhodians. Both here and in @@ -19089,7 +19089,7 @@ Emporium they reverence the Ephesian Diana. The cause of this we will explain when we come to speak of Massalia.Marseilles. in -former times the Emporitæ dwelt on a small island opposite, +former times the Emporitæ dwelt on a small island opposite, now called the old city, but at the present day they inhabit @@ -19112,7 +19112,7 @@ place in many other [states].

A riverProbably the river Fluvia, the Alba of the ancients. flows near to it, which has its sources in the -Pyrenees; its outlet forms a port for the Emporitæ, who +Pyrenees; its outlet forms a port for the Emporitæ, who are skilful workers in flax. Of the interior of their country @@ -19126,7 +19126,7 @@ Pyrenean mountains as far as the Trophies of Pompey, on the route which leads from Italy into Ulterior Iberia,Iberia, or Spain, was anciently divided into two grand divisions, to -which the Romans gave the names of Citerior and Ulterior Iberia. Augustus subdivided this latter into the two provinces of Bætica and Lusitania, giving the name of Tarraco to Citerior Iberia. Nevertheless the ancient names of Citerior and Ulterior continued in use long after this division. and particularly into Bætica. This road runs sometimes close to the +which the Romans gave the names of Citerior and Ulterior Iberia. Augustus subdivided this latter into the two provinces of Bætica and Lusitania, giving the name of Tarraco to Citerior Iberia. Nevertheless the ancient names of Citerior and Ulterior continued in use long after this division. and particularly into Bætica. This road runs sometimes close to the sea, sometimes at a distance therefrom, particularly in the @@ -19160,9 +19160,9 @@ made, and which are exported to all parts, but particularly to Italy.The cordage of the famous vessel built by Hiero of Syracuse was -formed from the spartum of Iberia. Vid. Athenæus, lib. v. p. 206. Formerly the road passed on through the midst of the +formed from the spartum of Iberia. Vid. Athenæus, lib. v. p. 206. Formerly the road passed on through the midst of the -plain, and [the city of] Egelastæ,Yniesta. which was both difficult +plain, and [the city of] Egelastæ,Yniesta. which was both difficult and long, but they have now constructed a new road close to @@ -19174,7 +19174,7 @@ Obulco,Porcuna. through which runs the road to Cordu the two greatest emporia [of Iberia]. Obulco is distant about -300 stadia from Corduba. Historians report that Cæsar came +300 stadia from Corduba. Historians report that Cæsar came from Rome to Obulco, and to his army there, within the space @@ -19193,7 +19193,7 @@ Astures, is principally divided by two mountain chains; the one of these is parallel to the Pyrenees, and takes its commencement from the country of the Cantabri, terminating at -the Mediterranean. This is called the Idubeda.The mountains of Burgos and Cuença, the Sierras of Oca, Lorenzo +the Mediterranean. This is called the Idubeda.The mountains of Burgos and Cuença, the Sierras of Oca, Lorenzo and Moncayo. The second, @@ -19217,7 +19217,7 @@ mountains. It is fed by the rivers and other waters carried down from [the mountains]. Situated on the Ebro is the city of -Cæsar Augusta,Saragossa. and the colony of Celsa,Xelsa. where there is a +Cæsar Augusta,Saragossa. and the colony of Celsa,Xelsa. where there is a stone bridge across the river. This country is inhabited by @@ -19241,11 +19241,11 @@ He died at Osca, and it was near to Ilerda that Afranius and Petreius, Pompey's generals, were afterwards defeated by -divusu(po\ Kai/sao|os tou= <*>eou=, by the deified Cæsar. We have adopted the +divusu(po\ Kai/sao|os tou= <*>eou=, by the deified Cæsar. We have adopted the Latin divus as the most suitable epithet for the emperor in an English -version. Cæsar. Ilerda is distant 160 stadia from the Ebro, which +version. Cæsar. Ilerda is distant 160 stadia from the Ebro, which is on its west, about 460 from Tarraco, which is on the south, @@ -19261,7 +19261,7 @@ these places from Tarraco to the extremities of the Vascons who dwell by the ocean, near PompelonPampeluna. and the city of -ŒasoGosselin is of opinion that this Œaso, is not Ojarço near Fontarabia, +ŒasoGosselin is of opinion that this Œaso, is not Ojarço near Fontarabia, but trunks it probable that Ea near Cape Machicaco is the site where it @@ -19271,7 +19271,7 @@ to the very frontiers of Aquitaine and Iberia. It was in the country of the Jaccetani that Sertorius fought against Pompey, and here afterwards Sextus, Pompey's son, fought against -the generals of Cæsar. The nation of the Vascons, in which +the generals of Cæsar. The nation of the Vascons, in which is Pompelon, or Pompey's city, lies north of Jaccetania. @@ -19305,9 +19305,9 @@ flow into the western sea, but have their sources in Keltiberia. Of their number is the Douro, which flows by NumantiaThe ruins of Numantia are seen a little to the north of Soria. -and Serguntia. The GuadalquiverBætis. rises in Orospeda, and after +and Serguntia. The GuadalquiverBætis. rises in Orospeda, and after -passing through Oretania, enters Bætica. The Berones inhabit +passing through Oretania, enters Bætica. The Berones inhabit the districts north of the Keltiberians, and are neighbours of @@ -19315,11 +19315,11 @@ the Conish Cantabrians. They likewise had their origin in the Keltic expedition. Their city is Varia,Probably the small village of Varea, about half a league from Logrono; D'Anville supposes it to be Logrono itself. situated near to -the passage of the Ebro. They are adjacent to the Bardyitæ, +the passage of the Ebro. They are adjacent to the Bardyitæ, now called the Bardyli.Aliter Bardyali. To the west [of the Keltiberians] -are certain of the Astures, Gallicians, and Vaccæi, besides +are certain of the Astures, Gallicians, and Vaccæi, besides Vettones and Carpetani. On the south are the Oretani, and @@ -19358,13 +19358,13 @@ of the Tagus. Segeda and PallantiaPalencia. are citi -aci. Numantia is distant from Cæsar Augusta,Saragossa. situated as +aci. Numantia is distant from Cæsar Augusta,Saragossa. situated as we have said upon the Ebro, about 800 stadia. Near to Segobriga and Bilbilis,Baubola. likewise cities of the Keltiberians, was fought the battle between Metellus and Sertorius. Polybius, -describing the people and countries of the Vaccæi and Keltiberians, enumerates SegesamaSasamo, west of Briviesca. and Intercatia amongst their +describing the people and countries of the Vaccæi and Keltiberians, enumerates SegesamaSasamo, west of Briviesca. and Intercatia amongst their other cities. Posidonius tells us that Marcus Marcellus exacted of Keltiberia a tribute of 600 talents, which proves that @@ -19434,7 +19434,7 @@ tani,The same people as the Edetani, mentioned in section 1 and Oretani, [who extend] almost as far as Malaca.Malaga.

-

All the Iberians, so to speak, were peltastæ, furnished +

All the Iberians, so to speak, were peltastæ, furnished with light arms for the purposes of robbery, and, as we described the Lusitanians, using the javelin, the sling, and the @@ -19721,7 +19721,7 @@ they hold in readiness in case of misfortune, and to devote themselves for those whose cause they have joined, thus dying -for their sake.Cæsar and Athenæus attribute this custom to the Gauls, and Valerius +for their sake.Cæsar and Athenæus attribute this custom to the Gauls, and Valerius Maximus to the Keltiberians. Those men who attached themselves to @@ -19729,13 +19729,13 @@ the interests of any prince or famous personage, and who espoused all his quarrels, even devoting themselves to death on his account, are named by -Athenæus silodou=o|oi, and by Cæsar soldurii. Speaking of 600 soldiers +Athenæus silodou=o|oi, and by Cæsar soldurii. Speaking of 600 soldiers -devoted in this manner to a Gaulish prince, named Adcantuannus, Cæsar +devoted in this manner to a Gaulish prince, named Adcantuannus, Cæsar (1. iii. c. 22) says, Sibi mortem consciscant; neque adhuc hominum -memoriâ repertus est quisquam, qui, eo interfecto cujus se amicitiæ +memoriâ repertus est quisquam, qui, eo interfecto cujus se amicitiæ devovisset, mori recusaret. Plutarch tells us that Sertorius had in his @@ -19751,11 +19751,11 @@ Catalonia. -Hic multæ quæ se manibus -Q. Sertorii turmæ, et terræ +Hic multæ quæ se manibus +Q. Sertorii turmæ, et terræ Mortalium omnium parenti Devovere, dum, eo sublato, -Superesse tæderet, et fortiter +Superesse tæderet, et fortiter Pugnando invicem cecidere, Morte ad presens optata jacent. Valete posteri. @@ -19823,7 +19823,7 @@ Still earlier it bore the name of the Igletes,These Igletes Gletes, and by an error of the copyist Tletes. Herodotus places them -between the Cynetæ, and the Tartessians, and Theopompus in the neigh- +between the Cynetæ, and the Tartessians, and Theopompus in the neigh- bourhood of the Tartessians. The position between the Ebro and the @@ -19858,17 +19858,17 @@ according to its political aspect at various times. assigned to the people and senate of the Romans, and the -others to the emperor, Bætica appertains to the people, and a +others to the emperor, Bætica appertains to the people, and a -prætor has been sent into the country, having under him a +prætor has been sent into the country, having under him a -quæstor and a lieutenant. Its eastern boundary has been +quæstor and a lieutenant. Its eastern boundary has been -fixed near to Castlon.Caslona. The remainder belongs to the emperor, who deputes two lieutenants, a prætor, and a consul. +fixed near to Castlon.Caslona. The remainder belongs to the emperor, who deputes two lieutenants, a prætor, and a consul. -The prætor with a lieutenant administers justice amongst the +The prætor with a lieutenant administers justice amongst the -Lusitanians, who are situated next Bætica, and extend as far +Lusitanians, who are situated next Bætica, and extend as far as the outlets of the river Douro, for at the present time this @@ -19941,15 +19941,15 @@ to the soldiers for their maintenance.

OF the islands which are situated in front of Iberia, two -named the Pityussæ, and two the Gymnasiæ, (also called the +named the Pityussæ, and two the Gymnasiæ, (also called the Baleares,) are situated on the sea-coast between Tarraco and -[the river] Xucar, on which SaguntumMurviedro. is built. The Pityussæ are situated farther in the high seas and more to the +[the river] Xucar, on which SaguntumMurviedro. is built. The Pityussæ are situated farther in the high seas and more to the -West than the Gymnasiæ. One of the Pityusse is called +West than the Gymnasiæ. One of the Pityusse is called -Ebusus,Iviça. having a city of the same name. This island is 400 +Ebusus,Iviça. having a city of the same name. This island is 400 stadia in circumference, and nearly equal in its breadth and @@ -19957,7 +19957,7 @@ length. The other, [named] Orpheus, is situated near to this, but's desert, and much smaller. The largerMajorca. of the Gymna- -siæ contains two cities, Palma,Palma. and Polentia;Pollença. the latter lying +siæ contains two cities, Palma,Palma. and Polentia;Pollença. the latter lying towards the east, the former towards the west. The length @@ -20003,7 +20003,7 @@ against them. Although naturally disposed to peace, they bear the reputation of being most excellent slingers, which -art they have been proficient in since the time that the Phœnicians possessed the islands. It is said that theseViz. the Phœnicians. were the +art they have been proficient in since the time that the Phœnicians possessed the islands. It is said that theseViz. the Phœnicians. were the first who introduced amongst the men [of the Baleares] the @@ -20023,7 +20023,7 @@ his Mercury [says] 'he was covered with a vile and filthy tunic, and about his wretched loins was bound a strip of black rush, as if he had been girt -with a mere schœnus. It is evident that this passage is the scholium of +with a mere schœnus. It is evident that this passage is the scholium of some ancient grammarian, and we have followed the example of the @@ -20141,7 +20141,7 @@ and this act of Pompey was ratified by the law of the consuls, Cn. Cornelius Len these consuls that Balbus took the Gentile name of the one, and the -prænomen of the other. It was for this Balbus that Cicero made the defence which has come down to us. The reason which induced Strabo to +prænomen of the other. It was for this Balbus that Cicero made the defence which has come down to us. The reason which induced Strabo to notice, as something remarkable, that Balbus had received the honours of @@ -20299,13 +20299,13 @@ makes no mention either of mount Abilyx, or the nation of -the Metagonians.The text is corrupt, but it is needless to go through all the emendations proposed. Some have transported hither the Planctæ +the Metagonians.The text is corrupt, but it is needless to go through all the emendations proposed. Some have transported hither the Planctæ and the Symplgades, supposing them to be the Pillars, which Pindar calls the Gates of Gades, when he says that they were -the farthest limits at which Hercules arrived.This passage of Pindar has not come down to us. Dicæarchus, +the farthest limits at which Hercules arrived.This passage of Pindar has not come down to us. Dicæarchus, Eratosthenes, and Polybius, with most of the Grecians, represent the Pillars as being close to the strait, while the Iberians @@ -20327,7 +20327,7 @@ view the most probable of all, and looks upon the oracle and the several expeditions as a Phoenician invention.y/e=sma Foinikiko/n, a proverbial mode of speaking, having its origin -in the bad faith of the Phœnicians [fides Punica] As for +in the bad faith of the Phœnicians [fides Punica] As for the expeditions, what matters it whether any one should vehemently deny or credit the account, as neither the one nor the @@ -20345,7 +20345,7 @@ the Strait of Sicily, which is indeed a little tower; and the tower called after Pelorus, which is situated opposite to this -small column; also the structures called altarsStrabo, in his 17th book, gives a different locality to these altars. of the Philæni, +small column; also the structures called altarsStrabo, in his 17th book, gives a different locality to these altars. of the Philæni, about midway in the land between the Syrtes; likewise it is @@ -20392,7 +20392,7 @@ gods. Vide Diodorus Siculus, 1. xvii. c. 95. Tha name [as the monuments], especially after time had destroyed -the boundary marks which had been placed there. For instance, at the present day the altars of the Philæni no longer +the boundary marks which had been placed there. For instance, at the present day the altars of the Philæni no longer exist, but the place itself bears that designation. Similarly @@ -20585,12 +20585,12 @@ mundus efficiat, retractamque cum spiritu regerat undam undique, si, ut doctioribus placet, unum (lege universum) animal est; an sint depressi -aliqui specus, quo reciprocata maria residant, atque unde se rursus exuberantia attollant: an luna causas tantis meatibus præbeat. +aliqui specus, quo reciprocata maria residant, atque unde se rursus exuberantia attollant: an luna causas tantis meatibus præbeat.

I cannot tell how it is that Posidonius, who describes the -Phœnicians as sagacious in other things, should here attribute +Phœnicians as sagacious in other things, should here attribute @@ -20691,7 +20691,7 @@ giving credit to imaginary phenomena.

Posidonius tells us that Seleucus, a native of the country -next the Erythræan Sea,The Persian Gulf. states that the regularity and irregularity of the ebb and flow of the sea follow the different +next the Erythræan Sea,The Persian Gulf. states that the regularity and irregularity of the ebb and flow of the sea follow the different positions of the moon in the zodiac; that when she is in the @@ -20801,19 +20801,19 @@ thus resembling the Furies we see in tragic representations.Druidæque circum, preces diras, sublatis ad cœlum manibus, fundentes, +Druidæque circum, preces diras, sublatis ad cœlum manibus, fundentes, -novitate adspectus perculere milites, ut, quasi hærentibus membris, immobile corpus vulneribus præberent. Immediately before these words he +novitate adspectus perculere milites, ut, quasi hærentibus membris, immobile corpus vulneribus præberent. Immediately before these words he thus describes the women, "Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis -virisque, intercursantibus feminis in modum furiarum, quæ veste ferali, +virisque, intercursantibus feminis in modum furiarum, quæ veste ferali, -crinibus dejectis, faces præferebant. They subsist by their cattle, leading for the most part +crinibus dejectis, faces præferebant. They subsist by their cattle, leading for the most part a wandering life. Of the metals they have tin and lead; -which with skins they barter with the merchants for earthenware, salt, and brazen vessels. Formerly the Phœnicians +which with skins they barter with the merchants for earthenware, salt, and brazen vessels. Formerly the Phœnicians alone carried on this traffic from Gades, concealing the passage from every one; and when the Romans followed a certain @@ -20880,9 +20880,9 @@ more particularly. Some divide it into the three nations of the Aquitani, Belge, and Kelte.Gaul is properly divided into the four grand divisions of the Narbonnaise, Aquitaine, Keltica, and Belgica. Strabo has principally copied -Cæsar, who appears only to have divided Gaul into Aquitaine, Keltica, and +Cæsar, who appears only to have divided Gaul into Aquitaine, Keltica, and -Belgica. Cæsar however only speaks of the provinces he had conquered, +Belgica. Cæsar however only speaks of the provinces he had conquered, and makes no mention of the Narbonnaise, which had submitted to the @@ -20892,7 +20892,7 @@ completely from the other nations, not only in their language but in their figure, which resembles more that of the Iberians -than the Galatæ. The others are Galatæ in countenance, +than the Galatæ. The others are Galatæ in countenance, although they do not all speak the same language, but some @@ -20900,7 +20900,7 @@ make a slight difference in their speech; neither is their polity and mode of life exactly the same. These writers give -the name of Aquitani and Keltæ to the dwellers near the +the name of Aquitani and Keltæ to the dwellers near the Pyrenees, which are bounded by the Cevennes. For it has @@ -20930,13 +20930,13 @@ in the middle near Lugdunum.Lyons. They call those p the Cevennes extending as far as the ocean, and bounded by -the river Garonne; and Keltæ, those who dwell on the other +the river Garonne; and Keltæ, those who dwell on the other side of the Garonne, towards the sea of Marseilles and Narbonne, and touching a portion of the Alpine chain. This is -the division adopted by divus Cæsar in his Commentaries.The whole of this passage, says Gosselin, is full of mistakes, and it +the division adopted by divus Cæsar in his Commentaries.The whole of this passage, says Gosselin, is full of mistakes, and it -would seem that Strabo quoted from an inexact copy of Cæsar. To understand his meaning, we must remember that he supposed the Pyrenees extended from north to south, instead of from east to west; and since he +would seem that Strabo quoted from an inexact copy of Cæsar. To understand his meaning, we must remember that he supposed the Pyrenees extended from north to south, instead of from east to west; and since he adds that these mountains divide the Cevennes at right angles, he must @@ -20954,15 +20954,15 @@ Where he says that the Kelts dwelt on the other side or east of the Garonne, and he prolonged Keltica into the Narbonnaise, since this last province extended along the Mediterranean from the frontiers of Spain to the Alps. -Cæsar had stated that the Gauls (the Kelts of Strabo) +Cæsar had stated that the Gauls (the Kelts of Strabo) -ipsorum lingua Keltæ, +ipsorum lingua Keltæ, nostri Galli, dwelt between the Garonne, the Seine, the Marne, and the Rhine. Finally, Strabo appears to have assigned the greater part of Gaul -to the Belgæ in making them extend from the ocean, and the mouth of +to the Belgæ in making them extend from the ocean, and the mouth of the Rhine, to the Alps. This considerably embarrassed Xylander, but @@ -20970,17 +20970,17 @@ as we have seen that Strabo transported a portion of the Kelts into the Narbonnaise, it is easy to imagine that, in order to make these people -border on the Belgæ, he was forced to extend them as far as the Alps, +border on the Belgæ, he was forced to extend them as far as the Alps, -near the sources of the Rhine. Cæsar located the Belgæ between the +near the sources of the Rhine. Cæsar located the Belgæ between the Seine, the ocean, and the Rhine. -But Augustus Cæsar, when dividing the country into four +But Augustus Cæsar, when dividing the country into four -parts, united the Keltæ to the Narbonnaise; the Aquitani +parts, united the Keltæ to the Narbonnaise; the Aquitani -he preserved the same as Julius Cæsar, but added thereto +he preserved the same as Julius Cæsar, but added thereto fourteen other nations of those who dwelt between the Garonne and the river Loire,Liger. and dividing the rest into two @@ -20994,7 +20994,7 @@ he made dependent upon Lugdunum, the other [he assigned] -to the Belgæ. However, it is the duty of the Geographer to +to the Belgæ. However, it is the duty of the Geographer to describe the physical divisions of each country, and those which @@ -21100,7 +21100,7 @@ Narbonnaise and Italy. It is but small in summer, but in winter swells to a breadth of seven stadia. From thence the coast -extends to the temple of the Pyrenæan Venus,This temple was built on Cape Creus, which on that account received +extends to the temple of the Pyrenæan Venus,This temple was built on Cape Creus, which on that account received the name of Aphrodisium. Many geographers confound this temple with @@ -21116,7 +21116,7 @@ to Narbonne is 63 miles; from Narbonne to Nemausus,Nimes.Beaucaire. and Tarusco, to the hot -waters called SextiæAix. near Marseilles, 53;Gosselin, who considers that the former numbers were correct, enters +waters called SextiæAix. near Marseilles, 53;Gosselin, who considers that the former numbers were correct, enters at some length on an argument to prove that these 53 miles were 62, and @@ -21138,7 +21138,7 @@ distances. As for the other road, which traverses the [coun- -tries of the] VocontiiThe cantons of Vaison and Die. and Cottius,Cottius possessed the present Briançonnais. That portion of the +tries of the] VocontiiThe cantons of Vaison and Die. and Cottius,Cottius possessed the present Briançonnais. That portion of the Alps next this canton took from this sovereign the name of the Cottian @@ -21165,7 +21165,7 @@ is the limit of the country of Cottius. However, it is considered to be Italy fr miles beyond this.

-

Marseilles, founded by the Phocæans,About 600 years before the Christian era. is built in a stony +

Marseilles, founded by the Phocæans,About 600 years before the Christian era. is built in a stony region. Its harbour lies beneath a rock, which is shaped @@ -21177,7 +21177,7 @@ temple is common to all the Ionians; the Ephesium is the temple consecrated to Diana of Ephesus. They say that -when the Phocæans were about to quit their country, an oracle +when the Phocæans were about to quit their country, an oracle commanded them to take from Diana of Ephesus a conductor @@ -21187,11 +21187,11 @@ what was enjoined them. The goddess appeared in a dream to Aristarcha, one of the most honourable women of the city, -and commanded her to accompany the Phocæans, and to take +and commanded her to accompany the Phocæans, and to take with her a plan of the temple and statues.)Afi/do|uma/ ti tw=n i(eo|w=n. Gosselin gives a note on these words, and translates them in his text as follows, one of the statues consecrated in her temple. These things -being performed, and the colony being settled, the Phocæans +being performed, and the colony being settled, the Phocæans @@ -21250,7 +21250,7 @@ the Grecian mode of sacrifice. In this number too are RhoaT dwelling around the river Rhone; also Tauroentium,Taurenti. Olbia,Eoube. -AntipolisAntibes. and Nicæa,Nice. [built as a rampart] against the +AntipolisAntibes. and Nicæa,Nice. [built as a rampart] against the nation of the Salyes and the Ligurians who inhabit the Alps. @@ -21274,7 +21274,7 @@ whom they rendered many important services; the Romans in their turn assisting in their aggrandizement. Sextius, who -defeated the Salyes, founded, not far from Marseilles, a cityAquæ Sextiæ, now Aix. +defeated the Salyes, founded, not far from Marseilles, a cityAquæ Sextiæ, now Aix. which was named after him and the hot waters, some of @@ -21312,7 +21312,7 @@ amongst others the statue of Diana which the Romans dedicated on the Aventine mo Massilians. Their prosperity has in a great measure decayed -since the war of Pompey against Cæsar, in which they sided +since the war of Pompey against Cæsar, in which they sided with the vanquished party. Nevertheless some traces of their @@ -21332,7 +21332,7 @@ proof of this. For all those who profess to be men of taste, turn to the study of elocution and philosophy. Thus this city -for some little time back has become a school for the barbarians, and has communicated to the Galatæ such a taste for +for some little time back has become a school for the barbarians, and has communicated to the Galatæ such a taste for @@ -21346,7 +21346,7 @@ Grecian model. While at the present day it so entices the noblest of the Romans, that those desirous of studying resort -thither in preference to Athens. These the Galatæ observing, and being at leisure on account of the peace, readily +thither in preference to Athens. These the Galatæ observing, and being at leisure on account of the peace, readily devote themselves to similar pursuits, and that not merely @@ -21360,7 +21360,7 @@ their life, the following will not be thought an insignificant proof. The largest dowry amongst them consists of one hundred gold pieces, with five for dress, and five more for golden -ornaments. More than this is not lawful. Cæsar and his +ornaments. More than this is not lawful. Cæsar and his successors treated with moderation the offences of which they @@ -21387,7 +21387,7 @@ a considerable promontory near to certain stone quarries, and extending to the Aphrodisium, the headland which terminates -the Pyrenees,The Cape de Creus, a promontory on which was the temple of the Pyrenæan Venus. forms the Galatic Gulf,The Gulf of Lyons. which is also called the +the Pyrenees,The Cape de Creus, a promontory on which was the temple of the Pyrenæan Venus. forms the Galatic Gulf,The Gulf of Lyons. which is also called the Gulf of Marseilles: it is double, for in its circuit Mount SetiumThe Cape de Cette. @@ -21459,7 +21459,7 @@ Aude,This river does not rise in the Cevennes, but in the P Mela and Ptolemy (the modern Herault) is probably intended. On one of theseThe Orbe. is -situated the strong city of Bætera,Beziers. near to Narbonne; on +situated the strong city of Bætera,Beziers. near to Narbonne; on the other Agatha,Agde. founded by the people of Marseilles. @@ -21520,7 +21520,7 @@ been formed by congealed moisture, but necessarily from the fragments of large stones shattered by frequent convulsions. -Æschylus having, however, learnt of the difficulty of accounting for it, or having been so informed by another, has explained it away as a myth. He makes Prometheus utter the +Æschylus having, however, learnt of the difficulty of accounting for it, or having been so informed by another, has explained it away as a myth. He makes Prometheus utter the following, whilst directing Hercules the road from the Caucasus to the Hesperides: @@ -21590,7 +21590,7 @@ Greeks, decreed such things.

As to the mouths of the Rhone, Polybius asserts that -there are but two, and blames TimæusThe historian, son of Andromachus. for saying five. Artemidorus says that there are three. Afterwards Marius, +there are but two, and blames TimæusThe historian, son of Andromachus. for saying five. Artemidorus says that there are three. Afterwards Marius, observing that the mouth was becoming stopped up and difficult of entrance on account of the deposits of mud, caused a @@ -21602,7 +21602,7 @@ subject to considerable changes, and vary from one age to another. Ptolemy agree Rhone, and those which he indicates are at the present day almost entirely filled up; the one being at Aigues-Mortes, the other the canal now -called the Rhône-Mort. This he gave to the people of Marseilles in +called the Rhône-Mort. This he gave to the people of Marseilles in recompense for their services in the war against the Ambrones @@ -21626,7 +21626,7 @@ of Ephesus on a piece of the land, which the mouths of the rivers have formed into an island. Above the outlets of the -Rhone is a salt-lake which they call Stomalimnè.Now l'étang de Berre or de Martigues. It abounds +Rhone is a salt-lake which they call Stomalimnè.Now l'étang de Berre or de Martigues. It abounds in shell and other fish. There are some who enumerate this @@ -21634,7 +21634,7 @@ amongst the mouths of the Rhone, especially those who say that it has sevenThe French editors propose to read here five mouths, thus referring -to the opinion of Timæus. This, Kramer observes, Strabo probably in- +to the opinion of Timæus. This, Kramer observes, Strabo probably in- tended to do. Still, as there were some who were of opinion the Rhone @@ -21651,17 +21651,17 @@ of the coast from the Pyrenees to Marseilles. river Var, and the Ligurians who dwell near it, contains the -Massilian cities of Tauroentium,Taurenti. Olbia,Eoube. Antipolis,Antibes. Nicæa,Nice. +Massilian cities of Tauroentium,Taurenti. Olbia,Eoube. Antipolis,Antibes. Nicæa,Nice. -and the sea-port of Augustus Cæsar, called Forum Julium.Fréjus. +and the sea-port of Augustus Cæsar, called Forum Julium.Fréjus. which is situated between Olbia and Antipolis, and distant -from Marseilles about 600 stadia. The Var is between Antipolis and Nicæa; distant from the one about 20 stadia, from +from Marseilles about 600 stadia. The Var is between Antipolis and Nicæa; distant from the one about 20 stadia, from the other about 60; so that according to the boundary now -marked Nicæa belongs to Italy, although it is a city of the people of Marseilles, for they built these cities [as a defence] +marked Nicæa belongs to Italy, although it is a city of the people of Marseilles, for they built these cities [as a defence] against the barbarians who dwelt higher up the country, in @@ -21683,7 +21683,7 @@ border on Italy, of whom we shall speak afterwards. It should here be mentioned, that although Antipolis is situated in -the Narbonnaise, and Nicæa in Italy, this latter is dependent on Marseilles, and forms part of that province; while +the Narbonnaise, and Nicæa in Italy, this latter is dependent on Marseilles, and forms part of that province; while @@ -21698,13 +21698,13 @@ the government of the Marseillese by a judgment given against them.

-

Lying off this narrow pass along the coast, as you commence your journey from Marseilles, are the Stœchades islands.Les Isles d' Hières, a row of islands off Marseilles. +

Lying off this narrow pass along the coast, as you commence your journey from Marseilles, are the Stœchades islands.Les Isles d' Hières, a row of islands off Marseilles. Three of' these are considerable, and two small. They are cultivated by the people of Marseilles. Anciently they contained a garrison, placed here to defend them from the attacks -of pirates, for they have good ports. After the Stœchades +of pirates, for they have good ports. After the Stœchades come [the islands of] PlanasiaIsle St. Honorat. and Lero,Isle Ste. Marguerite. both of them in- @@ -21716,13 +21716,13 @@ islands not worth mentioning, some of them before Marseilles, others before the rest of the coast which I have been describing. -As to the harbours, those of the seaport [of Forum-Julium]Fréjus. +As to the harbours, those of the seaport [of Forum-Julium]Fréjus. and Marseilles are considerable, the others are but middling. Of this latter class is the port Oxybius,Between the river d' Argents and Antibes. so named from the -Oxybian Ligurians.—This concludes what we have to say of +Oxybian Ligurians.—This concludes what we have to say of this coast. @@ -21741,11 +21741,11 @@ the river Durance, dwell the Salyes for a space of 500 stadia. From thence you proceed in a ferry-boat to the city of Caballio;Cavaillon. beyond this the whole country belongs to the Cavari -as far as the junction of the Isère with the Rhone; it is here +as far as the junction of the Isère with the Rhone; it is here too that the Cevennes approach the Rhone. From the Durance -to this point is a distance of 700 stadia.From the mouth of the Durance to the mouth of the Isère, following +to this point is a distance of 700 stadia.From the mouth of the Durance to the mouth of the Isère, following the course of the Rhone, the distance is 24 leagues, or 720 Olympic stadia. The Salyes occupy @@ -21757,7 +21757,7 @@ banks of the Drac. The Iconii were to the east of Gap; and the Medylli in La Maurienne, along the Aar. Between -the Durance and the Isère there are other rivers which flow +the Durance and the Isère there are other rivers which flow @@ -21773,19 +21773,19 @@ a common outlet into the Rhone. The Sulgas,The Sorgue.Vedene. -where Cnæus Ænobarbus in a decisive engagement routed +where Cnæus Ænobarbus in a decisive engagement routed many myriads of the Kelts. Between these are the cities of -Avenio,Avignon. Arausio,Orange. and Aëria,Le mont Ventoux. which latter, remarks Artemidorus, is rightly named aërial, being situated in a very lofty +Avenio,Avignon. Arausio,Orange. and Aëria,Le mont Ventoux. which latter, remarks Artemidorus, is rightly named aërial, being situated in a very lofty -position. The whole of this country consists of plains abounding in pasturage, excepting on the route from Aëria to Avenio, +position. The whole of this country consists of plains abounding in pasturage, excepting on the route from Aëria to Avenio, where there are narrow defiles and woods to traverse. It was -at the point where the river Isère and the Rhone unite near +at the point where the river Isère and the Rhone unite near -the Cevennes, that Quintus Fabius Maximus Æmilianus,Casaubon remarks that Æmilianus is a name more than this Roman +the Cevennes, that Quintus Fabius Maximus Æmilianus,Casaubon remarks that Æmilianus is a name more than this Roman general actually possessed. with @@ -21793,7 +21793,7 @@ scarcely 30,000 men, cut to pieces 200,000 Kelts.Livy state erected a white stone as a trophy, and two temples, one to -Mars, and the other to Hercules. From the Isère to Vienne, +Mars, and the other to Hercules. From the Isère to Vienne, the metropolis of the Allobroges, situated on the Rhone, the @@ -21833,7 +21833,7 @@ inhabiting the left bank of the river. The -Saone rises in the Alps,The Saone rises in the Vosges. and separates the Sequani, the Ædui, +Saone rises in the Alps,The Saone rises in the Vosges. and separates the Sequani, the Ædui, and the Lincasii.These people are elsewhere called by Strabo Lingones, the name by @@ -21860,13 +21860,13 @@ flow in this direction to the sea. Such is the country situated between the Alps

The main part of the country on the other side of the -Rhone is inhabited by the Volcæ, surnamed Arecomisci. Their +Rhone is inhabited by the Volcæ, surnamed Arecomisci. Their naval station is Narbonne, which may justly be called the emporium of all Gaul, as it far surpasses every other in the -multitude of those who resortWe have here followed the proposed correction of Ziegler. to it. The Volcæ border on +multitude of those who resortWe have here followed the proposed correction of Ziegler. to it. The Volcæ border on tile Rhone, the Salyes and Cavari being opposite to them on @@ -21884,7 +21884,7 @@ adopted the Roman polity. Between the Arecomisci and the Pyrenees there are some other small and insignificant nations. -NemaususNîmes. is the metropolis of the Arecomisci; though far +NemaususNîmes. is the metropolis of the Arecomisci; though far inferior to Narbonne both as to its commerce, and the number @@ -21898,9 +21898,9 @@ people, who pay tribute; it likewise enjoys the rights of the Latin towns, so that in Nemausus you meet with Roman -citizens who have obtained the honours of the ædile and quæstorship, wherefore this nation is not subject to the orders +citizens who have obtained the honours of the ædile and quæstorship, wherefore this nation is not subject to the orders -issued by the prætors from Rome. The city is situated on +issued by the prætors from Rome. The city is situated on @@ -21936,7 +21936,7 @@ is about 100 stadia distant from the Rhone, situated opposite to the small town of Tarascon, and about 720 stadia from -Narbonne. The Tectosages,This name is written diversely, Tectosages, Tectosagæ, and Tectosagi. +Narbonne. The Tectosages,This name is written diversely, Tectosages, Tectosagæ, and Tectosagi. It appears to be composed of the two Latin words, tectus, covered, and @@ -21946,10 +21946,10 @@ shall mention afterwards, border on the range of the Cevennes, and inhabit its southern side as far as the promontory of -the Volcæ. Respecting all the others we will speak hereafter. +the Volcæ. Respecting all the others we will speak hereafter.

-

But the Tectosages dwell near to the Pyrenees, bordering for a small space the northern side of the Cevennes;Viz. between Lodève and Toulouse; we must remember that Strabo +

But the Tectosages dwell near to the Pyrenees, bordering for a small space the northern side of the Cevennes;Viz. between Lodève and Toulouse; we must remember that Strabo supposed the chain of the Cevennes to run west and east. the @@ -21999,7 +21999,7 @@ formerly inhabited. It is said that the Tectosages took part in the expedition to Delphi, and that the treasures found in the city -of Toulouse by the Roman general Cæpio formed a portion of +of Toulouse by the Roman general Cæpio formed a portion of the booty gained there, which was afterwards increased by @@ -22013,7 +22013,7 @@ could find no relief until they complied with the advice of their augurs, and cast the ill-gotten wealth into a lake. Justin, lib. xxxii. c. 3. And that it was -for daring to touch these that Cæpio terminated so miserably +for daring to touch these that Cæpio terminated so miserably his existence, being driven from his country as a plunderer of @@ -22033,7 +22033,7 @@ silver in bullion. But at this time the temple of Delphi was emptied of these treasures, having been pillaged by the -Phocæans at the period of the Sacred war and supposing any +Phocæans at the period of the Sacred war and supposing any to have been left, it would have been distributed amongst @@ -22116,7 +22116,7 @@ the] Lexovii and Caleti,The Lexovii inhabited the southern anciently their capital. The Caleti occupied the opposite side of the -Seine, and the sea-coast as far as Tréport. the distance thence to Britain being +Seine, and the sea-coast as far as Tréport. the distance thence to Britain being less than a day's journey. The navigation of the Rhone being @@ -22148,7 +22148,7 @@ longer, being as much as 700 or 800 stadia. The Garonne likewise flows into the Kelts induced the Grecians to confer that name on the whole -of the Galatæ; the vicinity of the Massilians may also have +of the Galatæ; the vicinity of the Massilians may also have had something to do with it.The whole of Gaul bore the name of Keltica long before the Romans @@ -22211,9 +22211,9 @@ the north, bending considerably east. Both of these rivers are naviga -of about 2000 stadia.The Garonne becomes navigable at Cazères near to Rieux, in the +of about 2000 stadia.The Garonne becomes navigable at Cazères near to Rieux, in the -ancient Comté de Comminges. From this point to its mouth, following +ancient Comté de Comminges. From this point to its mouth, following the sinuosities of the river, there are about 68 leagues of 20 to a degree, @@ -22225,20 +22225,20 @@ distance assigned by Strabo. 2000 stadia measured from the mouth of the Loire would extend merely as far as Orleans. The Garonne, after being augmented -by three other rivers,Probably the Arriége, the Tarn, and the Dordogne. discharges itself into the [ocean] between the [country] of the Bituriges, surnamed the Vivisci,)Ioskw=n MSS. +by three other rivers,Probably the Arriége, the Tarn, and the Dordogne. discharges itself into the [ocean] between the [country] of the Bituriges, surnamed the Vivisci,)Ioskw=n MSS. and that of the Santoni;The present Saintes was the capital of this nation. both of them Gallic nations.

The Bituriges are the only foreign people who dwell among the Aquitani without forming a part of them. Their emporium is Burdegala,Bordeaux. situated on a creek formed by the outlets of the river. The Loire discharges itself between the -Pictones and the Namnetæ.Poictiers was the capital of the Pictones or Pictavi, and Nantes of the +Pictones and the Namnetæ.Poictiers was the capital of the Pictones or Pictavi, and Nantes of the -Namnetæ. Formerly there was an emporium on this river named Corbilon, mentioned by Polybius +Namnetæ. Formerly there was an emporium on this river named Corbilon, mentioned by Polybius when speaking of the fictions of Pytheas. The Marseillese, -[says he,] when interrogated by ScipioScipio Æmilianus. at their meeting, had +[says he,] when interrogated by ScipioScipio Æmilianus. at their meeting, had nothing to tell about Britain worth mentioning, nor yet had @@ -22274,7 +22274,7 @@ being found in diggings scarcely beneath the surface of the earth, the remainder consisting of dust and lumps, which likewise require but little working. In the interior and mountainous parts [of Aquitaine] the soil is superior; for instance, -in the district near the Pyrenees belonging to the Convenæ,The Canton of Comminges. +in the district near the Pyrenees belonging to the Convenæ,The Canton of Comminges. which name signifies people assembled from different countries @@ -22284,26 +22284,26 @@ the hot springs of the Onesii,Xylander thinks that these On of Pliny. Gosselin says that the hot springs are probably the baths of -Bagnières-sur-l' Adour. which are most excellent for +Bagnières-sur-l' Adour. which are most excellent for drinking. The country of the AusciiThe territory of the city of Auch. likewise is fine.

The nations between the Garonne and the Loire annexed to the Aquitani, are the Elui,The inhabitants of Vivarais. who commence at the -Rhone. After these the Vellæi,The inhabitants of Vélai. who were formerly comprehended amongst the Arverni,The inhabitants of Auvergne. but now form a people to +Rhone. After these the Vellæi,The inhabitants of Vélai. who were formerly comprehended amongst the Arverni,The inhabitants of Auvergne. but now form a people to themselves. After these Arverni come the Lemovices,The Limousins. and -Petrocorii,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. and after them the Nitiobriges,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. the Cadurci,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. and +Petrocorii,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. and after them the Nitiobriges,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. the Cadurci,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. and -the Bituriges,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. surnamed Cubi. Along the ocean we meet +the Bituriges,The inhabitants of Périgord, Agénois, Querci, and Berri. surnamed Cubi. Along the ocean we meet with the Santoni, and Pictones,The inhabitants of Saintonge and Poitou. the former dwelling by the Garonne, as we have stated, and the latter by the Loire. The -Ruteni and the GabalesThe inhabitants of Rouergue and Gévaudan. are in the vicinity of the Narbonnaise. +Ruteni and the GabalesThe inhabitants of Rouergue and Gévaudan. are in the vicinity of the Narbonnaise. The Petrocorii and Bituriges-Cubi possess excellent ironworks, the Cadurci linen-factories, and the Ruteni silver- @@ -22313,7 +22313,7 @@ certain amongst the Aquitani the Romans have conferred the rights of Latin cities; such for instance as the Auscii, and the -Convenæ. +Convenæ.

The Arverni are situated along the Loire. Nemossus, @@ -22340,13 +22340,13 @@ sometimes with armies of 200,000 men, and sometimes with double that number, which was the amount of their force -when they fought against divus Cæsar under the command of +when they fought against divus Cæsar under the command of -Vercingetorix.Cæsar himself (lib. vii. c. 76) states the number at 248,000 men. Before this they had brought 200,000 men +Vercingetorix.Cæsar himself (lib. vii. c. 76) states the number at 248,000 men. Before this they had brought 200,000 men -against Maximus Æmilianus, and the same number against +against Maximus Æmilianus, and the same number against -Domitius Ænobarbus. Their battles with Cæsar took place, +Domitius Ænobarbus. Their battles with Cæsar took place, one in Gergovia,A city near Clermont. a city of the Arverni situated on a lofty @@ -22362,9 +22362,9 @@ this city is likewise situated on a high hill, surrounded by mountains, and between two rivers. Here the war was terminated by the capture of their leader. The battle with -Maximus Æmilianus was fought near the confluence of the +Maximus Æmilianus was fought near the confluence of the -Isère and the Rhone, at the point where the mountains of the +Isère and the Rhone, at the point where the mountains of the Cevennes approach the latter river. That with Domitius was @@ -22374,7 +22374,7 @@ Rhone. The Arverni extended their dominion as far as Narbonne and the borders of Marseilles, and exercised authority over the nations as far as the Pyrenees, the ocean, and -the Rhine. Luerius,In Athenæus, (lib. iv. p. 152,) this name is written Luernius. the father of Bituitus who fought against +the Rhine. Luerius,In Athenæus, (lib. iv. p. 152,) this name is written Luernius. the father of Bituitus who fought against Maximus and Domitius, is said to have been so distinguished @@ -22409,7 +22409,7 @@ district from the sources of the Rhine and Rhone, nearly to the middle of the plains, pertain to Lugdunum; the remainder, -with the regions next the ocean, is comprised in another division which belongs to the Belgæ. We will describe the two +with the regions next the ocean, is comprised in another division which belongs to the Belgæ. We will describe the two together. @@ -22426,13 +22426,13 @@ commerce, and the Roman prefects here coin both gold and silver money. Before this city, at the confluence of the -rivers, is situated the temple dedicated by all the Galatæ in +rivers, is situated the temple dedicated by all the Galatæ in -common to Cæsar Augustus. The altar is splendid, and has +common to Cæsar Augustus. The altar is splendid, and has inscribed on it the names of sixty people, and images of them, -one for each, and also another great altar.Kramer says that a)/llos is manifestly corrupt.—I have ventured to +one for each, and also another great altar.Kramer says that a)/llos is manifestly corrupt.—I have ventured to translate it another altar.

This is the principal city of the nation of the Segusiani who @@ -22461,7 +22461,7 @@ by the Saone. It is from them that the Romans procure the finest salted-pork. Between the Doubs and Saone dwells -the nation of the Ædui, who possess the city of Cabyllinum,Châlons-sur-Saone. +the nation of the Ædui, who possess the city of Cabyllinum,Châlons-sur-Saone. situated on the Saone and the fortress of Bibracte.Autun, according to Gosselin. Beurect, according to Ferrarius. The @@ -22471,23 +22471,23 @@ situated on the Saone and the fortress of Bibracte.Autun, a -ÆduiCæsar, Tacitus, and other writers, also speak of this relationship of +ÆduiCæsar, Tacitus, and other writers, also speak of this relationship of -the Ædui with the Romans. are said to be related to the Romans, and they were +the Ædui with the Romans. are said to be related to the Romans, and they were the first to enter into friendship and alliance with them. On the other side of the Saone dwell the Sequani, who have for -long been at enmity with the Romans and Ædui, having +long been at enmity with the Romans and Ædui, having frequently allied themselves with the Germans in their incursions into Italy. It was then that they proved their strength, for united to them the Germans were powerful, but when -separated, weak. As for the Ædui, their alliance with the +separated, weak. As for the Ædui, their alliance with the -Romans naturally rendered them the enemies of the Sequani,Lit. As for the Ædui on these accounts indeed. +Romans naturally rendered them the enemies of the Sequani,Lit. As for the Ædui on these accounts indeed. but the enmity was increased by their contests concerning the @@ -22506,7 +22506,7 @@ Mount Adula,The sources of the Rhine take their rise in Mou Mount Bernardin, while the Adda rises in the glaciers of the Valteline. -Adula, however, may have been the name of the Rhætian Alps. which forms part of the Alps. From this +Adula, however, may have been the name of the Rhætian Alps. which forms part of the Alps. From this mountain, but in an opposite direction, likewise proceeds the @@ -22516,7 +22516,7 @@ Larius,The Lake of Como. near to which stands [the c discharges itself into the Po, of which we shall speak afterwards. The Rhine also flows into vast marshes and a great -lake,The Lake of Constance. which borders on the Rhæti and Vindelici,The Rhæti occupied the Tirol; the Vindelici that portion of Bavaria +lake,The Lake of Constance. which borders on the Rhæti and Vindelici,The Rhæti occupied the Tirol; the Vindelici that portion of Bavaria south of the Danube. who dwell @@ -22562,7 +22562,7 @@ Rhine, from which you may see Kent, which is the most easterly part of the island. The Seine is a little further. It was here -that divus Cæsar established a dock-yard when he sailed to +that divus Cæsar established a dock-yard when he sailed to Britain. The navigable portion of the Seine, commencing @@ -22584,18 +22584,18 @@ entirely in their military expeditions. However, the multitude of descendants who sprang from this remainder was proved in -their war with divus Cæsar, in which about 400,000 of their +their war with divus Cæsar, in which about 400,000 of their number were destroyed; the 8000 who survived the war, being spared by the conqueror, that their country might not -be left desert, a prey to the neighbouring Germans.Casaubon remarks that the text must be corrupt, since Strabo's account of the Helvetii must have been taken from Cæsar, who (lib. i. c. +be left desert, a prey to the neighbouring Germans.Casaubon remarks that the text must be corrupt, since Strabo's account of the Helvetii must have been taken from Cæsar, who (lib. i. c. 29) states the number of slain at 258,000, and the survivors at 110,000.

-

After the Helvetii, the SequaniThe Sequani occupied La Franche-Comté. and MediornatriciMetz was the capital of the Mediomatrici. +

After the Helvetii, the SequaniThe Sequani occupied La Franche-Comté. and MediornatriciMetz was the capital of the Mediomatrici. dwell along the Rhine, amongst whom are the Tribocchi,These people dwe'; between the Rhine and the Vosges, nearly from @@ -22605,7 +22605,7 @@ German nation who emigrated from their country hither. Mount Jura, which is in the country of the Sequani, separates -that people from the Helvetii. To the west, above the Helvetii and Sequani, dwell the Ædui and Lingones; the Leuci +that people from the Helvetii. To the west, above the Helvetii and Sequani, dwell the Ædui and Lingones; the Leuci and a part of the Lingones dwelling above the Mediomatrici. @@ -22621,7 +22621,7 @@ Rhone and the Saone, are situated to the north near to the Allobroges,The Allobroges dwelt to the left of the Rhone, between that river and -the Isère. and the parts about Lyons. The most celebrated +the Isère. and the parts about Lyons. The most celebrated amongst them are the Arverni and Carnutes,The Arverni have given their name to Auvergne, and the Carnutes to @@ -22635,15 +22635,15 @@ Britain is 320 stadia; for departing in the evening with the ebb tide, you will arrive on the morrow at the island about -the eighth hour.Strabo here copies Cæsar exactly, who, speaking of his second passage +the eighth hour.Strabo here copies Cæsar exactly, who, speaking of his second passage into Britain, (lib. v. c. 8,) says: Ad solis occasum naves solvit . . . . accessum est ad Britanniam omnibus navibus meridiano fere tempore. After the Mediomatrici and Tribocchi, -the TreviriThe capital of these people is Trèves. inhabit along the Rhine; in their country the +the TreviriThe capital of these people is Trèves. inhabit along the Rhine; in their country the Roman generals now engaged in the German war have constructed a bridge. Opposite this place on the other bank of -the river dwelt the Ubii, whom Agrippa with their own consent brought over to this side the Rhine.Viz. to the western bank of the river. The Nervii,The Nervii occupied Hainault, and the Comté de Namur. +the river dwelt the Ubii, whom Agrippa with their own consent brought over to this side the Rhine.Viz. to the western bank of the river. The Nervii,The Nervii occupied Hainault, and the Comté de Namur. another German nation, are contiguous to the Treviri; and last @@ -22690,7 +22690,7 @@ Ambiani, the Suessiones, and the Caleti, as far as the outlet -of the river Seine.Térouane was the principal city of the Morini, Beauvais of the Bellovaci, Amiens of the Ambiani, Soissons of the Suessiones, and Lilebonne of the Caleti. The countries of the Morini, the Atre- +of the river Seine.Térouane was the principal city of the Morini, Beauvais of the Bellovaci, Amiens of the Ambiani, Soissons of the Suessiones, and Lilebonne of the Caleti. The countries of the Morini, the Atre- bates, and the Eburones are similar to that of the Menapii. @@ -22698,7 +22698,7 @@ It consists of a forest filled with low trees; of great extent, but not near so large as writers have described it, viz. 4000 -stadia.Cæsar (lib. vi. c. 29) describes the forest of Ardennes as 500 miles +stadia.Cæsar (lib. vi. c. 29) describes the forest of Ardennes as 500 miles in extent. It is named Arduenna.Ardennes. In the event of warlike @@ -22722,7 +22722,7 @@ under the dominion of the Romans. The Parisii dwell along the river Seine, and inhabit an island formed by the river; -their city is Lucotocia.Ptolemy names it Lucotecia; Cæsar, Lutetia. Julian, who was proclaimed emperor by his army in this city, names it Leucetia. The Meldi and Lexovii border on +their city is Lucotocia.Ptolemy names it Lucotecia; Cæsar, Lutetia. Julian, who was proclaimed emperor by his army in this city, names it Leucetia. The Meldi and Lexovii border on the ocean. The most considerable, however, of all these nations are the Remi. Duricortora, their metropolis, is well @@ -22732,16 +22732,16 @@ populated, and is the residence of the Roman prefects.

CHAPTER IV. -GAUL. THE BELGÆ. +GAUL. THE BELGÆ. -

AFTER the nations mentioned come those of the Belgæ, +

AFTER the nations mentioned come those of the Belgæ, who dwell next the ocean. Of their number are the Veneti,The inhabitants of Vannes and the surrounding country. -who fought a naval battle with Cæsar. They had prepared +who fought a naval battle with Cæsar. They had prepared -to resist his passage into Britain, being possessed of the commerce [of that island] themselves. But Cæsar easily gained +to resist his passage into Britain, being possessed of the commerce [of that island] themselves. But Cæsar easily gained the victory, not however by means of his beaks, (for their @@ -22753,11 +22753,11 @@ the victory, not however by means of his beaks, (for their ships were constructed of solid wood,)Neque enim his nostrae rostro nocere poterant; tanta erat in his -firmitudo. Cæsar, lib. iii. c. 13. but whenever their +firmitudo. Cæsar, lib. iii. c. 13. but whenever their ships were borne near to his by the wind, the Romans rent the -sails by means of scythes fixed on long handles:Vide Cæsar, lib. iii. c. 14. for the sails +sails by means of scythes fixed on long handles:Vide Cæsar, lib. iii. c. 14. for the sails [of their ships] are made of leather to resist the violence of @@ -22797,7 +22797,7 @@ the people whom Pytheas calls Ostimii; they dwell on a promontory which projects considerably into the ocean, but -not so far as Pytheas and those who follow him assert.The promontory of Calbium, the present Cape Saint-Mahé, is here +not so far as Pytheas and those who follow him assert.The promontory of Calbium, the present Cape Saint-Mahé, is here alluded to. As @@ -22810,7 +22810,7 @@ contiguous to the Sequani, others to the Arverni. or Galatic,Gosselin observes, These people called themselves by the name of -Kelts; the Greeks styled them Galatæ, and the Latins Galli or Gaus. is warlike, passionate, and always ready for fighting, but otherwise simple and not malicious. If irritated, +Kelts; the Greeks styled them Galatæ, and the Latins Galli or Gaus. is warlike, passionate, and always ready for fighting, but otherwise simple and not malicious. If irritated, they rush in crowds to the conflict, openly and without any @@ -22887,7 +22887,7 @@ The most valiant of them dwell towards the north and next the ocean.

-

Of these they say that the Belgæ are the bravest. They +

Of these they say that the Belgæ are the bravest. They are divided into fifteen nations, and dwell near the ocean between the Rhine and the Loire, and have therefore sustained @@ -22899,13 +22899,13 @@ themselves single-handed against the incursions of the Germans, the Cimbri,The inhabitants of the Beauvoisis. and after them the Suessiones. The +Belgæ are the Bellovaci,The inhabitants of the Beauvoisis. and after them the Suessiones. The amount of their population may be estimated by the fact that -formerly there were said to be 300,000 Belgæ capable of +formerly there were said to be 300,000 Belgæ capable of -bearing arms.Vide Cæsar, lib. ii. c. 4. The numbers of the Helvetii, the Arverni, +bearing arms.Vide Cæsar, lib. ii. c. 4. The numbers of the Helvetii, the Arverni, and their allies, have already been mentioned. All this is a @@ -22957,7 +22957,7 @@ for the most part aristocratic; formerly they chose a governor every year, and a military leader was likewise elected by the -multitude.Conf. Cæsar, lib. vi. c. 13. Plebs pene servorum habetur loco, quæ +multitude.Conf. Cæsar, lib. vi. c. 13. Plebs pene servorum habetur loco, quæ per se nihil audet, et nulli adhibetur consilio. At the present day they are mostly under sub- @@ -23149,7 +23149,7 @@ He states that the people are great admirers of the Greeks, and relates many particulars concerning them not applicable -to their present state. This is one:—That they take great +to their present state. This is one:—That they take great care not to become fat or big-bellied, and that if any young @@ -23161,7 +23161,7 @@ and if of the bulk thought proper for a Spartan, they were praised, if on the contrary they appeared too fat, they were punished. Athen. 1. xii. p. -550. Ælian, V. H. I. xiv. c. 7. At Rome likewise it was the duty of the +550. Ælian, V. H. I. xiv. c. 7. At Rome likewise it was the duty of the censor to see that the equites did not become too fat; if they did, they @@ -23222,17 +23222,17 @@ Yser. who border on the Menapii,The Menapii occupied Brabant. among whom also is situated Itium,General opinion places the port Itius at Wissant, near Cape Grisnez; -Professor Airy, however, is of opinion that the portus Itius of Cæsar is the +Professor Airy, however, is of opinion that the portus Itius of Cæsar is the estuary of the Somme. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London, 1852, vol. ii. No. 30, p. 198. which divus -Cæsar used as his naval station when about to pass over to +Cæsar used as his naval station when about to pass over to the island: he set sail by night, and arrived the next day about -the fourth hour,Cæsar passed twice into Britain: the first time he started about midnight, and arrived at the fourth hour of the day; the second time he +the fourth hour,Cæsar passed twice into Britain: the first time he started about midnight, and arrived at the fourth hour of the day; the second time he started at the commencement of the night, and did not arrive until the @@ -23295,7 +23295,7 @@ also amongst the Morini, and the Menapii, and among all the neighbouring people.

-

Divus Cæsar twice passed over to the island, but quickly +

Divus Cæsar twice passed over to the island, but quickly returned, having effected nothing of consequence, nor proceeded far into the country, as well on account of some commotions in Keltica, both among his own soldiers and among @@ -23305,9 +23305,9 @@ the time of the full moon, when both the ebb and flow of the tides were greatly increased.The fleet consisted of 1000 vessels, according to Cotta. (Athen. 1. vi. -c. 21.) The great loss spoken of by Strabo occurred before the first return of Cæsar into Gaul. (Cæsar, 1. iv. c. 28.) As to his second return, it +c. 21.) The great loss spoken of by Strabo occurred before the first return of Cæsar into Gaul. (Cæsar, 1. iv. c. 28.) As to his second return, it -was occasioned, to use his own words, propter repentinos Galliæ +was occasioned, to use his own words, propter repentinos Galliæ motus. L. v. c. 22. Nevertheless he gained @@ -23321,7 +23321,7 @@ present time, however, some of the princes there have, by their embassies and solicitations, obtained the friendship of -Augustus Cæsar, dedicated their offerings in the Capitol, and +Augustus Cæsar, dedicated their offerings in the Capitol, and brought the whole island into intimate union with the @@ -23344,7 +23344,7 @@ some danger would be incurred if force were to be employed.

There are also other small islands around Britain; but -one, of great extent, Ierna,Called by Cæsar, Hibernia; by Mela, Juverna; and by Diodorus Siculus, Iris. lying parallel to it towards the +one, of great extent, Ierna,Called by Cæsar, Hibernia; by Mela, Juverna; and by Diodorus Siculus, Iris. lying parallel to it towards the @@ -23362,7 +23362,7 @@ enormous eaters, and deeming it commendable to devour their deceased fathers,This custom resembles that related by Herodotus (lib. i. c. 216, -and iv. 26) of the Massagetæ and Issedoni. Amongst these latter, when +and iv. 26) of the Massagetæ and Issedoni. Amongst these latter, when the father of a family died, all the relatives assembled at the house of the @@ -23382,11 +23382,11 @@ children as they resembled them respectively. Mela asserts the same of the Garamantes. As to the commerce between relations, Strabo in his -16th Book, speaks of it as being usual amongst the Arabs. It was a custom amongst the early Greeks. Homer makes the six sons of Æolus +16th Book, speaks of it as being usual amongst the Arabs. It was a custom amongst the early Greeks. Homer makes the six sons of Æolus marry their six sisters, and Juno addresses herself to Jupiter as Et sorer -et conjux. Compare also Cæsar, lib. v. But this we relate perhaps without very competent +et conjux. Compare also Cæsar, lib. v. But this we relate perhaps without very competent authority; although to eat human flesh is said to be a Scythian custom; and during the severities of a siege, even the @@ -23399,7 +23399,7 @@ sustained against the Cimbri and Teutones, (Cesar, lib. vii. c. 77,) and the inhabitants of Numantia in Iberia, when besieged by Scipio. (Valerius Maximus, lib. vii. c. 6.) The city of Potidea in Greece experienced a similar calamity. (Thucyd. lib. ii. c. 70. )

-

The account of Thulè is still more uncertain, on account +

The account of Thulè is still more uncertain, on account of its secluded situation; for they consider it to be the @@ -23413,7 +23413,7 @@ known countries. For if, as we have shown, his description of these is in the main incorrect, what he says of far distant -countries is still more likely to be false.Pytheas placed Thulè under the 66th degree of north latitude, which +countries is still more likely to be false.Pytheas placed Thulè under the 66th degree of north latitude, which is the latitude of the north of Iceland. Nevertheless, as far @@ -23453,7 +23453,7 @@ nations who inhabit the country, we must now speak of the Alps themselves and their inhabitants, and afterwards of the whole of Italy; observing in our description such arrangement as the nature of the country shall point out. -

The Alps do not commence at Monœci Portus,Port Monaco. as some have +

The Alps do not commence at Monœci Portus,Port Monaco. as some have asserted, but from the region whence the Apennines take @@ -23465,7 +23465,7 @@ nines take their rise near Genoa, and the Alps near Sabatorum Vada. The distance on is the little city of Albingaunum,Albinga. inhabited by Ligurians -who are called Ingauni. From thence to the Monœci Portus is +who are called Ingauni. From thence to the Monœci Portus is 480 stadia. In the interval between is the very considerable @@ -23502,11 +23502,11 @@ form Albingaunum.Casaubon observes that the Roman writers s Albium Ingaunum, in the same manner as Albium Intemelium. To these two tribes of Ligurians already -mentioned, Polybius adds those of the Oxybii and Deciates.These two tribes inhabited the country round Fréjus and Antibes as +mentioned, Polybius adds those of the Oxybii and Deciates.These two tribes inhabited the country round Fréjus and Antibes as far as the Var. -The whole coast from Monœci Portus to Tyrrhenia is +The whole coast from Monœci Portus to Tyrrhenia is continuous, and without harbours excepting some small @@ -23549,17 +23549,17 @@ slingers. Some have thought that their brazen shields prove these people to be of Grecian origin.

-

The Monœci Portus is merely a roadstead, not capable +

The Monœci Portus is merely a roadstead, not capable of containing either many or large vessels. Here is a temple -dedicated to Hercules Monœcus.Mo/noikos, an epithet of Hercules signifying sole inhabitant. According to Servius, either because after he had driven out the Ligurians +dedicated to Hercules Monœcus.Mo/noikos, an epithet of Hercules signifying sole inhabitant. According to Servius, either because after he had driven out the Ligurians he remained the sole inhabitant of the country; or because it was not usual to associate any other divinities in the temples consecrated to him. The name seems to show -it probable that the Massilian voyages along the coast extended as far as here. Monœci Portus is distant from Antipolis rather more than 200 stadia. The Salyes occupy the +it probable that the Massilian voyages along the coast extended as far as here. Monœci Portus is distant from Antipolis rather more than 200 stadia. The Salyes occupy the region from thence to Marseilles, or a little farther; they @@ -23608,7 +23608,7 @@ of the French translation. Kramer however reads <*>o in a note.

-

After the Salyes, the Albienses, the Albiœci,The Albieci are named Albici in Cæsar; the capital city is called by +

After the Salyes, the Albienses, the Albiœci,The Albieci are named Albici in Cæsar; the capital city is called by Pliny Alebece Reiorum; it is now Riez in Provence. and the @@ -23624,7 +23624,7 @@ Ligurians are subject to the pretors sent into the Narbonnaise, but the Vocontii are governed by their own laws, as we have -said of the Volcæ of Nemausus.Nimes. Of the Ligurians between +said of the Volcæ of Nemausus.Nimes. Of the Ligurians between the Var and Genoa, those along the sea are considered Italians; @@ -23665,9 +23665,9 @@ the moderns; this river falls into the Po at Turin. which flows in an opposite direction; for it mingles with the Po after -having pursued its course through the country of the SalassiGosselin observes:—The Salassi occupied the country about Aouste, +having pursued its course through the country of the SalassiGosselin observes:—The Salassi occupied the country about Aouste, -or Aoste. The name of this city is a corruption of Augusta Prætoria +or Aoste. The name of this city is a corruption of Augusta Prætoria Salassorum, which it received in the time of Augustus. The Durias @@ -23692,7 +23692,7 @@ with the exception of the Danube,The Ister of the classics. Adriatic Sea. The Medulli are situated considerably above -the confluence of the Isère and the Rhone. +the confluence of the Isère and the Rhone.

On the opposite side of the mountains, sloping towards @@ -23707,11 +23707,11 @@ and the Po are the Salassi; above whom in the summits [of the Alps] are the Kentrones, the Catoriges, the Veragri, the -Nantuatæ,The Kentrones occupied la Tarentaise; the Catoriges, the territories +Nantuatæ,The Kentrones occupied la Tarentaise; the Catoriges, the territories of Chorges and Embrun; the Veragri, a part of the Valais south of the -Rhone; and the Nantuatæ, Le Chablais. Lake Leman,The Lake of Geneva. traversed by the Rhone, and the +Rhone; and the Nantuatæ, Le Chablais. Lake Leman,The Lake of Geneva. traversed by the Rhone, and the @@ -23729,11 +23729,11 @@ opposite direction, and discharges itself into Lake Larius, near to Como. Lying above Como, which is situated at the -roots of the Alps, on one side are the Rhæti and Vennones +roots of the Alps, on one side are the Rhæti and Vennones -towards the east,The Rhæti are the Grisons; the Vennones, the people of the Va +towards the east,The Rhæti are the Grisons; the Vennones, the people of the Va -Telline. and on the other the Lepontii, the Tridentini, the Stoni,The Lepontii inhabited the Haut Valais, and the valley of Leventina; the Tridentini occupied Trente; the Stoni, Sténéco. and numerous other small nations, poor and +Telline. and on the other the Lepontii, the Tridentini, the Stoni,The Lepontii inhabited the Haut Valais, and the valley of Leventina; the Tridentini occupied Trente; the Stoni, Sténéco. and numerous other small nations, poor and addicted to robbery, who in former times possessed Italy. @@ -23747,7 +23747,7 @@ and difficult, now run in every direction, secure from any danger of these people, and as accessible as art can make them. -For Augustus Cæsar not only destroyed the robbers, but improved the character of the roads as far as practicable, although +For Augustus Cæsar not only destroyed the robbers, but improved the character of the roads as far as practicable, although he could not every where overcome nature, on account of the @@ -23854,11 +23854,11 @@ winter quarters in their vicinity, was obliged to pay them, both for his fire-wood, and for the elm-wood for making javelins for the exercise of his troops. In one instance they -plundered the treasures of Cæsar,It does not appear that Julius Cæsar is here intended, for he mentions +plundered the treasures of Cæsar,It does not appear that Julius Cæsar is here intended, for he mentions nothing of it in his Commentaries. It seems more probable that Strabo used -the expression of Cæsar in its wider sense of Emperor, and alludes to +the expression of Cæsar in its wider sense of Emperor, and alludes to Augustus, of whom he speaks immediately after. and rolled down huge @@ -23897,11 +23897,11 @@ the summits of the mountains, is at peace. those likewise inclining to the south, are possessed by the -Rhæti and Vindelici, who adjoin the Helvetii and Boii, and +Rhæti and Vindelici, who adjoin the Helvetii and Boii, and -press upon their plains. The Rhæti extend as far as Italy +press upon their plains. The Rhæti extend as far as Italy -above Verona and Como. The Rhætian wine, which is +above Verona and Como. The Rhætian wine, which is esteemed not inferior to the finest wines of Italy, is produced @@ -23915,7 +23915,7 @@ The Vindelici and Norici possess, for the most part, the opposite side of the mountains together with the Breuni and -Genauni, who form part of the Illyrians.The limits of these barbarous nations were continually varying according to their success in war, in general, however, the Rhæti possessed +Genauni, who form part of the Illyrians.The limits of these barbarous nations were continually varying according to their success in war, in general, however, the Rhæti possessed the country of the Grisons, the Tyrol, and the district about Trent. @@ -23947,7 +23947,7 @@ were continually making incursions both into the neighbouring parts of Italy, an -the Sequani,The people of Franche Comté. the Boii, and the Germans.The Germans of Wirtemberg and Suabia. But the Licattii, +the Sequani,The people of Franche Comté. the Boii, and the Germans.The Germans of Wirtemberg and Suabia. But the Licattii, the Clautinatii, and the VennonesThe Licattii appear to have inhabited the country about the Lech, @@ -23955,7 +23955,7 @@ and the Clautinatii that about the Inn; the Vennones the Val Telline. pro the Vindelici; and the Rucantii and Cotuantii amongst the -Rhæti. Both the Estiones and Brigantii belong to the +Rhæti. Both the Estiones and Brigantii belong to the Vindelici; their cities are Brigantium, Campodunum, and @@ -23973,7 +23973,7 @@ children, and do not even stop here, but murder every pregnant woman who, their infant.This disgusting brutality however is no more barbarous than the intention put by Homer into the mouth of Agamemnon, the king of men, -which Scholiasts have in vain endeavoured to soften or excuse— +which Scholiasts have in vain endeavoured to soften or excuse— @@ -23984,7 +23984,7 @@ which Scholiasts have in vain endeavoured to soften or excuse— kou=ron e)o/nta fe/roi, mhd' o(/s fu/goi a)ll a(/ma pa/ntes )Ili/ou e)capoloi/at', a)khdestoi kai\ a)\fantoi. -Iliad vi. 57–60. +Iliad vi. 57–60.

After these come certain of the Norici, and the Carni, @@ -24043,7 +24043,7 @@ of the Adige, but this river flows into the Adriatic, and not, as Strabo seems to say, into the Danube. The error of the text appears to result -from a transposition of the two names made by the copyists, and to render it intelligible we should read thus:—There is a lake from which proceeds the Atesinus, (or the Adige,) and which, after having received the +from a transposition of the two names made by the copyists, and to render it intelligible we should read thus:—There is a lake from which proceeds the Atesinus, (or the Adige,) and which, after having received the Atax, (perhaps the Eisach, or Aicha, which flows by Bolzano,) discharges @@ -24073,7 +24073,7 @@ the Mount Apennine, already mentioned, Tullum and Phligadia, the mountains lying above the Vindelici from whence -proceed the Duras,The Traun or Würm. the Clanis,The Glan in Bavaria. and many other rivers which +proceed the Duras,The Traun or Würm. the Clanis,The Glan in Bavaria. and many other rivers which discharge themselves like torrents into the current of the @@ -24090,7 +24090,7 @@ habiting either side of the mountain, and were notorious for their predatory habits, but they have been entirely reduced -and brought to subjection by Augustus Cæsar. Their cities are +and brought to subjection by Augustus Cæsar. Their cities are @@ -24098,7 +24098,7 @@ and brought to subjection by Augustus Cæsar. Their cities are -Metulum,Probably Mödling. Arupenum,Auersperg, or the Flecken Mungava. Monetium,Möttnig or Mansburg. and Vendon.Windisch Grätz, or Brindjel. After these +Metulum,Probably Mödling. Arupenum,Auersperg, or the Flecken Mungava. Monetium,Möttnig or Mansburg. and Vendon.Windisch Grätz, or Brindjel. After these is the city of Segesta,Now Sisseck. [situated] in a plain. Near to it flows the river Save,The text reads Rhine, but we have, in common with Gosselin, followed the correction of Cluvier, Xylander, and Tyrwhitt. which discharges itself into the Danube. @@ -24179,7 +24179,7 @@ BellovaciBeauvoisis. and Ambiani,This other route, says Gosselin, starti Great Saint Bernard, Valais, the Rhone, a portion of the Vaud, Mount -Jura, and so to Besançon and Langres, where it separated, the road to the +Jura, and so to Besançon and Langres, where it separated, the road to the -right passing by Toul, Metz, and Trèves, approached the Rhine at Mayence; while that to the left passed by Troies, Châlons, Rheims, and +right passing by Toul, Metz, and Trèves, approached the Rhine at Mayence; while that to the left passed by Troies, Châlons, Rheims, and Bavai, where it again separated and conducted by various points to the @@ -24246,13 +24246,13 @@ though not in such large quantities. The same writer, speak- ing of the extent and height of the Alps, compares with them -the largest mountains of Greece, such as Taygetum,A mountain of Laconia. Lycæum,In Arcadia, some suppose it to be the modern Tetragi, others Diaphorti, and others Mintha. Parnassus,In Phocis, Iapara, or Liokura. Olympus,Olympus is a mountain range of Thessaly, bordering on Macedonia, +the largest mountains of Greece, such as Taygetum,A mountain of Laconia. Lycæum,In Arcadia, some suppose it to be the modern Tetragi, others Diaphorti, and others Mintha. Parnassus,In Phocis, Iapara, or Liokura. Olympus,Olympus is a mountain range of Thessaly, bordering on Macedonia, -its summit is thirty miles north of Larissa, in lat. 40° 4′ 32″ N., long. 22° 25′ E. Its estimated height is 9745 feet. Pelion,Petras or Zagora. Ossa,Now Kissovo; it is situated to the east of the river Peneus, immediately north of Mount Pelion, and bounds the celebrated vale of Tempe +its summit is thirty miles north of Larissa, in lat. 40° 4′ 32″ N., long. 22° 25′ E. Its estimated height is 9745 feet. Pelion,Petras or Zagora. Ossa,Now Kissovo; it is situated to the east of the river Peneus, immediately north of Mount Pelion, and bounds the celebrated vale of Tempe on one side. and of Thrace, as -the Hæmus, Rhodope, and Dunax, saying that an active +the Hæmus, Rhodope, and Dunax, saying that an active person might almost ascend any of these in a single day, @@ -24284,11 +24284,11 @@ Tyrrhenian Sea,This route passes from Tortona, by Vadi, Alb Monaco, where it crosses the maritime Alps, and thence to Nice, Antibes, -&c. Gosselin. a second through the country of the Taurini,This route passes by Briançon, Mont Genèvre, the Col de Sestrière, +&c. Gosselin. a second through the country of the Taurini,This route passes by Briançon, Mont Genèvre, the Col de Sestrière, and the Val Progelas. by which Hannibal passed, a third through the country -of the Salassi,The passage by the Val Aouste. and a fourth through that of the Rhæti,This route, starting from Milan, passed east of the lake of Como by +of the Salassi,The passage by the Val Aouste. and a fourth through that of the Rhæti,This route, starting from Milan, passed east of the lake of Como by Coire, and then by Bregentz to the Lake of Constance. all @@ -24351,7 +24351,7 @@ Sicily.

AT the foot of the Alps commences the region now known -as Italy. The ancients by Italy merely understood Œnotria, +as Italy. The ancients by Italy merely understood Œnotria, which reached from the Strait of Sicily to the Gulf of Taranto, @@ -24375,7 +24375,7 @@ obtained dominion. Afterwards, when the Romans conferred on the Italians the privileges of equal citizenship, and thought -fit to extend the same honour to the Cisalpine Galatæ and +fit to extend the same honour to the Cisalpine Galatæ and Heneti,Venetians. they comprised the whole under the general denomination of Italians and Romans; they likewise founded amongst @@ -24632,7 +24632,7 @@ was chiefly inhabited by Kelts. The principal nations of these Kelts were the Boii, the Insubri, and the Senones and -Gæsatæ, who in one of their incursions took possession of +Gæsatæ, who in one of their incursions took possession of Rome. The Romans afterwards entirely extirpated these @@ -24656,7 +24656,7 @@ towns Brescia, Mantua, Reggio, and Como. This latter was but a very indifferent colony, having been seriously impaired -by the Rhæti who dwelt higher up, but it was repeopled by +by the Rhæti who dwelt higher up, but it was repeopled by Pompey Strabo, father of Pompey the Great. Afterwards @@ -24664,7 +24664,7 @@ Caius ScipioApparently a mistake for Lucius Cornelius Scipi are unacquainted with any Caius Scipio. transferred thither 3000 men, and finally divus -Cæsar peopled it with 5000 men, the most distinguished of +Cæsar peopled it with 5000 men, the most distinguished of whom were 500 Greeks. He conferred on these the privileges @@ -24684,7 +24684,7 @@ into the Po. The sources of this river, as well as those of the Rhine, rise in Mount Adulas.The source of the Adda is at the foot of Mount Braulio; the three -sources of the Rhine issue from Mounts St. Bernardin, St. Barnabé, and +sources of the Rhine issue from Mounts St. Bernardin, St. Barnabé, and Crispalt, at a considerable distance from the source of the Adda. @@ -24727,7 +24727,7 @@ Ravenna, built entirely on piles,culo translators; however, Guarini, Buonaccivoli, Xylander, Siebenkees, and -Bréquigny, all understand Strabo to mean that the city was built entirely +Bréquigny, all understand Strabo to mean that the city was built entirely of wood. and traversed by canals, @@ -24759,7 +24759,7 @@ in the marshes, its situation being very similar to that of Ravenna. Between them is Butrium,Butrio. a small city of Ravenna, -and Spina,Spinazino. which is now a village, but was anciently a celebrated Grecian city. In fact, the treasures of the Spinitæ +and Spina,Spinazino. which is now a village, but was anciently a celebrated Grecian city. In fact, the treasures of the Spinitæ are shown at Delphi, and it is, besides, reported in history that @@ -24816,7 +24816,7 @@ by a river which flows from the mountains of the Alps, and is navigable for a distance of 1200 stadia, as far as the -city of Noreia,Friesach in Steiermark. near to where Cnæus Carbo was defeated +city of Noreia,Friesach in Steiermark. near to where Cnæus Carbo was defeated in his attack upon the Kimbrians.113 years before the Christian era. This place contains fine @@ -24830,7 +24830,7 @@ however, says that, with the exception of one, they are all salt springs, and that it is on this account the place is called by -the inhabitants—the source and mother of the sea. Posidonius, on the other hand, tells us that the river Timavo, after +the inhabitants—the source and mother of the sea. Posidonius, on the other hand, tells us that the river Timavo, after flowing from the mountains, precipitates itself into a chasm, @@ -24857,13 +24857,13 @@ history, and shall leave alone the numerous falsehoods and myths; such, for instance, as those concerning Phaethon and -the HeliadesPhaethusa, Lampetie, and Lampethusa. See Virg. cel. vi. 62; Æn. +the HeliadesPhaethusa, Lampetie, and Lampethusa. See Virg. cel. vi. 62; Æn. x. 190; Ovid Met. ii. changed into alders near the [river] Eridanus, which exists no where, although said to be near the Po;Either this passage has undergone alteration, or else Strabo is the only writer who informs us that certain mythological traditions distinguished the Eridanus from the Po, placing the former of these rivers in the -vicinity of the latter. The père Bardetti thinks the Greeks originally +vicinity of the latter. The père Bardetti thinks the Greeks originally confounded the Eretenus, a tributary of the Po, with the name Eridanus. of the islands Electrides, opposite the mouths of the Po, and @@ -24899,7 +24899,7 @@ sacrifice to him a white horse; two groves are likewise pointed out, one [sacred] to the Argian Juno, and the other to the -Ætolian Diana. They have too, as we might expect, fictions +Ætolian Diana. They have too, as we might expect, fictions concerning these groves; for instance, that the wild beasts in @@ -24958,7 +24958,7 @@ is situated in a gulf forming a kind of port, and containing some small islands,The Isola di Brioni, Conversara, and S. Nicolo. Pliny calls them -Insulæ Pullarie. fruitful, and with good harbours. This city +Insulæ Pullarie. fruitful, and with good harbours. This city was anciently founded by the Colchians sent after Medea, @@ -25001,9 +25001,9 @@ tween the Apennines and the Alps as far as Genoa and the Vada-Sabbatorum.Vadi. The greater part was inhabited by the -Boii, the Ligurians, the Senones, and Gæsatæ; but after the +Boii, the Ligurians, the Senones, and Gæsatæ; but after the -depopulation of the Boii, and the destruction of the Gæsatæ +depopulation of the Boii, and the destruction of the Gæsatæ and Senones, the Ligurian tribes and the Roman colonies @@ -25062,7 +25062,7 @@ route to Rome, as Acara,Probably corrupt. Rhegium-Le where a public festival is held every year, Claterna,Quaderna. Forum- -Cornelium;Imola. while FaventiaFaenza. and Cæsena, situated near to the +Cornelium;Imola. while FaventiaFaenza. and Cæsena, situated near to the river SavioAncient Sapis. and the Rubicon,Probably Pisatello. are adjacent to Ariminum. @@ -25084,7 +25084,7 @@ From Placentia to Ariminum there are 1300 stadia. Abou bearing the same name, which falls into the Po, while a little -out of the route are Clastidium,Castezzio. Derthon,Tortona. and Aquæ-Statiellæ.Acqui, on the left bank of the Bormia. But the direct route as far as Ocelum,Ucello. along the Po +out of the route are Clastidium,Castezzio. Derthon,Tortona. and Aquæ-Statiellæ.Acqui, on the left bank of the Bormia. But the direct route as far as Ocelum,Ucello. along the Po and the Doria Riparia,Douo|i/as. is full of precipices, intersected by numerous other rivers, one of which is the Durance,The ancient Druentia. and is about @@ -25100,7 +25100,7 @@ is partly composed. Derthon is a considerable city, situated about half way on the road from Genoa to Placentia, which -are distant 400 stadia from each other. Aquæ-Statiellæ is +are distant 400 stadia from each other. Aquæ-Statiellæ is on the same route. That from Placentia to Ariminum we @@ -25122,9 +25122,9 @@ the Po near Placentia, and having previously received many other rivers, is over-swollen near this place. I allude to the -ScaurusM. Æmilius Scaurus. who also made the Æmilian road through Pisa +ScaurusM. Æmilius Scaurus. who also made the Æmilian road through Pisa -and Luna as far as Sabbatorum, and thence through Derthon. There is another Æmilian road, which continues the +and Luna as far as Sabbatorum, and thence through Derthon. There is another Æmilian road, which continues the Flaminian. For Marcus Lepidus and Caius Flaminius being @@ -25154,7 +25154,7 @@ three years afterwards was slain at the battle of Thrasymenus). Livy, whose authority is certainly of great weight, speaking of the grand road -made by C. Flaminius Nepos, consul in the year of Rome 567, states expressly that it led from Bologna to Arezzo. Hist. lib. xxxix. § 2. +made by C. Flaminius Nepos, consul in the year of Rome 567, states expressly that it led from Bologna to Arezzo. Hist. lib. xxxix. § 2. the other, the road as far as Bononia,Bologna. and thence to AquileiaMaffei proposes to substitute Placentia for Aquilena. by the roots of the Alps, and encircling the marshes. The @@ -25162,7 +25162,7 @@ boundaries which separate from the rest of Italy this country, which we designate Citerior Keltica,Cisalpine Gaul. were marked by the -Apennine mountains above Tyrrhenia and the river Esino,The ancient Æsis, now Esino, named also Fiumesino. and afterwards by the Rubicon.Probably the Pisatello. Both these rivers fall into +Apennine mountains above Tyrrhenia and the river Esino,The ancient Æsis, now Esino, named also Fiumesino. and afterwards by the Rubicon.Probably the Pisatello. Both these rivers fall into the Adriatic. @@ -25391,9 +25391,9 @@ but not being able he made peaceB. C. 50 departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts.

-

Such are the facts concerning the celebrity of the Tyrrheni, to which may be added the exploits of the Cæretani,The people of Cerveteri. +

Such are the facts concerning the celebrity of the Tyrrheni, to which may be added the exploits of the Cæretani,The people of Cerveteri. -who defeated the Galatæ after they had taken Rome. Having +who defeated the Galatæ after they had taken Rome. Having attacked them as they were departing through the country of @@ -25413,7 +25413,7 @@ for although they conferred on them the rights of citizenship, they did not enrol them amongst the citizens; and further, -they inscribed upon the same roll with the Cæretani, others +they inscribed upon the same roll with the Cæretani, others who did not enjoy as great privileges as they did. However, @@ -25431,11 +25431,11 @@ piracy, with favourable opportunities for engaging in it, and dedicated at Delphi the treasure, as it was called, of the -Agylllæi; for their country was formerly named Agylla, though +Agylllæi; for their country was formerly named Agylla, though -now Cærea. It is said to have been founded by Pelasgi from +now Cærea. It is said to have been founded by Pelasgi from -Thessaly. The Lydians, who had taken the name of Tyrrheni, having engaged in war against the Agyllæi, one of them, +Thessaly. The Lydians, who had taken the name of Tyrrheni, having engaged in war against the Agyllæi, one of them, approaching the wall, inquired the name of the city; when @@ -25449,7 +25449,7 @@ This city, once so flourishing and celebrated, only preserves the traces [of its former greatness]; the neighbouring hot -springs, named Cæretana,Cræri, according to Holstenius, the Bagni di Sasso, Cluvi con- +springs, named Cæretana,Cræri, according to Holstenius, the Bagni di Sasso, Cluvi con- sidered it Bagni di Stigliano. being more frequented than it, by @@ -25460,7 +25460,7 @@ the people attracted thither for the sake of their health. race spread throughout the whole of Greece, but especially in -the country of the Æolians near to Thessaly. Ephorus, +the country of the Æolians near to Thessaly. Ephorus, however, says that he considers they were originally Arcadians, who had taken up a warlike mode of life; and having @@ -25472,7 +25472,7 @@ and in every other country where they chanced to come. Homer informs us that there were colonies of them in Crete, -for he makes Ulysses say to Penelope— +for he makes Ulysses say to Penelope— @@ -25487,13 +25487,13 @@ mixed together; there are in it Achaians, and <*> and Cydonians, and crest-shaking Dorians,<*>.Odyssey xix. 175.Odyssey xix. 175. And that portion of Thessaly between the outlets of the -PeneiusThe Salambria, Costum. and the Thermopylæ, as far as the mountains of +PeneiusThe Salambria, Costum. and the Thermopylæ, as far as the mountains of Pindus, is named Pelasgic Argos, the district having formerly belonged to the Pelasgi. The poet himself also gives to Do- -donæman Jupiter, the epithet of Pelasgian:— +donæman Jupiter, the epithet of Pelasgian:— @@ -25503,7 +25503,7 @@ donæman Jupiter, the epithet of Pelasgian:— -Pelasgian, Dodonæan Jove supreme.Iliad xvi. 223.Iliad xvi. 223. +Pelasgian, Dodonæan Jove supreme.Iliad xvi. 223.Iliad xvi. 223. @@ -25519,7 +25519,7 @@ which they were the chiefs. Thus LesbosMetelino. has Pelasgic, and Homer has called the people bordering on the -Cilices in the Troad Pelasgic:— +Cilices in the Troad Pelasgic:— @@ -25543,9 +25543,9 @@ who says, -Likewise Æschylus in his Suppliants, or Danaids, makes their +Likewise Æschylus in his Suppliants, or Danaids, makes their -race to be of Argos near Mycenæ. Ephorus likewise says that +race to be of Argos near Mycenæ. Ephorus likewise says that Peloponnesus was named Pelasgia; and Euripides, in the @@ -25557,7 +25557,7 @@ Archelaus, says, inhabitedWe have followed the example of the French translators in reading -w)/|khsen with all MSS. Groskurd and Kramer adopt the views of Xylander and Siebenkees in substituting w)/|kisen. the city of Inachus, and made a law that those who had before borne the name of Pelasgiotæ throughout Greece should be called Danai. +w)/|khsen with all MSS. Groskurd and Kramer adopt the views of Xylander and Siebenkees in substituting w)/|kisen. the city of Inachus, and made a law that those who had before borne the name of Pelasgiotæ throughout Greece should be called Danai. @@ -25584,7 +25584,7 @@ that its breadth in the direction of the mountains is less than half that number. Then from Luna to Pisa there are more than -400 stadia; from thence to VolaterræVolterra. 280; thence to Pop- +400 stadia; from thence to VolaterræVolterra. 280; thence to Pop- @@ -25634,7 +25634,7 @@ a district in Italy bearing that name. Kramer supposes that Strabo wrote pota/mion, and not xwo|i/on, the reading of all MSS. a division which many writers consider the true boundary of Tyrrhenia and Liguria. Pisa was founded by the -Pisatæ of the Peloponnesus, who went under Nestor to the +Pisatæ of the Peloponnesus, who went under Nestor to the expedition against Troy, but in their voyage home wandered @@ -25642,7 +25642,7 @@ out of their course, some to Metapontium,Near the mouth of they were, however, all called Pylians. The city lies between -the two rivers ArnoThe ancient Arnus. and Æsar,Corresponding to the present Serchio, which discharges itself into the +the two rivers ArnoThe ancient Arnus. and Æsar,Corresponding to the present Serchio, which discharges itself into the sea, and not into the Arno. The time when this change of direction took @@ -25745,7 +25745,7 @@ this city there is an indistinct and distant view of Sardinia. Cyrnus,Corsica. however, is nearer, being distant from Sardinia about -60 stadia. While ÆthaliaThe island of Elba. is much nearer to the continent +60 stadia. While ÆthaliaThe island of Elba. is much nearer to the continent than either, being distant therefrom only 300The French translation has 200 in text, while it states in a note that @@ -25759,7 +25759,7 @@ place to any of the three mentioned islands. We ourselves observed them from the we saw certain mines which had been abandoned, we also saw -the craftsmen who work the iron brought from Æthalia; for +the craftsmen who work the iron brought from Æthalia; for they cannot reduce it into bars in the furnaces on the island, @@ -25781,7 +25781,7 @@ his assertion, that both these places lay in the high sea at a distance of 1200 stadia. For whatever others might, I certainly could never have seen them at such a distance, however -carefully I had looked, particularly Cyrnus. Æthalia has a +carefully I had looked, particularly Cyrnus. Æthalia has a harbour named Argoiis,Porto Ferrajo. derived, as they say, from the [ship] @@ -25811,7 +25811,7 @@ and exaggerated the distances: as he makes Ulysses wander over the ocean, so does he narrate of Jason, as he too had -been renowned for his travels: and the same he likewise relates of Menelaus. This is what we have to say of Æthalia. +been renowned for his travels: and the same he likewise relates of Menelaus. This is what we have to say of Æthalia.

Cyrnus is called by the Romans Corsica; it is poorly inhabited, being both rugged and in many parts entirely inaccessible, so that the mountaineers, who live by plunder, are @@ -25832,11 +25832,11 @@ appear better fitted than any others for performing useful services; their physical constitution being peculiarly adapted thereto. Diodor. Sic. -1. v. § 13. We must remark, however, that some districts are +1. v. § 13. We must remark, however, that some districts are habitable, and that there are some small cities, for instance -Blesino, Charax, Eniconiæ, and Vapanes.None of these names are found in Ptolemy's description of Corsica. +Blesino, Charax, Eniconiæ, and Vapanes.None of these names are found in Ptolemy's description of Corsica. Diodorus Siculus has names somewhat similar. The chorographerIt is uncertain to whom Strabo here alludes. The French translators @@ -25866,7 +25866,7 @@ more particularly so in the most fertile districts; in addition to this, it is often ravaged by the mountaineers, whom they -call Diagesbes,Some manuscripts read Diagebres. who formerly were named Iolaënses. For it +call Diagesbes,Some manuscripts read Diagebres. who formerly were named Iolaënses. For it is said that IolausThe nephew of Hercules, being the son of Iphiclus, his brother. brought hither certain of the children of @@ -25880,7 +25880,7 @@ Hercules, and established himself amongst the barbarian pos- sessors of the island, who were Tyrrhenians. Afterwards the -Phœnicians of Carthage became masters of the island, and, +Phœnicians of Carthage became masters of the island, and, assisted by the inhabitants, carried on war against the Romans; @@ -25896,7 +25896,7 @@ what they find cultivated by others, whether on the island or on the continent, where they make descents, especially upon -the Pisatæ. The prefects sent [into Sardinia] sometimes resist +the Pisatæ. The prefects sent [into Sardinia] sometimes resist them, but at other times leave them alone, since it would cost @@ -25925,11 +25925,11 @@ nearly parallel,That is, Corsica and Sardinia run in a line lies to one side; the pao|a/llhloi sxedo\n ai/ tpei=s is an example showing how happily a circumstance may be expressed in Greek, while no amount -of labour will adapt an English equivalent. running towards the south and Libya. Æthalia is by far smaller than either of the other two. The +of labour will adapt an English equivalent. running towards the south and Libya. Æthalia is by far smaller than either of the other two. The chorographer says that the shortest passage from Libya to -Sardinia is 300The real distance, according to Gosselin, is 115 miles. miles. After Poplonium is the city of Cossæ, +Sardinia is 300The real distance, according to Gosselin, is 115 miles. miles. After Poplonium is the city of Cossæ, situated at a short distance from the sea: there is at the head @@ -25943,7 +25943,7 @@ the coast, from the Atlantic Ocean as far as Sicily, in search not only of acorns, but also of the fish which furnishes the -purple dye. As one sails along the coast from Cossæ to Ostia +purple dye. As one sails along the coast from Cossæ to Ostia @@ -25959,7 +25959,7 @@ of the Rio-Castrica. Alsium,The ancient Alsium occup below it are the vestiges of the Portus Alsiensis, at the embouchure of the -Rio-Cupino, a little to the east of Palo. and Fregena.Torre Macarese. [From Cossæ] to Gravisci is a distance of 300 stadia, +Rio-Cupino, a little to the east of Palo. and Fregena.Torre Macarese. [From Cossæ] to Gravisci is a distance of 300 stadia, and between them is the place named Regis-Villa. This is said @@ -25971,7 +25971,7 @@ same tribe as those who occupied Agylla. From Gravisci to Pyrgi is a little less than 180 stadia, and the sea-port town -of the Cæretani is 30 stadia farther. [Pyrgi] contains a temple of IlethyiaThe Roman Lucina, in later times identical with Diana. founded by the Pelasgi, and which was formerly rich, but it was plundered by Dionysius the tyrant of +of the Cæretani is 30 stadia farther. [Pyrgi] contains a temple of IlethyiaThe Roman Lucina, in later times identical with Diana. founded by the Pelasgi, and which was formerly rich, but it was plundered by Dionysius the tyrant of the Sicilians, at the timeAbout the year 384 before the Christian era. of his voyage to Cyrnus.Corsica. From Pyrgi to Ostia is 260 stadia; between the two are Alsium @@ -25994,7 +25994,7 @@ them in their wars, viz. those they frequently waged against the VeiiThis ancient city was probably situated near the Isola Farnesia, -about the place where Storta now stands. and the Fidenæ.Fidenæ was situated on the left bank of the Tiber, near its confluence +about the place where Storta now stands. and the Fidenæ.Fidenæ was situated on the left bank of the Tiber, near its confluence with the Anio, now the Teverone, 40 stadia from Rome. The ruins are @@ -26004,7 +26004,7 @@ of Falerium are not Tyrrhenians, but Falisci, a distinct nation; others state further, that the Falisci speak a language peculiar -to themselves; some again would make it Æquum-Faliscum on +to themselves; some again would make it Æquum-Faliscum on @@ -26036,7 +26036,7 @@ is Perusia.Perugia. The large and numerous lakes add of this country,Tyrrhenia. they are navigable, and stocked with fish and -aquatic birds. Large quantities of typha,An aquatic plant, perhaps the Typha of Linnæus, used in making +aquatic birds. Large quantities of typha,An aquatic plant, perhaps the Typha of Linnæus, used in making lamp-wicks, and for other purposes to which tow was applied. papyrus, and @@ -26058,7 +26058,7 @@ forcing after having vanquished Flaminius in a decisive engagement. There are li springs, which on account of their proximity to Rome, are -not less frequented than those of Baiæ, which are the most +not less frequented than those of Baiæ, which are the most famous of all. @@ -26079,11 +26079,11 @@ mencing from Ravenna, the Ombrici inhabit the neighbouring country together with the cities of Sarsina, Ariminum,Rimini. Sena,Sinigaglia. -† and Marinum. †Apparently an interpolation; vide Kramer's edition, vol. i. p. 358, n. To their country likewise belongs the river +† and Marinum. †Apparently an interpolation; vide Kramer's edition, vol. i. p. 358, n. To their country likewise belongs the river -Esino,The Æsis. Mount Cingulum, [the city of] Sentinum,Sentina. the river +Esino,The Æsis. Mount Cingulum, [the city of] Sentinum,Sentina. the river -Metaurus, and the Fanum Fortunæ;Fano. for about these parts +Metaurus, and the Fanum Fortunæ;Fano. for about these parts are the boundaries which separate ancient Italy and [Cisalpine] @@ -26182,7 +26182,7 @@ Tiber and the small city of NomentumProbably Lamentana Vecc are AmiternumGroskurd considers this to be Amatrice. and Reate,Rieti. which is near to the village of -InterocreaInterdoco, between Rieti and Aquila. and the cold waters at Cotyliæ, which are taken by +InterocreaInterdoco, between Rieti and Aquila. and the cold waters at Cotyliæ, which are taken by patients, both as drink and as baths, for the cure of various @@ -26218,7 +26218,7 @@ productions; although certain articles may be finer in some districts than in others. The race of the Sabini is extremely -ancient, they are Autochthones. The Picentini and Samnitæ +ancient, they are Autochthones. The Picentini and Samnitæ descend from them, as do the Leucani from these latter, and @@ -26241,7 +26241,7 @@ lying above the Tiber. situated. It comprises many places which formed no part of -ancient Latium. For the Æqui, the Volsci, the Hernici, the +ancient Latium. For the Æqui, the Volsci, the Hernici, the aborigines around Rome, the Rutuli who possessed ancient @@ -26253,7 +26253,7 @@ was first built. Some of these nations, who dwelt in villages, were governed by their own laws, and subjected to no common tribe. They sayGosselin calls our attention to the difference between Strabo's relation of these occurrences, and the events as commonly recounted by the -Greek and Latin authors. that Æneas, with his father Anchises +Greek and Latin authors. that Æneas, with his father Anchises and his child Ascanius, arrived at Laurentum,Near the spot now called Patemo. near to Ostia @@ -26261,7 +26261,7 @@ and the bank of the Tiber, where he built a city about 24 stadia above the sea. That Latinus, the king of the aborigines who then dwelt on the site where Rome now stands, -employed his forces to aid Æneas against the neighbouring +employed his forces to aid Æneas against the neighbouring Rutuli who inhabited Ardea, (now from Ardea to Rome is a @@ -26271,7 +26271,7 @@ near to the spot a city, to which he gave the name of his daughter Lavinia. However, in a second battle, commenced -by the Rutuli, Latinus fell, and Æneas, being conqueror, suc- +by the Rutuli, Latinus fell, and Æneas, being conqueror, suc- @@ -26359,7 +26359,7 @@ walls of the newly founded city, kept to themselves, and would have nothing at all to do with the Albani. Collatia, -Antemnæ, Fidenæ, Labicum,The sites of these places are much disputed. and similar places are here +Antemnæ, Fidenæ, Labicum,The sites of these places are much disputed. and similar places are here alluded to, which then were small cities, but are now villages @@ -26395,7 +26395,7 @@ instituted for the purpose of keeping up the Sabine religious rites, (Tac. Ann. i. 53,) there is some reason for the supposition of Niebuhr, that -these colleges corresponded one to the other—the Fratres Arvales being +these colleges corresponded one to the other—the Fratres Arvales being connected with the Latin, and the Sodales Titii with the Sabine element of @@ -26471,7 +26471,7 @@ libations of milk, honey, and wine. (Virg. Georg. i. 33 on the occasion, the reader is referred to Tibullus (ii. 1). It is perhaps -worth while to remark that Polybius (iv. 21, § 9) uses language almost +worth while to remark that Polybius (iv. 21, § 9) uses language almost applicable to the Roman Ambarvalia in speaking of the Mantincians, @@ -26563,17 +26563,17 @@ he informed him of the matter, consecrated to him a grove, and offered sacrifice to him after the Grecian mode; a sacrifice which is continued in honour of Hercules to this day. -The Roman historian Cœlius is of opinion that this is a proof +The Roman historian Cœlius is of opinion that this is a proof that Rome is a Grecian colony, the sacrifice to Hercules after the Grecian mode having been brought over from their fatherland. The Romans also worship the mother of Evander -under the name of Carmentis,The Camenæ, says Dr. Smith, were prophetic nymphs, and belonged to +under the name of Carmentis,The Camenæ, says Dr. Smith, were prophetic nymphs, and belonged to the religion of ancient Italy, although later traditions represent them as -having been introduced into Italy from Arcadia. Two of the Camenæ +having been introduced into Italy from Arcadia. Two of the Camenæ were Antevorta and Postvorta; the third was Carmenta or Carmentis, @@ -26585,7 +26585,7 @@ which assigned a Greek origin to her worship at Rome, state that her original name was Nicostrata, and that she was called Carmentis from her -prophetic powers. (Serv. ad Æn. viii. 51, 336; Dionys. i. 15, 32.) +prophetic powers. (Serv. ad Æn. viii. 51, 336; Dionys. i. 15, 32.) According to these traditions, she was the mother of Evander, the Arcadian, by Hermes; and after having endeavoured to persuade her son to @@ -26606,11 +26606,11 @@ but afterwards, being struck by the valour of Romulus and the kings who succeeded him, they all submitted. But the -Æqui,This name is written in Strabo sometimes Ai)/koi, sometimes Ai)/kouoi; +Æqui,This name is written in Strabo sometimes Ai)/koi, sometimes Ai)/kouoi; -the Latin writers also named them differently, Æqui, Æcani, Æquicoli, &c. the Volsci, the Hernici; and before them the Rutuli, +the Latin writers also named them differently, Æqui, Æcani, Æquicoli, &c. the Volsci, the Hernici; and before them the Rutuli, -the aborigines, the Rhæci, together with certain of the +the aborigines, the Rhæci, together with certain of the @@ -26628,7 +26628,7 @@ bordering on the territory of the Latini, and the city of Apiola, levelled to the ground604 years B. C. by Tarquinius Priscus. The -Æqui principally were neighbours to the Quirites, whose +Æqui principally were neighbours to the Quirites, whose cities Tarquinius Priscus likewise devastated. His son took @@ -26638,7 +26638,7 @@ here alluded to. Its exact position does not appear to be known. the metr near to Lanuvium, Alba, and to Rome itself; neither were -Aricia,La Riccia. the Tellenæ, and AntiumCapo d' Anzo. at any great distance. +Aricia,La Riccia. the Tellenæ, and AntiumCapo d' Anzo. at any great distance. The Albani were at first friendly with the Romans, speaking @@ -26660,9 +26660,9 @@ which were friendly to the Romans, flourished. At the present day the coast from denominated the Latin coast; formerly the country thus -designated extended only so far as Circæum.Monte Circello. The interior +designated extended only so far as Circæum.Monte Circello. The interior -also [of Latium] was formerly small; but it afterwards extended to Campania, the Samnitæ, the Peligni,According to Cluvier, Strabo was mistaken in making Latium extend +also [of Latium] was formerly small; but it afterwards extended to Campania, the Samnitæ, the Peligni,According to Cluvier, Strabo was mistaken in making Latium extend to the country of the Peligni, as these latter were always separated from @@ -26681,7 +26681,7 @@ country of Ardea, the lands between Antium and Lanuvium as far as Pometia, and certain of the districts of Setia,Sezza. -Terracina, and Circæum. Some parts may also be too moun- +Terracina, and Circæum. Some parts may also be too moun- @@ -26695,7 +26695,7 @@ and useless, since they furnish abundant pasturage, wood, and the peculiar productions of the marsh and rock; while -Cæcubum, which is entirely marshy, nourishes a vine, the +Cæcubum, which is entirely marshy, nourishes a vine, the dendritis,The vine to which the term arbustive or hautain is applied, which @@ -26767,16 +26767,16 @@ a colony of the Rutuli, 70 stadia from the sea; near to it is another temple of Venus, where all the Latini hold a public -festival. These regions have been ravaged by the Samnitæ, +festival. These regions have been ravaged by the Samnitæ, -and only the traces of the cities left; but even these are reverenced on account of the arrival of Æneas here, and of the +and only the traces of the cities left; but even these are reverenced on account of the arrival of Æneas here, and of the religious rites which they say were bequeathed from those times.

-

At 290 stadia from Antium is Mount Circæum, insulated by the sea and marshes. They say that it contains +

At 290 stadia from Antium is Mount Circæum, insulated by the sea and marshes. They say that it contains numerous roots, but this perhaps is only to harmonize with @@ -26786,9 +26786,9 @@ a temple to Circe and an altar to Minerva; they likewise say that a cup is shown which belonged to Ulysses. Between -[Antium and Circæum] is the river Stura,Storas, the Astura of Pliny. which has a +[Antium and Circæum] is the river Stura,Storas, the Astura of Pliny. which has a -station for ships: the rest of the coast is exposed to the southwest wind,Libs. with the exception of this small harbour of Circæum.Hodie, the Porto di Paula, connected with the Lake of S. Maria. Above this, in the interior, is the Pomentine plain: +station for ships: the rest of the coast is exposed to the southwest wind,Libs. with the exception of this small harbour of Circæum.Hodie, the Porto di Paula, connected with the Lake of S. Maria. Above this, in the interior, is the Pomentine plain: the region next to this was formerly inhabited by the Ausonians, who likewise possessed Campania: next after these the @@ -26814,7 +26814,7 @@ Dionysius Halicarnassus and Pliny, that the Ausonians anciently possessed the wh Adriatic. it is named the Ausonian Sea. At 100 stadia -from Circæum is Tarracina, formerly named Trachina,Or mountainous. on +from Circæum is Tarracina, formerly named Trachina,Or mountainous. on account of its ruggedness; before it is a great marsh, formed by @@ -26832,7 +26832,7 @@ road is paved from Rome to Brundusium,Mola di Gaeta. Minturnæ,The ruins of this town are extant on either bank of the Garigliano, +it; Tarracina, beyond it Formiæ,Mola di Gaeta. Minturnæ,The ruins of this town are extant on either bank of the Garigliano, the ancient Liris. Sinuessa,Rocca di Monte Dragone. and @@ -26850,33 +26850,33 @@ the morning to travel the rest of their journey by the way; however, during the day the passage boat is towed by mules.Compare Horace, Satir. l. i. sat. 5. -Beyond is Formiæ, founded by the Lacedæmonians, and +Beyond is Formiæ, founded by the Lacedæmonians, and -formerly called Hormiæ, on account of its excellent port. Between these [two cities],Tarracina and Formiæ. is a gulf which they have named +formerly called Hormiæ, on account of its excellent port. Between these [two cities],Tarracina and Formiæ. is a gulf which they have named -Caiata,Gaëta. in fact all gulfs are called by the Lacedæmonians +Caiata,Gaëta. in fact all gulfs are called by the Lacedæmonians -Caietæ: some, however, say that the gulf received this appellation from [Caieta], the nurse of Æneas. From Tarracina +Caietæ: some, however, say that the gulf received this appellation from [Caieta], the nurse of Æneas. From Tarracina to the promontory of Caiata is a length of 100 stadia. HereAt Sperlunga. are opened vast caverns, which contain large and sumptuous -mansions. From hence to Formiæ is a distance of 40 stadia. +mansions. From hence to Formiæ is a distance of 40 stadia. Between this city and Sinuessa, at a distance of about 80 -stadia from each, is Minturnæ. The river Liris,The Garigliano. formerly +stadia from each, is Minturnæ. The river Liris,The Garigliano. formerly named the Clanis, flows through it. It descends from the Apennines, passes through the country of the Vescini,Vestini, MSS. and -by the village of Fregellæ, (formerly a famous city,) and so +by the village of Fregellæ, (formerly a famous city,) and so into a sacred grove situated below the city, and held in great -veneration by the people of Minturnæ. There are two islands, +veneration by the people of Minturnæ. There are two islands, named Pandataria and Pontia,Ponza. lying in the high sea, and @@ -26884,13 +26884,13 @@ clearly discernible from the caverns. Although small, they are well inhabited, are not at any great distance from each -other, and at 250 stadia from the mainland. Cæcubum is +other, and at 250 stadia from the mainland. Cæcubum is situated on the gulf of Caiata, and next to it Fundi, a city on the Via Appia. All these places produce excellent wines; -but those of Cæcubum, Fundi, and SetiaSezza. The French translators think this should be Vescia. are most in repute, +but those of Cæcubum, Fundi, and SetiaSezza. The French translators think this should be Vescia. are most in repute, and so are the Falernian, Alban,Albano. and Statanian wines. Sinuessa @@ -26925,7 +26925,7 @@ easy of access, that when Titus Tatius came to avenge the rape of the [Sabine] virgins, he took it on the first assault. -Ancus Marcius, who added Mount Cælius and the Aventine +Ancus Marcius, who added Mount Cælius and the Aventine Mount with the intermediate plain, separated as these places @@ -27007,7 +27007,7 @@ passing through Ombrica fall into the Tiber, and the Chiana,Chiusi. -Augustus Cæsar endeavoured to avert from the city damages +Augustus Cæsar endeavoured to avert from the city damages of the kind alluded to, and instituted a company of freedmen, @@ -27017,7 +27017,7 @@ flagration;Suetonius likewise mentions this fact. Dion Cass Augustus, in the year of Rome 732, and twenty-two years before our -era, commanded that the curule ædiles should promptly endeavour to +era, commanded that the curule ædiles should promptly endeavour to arrest the progress of conflagrations, and for this purpose placed at their @@ -27029,7 +27029,7 @@ what means could be taken in order to prevent these numerous fires. Augustus, however, was not the first to take precautions of this nature, -as we may learn from Livy, 1. ix. § 46; 1. xxxix. § 14; Tacit. Annal. 1. xv. § 43, and various other authorities. whilst, as a preventive against the falling of houses, +as we may learn from Livy, 1. ix. § 46; 1. xxxix. § 14; Tacit. Annal. 1. xv. § 43, and various other authorities. whilst, as a preventive against the falling of houses, he decreed that all new buildings should not be carried so @@ -27037,11 +27037,11 @@ high as formerly, and that those erected along the public ways should not exceed seventy feet in height.Subsequent emperors reduced this standard still lower. See what -Tacitus says of Nero in regard to this point, Annal. l. xv. § 43. Trajan +Tacitus says of Nero in regard to this point, Annal. l. xv. § 43. Trajan forbade that any house should be constructed above 60 feet in height. -Sextus Aurelius Victor, Epit. § 27. But these +Sextus Aurelius Victor, Epit. § 27. But these improvements must have ceased only for the facilities afforded @@ -27100,7 +27100,7 @@ our own day, without neglecting these things, have at the same time embellished the city with numerous and splendid -objects. Pompey, divus Cæsar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their +objects. Pompey, divus Cæsar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their zeal and munificence in these decorations. The greater number of these may be seen in the Campus Martius, which to the @@ -27120,7 +27120,7 @@ feat was repeated; and 5. A ball thrown among the players, who all endeavoured t no accurate account, it was called a(o|pasto\n, and Galen speaks of it, -peo|i\ mikro=s ofaio|as, c. 2, p. 902. in the circusCoray proposes to read di/skw|, at quoits. and the palœstra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, +peo|i\ mikro=s ofaio|as, c. 2, p. 902. in the circusCoray proposes to read di/skw|, at quoits. and the palœstra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, @@ -27148,7 +27148,7 @@ tion of white marble, situated near the river, and covered to the top with ever-green shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze -statue of Augustus Cæsar, and beneath the mound are the +statue of Augustus Cæsar, and beneath the mound are the ashesqh=kai, urns, Greek. of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is a large @@ -27197,7 +27197,7 @@ It passes over the Tusculan mountain, between the city of TusculumTascolo. and Mount Albanus; it then descends to the little -city of Algidum,L'Ostera deil' Aglio. and the Pictæ tavern; afterwards the Via +city of Algidum,L'Ostera deil' Aglio. and the Pictæ tavern; afterwards the Via @@ -27205,7 +27205,7 @@ city of Algidum,L'Ostera deil' Aglio. and the Pict&a -Lavicana joins it, which commences, like the Via Prænestina, +Lavicana joins it, which commences, like the Via Prænestina, from the Esquiline gate. This road, as well as the Esquiline @@ -27215,7 +27215,7 @@ distance of 120 stadia, or more, when it approaches Lavicum, an ancient city now this and Tusculum it leaves on the right, and terminates near -to Pictæ in the Via Latina. This place is 210 stadia distant +to Pictæ in the Via Latina. This place is 210 stadia distant from Rome. Proceeding thence along the Via Latina there @@ -27258,11 +27258,11 @@ are Privernum,This city was sacked by the last Tarquin.Soue/ssa tw=n Pwmenti/nwn, Suessa Pometia. Velitræ,Veiletri. +Soue/ssa tw=n Pwmenti/nwn, Suessa Pometia. Velitræ,Veiletri. -Aletrium,Alatri. and also Fregellæ,Ceperano. by which the Garigliano flows, +Aletrium,Alatri. and also Fregellæ,Ceperano. by which the Garigliano flows, -which discharges itself [into the sea] near Minturnæ. Fregellæ, though now a village, was formerly a considerable city, +which discharges itself [into the sea] near Minturnæ. Fregellæ, though now a village, was formerly a considerable city, and the chief of the surrounding places we have just named. @@ -27280,7 +27280,7 @@ fection from the Romans was the cause of its ruin.125, B. C these, and also the cities lying on the Via Latina and beyond, -situated in the territories of the Hernici, Æqui, and Volsci, +situated in the territories of the Hernici, Æqui, and Volsci, were for the most part founded by the Romans. To the left @@ -27294,11 +27294,11 @@ stone-quarry, in greater demand at Rome than any other, and is at an equal distance of about 100 stadia between Rome and -Præneste.Palestrina. Then Præneste, of which we shall have occasion +Præneste.Palestrina. Then Præneste, of which we shall have occasion -presently to speak. Then, in the mountains above Præneste, +presently to speak. Then, in the mountains above Præneste, -Capitulum, a small city of the Hernici, and Anagnia,Anagni. a considerable city; Cereate,Cerretano. and Sora, by which the river GariglianoLiris. flows as it passes on to Fregellæ, and Minturnœ. After +Capitulum, a small city of the Hernici, and Anagnia,Anagni. a considerable city; Cereate,Cerretano. and Sora, by which the river GariglianoLiris. flows as it passes on to Fregellæ, and Minturnœ. After these there are other places, and finally, Venafrum,Venafro. from @@ -27306,7 +27306,7 @@ whence comes the finest oil. This city is situated on a high hill by the foot of which flows the Volturno,Vulturnus. which passing by -Casilinum,Capua. discharges itself [into the sea] at a cityCastel di Volturno. bearing the same name as itself. ÆserniaIsernia. and Alliphæ,Allife. cities of +Casilinum,Capua. discharges itself [into the sea] at a cityCastel di Volturno. bearing the same name as itself. ÆserniaIsernia. and Alliphæ,Allife. cities of the Samnites, the former was destroyed in the Marsian war,90 years B. C. @@ -27321,7 +27321,7 @@ from Popoli, stands on that of the ancient city of Corfinium. the metropo of the Peligni. Upon it are situated the Latin cities of Valeria,We read with all MSS. and editions, Valeria, but Kramer, following -the conjectures of Cluvier and others, has adopted Varia in his text. Carseoli,Carsoli. Alba,Albi. and near to it the city of Cuculum.Groskurd considers this to be Cucullo, alias Scutolo. Within sight of Rome are Tibura, Præneste, and Tusculum.Il Tuscolo, above the modern town of Frascati. +the conjectures of Cluvier and others, has adopted Varia in his text. Carseoli,Carsoli. Alba,Albi. and near to it the city of Cuculum.Groskurd considers this to be Cucullo, alias Scutolo. Within sight of Rome are Tibura, Præneste, and Tusculum.Il Tuscolo, above the modern town of Frascati. At Tibura is a temple of Hercules, and a cataract formed by the @@ -27351,19 +27351,19 @@ from numerous fountains, and are taken both as a beverage and as baths,The waters from the sulphur-lake; named the Solfatara di Tivoli. for the cure of various diseases. Of the same kind -are the Labanæ,Now the Lago di S. Giovanni, or Bagni di Grotta Marozza. not far from these, on the Via Nomentana, +are the Labanæ,Now the Lago di S. Giovanni, or Bagni di Grotta Marozza. not far from these, on the Via Nomentana, -and near to Eretum.Prob. Cretona, not Monte Rotondo. At Præneste is the celebrated temple +and near to Eretum.Prob. Cretona, not Monte Rotondo. At Præneste is the celebrated temple and oracle of Fortune. Both this and the preceding city are situated on the same chain of mountains, and are distant from -each other 100 stadia. Præneste is 200 stadia from Rome, +each other 100 stadia. Præneste is 200 stadia from Rome, Tibura less than that distance. They are said to be both -of Grecian foundation, Præneste being formerly named Polystephanus. They are both fortified, but Præneste is the +of Grecian foundation, Præneste being formerly named Polystephanus. They are both fortified, but Præneste is the stronger place of the two, having for its citadel a lofty mountain, which overhangs the town, and is divided at the back @@ -27379,13 +27379,13 @@ plains, and some of which serve to convey water, while others form secret ways; it was in one of these that MariusThe younger Marius being entirely defeated by Sulla in the decisive -battle fought near Sacriportus, B. C. 82, Marius threw himself into Præneste, where he had deposited the treasures of the Capitoline temple. +battle fought near Sacriportus, B. C. 82, Marius threw himself into Præneste, where he had deposited the treasures of the Capitoline temple. (Pliny H. N. 1. xxxiii. s. 5.) Sulla left Lucretius Opella to prosecute the siege while he hastened on to Rome. Various efforts were made to -relieve Præneste, but they all failed; and after Sulla's great victory at +relieve Præneste, but they all failed; and after Sulla's great victory at the Colline gate of Rome, in which Pontius Telesinus was defeated and @@ -27405,7 +27405,7 @@ Diet. Biogr. and Myth. perished, when he was besieged. Other cities are in most instances -benefited by a strong position, but to the people of Præneste +benefited by a strong position, but to the people of Præneste it has proved a bane, owing to the civil wars of the Romans. @@ -27421,9 +27421,9 @@ at last they surrender, in addition to the injury sustained by the city during the war, the country is confiscated, and the -guilt thus imputed to the guiltless. The river VerestisThe Abbé Chaupy is inclined to think that this was a name given to +guilt thus imputed to the guiltless. The river VerestisThe Abbé Chaupy is inclined to think that this was a name given to -the part nearest the source of the river which Strabo, § 9, calls the Trerus, but Kramer thinks it was originally written o\ Trh=ros, and corrupted by +the part nearest the source of the river which Strabo, § 9, calls the Trerus, but Kramer thinks it was originally written o\ Trh=ros, and corrupted by the copyists. @@ -27464,11 +27464,11 @@ citadel.We have translated literally possible that Strabo may have meant that the citadel was built on a -height above the town; if so the citadel would occupy the site of la Riccia. Beyond it on one side of the way is Lanuvium,Civita Lavinia, or, Città della Vigna. a Roman city on the right of the Via Appia, and from which +height above the town; if so the citadel would occupy the site of la Riccia. Beyond it on one side of the way is Lanuvium,Civita Lavinia, or, Città della Vigna. a Roman city on the right of the Via Appia, and from which both the sea and Antium may be viewed. On the other side -is the Artemisium,Or Grove of Diana. which is called Nemus,Nemus Ariciæ. on the left side of the way, leading from Aricia to the temple.The text here appears to be mutilated. They say +is the Artemisium,Or Grove of Diana. which is called Nemus,Nemus Ariciæ. on the left side of the way, leading from Aricia to the temple.The text here appears to be mutilated. They say that it is consecrated to Diana Taurica, and certainly the rites @@ -27531,9 +27531,9 @@ gush out again after a time; as they say is the case with the Amenanus,The Judicello. which flows through Catana,Catania, in Sicily. for after remaining dry for a number of years, it again flows. It is -reported that the MarcianSee Pliny in reference to the Aqua Marcia, Hist. Nat. l. xxxi. § 24, +reported that the MarcianSee Pliny in reference to the Aqua Marcia, Hist. Nat. l. xxxi. § 24, -also 1. ii. § 106. water, which is drunk at Rome in +also 1. ii. § 106. water, which is drunk at Rome in preference to any other, has its source in [Lake] Fucinus. @@ -27589,7 +27589,7 @@ good, but better fitted for the cultivation of fruits than grain. Its breadth, from the mountains to the sea varies in different -parts. But its length; from the river ÆsisThe Fiumesino. to Castrum,Giulia Nova. +parts. But its length; from the river ÆsisThe Fiumesino. to Castrum,Giulia Nova. sailing round the coast, is 800 stadia. Of its cities, Ancona @@ -27659,9 +27659,9 @@ it their place d'armes, and new-named it Italica. Then, having convoked deputies from all the people friendly to their design, -they created consulsThe first consuls were Q. Pompædius Silo, and C. Aponius Mutilus; +they created consulsThe first consuls were Q. Pompædius Silo, and C. Aponius Mutilus; -the prætors were Herius Asinius for the Marucini, C. Veltius Cato for the +the prætors were Herius Asinius for the Marucini, C. Veltius Cato for the Marsi, M. Lamponius and T. Cleptius for the Leucani, Marius Egnatius @@ -27695,7 +27695,7 @@ lib. lxxii.) makes the Picentini the first to raise the standard of revolt.Quintus Pompædius Silo. These nations live generally in +on account of Pompædius.Quintus Pompædius Silo. These nations live generally in villages, nevertheless they are possessed of certain cities, some @@ -27739,7 +27739,7 @@ of Buca exist at the present Penna. which belongs to the same people, and Teanum.According to Holstenius and Romanelli, Civitate; according to -others, Ponte Rotto. † OrtoniumKramer is of opinion that this passage, from Ortonium to life, +others, Ponte Rotto. † OrtoniumKramer is of opinion that this passage, from Ortonium to life, is an interpolation posterior to the age of Strabo. is situated in the territory of the @@ -27751,7 +27751,7 @@ Frentani. It is rocky, and inhabited by banditti, who construct their dwellings -wise a savage life. † Between Orton and Aternum is the river +wise a savage life. † Between Orton and Aternum is the river Sagrus,Romanelli affirms that the mountain from which the river Alaro flows @@ -27776,7 +27776,7 @@ gulf; beyond this is another gulf still larger, which they name the Crater.The bay of Naples. It is enclosed by the two promontories of -Misenum and the Athenæum.Punta della Campanella. It is along the shores of these +Misenum and the Athenæum.Punta della Campanella. It is along the shores of these [two gulfs] that the whole of Campania is situated. This @@ -27796,7 +27796,7 @@ Others, however, state that it was originally inhabited by Opici and Ausones, but was afterwards seized on by a nation -of the Osci, who were driven out by the Cumæi, and these +of the Osci, who were driven out by the Cumæi, and these again by the Tyrrheni. Thus the possession of the plain was @@ -27859,21 +27859,21 @@ on it, which comes next in order: this river flows through VenafrumVenafro. and the midst of Campania. After these -[cities] comes Cumæ,Ku/mh. The Greeks gave a singular form to this name of the ancient +[cities] comes Cumæ,Ku/mh. The Greeks gave a singular form to this name of the ancient seat of the Sibyl. Her chamber, which was hewn out of the solid rock, -was destroyed when the fortress of Cumæ was besieged by Narses, who +was destroyed when the fortress of Cumæ was besieged by Narses, who undermined it. the most ancient settlementEusebius states that it was founded 1050 B. C., a few years before the great migration of the Ionians into Asia Minor. of -the Chalcidenses and Cumæans, for it is the oldest of all +the Chalcidenses and Cumæans, for it is the oldest of all [the Greek cities] in Sicily or Italy. The leaders of the -expedition, Hippocles the Cumæan and Megasthenes of +expedition, Hippocles the Cumæan and Megasthenes of Chalcis, having mutually agreed that one of the nations should @@ -27881,15 +27881,15 @@ have the management of the colony, and the other the honour of conferring upon it its own name. Hence at the present -day it is named Cumæ, while at the same time it is said +day it is named Cumæ, while at the same time it is said to have been founded by the Chalcidenses. At first this -city was highly prosperous, as well as the PhlegræanWe may observe that Strabo seems not to have restricted the +city was highly prosperous, as well as the PhlegræanWe may observe that Strabo seems not to have restricted the -Fle/go|aion pe/dion to that which modern geographers term the Phlegræan +Fle/go|aion pe/dion to that which modern geographers term the Phlegræan -plains, which are contained between Cumæ and the hills bordering the +plains, which are contained between Cumæ and the hills bordering the Lake Agnano, a little beyond Pozzuolo, but, like Pliny, to have extended @@ -27903,9 +27903,9 @@ fertility of the country had given rise to battles for its possession. Afterward mastersA note in the French translation observes, that Diodonus Siculua -(lib. xii. § 76) places this event in the fourth year of the 89th Olympiad, +(lib. xii. § 76) places this event in the fourth year of the 89th Olympiad, -421 B. C. Livy (lib. iv. § 44) seems to place it a year later. of the city, inflicted much injustice on the inhabit- +421 B. C. Livy (lib. iv. § 44) seems to place it a year later. of the city, inflicted much injustice on the inhabit- @@ -27917,7 +27917,7 @@ ants, and even violated their wives. Still, however, there remain numerous traces of the Grecian taste, their temples, -and their laws. Some are of opinion that Cumæ was so +and their laws. Some are of opinion that Cumæ was so called from ta\ ku/mata, the waves, the sea-coast near it being @@ -27934,7 +27934,7 @@ of Sextus Pompeius assembled their gangs of pirates, at the time when he drew Sicily into revolt.Forty years B. C.

-

Near to Cumæ is the promontory of Misenum,Punta di Miseno. and +

Near to Cumæ is the promontory of Misenum,Punta di Miseno. and between them is the Acherusian Lake,Lago di Fusaro. which is a muddy estuary of the sea. Having doubled Misenum, you come to @@ -27942,19 +27942,19 @@ a harbour at the very foot of the promontory. After this the shore runs inland, forming a deeply indented bay, on which -are Baïæ and the hot springs, much used, both as a fashionable watering-place, and for the cure of diseases. Contiguous +are Baïæ and the hot springs, much used, both as a fashionable watering-place, and for the cure of diseases. Contiguous -to Baïæ is the Lucrine Lake,Lago Lucrino. This lake has almost disappeared, owing to a subterraneous eruption, which in 1538 displaced the water and raised the hill +to Baïæ is the Lucrine Lake,Lago Lucrino. This lake has almost disappeared, owing to a subterraneous eruption, which in 1538 displaced the water and raised the hill called Monte Nuovo. and within this the Lake Avernus,Lago d'Averno. which converts into a peninsula the land stretching from -the maritime district, situated between it and Cumæ, as far +the maritime district, situated between it and Cumæ, as far as Cape Misenum, for there is only an isthmus of a few stadia, across which a subterraneous road is cut [from the head of -the gulf of Avernus] to Cumæ and the sea [shore] on which +the gulf of Avernus] to Cumæ and the sea [shore] on which it stands. Former writers, mingling fable with history, have @@ -27994,12 +27994,12 @@ over the lake, fall into the water,Strabo is not the only o Spelunca alta fuit, vastoque immanis hiatn, Scrupea, tuta lacu nigro, nemorumque tenebris; -Quam super hand ullæ poterant impune volantes +Quam super hand ullæ poterant impune volantes Tendere iter pennis; talis esse halitus atris Faucibus effundens supera ad convexa ferebat; Unde locum Graii dixerunt nomine Avernum. -Æneid. vi. 237. being stifled by the vapours +Æneid. vi. 237. being stifled by the vapours rising from it, a phenomenon of all PlutonianThe Greeks applied the term Plutonian to places where disagreeable and pestilential exhalations arose. localities. They @@ -28025,7 +28025,7 @@ Acherusian Lake indicated the proximity of Pyriphlegethon. Ephorus, peopling this place with Kimmerii, tells us that they -dwell in under-ground habitations, named by them Argillæ, and +dwell in under-ground habitations, named by them Argillæ, and that these communicate with one another by means of certain @@ -28065,19 +28065,19 @@ now that the wood surrounding the Avernus has been cut down by Agrippa, the lands built upon, and a subterranean -passage cut from Avernus to Cumæ, all these appear fables. +passage cut from Avernus to Cumæ, all these appear fables. PerhapsThe text here appears to have been corrupted. Cocceius, who made this subterranean passage,We agree with Kramer in considering as an interpolation the words, te kai\ e)pi\ Ne/an po/lin e)k Dikaiao|xi/as e)pi\ tai=s Bai=(ais, and likewise -another at Neapolis from Diœarchia to Baicœ. It is generally supposed that +another at Neapolis from Diœarchia to Baicœ. It is generally supposed that the Grotta di Pausilipo, or Crypta Neapolitana, is of much greater antiquity than the Augustan age, when Cocceius flourished. There is good reason -to refer that great undertaking to the Cumæi, of whose skill in works of +to refer that great undertaking to the Cumæi, of whose skill in works of this nature we have so remarkable an instance in the temple of their sibyl. @@ -28088,7 +28088,7 @@ already described, or fancied that it was natural to this place that its roads should be made under-ground.

-

The Lucrine gulf extends in breadth as far as Baïæ; it +

The Lucrine gulf extends in breadth as far as Baïæ; it is separated from the sea by a bank eight stadia in length, @@ -28104,13 +28104,13 @@ Agrippa, the gulfs both of Avernus and Lucrinus became excellent ports, It contains abundant oyster-beds. Some take this to be the -Acherusian Lake, while Artemidorus confounds it with Avernus. They say that Baïæ took its name from Baius one of +Acherusian Lake, while Artemidorus confounds it with Avernus. They say that Baïæ took its name from Baius one of the companions of Ulysses, and Misenum from Misenus. -Beyond is the strand and city of Dicæarchia. Formerly it +Beyond is the strand and city of Dicæarchia. Formerly it -was nothing but a naval station of the Cumæi. It was built +was nothing but a naval station of the Cumæi. It was built on an eminence. But at the time of the war with Hannibal, the @@ -28118,9 +28118,9 @@ Romans established a colony there, and changed its name into Puteoli,Pozzuoli. [an appellation derived] from its wells; or, according to others, from the stench of its waters, the whole district -from hence to Baïæ and Cumæ being full of sulphur, fire, and +from hence to Baïæ and Cumæ being full of sulphur, fire, and -hot-springs. Some too are of opinion that it was on this account [that the country about] Cumæ was named Phlegra, +hot-springs. Some too are of opinion that it was on this account [that the country about] Cumæ was named Phlegra, and that the fables of the giants struck down by thunderbolts @@ -28151,7 +28151,7 @@ smoke, frequently accompanied by a terrible rumbling noise; the plain itself is full of drifted sulphur.

-

After Dicæarchia is Neapolis,Naples. [foundedInnumerable accounts exist relative to the foundation of this city. +

After Dicæarchia is Neapolis,Naples. [foundedInnumerable accounts exist relative to the foundation of this city. The most prevalent fiction was that the siren Parthenope was cast upon @@ -28164,20 +28164,20 @@ designated by the ancient poets. Sirenum dedit una suum memorabile nomen -Parthenope muris Acheloïas: æquore cujus +Parthenope muris Acheloïas: æquore cujus Regnavere diu cantus, quum dulce per undas Exitium miseris caneret non prospera nautis. Sil. Ital. xii. 33. -Scymnus of Chios mentions both the Phocæi and Cumæi as its founders. +Scymnus of Chios mentions both the Phocæi and Cumæi as its founders. Stephanus of Byzantium attributes its foundation to the Rhodians; their -proximity is favourable to the claims of the Cumæi, and hence the con- +proximity is favourable to the claims of the Cumæi, and hence the con- -nexion of Naples with Eubœa, alluded to by Statius, who was born there. +nexion of Naples with Eubœa, alluded to by Statius, who was born there. @@ -28185,7 +28185,7 @@ nexion of Naples with Eubœa, alluded to by Statius, who was born there. At te nascentem gremio mea prima recepit Parthenope, dulcisque solo tu gloria nostro -Reptasti; nitidum consurgat ad æthera tellus +Reptasti; nitidum consurgat ad æthera tellus Eubois, et pulchra tumeat Sebethos alumna. Silv. i. 2. @@ -28197,13 +28197,13 @@ divine honours paid to him, possibly as founder of the city. [See Capaccio, Hist. Nap. p. 105. Martorelli de' Fenici primi abitatori di Napoli.] -This may illustrate the following lines,— +This may illustrate the following lines,— -Di patrii, quos auguriis super æquora magnis +Di patrii, quos auguriis super æquora magnis Littus ad Ausonium devexit Abantia classis, Tu ductor populi longe emigrantis Apollo, Cujus adhuc volucrem leva cervice sedentem @@ -28213,11 +28213,11 @@ This may illustrate the following lines,— originally] by -the Cumæi, but afterwards being peopled by Chalcidians, and +the Cumæi, but afterwards being peopled by Chalcidians, and -certain Pithecussæans and Athenians,Probably those mentioned in a fragment of Timæus, quoted by +certain Pithecussæans and Athenians,Probably those mentioned in a fragment of Timæus, quoted by -Tzetzes, (ad Lycophr. v. 732–737,) as having migrated to Italy under +Tzetzes, (ad Lycophr. v. 732–737,) as having migrated to Italy under the command of Diotimus, who also instituted the lampadhfoo|i/a, which @@ -28225,8 +28225,8 @@ was still observed at Naples in the time of Statius: -Tuque Actæa Ceres, cursu cui semper anhelo -Votivam taciti quassamus lampada mystæ. +Tuque Actæa Ceres, cursu cui semper anhelo +Votivam taciti quassamus lampada mystæ. Silv. iv. 8, 50. it was on this account @@ -28252,7 +28252,7 @@ which are Grecian, but the latter a mixture of Campanian with the Grecian names. Many traces of Grecian institution -are still preserved, the gymnasia, the ephebeia,Places of exercise for youth. the fratriæ,Societies. and the Grecian names of people who are Roman citizens. +are still preserved, the gymnasia, the ephebeia,Places of exercise for youth. the fratriæ,Societies. and the Grecian names of people who are Roman citizens. At the present time they celebrate, every fifth year, public @@ -28260,7 +28260,7 @@ games for music and gymnastic exercises during many days, which rival the most famous games of Greece. There -is here a subterranean passage, similar to that at Cumæ,Grotta di Pausilipo. +is here a subterranean passage, similar to that at Cumæ,Grotta di Pausilipo. extending for many stadia along the mountain,Pausilypus mons was the name of the ridge of hills which separates @@ -28270,7 +28270,7 @@ on account of its delightful situation and aspect, which rendered it the favourite residence of several noble and wealthy Romans. between -DicæarchiaPuteoli. and Neapolis: it is sufficiently broad to let carriages pass each other, and light is admitted from the surface +DicæarchiaPuteoli. and Neapolis: it is sufficiently broad to let carriages pass each other, and light is admitted from the surface of the mountain, by means of numerous apertures cut through a @@ -28284,9 +28284,9 @@ not the case at the time when Strabo, or the authority whom he follows, visited the place. Naples also has hot springs and baths not at all -inferior in quality to those at Baïæ, but much less frequented, +inferior in quality to those at Baïæ, but much less frequented, -for another city has arisen there, not less than Dicæarchia, +for another city has arisen there, not less than Dicæarchia, one palace after another having been built. Naples still preserves the Grecian mode of life, owing to those who retire @@ -28302,13 +28302,13 @@ there, are attracted by the place, and make it their abode.

-

Following this is the fortress of Heraclæum,Hercolano, or Herculaneum, by Cicero (to Atticus, vii. 3) called +

Following this is the fortress of Heraclæum,Hercolano, or Herculaneum, by Cicero (to Atticus, vii. 3) called Herculanum. It is probable that the subversion of this town was not sudden, but progressive, since Seneca mentions a partial demolition -which it sustained from an earthquake. (Nat. Quœst. vi. 1.) So many +which it sustained from an earthquake. (Nat. Quœst. vi. 1.) So many books have been written on the antiquities and works of art discovered @@ -28326,7 +28326,7 @@ account of the prevalence of the south-west wind, is a very healthy spot. The OsciSeveral inscriptions in Oscan, and Etruscan, characters have been -discovered in the ruins of Herculaneum. Lanzi, (tom. iii.,)—Romanelli +discovered in the ruins of Herculaneum. Lanzi, (tom. iii.,)—Romanelli Viaggio a Pompei ed Ercolano. originally possessed both this and @@ -28340,13 +28340,13 @@ SamnitesIt is believed that the Samnites possessed both pla for Nola,Nola resisted, under the able direction of Marcellus, all the efforts of -Hannibal after the battle of Cannæ. A remarkable inscription in Oscan +Hannibal after the battle of Cannæ. A remarkable inscription in Oscan characters relative to this town is explained by Lanzi, (tom. iii. 612,) its name is there written NUFLA. See Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. ii. -p. 211. Nuceria,Nocera de' Pagani. and Acerræ, which bears the same name as +p. 211. Nuceria,Nocera de' Pagani. and Acerræ, which bears the same name as the city near to Cremona. It is built on the river Sarno, by @@ -28372,7 +28372,7 @@ been the cause of the fertility of the surrounding country, the same as occurs in Catana, where they say that that portion which has been covered with ashes thrown up by the -fires of Ætna is most excellent for the vine. The land about +fires of Ætna is most excellent for the vine. The land about Vesuvius contains fat, and a soil which has been subjected to @@ -28392,9 +28392,9 @@ and pulverized, it becomes a productive earth. Adjoining Pompeia is Surrentum,Sorrento. [a city] of the Campanians, from -whence the Athenæum,Punta della Campanella. called by some the promontory of +whence the Athenæum,Punta della Campanella. called by some the promontory of -the Sirenuæ, projects [into the sea]; upon its summit is the +the Sirenuæ, projects [into the sea]; upon its summit is the temple of Minerva, founded by Ulysses. From hence to the @@ -28402,11 +28402,11 @@ island of Capreas the passage is short; after doubling the promontory you encounter various desert and rocky little -islands, which are called the Sirenusæ.The Sirenusæ were three small rocks detached from the land, and +islands, which are called the Sirenusæ.The Sirenusæ were three small rocks detached from the land, and celebrated as the islands of the Sirens; they are now called Galli. See -Holsten. Adnot. p. 248; Romanelli, torn. iii. p. 619. Virgil, Æn. v. 864, +Holsten. Adnot. p. 248; Romanelli, torn. iii. p. 619. Virgil, Æn. v. 864, describes them as, @@ -28431,7 +28431,7 @@ Surrentum there is shown a temple with the ancient offerings of those who held this place in veneration. Here is the end -of the bay named Crater,The bay of Naples. which is bounded by the two promontories of MisenumPunta di Miseno. and the Athenæum, both looking +of the bay named Crater,The bay of Naples. which is bounded by the two promontories of MisenumPunta di Miseno. and the Athenæum, both looking towards the south. The whole is adorned by the cities we @@ -28442,7 +28442,7 @@ that to the eye they appear but one city.

In front of Misenum lies the island of Prochyta,Procida. which -has been rent from the Pithecussæ.Ischia. Pithecussæ was peopled +has been rent from the Pithecussæ.Ischia. Pithecussæ was peopled by a colony of Eretrians and Chalcidians, which was very @@ -28480,11 +28480,11 @@ Pindar throws more credibility into the myth, by making it conformable to the actual phenomena, for the whole strait -from Cumæ to Sicily is subigneous, and below the sea has +from Cumæ to Sicily is subigneous, and below the sea has certain galleries which form a communication between [the -volcanosThe volcanos of Sicily, Lipari, Pithecussæ, or Ischia, and Mount +volcanosThe volcanos of Sicily, Lipari, Pithecussæ, or Ischia, and Mount Vesuvius. See Humboldt (Cosmos i. 238, note). of the islandsWe, in common with the French translators and Siebenkees, have @@ -28492,25 +28492,25 @@ adopted the nh/sous found in the MS. of Peter Be cited by Casaubon.] and those of the main-land. He -shows that Ætna is on this account of the nature described +shows that Ætna is on this account of the nature described by all, and also the Lipari Islands, with the regions around -Dicæarchia, Neapolis, Baïæ, and the Pithecussæ. And mindful hereof, [Pindar] says that Typhon lies under the whole of +Dicæarchia, Neapolis, Baïæ, and the Pithecussæ. And mindful hereof, [Pindar] says that Typhon lies under the whole of this space. -Now indeed the sea-girt shores beyond Cumæ, and Sicily, press on his +Now indeed the sea-girt shores beyond Cumæ, and Sicily, press on his shaggy breast.Pindar Pyth. Od i. 32; Conf. Pindar. Olymp. Od. iv. 2. -Timæus,This writer flourished about 264 years before the Christian era. who remarks that many paradoxical accounts were +Timæus,This writer flourished about 264 years before the Christian era. who remarks that many paradoxical accounts were -related by the ancients concerning the Pithecussæ, states, +related by the ancients concerning the Pithecussæ, states, nevertheless, that a little before his time, Mount Epomeus,Epopeus mons, now sometimes called Epomeo, but more commonly @@ -28536,11 +28536,11 @@ that the hot-springsThe waters at the source Olmitello, in are the most efficacious for this disease. here are a remedy for those afflicted with -gravel. CapreæCapri. anciently possessed two small cities, afterwards but one. The Neapolitans possessed this island, but +gravel. CapreæCapri. anciently possessed two small cities, afterwards but one. The Neapolitans possessed this island, but -having lost Pithecussæ in war, they received it again from +having lost Pithecussæ in war, they received it again from -Cæsar Augustus, giving him in exchange Capreæ. This +Cæsar Augustus, giving him in exchange Capreæ. This [island] having thus become the property of that prince, he @@ -28575,13 +28575,13 @@ Oscan characters on the reverse. Mionnet. Med. Ant. Suppl. vol. i. p. 232; Sestini, Monet. Vet. p. 13. Caudium,S. Maria di Goti, near to Forchia Caudina. and Beneventum.Benevento. On -the side of Rome is Casilinum,Nova Capua. situated on the river Vulturnus.Volturno. Here 540 men of Præneste sustained against Hannibal +the side of Rome is Casilinum,Nova Capua. situated on the river Vulturnus.Volturno. Here 540 men of Præneste sustained against Hannibal in the height of his power so desperate a siege, that by reason of the famine, a ratThe text has medi/mnou; but we have adopted muo\s, the word proposed by most of the Greek editors; Valerius Maximus, Pliny, and Frontinus all agreeing in the statement, that it was a rat which fetched this -enormous price. was sold for two hundred drachmæ, the +enormous price. was sold for two hundred drachmæ, the seller dying [of hunger], but the purchaser being saved. Hannibal observing some of them sowing turnip-seed near to the @@ -28610,9 +28610,9 @@ Arpino, or S. Elpidio, about two miles beyond Aversa. Nuceria,Nocera. Acerrœ,Acerra near the source of the Agno, the ancient Clanius. Abella,Avella Vecchia. with +room in which his father Octavius had breathed his last. Nuceria,Nocera. Acerrœ,Acerra near the source of the Agno, the ancient Clanius. Abella,Avella Vecchia. with @@ -28664,9 +28664,9 @@ by experience that not a single Roman could rest in peace so long as any of the Samnites survived. Thus their cities have -now dwindled into villages, some indeed being entirely deserted, as Boianum,Bojano. Æsernia,Isernia. Panna, TelesiaThe ruins of Telesia are to be seen about a mile from the modern +now dwindled into villages, some indeed being entirely deserted, as Boianum,Bojano. Æsernia,Isernia. Panna, TelesiaThe ruins of Telesia are to be seen about a mile from the modern -Telese. Allifæ was between Telesia and Venafrum. adjoining +Telese. Allifæ was between Telesia and Venafrum. adjoining Venafrum, and others similar, none of which can be @@ -28680,7 +28680,7 @@ and an eagle resting on a thunderbolt. On the obverse, a head of Jupiter, and sometimes of Bacchus. Sestini, Monet. Vet. p. 15. The Antiquitates -Venusinæ and the Iter Venusinum were published at Naples in the last +Venusinæ and the Iter Venusinum were published at Naples in the last century. are still prosperous. @@ -28735,11 +28735,11 @@ their parents called them by the diminutive form of Sabelli.From Pitane, a place in Laconia. The whole of this, however, +them are called Pitanatæ.From Pitane, a place in Laconia. The whole of this, however, appears to be a mere fabrication of the Tarentini, interested @@ -28820,13 +28820,13 @@ Picentini who dwell near the Adriatic, and was transplanted by the Romans to the Posidoniate Gulf,The Gulf of Salerno. now called the Gulf of -Pæstum. The city of Posidonia, which is built about the middle +Pæstum. The city of Posidonia, which is built about the middle -of the gulf, is called Pæstum.Pesti. The Sybarites [when they +of the gulf, is called Pæstum.Pesti. The Sybarites [when they -founded the cityThis city must have been founded nearly 540 years B. C., for Herodotus says that the Phocæans were chiefly induced to settle on the shores +founded the cityThis city must have been founded nearly 540 years B. C., for Herodotus says that the Phocæans were chiefly induced to settle on the shores -of Ænotria by the advice of a citizen of Posidonia, and they founded +of Ænotria by the advice of a citizen of Posidonia, and they founded Velia in the reign of Cyrus. B. i. 164.] built the fortifications close upon the sea, @@ -28848,7 +28848,7 @@ Between the Sirenusse and PosidoniaPesti. is Marcina founded by the Tyrrheni, but inhabited by the Samnites. -[To go] from thence into Pompæa,Pompeii. through Nuceria,Nocera. [you +[To go] from thence into Pompæa,Pompeii. through Nuceria,Nocera. [you cross] an isthmus of not more than 120 stadia. The Picentes @@ -28860,7 +28860,7 @@ this river is reported to possess the singular property of petrifying any plant thrown into it, preserving at the same -time both the colour and form.Pliny, in his Natural History, (lib. ii. § 106,) has confirmed Strabo's +time both the colour and form.Pliny, in his Natural History, (lib. ii. § 106,) has confirmed Strabo's account. It appears from Cluvier that the people who inhabit the banks @@ -28931,13 +28931,13 @@ according to the mythology was cast up here, after having been precipitated with her companions into the deep. The -promontoryCapo della Licosa. of the island projects opposite the Sirenussæ,Punta della Campanella. +promontoryCapo della Licosa. of the island projects opposite the Sirenussæ,Punta della Campanella. forming the bay of Posidonium.Golfo di Salerno. After having made this cape there is another contiguous bay, on which is built the -city which the Phocæans called Hyela when they founded it, +city which the Phocæans called Hyela when they founded it, but others Ela from a certain fountain. People in the present @@ -28951,7 +28951,7 @@ previous good management, the government of that place was well arranged, so that they successfully resisted the Leucani -and the Posidoniatæ, notwithstanding the smallness of their +and the Posidoniatæ, notwithstanding the smallness of their district and the inferiority of their numbers. They are @@ -28971,13 +28971,13 @@ does not rather cite the writer from whom Antiochus seems to have borrowed this account, we mean Herodotus, who relates it (lib. i. -§ 164). But Strabo, probably, looking upon Herodotus as a collector of +§ 164). But Strabo, probably, looking upon Herodotus as a collector of fables, chose rather to yield to the authority of Antiochus, who had written very accurate memoirs upon Italy, and who was, likewise, -himself a very ancient author, (Dion. Halicarn. Antiq. Rom. lib. i. § 12,) +himself a very ancient author, (Dion. Halicarn. Antiq. Rom. lib. i. § 12,) and flourished about 420 years before the Christian era. @@ -28991,21 +28991,21 @@ Cyrnos and Marseilles, but having been driven thence, they founded Elea;Or Velia, founded 532 B.C., mentioned by Horace, Epist. I. xv. l, -Quæ sit hyems Veliæ, quod cœlum, Vala, Salerni. the name of which some say is derived from +Quæ sit hyems Veliæ, quod cœlum, Vala, Salerni. the name of which some say is derived from the river Elees.The modern Alento. The city is distant about two hundred stadia from Posidonia. After this city is the promontory of -Palinurus. But in front of the Eleatis are the Œnotrides, +Palinurus. But in front of the Eleatis are the Œnotrides, two islandsNow unknown. having good anchorage.Pliny affirms that these two islands were called, the one Pontia, the -other Ischia; Contra Veliam Pontia et Ischia. Utræquc uno nomine +other Ischia; Contra Veliam Pontia et Ischia. Utræquc uno nomine -Œnotrides, argumentum possesses ab Œnotriis Italiæ. Hist. Nat. lib. +Œnotrides, argumentum possesses ab Œnotriis Italiæ. Hist. Nat. lib. -iii. § 13. If this reading be not faulty, Pliny will have placed in the +iii. § 13. If this reading be not faulty, Pliny will have placed in the latitude, of which our author is now giving a description, a small island @@ -29017,11 +29017,11 @@ Micythus, then governor of Messina in Sicily; but those who were located here, except a few, abandoned the place. After -Pyxus are the gulf,Gulf of Policastro. the river,Now the river Laino. and the cityCalled Laino in the time of Cluverius. Lib. iv. cap. 14. of Laüs. This, +Pyxus are the gulf,Gulf of Policastro. the river,Now the river Laino. and the cityCalled Laino in the time of Cluverius. Lib. iv. cap. 14. of Laüs. This, the lastUpon this coast. city of the Leucani, situate a little above the sea, is -a colonyFounded about the year 510 B. C. of the Sybarites, and is distant from Ælea 400 +a colonyFounded about the year 510 B. C. of the Sybarites, and is distant from Ælea 400 stadia. The whole circuit of Leucania, by sea is 650 stadia. @@ -29053,25 +29053,25 @@ the possessions of the Leucani, which at first did not reach to the other sea;i. e. the Gulf of Tarentum. the Greeks who dwelt on the Gulf of Tarentum possessed it. But before the coming of the Greeks there -were no Leucani, the ChonesStrabo seems here to distinguish the Chones from the Œnotri, and the +were no Leucani, the ChonesStrabo seems here to distinguish the Chones from the Œnotri, and the CEnotri from the Greeks. According to Cluvier (Ital. Antiq. cap. 16, p. 1323) here was a double error: not only (says he) Aristotle, but Antiochus, according to Strabo's own testimony, positively affirmed that the -Chones and Œnotri were one and the same nation, and Dionysius of +Chones and Œnotri were one and the same nation, and Dionysius of -Halicarnassus (Antiq. Roman. lib. i. § 11) makes no doubt that the +Halicarnassus (Antiq. Roman. lib. i. § 11) makes no doubt that the -Œnotri were of Greek origin. But Mazochi justifies the distinction +Œnotri were of Greek origin. But Mazochi justifies the distinction -between the Chones and the Œnotri, and shows cause to doubt that the +between the Chones and the Œnotri, and shows cause to doubt that the -Œnotri were of Greek origin. and Œnotri possessed these +Œnotri were of Greek origin. and Œnotri possessed these territories. But when the Samnites had greatly increased, -and expelled the Chones and Œnotri, and driven the Leucani into this region, while the Greeks possessed the seacoast on both sides as far as the straits, the Greeks and the +and expelled the Chones and Œnotri, and driven the Leucani into this region, while the Greeks possessed the seacoast on both sides as far as the straits, the Greeks and the Barbarians maintained a lengthened contest. The tyrants of @@ -29087,7 +29087,7 @@ even as early as the Trojan war; they increased in power, and extent of territory, to such a degree, that they called this -region and Sicily, the Magna Grœcia. But now the whole +region and Sicily, the Magna Grœcia. But now the whole region, except Tarentum, Rhegium, and Neapolis, has become @@ -29166,7 +29166,7 @@ Antonin. della Lucan. p. i. disc. 8. Romanelli, tom. i. p. 350. is consid metropolis of the Leucani, and is still well peopled. It owes -its foundation to Philoctetes, who was compelled to quit Melibœa on account of civil dissensions. Its position is so strong, +its foundation to Philoctetes, who was compelled to quit Melibœa on account of civil dissensions. Its position is so strong, that the Samnites were formerly obliged to construct forts @@ -29188,7 +29188,7 @@ at Casabuona, near Strongoli. above it, from which the inhabitants were called Chones; and that certain colonists being sent by him -into Sicily, to the neighbourhood of Eryx,Trapani del Monte. with Ægestus the +into Sicily, to the neighbourhood of Eryx,Trapani del Monte. with Ægestus the @@ -29196,13 +29196,13 @@ into Sicily, to the neighbourhood of Eryx,Trapani del Monte -Trojan, founded Ægesta.The ruins of this city, which was anciently called also Egesta, Acesta, +Trojan, founded Ægesta.The ruins of this city, which was anciently called also Egesta, Acesta, and Segesta, may be seen at Barbara, in the valley of Mazzara. In the inland districts are also Grumentum,Kramer, following the suggestion of Xylander, has printed Go|oumento\n. I am inclined, however, to think that Poumento\n, the reading of -Manuscripts, is correct. According to Barrio, it occupied the situation of Gerenza, on the right bank of the Nieto. Vertinæ,Verzine on the Nieto. (Barr. lib. iv. cap. 18. Maraf. lib. iii. c. 18.) Calasarna,Calasarna is supposed by the Calabrian topographers to accord with +Manuscripts, is correct. According to Barrio, it occupied the situation of Gerenza, on the right bank of the Nieto. Vertinæ,Verzine on the Nieto. (Barr. lib. iv. cap. 18. Maraf. lib. iii. c. 18.) Calasarna,Calasarna is supposed by the Calabrian topographers to accord with the site of Campania. and other small villages, @@ -29210,13 +29210,13 @@ reaching as far as Venusia,Venosa, situated about 15 miles colony of importance before the war against Pyrrhus. After the disaster -at Cannæ, it afforded a retreat to Varro and the few who escaped that +at Cannæ, it afforded a retreat to Varro and the few who escaped that signal overthrow. Horace was born there in the year of the city 688. About six miles from Venosa, on the site named Palazzo, was the Fons -Bandusiæ. (Chaupy, Des c. de la maison de Camp. d' Horace, tom. iii. +Bandusiæ. (Chaupy, Des c. de la maison de Camp. d' Horace, tom. iii. p. 538.) a city of some importance. This, @@ -29241,7 +29241,7 @@ the Strait of Sicily, extending about 1350 stadia. Ant in his treatise on Italy, says that this district, which he intended to describe, was called Italy, but that previously it had -been called Œnotria. The boundary which he assigns to it +been called Œnotria. The boundary which he assigns to it on the Tyrrhenian Sea, is the river Lao,Laos, now Lao. and on the Sea of @@ -29255,7 +29255,7 @@ He also relates that, at a more ancient period, those who dwelt on this side the isthmus, which lies next the Strait of Sicily, -were the only people who were called Œnotrians and Italians. +were the only people who were called Œnotrians and Italians. The isthmus is 160 stadia across between the two gulfs, namely, @@ -29281,9 +29281,9 @@ which is comprised between this isthmus and the strait, is 2000 stadia. He says that afterwards the names of Italy and of the -Œnotrians were extended as far as Metapontium and the +Œnotrians were extended as far as Metapontium and the -Siritis; the Chones, a people of Œnotrian descent, and highly +Siritis; the Chones, a people of Œnotrian descent, and highly civilized, inhabited these districts, and called their country @@ -29375,7 +29375,7 @@ miles north of Torre Loppa, as the locality of this ancient site. The silver coins of Temesa are scarce. They have the Greek epigraph, TEM. of the Bruttii, -which at present is called Tempsa. It was founded by the Ausonians; afterwards the Ætolians, under the command of Thoas, +which at present is called Tempsa. It was founded by the Ausonians; afterwards the Ætolians, under the command of Thoas, gained possession of it. These were expelled by the Bruttii; @@ -29430,7 +29430,7 @@ xv. 706, Evincitque fretum, Siculique angusta Pelori, -Hippotadæque domos regis, Temesesque metalla. +Hippotadæque domos regis, Temesesque metalla. Ovid. Met. xv. 706 @@ -29440,7 +29440,7 @@ And Fast. v. 441, -. . . . . Temesæaque concrepat sera. +. . . . . Temesæaque concrepat sera. Fast. v. 441 @@ -29484,7 +29484,7 @@ which commanded him to avoid Acheron and Pandosia;Ai)aki/dh, profu/lacaco molei=n )Axerou/sion u(/dwr Pandosi/hn q', o(/qi toi qa/natos peprwme/nos e)sti/. -Son of Æacus, beware of approaching the Acherusian water and Pandosia, where death is destined for thee. for +Son of Æacus, beware of approaching the Acherusian water and Pandosia, where death is destined for thee. for places with names like these being pointed out in Thesprotia, @@ -29539,7 +29539,7 @@ together with Clampetia and Terina, near the western coast. -was formerly the residence of the Œnotrian kings. After +was formerly the residence of the Œnotrian kings. After Cosentia is Hipponium,Afterwards Vibo Valentia, now Monte-Leone. founded by the Locrians.Surnamed the Epizephyrii. Heyne supposes this took place B. C. 388. The Romans took it from the Bruttii, who were in possession of it at @@ -29587,7 +29587,7 @@ the town of Gioja. The Lipari Isles lie off this coast; they are distant 200 stadia from the strait. They say -that they are the islands of Æolus, of whom the poet makes +that they are the islands of Æolus, of whom the poet makes @@ -29607,7 +29607,7 @@ Kramer thinks that Cluverius was happy in proposing Potamo of Me/tano|os, and that then the Cratais, now Solano, or Fiume de' Pesci, -would be the river which Strabo intended. Next in order is Scyllæum, an +would be the river which Strabo intended. Next in order is Scyllæum, an elevated cliff nearly surrounded by the sea. But connected @@ -29617,7 +29617,7 @@ side, which Anaxilaus, the tyrant of Rhegium, fortified against the Tyrrheni, and formed a commodious haven, and thus prevented the pirates from passing through the strait. Next to -the Scyllæan promontory was that of Cænys, distant from +the Scyllæan promontory was that of Cænys, distant from Medma 250 stadia. It is the last headland, and forms the @@ -29629,7 +29629,7 @@ which give to that island the form of a triangle. Its aspect is towards the rising of the sun in summer, whilst that of -Cænys looks towards the west. Indeed they both seem to +Cænys looks towards the west. Indeed they both seem to have diverged from the general line of coast in order to stand @@ -29641,7 +29641,7 @@ statement of Polybius. Thucydides, however, allows about two miles and a half, which he considers to be the utmost possible distance. Topographers are divided as to the exact point of the Italian coast which -answers to Cape Cænys. The Calabrian geographers say the Punta del +answers to Cape Cænys. The Calabrian geographers say the Punta del Pezzo, called also Coda del Volpe, in which opinion Cluverius and D'Anville coincide, but Holstenius contends for the Torre del Cavallo, which @@ -29649,13 +29649,13 @@ the French translators seem to favour. In fact, that may be the narrowest point, still it does not answer so well to Strabo's description of the figure -and bearing of Cape Cænys as the Punta del Pezzo. From Cænys to the PosidoniumThe temple or altar of Neptune. +and bearing of Cape Cænys as the Punta del Pezzo. From Cænys to the PosidoniumThe temple or altar of Neptune. [and] the Columna Rheginorum,The Columna Rhegina, as remarked by Cramer, (vol. ii. p. 427,) was probably a pillar set up to mark the consular road leading to the -south of Italy. Strabo speaks of it as a small tower (book iii. c. v. § 5, +south of Italy. Strabo speaks of it as a small tower (book iii. c. v. § 5, p 265). In the Itinerary of Antoninus it is simply termed Columna, but @@ -29702,21 +29702,21 @@ of scarcity, by order of an oracle, and afterwards removed hither from Delphi, taking with them certain others from home. -As Antiochus says, the Zanclæans sent for the Chalcidenses, +As Antiochus says, the Zanclæans sent for the Chalcidenses, and appointed Antimnestus chief over them. Certain fugitives of the Messenians of Peloponnesus accompanied this colony, who had been compelled to fly by those who refused -to give satisfaction to the Lacedæmonians for the violationStrabo here alludes to the crime which was perpetrated in the reign +to give satisfaction to the Lacedæmonians for the violationStrabo here alludes to the crime which was perpetrated in the reign of Teleclus, about 811 years before the Christian era. The division of the Messenians into two parties, the one wishing and the other refusing -to give satisfaction, lasted about 150 years. See book vi. cap. iii. § .3. +to give satisfaction, lasted about 150 years. See book vi. cap. iii. § .3. -of the virgins at Limnæ, whom they had abused when attending the religious festival, and had slain those who assisted +of the virgins at Limnæ, whom they had abused when attending the religious festival, and had slain those who assisted them. However when the fugitives had removed to Macistus, @@ -29732,7 +29732,7 @@ Diana for that they were not lost but saved, as they should not be destroyed with their country, which would be annihilated -shortly after by the Spartans.It Was taken by the Lacedæmonians about B. C. 668. They acted in accordance with +shortly after by the Spartans.It Was taken by the Lacedæmonians about B. C. 668. They acted in accordance with the oracle, and thus it was that the rulers of the Rhegini were @@ -29747,11 +29747,11 @@ all of Messenian race until the time of Anaxilaus. afterwards passed into Sicily when they were expelled by the -Œnotri. Some say that MorgantiumIt seems probable that Strabo here refers to Morgantium in Sicily, +Œnotri. Some say that MorgantiumIt seems probable that Strabo here refers to Morgantium in Sicily, which had disappeared in his days, and which he mentions in b. vi. c. ii. -§ 4. thus received its name +§ 4. thus received its name from the Morgetes. But the city of the Rhegini became very @@ -29767,7 +29767,7 @@ the fleet, B. C. 43, in a short time made himself maste he held till 36. It was called Rhegium either, -as Æschylus says, because of the convulsion which had taken +as Æschylus says, because of the convulsion which had taken place in this region; for Sicily was broken from the continent @@ -29777,26 +29777,26 @@ by earthquakes, -Whence it is called Rhegium.This is a quotation from one of the missing works of Æschylus. +Whence it is called Rhegium.This is a quotation from one of the missing works of Æschylus. -Others,Virgil speaks of this great catastrophe, Æn. iii. 414, +Others,Virgil speaks of this great catastrophe, Æn. iii. 414, -Hæc loca, vi quondam et vasta convulsa ruina -(Tantum ævi longinqua valet mutare vetustas,) +Hæc loca, vi quondam et vasta convulsa ruina +(Tantum ævi longinqua valet mutare vetustas,) Dissiluisse ferunt: cum protinus utraque tell us Una foret, venit medio vi pontus, et undis Hesperium Sicuto latus abscidit: arvaque et urbes -Litore diductas angusto interluit æstu.Æn. iii. 414 as well as he, have affirmed the same thing, and adduce as an evidence that which is observed about Ætna, and +Litore diductas angusto interluit æstu.Æn. iii. 414 as well as he, have affirmed the same thing, and adduce as an evidence that which is observed about Ætna, and the appearances seen in other parts of Sicily, the Lipari and -neighbouring islands, and even in the Pithecussæ, with the +neighbouring islands, and even in the Pithecussæ, with the whole coast beyond them, which prove that it was not unlikely @@ -29826,9 +29826,9 @@ other islands in the neighbourhood. For ProchytaProcida. but his son (Dionysius -the younger) partly restored it,B. C. 360. and called it Phœbia. During the war with Pyrrhus, a body of Campanians destroyed +the younger) partly restored it,B. C. 360. and called it Phœbia. During the war with Pyrrhus, a body of Campanians destroyed most of the citizens against the faith of treaties,B. C. 280. and a little @@ -29910,7 +29910,7 @@ most of the citizens against the faith of treaties,B. C. B.C. 91. but after Augustus Cæsar had driven Sextus +of the towns;B.C. 91. but after Augustus Cæsar had driven Sextus Pompeius out of Sicily, when he saw that the city was deficient of inhabitants, he appointed certain of those who @@ -29943,7 +29943,7 @@ opinion seems more compatible with the statement of Pliny, and is also more generally accredited. -Further on is Heraclæum.The Herculeum Promontorium is known in modern geography as +Further on is Heraclæum.The Herculeum Promontorium is known in modern geography as Capo Spartivento. It is the last promontory, and @@ -29977,7 +29977,7 @@ is called Zephyrium,Now Capo di Bruzzano. possessing winds, whence is derived its name. Then is the state of the -Locri Epizephyrii, a colony of Locrians transported by Evanthes from the Crissæan gulf, shortly after the foundation of +Locri Epizephyrii, a colony of Locrians transported by Evanthes from the Crissæan gulf, shortly after the foundation of Crotona and Syracuse.The one 710, the other 734 years B. C. Ephorus was not correct in stating @@ -30074,7 +30074,7 @@ disordered. Ephorus in speaking of the written law of the Locri, which Zaleucus had most -judiciously selected from the Cretan, Lacedæmonian, and +judiciously selected from the Cretan, Lacedæmonian, and Areopagite codes, says that Zaleucus was the first to establish @@ -30092,7 +30092,7 @@ law of contracts. [He says also] that the Thurians, being desirous to improve [the code of Zaleucus] more than the -Locri had done, became more celebrated, but were less judicious.We could almost wish to read this passage—rendered them more +Locri had done, became more celebrated, but were less judicious.We could almost wish to read this passage—rendered them more plausible, but impaired their utility. For that state is not regulated by the best government, where they guard against all manner of deceit by their @@ -30127,7 +30127,7 @@ sound is easily produced by them. The statue of Eunomus the harper having a grasshopper seated on his harp is shown -at Locri. Timæus says, that this Eunomus was once contending at the Pythian games and disputed with Aristo of Rhegium for the prize, and that Aristo declared that the people +at Locri. Timæus says, that this Eunomus was once contending at the Pythian games and disputed with Aristo of Rhegium for the prize, and that Aristo declared that the people @@ -30175,7 +30175,7 @@ D'Anville, and Romanelli place it at Oppido, a bishop's see above Reggio, and Gerace, where old coins are said to have been discovered. Cramer -(vol. ii. p. 439) thinks that the Melæ mentioned by Thucydides may have +(vol. ii. p. 439) thinks that the Melæ mentioned by Thucydides may have been identical with Mamertium. Several remains of antiquity exist on @@ -30200,7 +30200,7 @@ gender, on which is situated the altar of the Dioscuri, near which ten thousand Locrians, with a small body of Rhegians -gained a victory over 130,000 Crotoniatæ whence they say +gained a victory over 130,000 Crotoniatæ whence they say arose the proverb applied to incredulous people. It is @@ -30212,7 +30212,7 @@ day at the Olympic games to the people there assembled, and this speedy news was found perfectly correct. They say that -this mischance was so unfortunate an event to the Crotoniatæ, +this mischance was so unfortunate an event to the Crotoniatæ, that after it they did not long remain as a nation, on account @@ -30248,7 +30248,7 @@ Caulonia.Cluvier (Sicil. ant. lib. ii.) reckons this place Caltanis and Pietrapreccia. After this is Scylletium,Now Squillace. a colony of the Athenians, who set out under Menestheus;Servius observes that these Athenians were returning from Africa, -Serv. Æn. iii. 552. it is now called Scylacium.Saumaise (Exercit. Plin. p. 47, 57) thinks the true reading should be +Serv. Æn. iii. 552. it is now called Scylacium.Saumaise (Exercit. Plin. p. 47, 57) thinks the true reading should be Scylaceium, or Virgil could not have made the penultimate long. @@ -30258,21 +30258,21 @@ Scylaceium, or Virgil could not have made the penultimate long. . . . Attollit se diva Lacinia contra Caulonisque arces, et navifragum Scylaceum. -Æn. iii. 652. Dionysius [the elder] allotted a portion of it to the +Æn. iii. 652. Dionysius [the elder] allotted a portion of it to the -Locri, whilst it was in the possession of the Crotoniatæ.About B. C. 389. The +Locri, whilst it was in the possession of the Crotoniatæ.About B. C. 389. The Scylleticus Sinus received its name from this city. It together with the Hipponiates Sinus forms the isthmus which we -have mentioned above.Book vi. cap. i. § 4. DionysiusPliny seems to attribute to Dionysius the elder the project of cutting +have mentioned above.Book vi. cap. i. § 4. DionysiusPliny seems to attribute to Dionysius the elder the project of cutting not walling off the isthmus: Itaque Dionysius major intercisam eo loco -adjicere Siciliæ voluit. Hist. Nat. lib. iii. § 15. Grimaldi also is of +adjicere Siciliæ voluit. Hist. Nat. lib. iii. § 15. Grimaldi also is of opinion that the circumstance mentioned by Strabo should be referred -to the first years of Dionysius the younger, about B. C. 366–359. undertook to build a wall +to the first years of Dionysius the younger, about B. C. 366–359. undertook to build a wall across the isthmus, at the time he was carrying on war against @@ -30284,7 +30284,7 @@ off the communication of the Greeks with each other, and to have the greater power over those who dwelt within the peninsula, but those who dwelt withoutBy those who dwelt without, Strabo doubtless intended the Croto- -niatæ, and their allies. assembled and prevented +niatæ, and their allies. assembled and prevented the undertaking. @@ -30364,7 +30364,7 @@ it is worth while to speak of them somewhat in detail.

The first is Crotona, 150 stadia from Lacinium and the -river Esaro;The ancient Æsar. there is also a havenGroskurd observes, Im Texte kai\ limh\n. Besser also, liest man +river Esaro;The ancient Æsar. there is also a havenGroskurd observes, Im Texte kai\ limh\n. Besser also, liest man mit Cluv. limnh, and translates it a salt-marsh; but Cramer, in his @@ -30380,9 +30380,9 @@ Tarentum and Brundusium, was long a source of great wealth to Crotona, as we are -Nieto.Neæthus. This river was said to derive its name from the circumstance of the captive Trojan women having there set fire to the Grecian +Nieto.Neæthus. This river was said to derive its name from the circumstance of the captive Trojan women having there set fire to the Grecian -fleet. the name whereof is said to be derived from the following circumstance—they say that certain of the Greeks who +fleet. the name whereof is said to be derived from the following circumstance—they say that certain of the Greeks who had wandered from the fleet which had besieged Troy, having @@ -30444,10 +30444,10 @@ its name from the hero Cro'o. Thus Ovid: -Vixque pererratis quæ spectant littora terris, -Invenit Æsarei fatalia fluminis ora: +Vixque pererratis quæ spectant littora terris, +Invenit Æsarei fatalia fluminis ora: Nec procul hinc tumulum, sub quo sacrata Crotonis -Ossa tegebat humus. Jussaque ibi mœnia terra +Ossa tegebat humus. Jussaque ibi mœnia terra Condidit; et nomen tumulati traxit in urbem. Ovid. Metam. xv. 53. as Ephorus relates. The city cultivated martial @@ -30462,7 +30462,7 @@ discipline and athletic exercises to a great extent, and in one of the Olympic games all the seven wrestlers, who obtained -the palm in the stadium, were Crotoniatæ; whence, it seems, +the palm in the stadium, were Crotoniatæ; whence, it seems, the saying arose that the last wrestler of Crotona was the first @@ -30480,7 +30480,7 @@ vast destruction of its citizens, who fell at the battle of the Sagras. Its celebrity too was not a little spread by the number of Pythagoreans who resided there, and Milo,Milo is said to have carried off the prize for wrestling from the 62nd -Olympiad, B. C. 532, and also to have commanded the 100,000 Crotoniatæ +Olympiad, B. C. 532, and also to have commanded the 100,000 Crotoniatæ who engaged the hostile armies of Sybaris and destroyed their city, about @@ -30515,11 +30515,11 @@ devoured by wild beasts.

Beyond this, at the distance of 200 stadia, is situated -Sybaris,Sybaris was said to have been founded by the people of Trœzene not +Sybaris,Sybaris was said to have been founded by the people of Trœzene not long after the siege of Troy. Aristot. Politic. lib. v. cap. 3. Solin. viii. -But those were subsequently joined by a more numerous colony of Achmæans, about B. C. 720. Euseb. Chron. ii. a colony settled by the Achœans, between the two +But those were subsequently joined by a more numerous colony of Achmæans, about B. C. 720. Euseb. Chron. ii. a colony settled by the Achœans, between the two @@ -30539,7 +30539,7 @@ war Is .....aus He like; and Kramer has adopted this latter view, which we have followed. the -Helice an.Helice was mentioned, book i. chap. iii. § 18. Ovid, Metam. xv. 293, +Helice an.Helice was mentioned, book i. chap. iii. § 18. Ovid, Metam. xv. 293, also speaks of this city, @@ -30547,10 +30547,10 @@ also speaks of this city, -Si quæras Helicen et Buram Achaïdas urbes, +Si quæras Helicen et Buram Achaïdas urbes, Invenies sub aquis...Ovid, Metam. xv. 293 So great was the prosperity enjoyed by this city -anciently, that it held dominion over four neighbouring people and twenty-five towns; in the war with the Crotoniatæ it +anciently, that it held dominion over four neighbouring people and twenty-five towns; in the war with the Crotoniatæ it brought into the field 300,000 men, and occupied a circuit of @@ -30558,7 +30558,7 @@ brought into the field 300,000 men, and occupied a circuit of turbulence of its citizens, it was deprived of all its prosperity -by the Crotoniatæ in 70The Epitome gives nine days. days, who took the city, and turning +by the Crotoniatæ in 70The Epitome gives nine days. days, who took the city, and turning the waters of the river [Crati], overwhelmed it with an inundation.The events which led to this catastrophe are thus related by Diodorns @@ -30588,7 +30588,7 @@ came and settled amongst them, but they despised and subjugated them, and remove calling its name Thurii, from a fountain of that name. The -water of the river Sybaris has the peculiar property of making the horses which drink it shy,"Compare Ælian. Hist. Anim. ii. 36. for which reason they keep +water of the river Sybaris has the peculiar property of making the horses which drink it shy,"Compare Ælian. Hist. Anim. ii. 36. for which reason they keep their horses away from the river. The Crati turns the hair @@ -30610,7 +30610,7 @@ Tarentini troubling them, they appealed to the Romans for succour, who, in course of time, sent a colonyAbout B. C. 194. when it was -nearly deserted, and changed the name of the city to Copiæ.Cæsar however calls it Thurii, and designates it a municipal town. +nearly deserted, and changed the name of the city to Copiæ.Cæsar however calls it Thurii, and designates it a municipal town. Civ. Bell. iii. 22. @@ -30657,7 +30657,7 @@ Ionians came to settle here, when they fled from the yoke of the Lydians, and took the town of the TrojansKramer reads xw/nwn in the text. We have followed the opinion of -the French translators, who have rendered it possédée par des Troyens. +the French translators, who have rendered it possédée par des Troyens. MSS. give various readings. by force, calling its name Polieum. They show, too, at the present time @@ -30675,7 +30675,7 @@ eyes, as that at Troy turned away its eyes from beholding the violence offered to Cassandra, but to show it in the act of -winking:—but it is much more daring to make so many +winking:—but it is much more daring to make so many statues of the Minerva rescued from Ilium, as those who describe them affirm, for there is a Minerva said to be Trojan @@ -30695,7 +30695,7 @@ become the subject of a contention between the Tarentini and the Thurii, on that occasion commanded by Cleandridas the -general who had been banished from Lacedæmon, the two +general who had been banished from Lacedæmon, the two people came to a composition, and agreed to inhabit it in common, but that the colonyAbout B. C. 444. should be considered as Tarentine; @@ -30730,7 +30730,7 @@ A large sum of these might be justly called a golden harvest. they adduce, as a proof of this foundation, the offerings of the dead -sacrificed periodically to the Neleïdæ;Neleus had twelve sons, eleven of whom were slain by Hercules, +sacrificed periodically to the Neleïdæ;Neleus had twelve sons, eleven of whom were slain by Hercules, while Nestor alone escaped; we must therefore infer from this passage, @@ -30748,13 +30748,13 @@ or that the sacrifices were abolished. From the succeeding sentence it would be most natural to suppose that Strabo meant to say the city was -overthrown. Antiochus says that certain Achæans, who +overthrown. Antiochus says that certain Achæans, who -had been sent for by the Achæans of Sybaris, settled in this +had been sent for by the Achæans of Sybaris, settled in this place when it had been desolated; he adds that these were -sent for on account of the hatred of the Achæans to the Tarentini, who had originally migrated from Laconia, in order +sent for on account of the hatred of the Achæans to the Tarentini, who had originally migrated from Laconia, in order to prevent their seizing upon the place which lay adjacent to @@ -30774,13 +30774,13 @@ to the territory of the Tarentines which was conterminous. But after being engaged in war with the Tarentini and the -Œnotrians, who dwelt beyond them, they came to an agreement, securing to them a portion of land, which should constitute the boundary between Italy, as it then existed, and +Œnotrians, who dwelt beyond them, they came to an agreement, securing to them a portion of land, which should constitute the boundary between Italy, as it then existed, and Iapygia. This, too, is the locality which tradition assigns to the adventures of Metapontus and the captive Melanippe, and -her son Bœotus. But Antiochus is of opinion that the city +her son Bœotus. But Antiochus is of opinion that the city Metapontium was originally called Metabum, and that its @@ -30796,7 +30796,7 @@ who says that -The beautiful Melanippe, in the halls of Dius, bare Bœotus, +The beautiful Melanippe, in the halls of Dius, bare Bœotus, @@ -30808,7 +30808,7 @@ near Delphi, was the founder of Metapontium. There is, however, another tradition, that Leucippus was sent by the -Achæans to help to found the colony, and having asked permission of the Tarentini to have the place for a day and a +Achæans to help to found the colony, and having asked permission of the Tarentini to have the place for a day and a night, would not give it up, replying by day to those who @@ -30831,7 +30831,7 @@ have always given the adjacent islands with every nation we have hitherto described, and since we have gone through -Œnotria, which only, the people of ancient times named Italy +Œnotria, which only, the people of ancient times named Italy we feel justified in keeping to the same arrangement, and shall @@ -30860,21 +30860,21 @@ the sentence better. Dionysius Perieg. vers. 467, says, And Homer, Strabo's great geographical authority, in book xi. of the -Odyssey, line 106, terms it Qo|inaki/h| nh/sw|. Virgil, Æn. iii. 440, says, +Odyssey, line 106, terms it Qo|inaki/h| nh/sw|. Virgil, Æn. iii. 440, says, -Trinacria fines Italos mittere relicta.Virgil, Æn. iii. 440 Three low headlands +Trinacria fines Italos mittere relicta.Virgil, Æn. iii. 440 Three low headlands -bound the figure: Pelorias is the name of that towards Cænys +bound the figure: Pelorias is the name of that towards Cænys and the Columna Rheginorum which forms the strait; PachynusCapo Passaro. is that which stretches towards the east, and is washed by the Sea of Sicily, looking towards the Peloponnesus and in -the direction of the passage to Crete; the third is Lilybæum,Capo di Marsalla, or Capo Boeo. +the direction of the passage to Crete; the third is Lilybæum,Capo di Marsalla, or Capo Boeo. and is next to Africa, looking towards that region and the @@ -30882,7 +30882,7 @@ setting of the sun in winter.The south-west. Of the headlands bound, two are somewhat concave, while the third -is slightly convex, it runs from Lilybæum to Pelorias, and is +is slightly convex, it runs from Lilybæum to Pelorias, and is the longest, being, as Posidonius has said, 1700 stadia adding @@ -30894,7 +30894,7 @@ the longest, being, as Posidonius has said, 1700 stadi further twenty. Of the others, that extending to Pachynus -from Lilybæum is the longer, while the shortest faces the +from Lilybæum is the longer, while the shortest faces the Strait and Italy, extending from Pelorias to Pachynus, being @@ -30902,7 +30902,7 @@ about 1120 or 1130 stadia. P severally reckoned in miles. Thus from Cape Pelorias to -Mylæ,Milazzo. 25 miles; from Mylæ to Tyndaris,S. Maria di Tindaro. 25; thence to +Mylæ,Milazzo. 25 miles; from Mylæ to Tyndaris,S. Maria di Tindaro. 25; thence to Agathyrnum,The MSS. of Strabo read Agathyrsum, but the town is more commonly called Agathyrnum. Livy, book xxvi. cap. 40, and Silius Italicus, @@ -30910,7 +30910,7 @@ book xiv. ver. 260, call it Agathyrna. Cluverius considers it to have been situated near S. Marco; others would place it nearer to Capo -d'Orlando; while D'Anville is in favour of Agati. 30; from Agathyrnum to Alæsa,I Bagni, or S. Maria de' Palazzi. Groskurd gives it as Torre di +d'Orlando; while D'Anville is in favour of Agati. 30; from Agathyrnum to Alæsa,I Bagni, or S. Maria de' Palazzi. Groskurd gives it as Torre di Pittineo by Tusa, or Torre di Tusa. Cicero writes the name without a @@ -30924,16 +30924,16 @@ makes the penultimate long: -Venit ab amne trahens nomen Gela, venit Halæsa.Silius Italicus, lib. xiv. v. 219 +Venit ab amne trahens nomen Gela, venit Halæsa.Silius Italicus, lib. xiv. v. 219 And the inscription in Gruter, p. 212, gives the name of the river near it, Alaisos. 30; from -Alæsa to Cephalœdium,Cefalù. 30; these are but insignificant +Alæsa to Cephalœdium,Cefalù. 30; these are but insignificant -places; from Cephalœdium to the river Himera,Modern critics consider this to be the Fiume-Grande, which takes +places; from Cephalœdium to the river Himera,Modern critics consider this to be the Fiume-Grande, which takes its rise near Polizzi and the Fiume Salso, the latter flows from a source @@ -30945,7 +30945,7 @@ Himera, and both rivers taken to be one. which runs through the midst of Sicily, 18; from thence to Panormus,Palermo. -35; [thence] to the EmporiumCastel-à-Mare. of the Ægestani, 32; leaving to LilybæumCapo Boeo. a distance of 38; thence having doubled +35; [thence] to the EmporiumCastel-à-Mare. of the Ægestani, 32; leaving to LilybæumCapo Boeo. a distance of 38; thence having doubled the Cape and coasting the adjacent side to Heracleum,Probably ruins at the embouchure of the Platani. Groskurd also @@ -30953,14 +30953,14 @@ gives for it Bissenza. 75; and to the EmporiumAt the mouth of the Fiume di Girgenti. Virgil calls Agrigentum by -the Greek name, Æn. iii. 703, +the Greek name, Æn. iii. 703, Arduus inde Acragas ostentat maxima longe -Mœnia, magnanimûm quondam generator equorum.Æn. iii. 703 of the Agrigentini, 20; and toAs the distance from Agrigentum to Camarina greatly exceeds another 20 miles, Kramer supposes that the words, and to Gela, 20, +Mœnia, magnanimûm quondam generator equorum.Æn. iii. 703 of the Agrigentini, 20; and toAs the distance from Agrigentum to Camarina greatly exceeds another 20 miles, Kramer supposes that the words, and to Gela, 20, have been omitted by the copyist. Cama- @@ -30993,7 +30993,7 @@ more simple way, as Ephorus, who says that the compass of the island by sea takes five days and nights. Posidonius attempts to determine the situation of the island by climata,i. e. to give its parallels of latitude and longitude. -and places Pelorias to the north, Lilybæum to the south, and +and places Pelorias to the north, Lilybæum to the south, and Pachynus to the east. We however consider that of necessity @@ -31017,7 +31017,7 @@ sunrise;South-east. for thus the shore slightly chan you travel from Catana towards Syracuse and Pachynus. -Now the transit from Pachynus to the mouth of the AlpheusA river of the Peloponnesus, now called Ruféa. +Now the transit from Pachynus to the mouth of the AlpheusA river of the Peloponnesus, now called Ruféa. is 4000 stadia. But when Artemidorus says that from Pachy- @@ -31027,7 +31027,7 @@ is 4000 stadia. But when Artemidorus says that from Pachy- -nus to TænarumCape Matapan. it is 4600, and from the Alpheus to the +nus to TænarumCape Matapan. it is 4600, and from the Alpheus to the Pamisus is 1130 stadia,The French translation gives 1160 stadia. he appears to me to lie open to the @@ -31035,11 +31035,11 @@ objection of having given distances which do not accord with the 4000 stadia from Pachynus to the Alpheus. The -line run from Pachynus to Lilybæum (which is much to the +line run from Pachynus to Lilybæum (which is much to the west of Pelorias) is considerably diverged from the south towards the west, having at the same time an aspect looking -towards the east and towards the south.Gossellin observes, that from Pachynus to Lilybæum the coast runs +towards the east and towards the south.Gossellin observes, that from Pachynus to Lilybæum the coast runs from the south to the north-west, and looks towards the south-west. On one side it is @@ -31047,27 +31047,27 @@ washed by the sea of Sicily, and on the other by the Libyan Sea, extending from Carthage to the Syrtes. The shortest -run is 1500 stadia from Lilybæum to the coast of Africa +run is 1500 stadia from Lilybæum to the coast of Africa about Carthage; and, according to report, a certain very sharp-sighted person,This person, according to Varro, was named Strabo. See Varr. ap. -Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. vii. § 21, page 386. placed on a watch-tower, announced +Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. vii. § 21, page 386. placed on a watch-tower, announced -to the Carthaginians besieged in Lilybæum the number of +to the Carthaginians besieged in Lilybæum the number of -the ships which were leaving Carthage. And from Lilybæum to Pelorias the side must necessarily incline towards +the ships which were leaving Carthage. And from Lilybæum to Pelorias the side must necessarily incline towards the east, and look in a direction towards the west and north, having Italy to the north, and the Tyrrhenian Sea with the -islands of Æolus to the west.This coast of Sicily rises very little as it advances towards the east, +islands of Æolus to the west.This coast of Sicily rises very little as it advances towards the east, and looks almost continually towards the north, with the exception of a -very short space near Lilybæum. The Æolian islands lie to the north. +very short space near Lilybæum. The Æolian islands lie to the north.

The cities situated on the side which forms the Strait @@ -31086,7 +31086,7 @@ to be the modern Schisso. and Megara,Megara was founded on the right of the Cantaro, the ancient Alabus. -It was destroyed about 214 years B. C. situated where the rivers descending from Ætna +It was destroyed about 214 years B. C. situated where the rivers descending from Ætna fall into the sea, and afford good accommodation for shipping. @@ -31116,7 +31116,7 @@ On his return home, he was unable to persuade the Athenians to make any attempt, but he collected a numerous band of -Chalcidians in Eubœa, with some Ionians and Dorians, whereof +Chalcidians in Eubœa, with some Ionians and Dorians, whereof the most part were Megarenses, and sailed. The Chalcidians @@ -31124,7 +31124,7 @@ founded Naxos, and the Dorians Megara, which was at first called Hybla. These cities no longer exist, but the name of -Hybla survives on account of the Hyblæan honey. +Hybla survives on account of the Hyblæan honey.

The first of the cities which at present remain on the @@ -31145,7 +31145,7 @@ was originally founded by the people of Naxos near Catana. Afterwards the Mamertini, a tribe of Campanians, took possession of it.B. C. 289. The Romans, in the war in Sicily against -the Carthaginians, used it as an arsenal.B. C. 264 to 243. Still more recently,B. C. 44. Sextus Pompeius assembled his fleet in it, to contend against Augustus Cæsar; and when he relinquished the +the Carthaginians, used it as an arsenal.B. C. 264 to 243. Still more recently,B. C. 44. Sextus Pompeius assembled his fleet in it, to contend against Augustus Cæsar; and when he relinquished the island, he took ship from thence.B. C. 36. CharybdisNow called Garafalo. is pointed out @@ -31175,11 +31175,11 @@ with the best produced in Italy.These wines, although grown Italian wines. See Athen. Deipnos. lib. i, cap. 21, ed. Schweigh. tom. -i. p. 102. And from the time of Julius Cæsar they were classed in the +i. p. 102. And from the time of Julius Cæsar they were classed in the fourth division of the most esteemed wines. See Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. -xiv. § 8, No. 4 and § 17. The city is well peopled, +xiv. § 8, No. 4 and § 17. The city is well peopled, but Catana is more populous, which has been colonized by the @@ -31187,11 +31187,11 @@ Romans.At the same time as Syracuse. Tauromenium is was founded by people from Naxos, and Tauromenium by the -Zanclæns of Hybla,A note in the French translation suggests that we should read Sicilians of Hybla. tw=n e)n (/Ublh| Sikelw=n instead of Zagklai/wn. but Catana was deprived of its original +Zanclæns of Hybla,A note in the French translation suggests that we should read Sicilians of Hybla. tw=n e)n (/Ublh| Sikelw=n instead of Zagklai/wn. but Catana was deprived of its original inhabitants when Hiero, the tyrant of Syracuse, introduced -others, and called it by the name of Ætna instead of Catana. +others, and called it by the name of Ætna instead of Catana. It is of this that Pindar says he was the founder, when he @@ -31201,7 +31201,7 @@ sings, Thou understandest what I say, O father, that bearest the same name -with the splendid holy sacrifices, thou founder of Ætna.Hiero in Greek was (Ie/o|wn. The line of Pindar in Kramer's edition is, +with the splendid holy sacrifices, thou founder of Ætna.Hiero in Greek was (Ie/o|wn. The line of Pindar in Kramer's edition is, @@ -31216,22 +31216,22 @@ The words played on are (Ie/o|wn and This occurred in the year 468. the Catanæans returned and expelled the new inhabitants, and demolished the mausoleum of +But on the death of Hiero,This occurred in the year 468. the Catanæans returned and expelled the new inhabitants, and demolished the mausoleum of -the tyrant. The Ætnæans, compelled to retire,About 461. established +the tyrant. The Ætnæans, compelled to retire,About 461. established -themselves on a hilly district of Ætna, called Innesa,Cluvier considers that the monastery of Saint Nicolas de Arenis, +themselves on a hilly district of Ætna, called Innesa,Cluvier considers that the monastery of Saint Nicolas de Arenis, about 12 modern miles from Catana, is situated about the place to which Strabo here alludes. and -called the place Ætna. It is distant from Catana about 80 +called the place Ætna. It is distant from Catana about 80 stadia. They still acknowledged Hiero as their founder. -

Ætna lies the highest of any part of Catana, and participates the most in the inconveniences occasioned by the mouths +

Ætna lies the highest of any part of Catana, and participates the most in the inconveniences occasioned by the mouths -of the volcano, for the streams of lava flowing down in Catanæath\n Katanai/an. The spelling of this name, like very many in the +of the volcano, for the streams of lava flowing down in Catanæath\n Katanai/an. The spelling of this name, like very many in the present work, was by no means uniform in classic authors. Strabo has @@ -31261,7 +31261,7 @@ Piorum. to a place of safety from the impending ruin; for whenever, as Posidonius relates, there is an eruption of the -mountain the fields of the Catanæans are buried to a great depth. +mountain the fields of the Catanæans are buried to a great depth. However, after the burning ashes have occasioned a temporary @@ -31279,7 +31279,7 @@ reading forty or fifty. He also records his sorrow at having preferred the reading of fifty days to thirty, in the passage relating to the fat beasts of -Erythia, book iii. cap. 5, § 4, (page 255). in the same +Erythia, book iii. cap. 5, § 4, (page 255). in the same way as we have related a like practice at Erythia. When @@ -31303,7 +31303,7 @@ are like what would be produced by wood, and as rue thrives on wood ashes, so there is probably some quality in the ashes -of Ætna which is appropriate to the vine. +of Ætna which is appropriate to the vine.

Archaism, sailing from Corinth, founded Syracuse about @@ -31328,9 +31328,9 @@ assigned Syracuse to the former to found, and Crotona to the latter. And certainly, in like manner as it fell out that the -Crotoniatæ should inhabit a state so notable for salubrity as +Crotoniatæ should inhabit a state so notable for salubrity as -we have described,Book vi. chap. 1, § 12. so such great riches have accrued to the +we have described,Book vi. chap. 1, § 12. so such great riches have accrued to the Syracusans that their name has been embodied in the proverb @@ -31338,9 +31338,9 @@ applied to those who have too great wealth, viz. that they have not yet attained to a tithe of the riches of the Syracusans. While Archias was on his voyage to Sicily, he left -Chersicrates, a chief of the race of the Heracleidæ,According to other authorities he was descended from Bacchus. with a +Chersicrates, a chief of the race of the Heracleidæ,According to other authorities he was descended from Bacchus. with a -part of the expedition to settle the island now called Corcyra,At present Corfû. +part of the expedition to settle the island now called Corcyra,At present Corfû. but anciently called Scheria, and he, having expelled the Liburni who possessed it, established his colony in the island. @@ -31358,9 +31358,9 @@ Silius Italicus, lib. xiv. vers. 23, thus celebrates the richness of the soil, -Multa solo virtus: jam reddere fœnus aratris, +Multa solo virtus: jam reddere fœnus aratris, Jam montes umbrare olea, dare nomina Baccho; -Nectare Cecropias Hyblæo accendere ceras: +Nectare Cecropias Hyblæo accendere ceras: Silius Italicus, lib. vix. vers. 23 @@ -31424,7 +31424,7 @@ them; at a later period the Romans expelled the Carthaginians and took Syracuse Pompeius, having destroyed Syracuse in the same way as he -had done by the other cities,42 years B. C. Augustus Cæsar in our own +had done by the other cities,42 years B. C. Augustus Cæsar in our own times sent thither a colony, and to a great extent restored it @@ -31432,7 +31432,7 @@ to its former importance, for anciently it consisted of five townsThey were called Nesos, [the island Ortygia,] Achradina, Tycha, -Neapolis, and Epipolæ. Ausonius applies the epithet fourfold, +Neapolis, and Epipolæ. Ausonius applies the epithet fourfold, @@ -31442,7 +31442,7 @@ Neapolis, and Epipolæ. Ausonius applies the epithet fourfold, -Dionysius however fortified Epipolæ with a wall, and joined it to the +Dionysius however fortified Epipolæ with a wall, and joined it to the city. enclosed by a wall of 180Twenty-two miles four perches English. Swinburne spent two days @@ -31472,13 +31472,13 @@ that it flows through the land beneath the seaVirgil thus d -Sicanio prætenta sinu jacet insula contra +Sicanio prætenta sinu jacet insula contra Plemmyrium undosum: nomen dixere priores Ortygiam Alpheum fama est huc, Elidis amnem, Occultas egisse vias subtar mare; qui nunc Ore, Arethusa, tuo Sicniss confunditur undis. -Æn. iii. 69. to the place +Æn. iii. 69. to the place @@ -31519,7 +31519,7 @@ The French translators have rendered them, -Terme saint du tourment d' Alphée +Terme saint du tourment d' Alphée Bel ornement, de Syracuse Ortygia!" @@ -31530,7 +31530,7 @@ And Groskurd, -Ehrwürdige Ruhstatt Alpheos', +Ehrwürdige Ruhstatt Alpheos', Ruhmzweig Syrakossai's, o Du Ortygia. @@ -31548,9 +31548,9 @@ of the sea from Greece. a)napnoh\ also, means Conf. Antig. Caryst. Hist. Min. cap. 155. the historian advances these accounts in like manner with Pindar. Undoubtedly if before reaching the sea +TimæusConf. Antig. Caryst. Hist. Min. cap. 155. the historian advances these accounts in like manner with Pindar. Undoubtedly if before reaching the sea -the Alpheus were to fall into some chasm,According to Strabo himself, book viii. chap. 3, § 12, the Alpheus +the Alpheus were to fall into some chasm,According to Strabo himself, book viii. chap. 3, § 12, the Alpheus flows through a subterraneous course before it comes to Olympia; the @@ -31610,7 +31610,7 @@ cult passages. Many rivers, however, and in many parts of the world, flow beneath the earth, but none for so great a -distance.—Still, although there may be no impossibility in +distance.—Still, although there may be no impossibility in this circumstance, yet the above-mentioned accounts are altogether impossible, and almost as absurd as the fable related @@ -31620,7 +31620,7 @@ of the Inachus: this river, as SophoclesThe play from which Flowing from the heights of Pindus and Lacmus, passes from the -country of the PerrhœbiA people of Thessaly. to that of the AmphilochiA people of Argos. and the Acarnanians, and mingles its waters with the Achelous:Aspro-potamo. +country of the PerrhœbiA people of Thessaly. to that of the AmphilochiA people of Argos. and the Acarnanians, and mingles its waters with the Achelous:Aspro-potamo. and further on [he says], @@ -31636,7 +31636,7 @@ Those who would have the river Inopus to be a branch of the Nile flowing to Delos, exaggerate this kind of marvel to -the utmost. Zoïlus the rhetorician, in his Eulogium of the +the utmost. Zoïlus the rhetorician, in his Eulogium of the people of Tenedos, says that the river Alpheus flows from @@ -31644,11 +31644,11 @@ Tenedos: yet this is the man who blames Homer for fabulous writing. Ibycus also says that the Asopus, a river of Sicyon,In the Peloponnesus. -flows from Phrygia. Hecatæus is more rational, who says +flows from Phrygia. Hecatæus is more rational, who says that the Inachus of the Amphilochi, which flows from Mount -Lacmus, from whence also the ÆasThe Lao or the Pollina. descends, was distinct +Lacmus, from whence also the ÆasThe Lao or the Pollina. descends, was distinct from the river of like name in Argolis, and was so named after @@ -31662,44 +31662,44 @@ Amphilochus, from whom likewise the city of Argos was de- nominated Amphilochian. He says further, that this river -falls into the Achelous, and that the Æas flows to ApolloniaPollina. +falls into the Achelous, and that the Æas flows to ApolloniaPollina. towards the west. On each side of the island there is an extensive harbour; the extent of the larger one is 80The Porto Maggiore of Syracuse is scarcely half so large. stadia. -[Augustus] Cæsar has not only restored this city, but Catana, +[Augustus] Cæsar has not only restored this city, but Catana, -and likewise Centoripa,Centorbe, to the south-west of Ætna. Silius, lib. xiv., mentions it +and likewise Centoripa,Centorbe, to the south-west of Ætna. Silius, lib. xiv., mentions it -as Centuripe, largoque virens Entella Lyæo. which had contributed much towards +as Centuripe, largoque virens Entella Lyæo. which had contributed much towards the overthrow of [Sextus] Pompey. Centoripa is situated -above Catana and confines with the mountains of Ætna and +above Catana and confines with the mountains of Ætna and -the river Giaretta,The ancient Symæthus. which flows into Catanvæa. +the river Giaretta,The ancient Symæthus. which flows into Catanvæa.

-

One of the remaining sides, that stretching from Pachynus to Lilybæum, is entirely deserted; still it preserves +

One of the remaining sides, that stretching from Pachynus to Lilybæum, is entirely deserted; still it preserves a few traces of the ancient inhabitants, one of whose cities was -Camarina.Now Camarana: it was founded 600 years B. C. Acragas,Girgenti. which was a colony of the Geloi,Apparet Camarina procul, campique Geloi. Virg. Æn. iii. 701. together with its port and Lilybæum,Marsalla. still exist. In fact, these +Camarina.Now Camarana: it was founded 600 years B. C. Acragas,Girgenti. which was a colony of the Geloi,Apparet Camarina procul, campique Geloi. Virg. Æn. iii. 701. together with its port and Lilybæum,Marsalla. still exist. In fact, these regions, lying opposite to Carthage, have been wasted by the great and protracted wars which have been waged. The remaining and greatest side, although it is by no means densely -peopled, is well occupied, for Alæsa,I Bagni. Tyndaris,S. Maria di Tindaro. the emporiumCastel-à-Mare. of the Ægestani and Cephalœdium,Cefalù. are respectable +peopled, is well occupied, for Alæsa,I Bagni. Tyndaris,S. Maria di Tindaro. the emporiumCastel-à-Mare. of the Ægestani and Cephalœdium,Cefalù. are respectable towns. Panormus has received a Roman colony: they say -that ÆgestaNow ruins at Barbara. was founded by the Greeks who passed over, +that ÆgestaNow ruins at Barbara. was founded by the Greeks who passed over, as we have related when speaking of Italy, with Philoctetes -to the Crotoniatis, and were by him sent to Sicily with ÆgestusAlso called Acestes. the Trojan. +to the Crotoniatis, and were by him sent to Sicily with ÆgestusAlso called Acestes. the Trojan.

In the interior of the island a few inhabitants possess @@ -31723,7 +31723,7 @@ Sil. lib. xiv., for Proserpine, -Tum rapta præceps Ennea virgine flexit. +Tum rapta præceps Ennea virgine flexit. @@ -31753,13 +31753,13 @@ the leading of Eunus,About 146 years B. C. and susta scarcely being reduced by the Romans, occasioned much -damage to the city. The Catanæi, Tauromenitæ, and many +damage to the city. The Catanæi, Tauromenitæ, and many -others, suffered, much in like manner. † Eryx,The sentence from Eryx to notice, placed between daggers, +others, suffered, much in like manner. † Eryx,The sentence from Eryx to notice, placed between daggers, -seems to have been transposed from the end of § 5; it should immediately +seems to have been transposed from the end of § 5; it should immediately -succeed the words Ægestus the Trojan. a very lofty +succeed the words Ægestus the Trojan. a very lofty mountain, is also inhabited. It possesses a temple of Venus, @@ -31773,11 +31773,11 @@ their vows; but now, both is the neighbourhood much thinner of inhabitants, and the temple not near so well supplied with -priestesses and female attendants.Diodorus Siculus, lib. iv. § 83, tom. i. p. 326, gives a different account of the state of this place at this time. There is also an establishment of this goddess at Rome called the temple of Venus +priestesses and female attendants.Diodorus Siculus, lib. iv. § 83, tom. i. p. 326, gives a different account of the state of this place at this time. There is also an establishment of this goddess at Rome called the temple of Venus Erycina, just before the Colline Gate; in addition to the temple -it has a portico well worthy of notice. † The other settlement +it has a portico well worthy of notice. † The other settlement and most of the interior have been left to the shepherds for @@ -31785,11 +31785,11 @@ pasturage; for we do not know that Himera is yet inhabited, or Gela,Some colonists from Rhodes made a settlement here 45 years after -the foundation of Syracuse. It was overthrown about 279 years B. C. or Callipolis, or Selinus, or Eubœa, or many other +the foundation of Syracuse. It was overthrown about 279 years B. C. or Callipolis, or Selinus, or Eubœa, or many other -places; of these the Zanclæi of MylœMilazzo. founded Himera,About 649 B. C. +places; of these the Zanclæi of MylœMilazzo. founded Himera,About 649 B. C. -the people of Naxos, Callipolis,It is supposed that Callipolis anciently occupied the site of Mascalis. the Megaræans of Sicily,Those who inhabited Hybia Minor. We know that Selinus was in +the people of Naxos, Callipolis,It is supposed that Callipolis anciently occupied the site of Mascalis. the Megaræans of Sicily,Those who inhabited Hybia Minor. We know that Selinus was in existence 640 B. C., and destroyed 268 B. C. @@ -31797,13 +31797,13 @@ Selinus,Now ruins called di Pollece on the river Madiuni in Pulci. and the LeontiniThe Leontini arrived in Sicily 728 B. C., and -founded Leontini, now Lentini. Eubœa.Eubmœa was destroyed by the tyrant Gelon, who reigned from 491 to +founded Leontini, now Lentini. Eubœa.Eubmœa was destroyed by the tyrant Gelon, who reigned from 491 to 478 B. C. Eubali, Castellazzio, and a place near the little town of Licodia, not far from the source of the Drillo, have been supposed to be the -site of the ancient Eubœa. Siebenkees thinks that the words between +site of the ancient Eubœa. Siebenkees thinks that the words between -daggers at the end of § 7 should follow Eubœa. Many too of the cities +daggers at the end of § 7 should follow Eubœa. Many too of the cities @@ -31829,15 +31829,15 @@ numbers and forcibly taking settlements; for instance, as those under the command of EunusAbout 134 B. C. seized upon Enna.Castro-Ioanni. And -quite recently, during the time that we were at Rome, a certain Selurus, called the son of Ætna, was sent up to that city. +quite recently, during the time that we were at Rome, a certain Selurus, called the son of Ætna, was sent up to that city. He had been the captain of a band of robbers, and had for a -long time infested the country round Ætna, committing frequent depredations. We saw him torn to pieces by wild beasts +long time infested the country round Ætna, committing frequent depredations. We saw him torn to pieces by wild beasts in the forum after a contest of gladiators: he had been set -upon a platform fashioned to represent Mount Ætna, which +upon a platform fashioned to represent Mount Ætna, which being suddenly unfastened and falling, he was precipitated @@ -31870,7 +31870,7 @@ says that Syracuse and Eryx are situated on the sea like two citadels, and that Enna in the midst, between Syracuse and -Eryx, commands the surrounding plains. † TheKramer and Siebenkees consider that the sentence between daggers, +Eryx, commands the surrounding plains. † TheKramer and Siebenkees consider that the sentence between daggers, from The to prosperity, has been transferred from its proper @@ -31886,14 +31886,14 @@ tory of the Leontini, which was possessed by the people of Naxos settled in Sicily, suffered much, for they always shared in -the misfortunes of Syracuse, but not always in its prosperity. † +the misfortunes of Syracuse, but not always in its prosperity. †

Near to Centoripa is the town we have a little before -mentioned, Ætna, which serves as a place for travellers about +mentioned, Ætna, which serves as a place for travellers about -to ascend Mount Ætna, to halt and refresh themselves for the +to ascend Mount Ætna, to halt and refresh themselves for the expedition. For here commences the region in which is situated the summit of the mountain. The districts above are barren @@ -31979,7 +31979,7 @@ of fuel, still we are not to conclude that it is ever possible for a man to approach it in the presence of so great an opposing -power. Ætna more especially commands the shore along the +power. Ætna more especially commands the shore along the Strait and Catana, but it also overlooks the sea that washes @@ -31994,19 +31994,19 @@ smoke and thick darkness. these mountains. Groskurd makes them Madonia. take their rise oppositeTo the south-west. to -Ætna; they are not so lofty as Ætna, but extend over a much +Ætna; they are not so lofty as Ætna, but extend over a much greater surface. The whole island is hollow under ground, and full of rivers and fire like the bed of the Tyrrhenian Sea,See Humboldt, Cosmos, i. 242. -as far as Cumæa, as we before describedBook v. chap. iv. § 9. For there are hot +as far as Cumæa, as we before describedBook v. chap. iv. § 9. For there are hot springs in many places in the island, some of which are saline, as those named SelinuntiaI Bagni di Sciacca. and the springs at Himera, while -those at ÆgestaNow ruins at Barbara, in the valley of Mazzara. are fresh. Near to AcragasGirgenti. there are +those at ÆgestaNow ruins at Barbara, in the valley of Mazzara. are fresh. Near to AcragasGirgenti. there are certain lakes,A modern traveller is of opinion that these correspond with certain @@ -32037,7 +32037,7 @@ testimony, place it near Paterno, much farther north, between Catana and Centorbi, and not far from the banks of the Giaretta, the ancient -Symæthus. possess craters which cast up water in a jet, +Symæthus. possess craters which cast up water in a jet, having the appearance of a dome, and then receive it back @@ -32061,7 +32061,7 @@ Syria, which, after descending into the chasm between Apameia and Antioch, which the surface at the distance of about 40 stadia. Much the -same circumstances are remarked of the TigrisAccording to Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. vi. § 31, tom. i. p. 333, the Tigris +same circumstances are remarked of the TigrisAccording to Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. vi. § 31, tom. i. p. 333, the Tigris is ingulfed on reaching a branch of Mount Taurus, at a place called @@ -32077,7 +32077,7 @@ waters which are ingulfed with a low roaring sound near AseaThis ancient city was found in ruins by Pausanias, who says (Arcadic or book viii. cap. 44, p. 691) that at less than 20 stadia distant -from the Athenæum are found the ruins of Asea, as well as the hill on +from the Athenæum are found the ruins of Asea, as well as the hill on which the citadel of the town was built, which was surrounded by walls, @@ -32113,7 +32113,7 @@ is absorbed under the ground, to re-issue near Asea. in Arcadia, after a -copiousness as to form the Eurotas and the Alpheus,See § 4 of this chapter, page 408. whence +copiousness as to form the Eurotas and the Alpheus,See § 4 of this chapter, page 408. whence has arisen a fable extensively credited, that if a certain charm @@ -32123,7 +32123,7 @@ stream where the two rivers flow in a common channel, each crown will make its appearance in its respective river according to the charm. As for what we might add with reference -to the Timao,The ancient Timavus. See book v. chap. i. § 8, page 319. it has already been particularized. +to the Timao,The ancient Timavus. See book v. chap. i. § 8, page 319. it has already been particularized.

Phenomena, similar to these, and such as take place @@ -32132,25 +32132,25 @@ throughout Sicily,The French translation, )Itali/an. We have followed Kramer and Groskurd. are witnessed in the Lipari Islands, and -especially in Lipari itself.—These islands are seven in number, +especially in Lipari itself.—These islands are seven in number, the chief of which is Lipari, a colony of the Cnidians.Founded about B. C. 580. It is -nearest to Sicily after Thermessa.Thermessa, at present called Vulcano, is doubtless the same mentioned in Pliny's Nat. Hist. lib. iii. § 14, tom. i. p. 164, as Therasia, by +nearest to Sicily after Thermessa.Thermessa, at present called Vulcano, is doubtless the same mentioned in Pliny's Nat. Hist. lib. iii. § 14, tom. i. p. 164, as Therasia, by the error of the copyist. Paulus Orosius, lib. iv. cap. 20, says that it rose from the bed of the sea, B. C. 571. It is however certain that it was in -existence B. C. 427, confer. l'hucyd. lib. iii. § 88, and was for a considerable time called Hiera. It was originally named +existence B. C. 427, confer. l'hucyd. lib. iii. § 88, and was for a considerable time called Hiera. It was originally named Meligunis. It was possessed of a fleet, and for a considerable time repelled the incursions of the Tyrrheni.See Pausan. Phoc. or lib. x. cap. 16, p. 835. The islands -now called Liparæan were subject to it, some call them +now called Liparæan were subject to it, some call them -the islands of Æolus. The citizens were so successful +the islands of Æolus. The citizens were so successful as to make frequent offerings of the spoils taken in war to @@ -32164,7 +32164,7 @@ the temple of Apollo at Delphi.See Pausan. Phoc. or lib. x. -and minesM. le Comm. de Dolomieu considers it probable that the Liparæans +and minesM. le Comm. de Dolomieu considers it probable that the Liparæans obtained this alum by the lixiviation of earths exposed to the acidosulphurous vapours of their volcanos, pp. 77, 78. of alum easy to be wrought, hot springs,These hot springs are not much frequented, although they still exist. and @@ -32182,7 +32182,7 @@ have already obstructed a considerable portion of the strait [between Thermessa and the island Lipari]; repeated observations have led to the belief that the flames of the volcanos, -both in this island and at Mount Ætna, are stimulated by the +both in this island and at Mount Ætna, are stimulated by the windsSee Humboldt, Cosm. i. 242. as they rise; and when the winds are lulled, the flames @@ -32246,7 +32246,7 @@ invention of the poet, appears not to have been written without some foundation, allegorical style, while guided by the truth, when he says that -Æolus is the steward of the winds;Odyss. lib. x. 21. however, we have formerly said enough as to this.Here follow some words which convey no intelligible meaning.— +Æolus is the steward of the winds;Odyss. lib. x. 21. however, we have formerly said enough as to this.Here follow some words which convey no intelligible meaning.— They are written in the margin of some of the manuscripts. Kramer @@ -32266,9 +32266,9 @@ arise equally from graphic representation and animated description. Pleasure at least is common to both. The following are Groskurd's -own words: Gross allerdings ist der Eindruck kräftiger Lebendigkeit, +own words: Gross allerdings ist der Eindruck kräftiger Lebendigkeit, -[von welcher] man behaupten darf, [dass sie vorzüglich sowohl Bewunderung als Vergniigen gewahre]. Denn Beide erfolgen gleichermassen, +[von welcher] man behaupten darf, [dass sie vorzüglich sowohl Bewunderung als Vergniigen gewahre]. Denn Beide erfolgen gleichermassen, sowohl durch Darstellung als durch Lebendigkeit; das Vergniigen wenigstens ist Beiden gemein. We will now return to the @@ -32291,7 +32291,7 @@ the other two, it is subigneous, but is deficient in the force of the flames which are emitted, while their brightness is -greater. It is here they say that Æolus resided.Most of the ancient authors agree in considering Lipari as the residence of & Æolus. See Cluver. Sic. Ant. lib. ii. cap. 14. The +greater. It is here they say that Æolus resided.Most of the ancient authors agree in considering Lipari as the residence of & Æolus. See Cluver. Sic. Ant. lib. ii. cap. 14. The fourth is Didyma; this island also is named from its @@ -32321,7 +32321,7 @@ works there. Of the others, [the fifth and sixth] are Ericus- saEricussa, now called Alicudi or Alicurim, is covered with trees, it is -inhabited, but little cultivated. The pasturage is pretty good. and phœnicussa;Phœnicussa, now Felicudi or Filicurim, abounds in rich pastures; +inhabited, but little cultivated. The pasturage is pretty good. and phœnicussa;Phœnicussa, now Felicudi or Filicurim, abounds in rich pastures; both wheat and the vine are here cultivated. they are called from the plants which they produce, and are given up to pasture. The seventh @@ -32345,7 +32345,7 @@ Nera, Lisca-Bianca, and Basiluzzo. M. Gossellin very justly remarks that it is quite possible the volcanos, which continually burn in the -islands of Æolus, may have formed some new one, and gives some good +islands of Æolus, may have formed some new one, and gives some good reasons for identifying Didyma with Panaria. it is the farthest in the sea and @@ -32391,7 +32391,7 @@ issued, and smoke and smoky blazes; afterwards it congealed and became a rock like mill-stones. Titus Flaminius,A note in the French translation suggests that, notwithstanding the -accord of all manuscripts, we should, doubtless, understand Titus Quinctius Flaminius, prætor in A.. U C. 628, and B. C. 126. who +accord of all manuscripts, we should, doubtless, understand Titus Quinctius Flaminius, prætor in A.. U C. 628, and B. C. 126. who then commanded in Sicily, despatched to the senate [of Rome] @@ -32403,7 +32403,7 @@ little island [which had thus been formed] and the Lipari Islands. Now the chorographer reckons that from Ericodes -to Phœnicodes are 10 miles, from thence to Didyma 30, +to Phœnicodes are 10 miles, from thence to Didyma 30, from thence to the northernmost pointpo|o\s a)/rkton, in Kramer's text. We have followed the example set @@ -32415,7 +32415,7 @@ many other things in this passage are exceedingly confused, and remain incapable of conjectural elucidation. of Lipari 29, and -from thence to Sicily 19, while from Strongyle are 16.From Ericodes, now Alicudi, to Phœnicodes, now Felicudi, the +from thence to Sicily 19, while from Strongyle are 16.From Ericodes, now Alicudi, to Phœnicodes, now Felicudi, the distance given by the chorographer is the same as that set down by @@ -32451,7 +32451,7 @@ nearly correct. MelitaMalta. lies before both of them are situated about 88 miles distant from that promontory. CossuraPantelaria. -is situated before Cape Lilybæsum, and opposite the Carthaginian city Aspis, which they call [in Latin] Clypea, it is +is situated before Cape Lilybæsum, and opposite the Carthaginian city Aspis, which they call [in Latin] Clypea, it is situated in the midst of the space which lies between those @@ -32463,7 +32463,7 @@ situated in the midst of the space which lies between those two places, and is distant from each the number of miles -last given.This M. Gossellin very satisfactorily proves to be 88. Ægimurus also and other little islands lie off +last given.This M. Gossellin very satisfactorily proves to be 88. Ægimurus also and other little islands lie off Sicily and Africa. So much for the islands. @@ -32512,7 +32512,7 @@ sea-shore from Brindisi to Bari. 3. From Bari to Garagnone or Gorgoglione, the a Garagnone to Tarentum, constituting what is called in modern geography -Terra di Bari.–The following are the limits of the Dannii. 1. From Garagnone to Bari. 2. From Bari to Peschici or to Rodi. 3. Thence to +Terra di Bari.–The following are the limits of the Dannii. 1. From Garagnone to Bari. 2. From Bari to Peschici or to Rodi. 3. Thence to Lucera; and, 4 from Lucera to Garagnone. Thus they occupied a @@ -32534,7 +32534,7 @@ separates from La Capitanata. in the Greek language, but the inhabitants the whole region beyond the Calabri, Apulia. Some of -these people are called Pœdicli,The name of Pœdiculi was given to the inhabitants of that portion +these people are called Pœdicli,The name of Pœdiculi was given to the inhabitants of that portion of Peucetia which was more particularly situated on the coast between @@ -32619,11 +32619,11 @@ city.

Antiochus, speaking of the foundation of this city, says -that after the Messenian warThat which commenced about 743 B. C. such of the Lacedæmonians as +that after the Messenian warThat which commenced about 743 B. C. such of the Lacedæmonians as did not join the army were sentenced to be slaves, and denominated Helots; and that such as were born during the -period of the war they termed Partheniæ, and decreed to be +period of the war they termed Partheniæ, and decreed to be base: but these not bearing the reproach, (for they were @@ -32647,7 +32647,7 @@ apparently the chief leader of them, but who was not quite pleased with those who had been named to conduct their deliberations.There is little doubt that this passage is corrupt. It was agreed that at the Hyacinthine games, -celebrated in the temple of Amyclæ, just at the conclusion of +celebrated in the temple of Amyclæ, just at the conclusion of the contest, and when Phalanthus should put on his helmet,kune/h, a leathern cap or hat, a helmet, &c. See also page 426. @@ -32703,7 +32703,7 @@ Ant. de Ferrar. Galat. de sit. Iapyg. edit. nell. Racco -The Partheniæ accordingly accompanied Phalanthus to their +The Partheniæ accordingly accompanied Phalanthus to their destination, and the barbarians and Cretans,Mazoch. Prod. ad Heracl. pseph. diatr. ii. cap. 4, sect. 4, page 96, @@ -32715,11 +32715,11 @@ possessed the country, received them kindly. They say that these Cretans were the party who sailed with Minos to Sicily, -and that after his death, which took place at Camici,According to Sicilian topographers, Camici was the same as the citadel of Acragas [Girgenti].—Cluvier, Sic. Ant. lib. ii. cap. 15, p. 207, is +and that after his death, which took place at Camici,According to Sicilian topographers, Camici was the same as the citadel of Acragas [Girgenti].—Cluvier, Sic. Ant. lib. ii. cap. 15, p. 207, is of opinion that Camici occupied the site of Siculiana, on the Fiume -delle Canne. D'Anville, Géogr. Anc. tom. i. p. 219, and tom. iii. p. 146, +delle Canne. D'Anville, Géogr. Anc. tom. i. p. 219, and tom. iii. p. 146, seems to locate Camici at Platanella, on the Fiume di Platani. in the @@ -32729,20 +32729,20 @@ in their voyage they were cast by tempest on this coast, some of whom, afterwards coasting the Adriatic on foot, reached -Macedonia, and were called Bottiæi.There are various readings of this name. They further add, that +Macedonia, and were called Bottiæi.There are various readings of this name. They further add, that -all the people who reach as far as Daunia were called Iapygians, from Iapyx, who was born to Dædalus by a Cretan +all the people who reach as far as Daunia were called Iapygians, from Iapyx, who was born to Dædalus by a Cretan woman, and became a chief leader of the Cretans. The city -Tarentum was named from a certain hero.There is a tradition that Taras was born to Neptune by Satyræa, +Tarentum was named from a certain hero.There is a tradition that Taras was born to Neptune by Satyræa, daughter of Minos.

Ephorus gives the following account of the foundation. -The Lacedæmonians waged war against the Messenians, who +The Lacedæmonians waged war against the Messenians, who had murdered their king, Teleclus,About 745 B. C. when he visited Messene @@ -32758,17 +32758,17 @@ all slain. They left only the youngest and oldest of the citi- zens to keep their own country. After this, in the tenth -[year] of the war, the Lacedæmonian matrons assembled and +[year] of the war, the Lacedæmonian matrons assembled and deputed certain women to remonstrate with the citizens, and show them that they were carrying on the war with the Messenians on very disadvantageous terms, for they, abiding in -their own country, procreated children, while the Lacedæmonians, leaving their wives in a state like widowhood, remained +their own country, procreated children, while the Lacedæmonians, leaving their wives in a state like widowhood, remained away in the war; and to expose the great peril there was of -the depopulation of their country. The Lacedæmonians, +the depopulation of their country. The Lacedæmonians, being both desirous of observing their oath, and taking into @@ -32786,9 +32786,9 @@ that means they would bear the more children; which having been accordingly obeyed, the children who were born were -denominated Partheniæ. Messene was taken after a war of +denominated Partheniæ. Messene was taken after a war of -nineteen years, as Tyrtæus says, +nineteen years, as Tyrtæus says, @@ -32804,13 +32804,13 @@ nineteen years, as Tyrtæus says,

Thus then did they destroy Messenia, but returning home, -they neglected to honour the Partheniæ like other youths, and +they neglected to honour the Partheniæ like other youths, and treated them as though they had been born out of wedlock. -The Partheniæ, leaguing with the Helots, conspired against +The Partheniæ, leaguing with the Helots, conspired against -the Lacedæmonians, and agreed to raise a Laconic felt hatpi=los Lakwniko/s. in +the Lacedæmonians, and agreed to raise a Laconic felt hatpi=los Lakwniko/s. in the market-place as a signal for the commencement of hostilities. Some of the Helots betrayed the plot, but the @@ -32830,7 +32830,7 @@ market-place; when they therefore perceived that their plot -was disclosed they desisted, and the Lacedæmonians persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their fathers, to +was disclosed they desisted, and the Lacedæmonians persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their fathers, to leave the country and colonize: and advised them, if they @@ -32907,7 +32907,7 @@ that we should here read kuli/starnos instead of commodious for their meetings, should be properly fortified for -their reception.—And indeed they say that the misfortune326 B. C. +their reception.—And indeed they say that the misfortune326 B. C. of that prince was chiefly due to a want of good feeling on @@ -33018,8 +33018,8 @@ river Idro which runs close to Otranto, says, -Et cunctas revocare rates, quas avius Hydrûs, -Antiquusque Taras, secretaque litora Leucæ. +Et cunctas revocare rates, quas avius Hydrûs, +Antiquusque Taras, secretaque litora Leucæ. Quas recipit Salapina palus, et subdita Sipus Montibus. Lucan, v.374 @@ -33027,7 +33027,7 @@ river Idro which runs close to Otranto, says, And Cicero, writing of the town to Tyro, book xvi. epistle 9, says of his -voyage from Cassiope, Inde Austro lenissimo, cœlo sereno, nocte illa et +voyage from Cassiope, Inde Austro lenissimo, cœlo sereno, nocte illa et die postero in Italiam ad Hydruntem ludibundi pervenimus. This place @@ -33045,7 +33045,7 @@ wind they steer towards the haven of Brentesium, or the passengers disembarking proceed on foot by a shorter way -through Rudiæ, a Grecian city, where the poet Ennius was +through Rudiæ, a Grecian city, where the poet Ennius was born.B. C. 239. The district which we have followed by sea from @@ -33070,13 +33070,13 @@ some, as we have said before, do make a distinction. Thus have we described the towns on the sea-coast.

-

In the inland are Rudiæ and Lupiæ, and at a short distance from the sea Aletia;We have followed Kramer's text in calling this place Aletia, several +

In the inland are Rudiæ and Lupiæ, and at a short distance from the sea Aletia;We have followed Kramer's text in calling this place Aletia, several MSS. read Salepia. Cramer, in his description of Ancient Italy, vol ii. p. 316, says, Aletium is naturally supposed to have occupied the site of -the church of S. Maria della Lizza.—It was called )Alh/tion by Ptolemy. about the middle of the isthmus +the church of S. Maria della Lizza.—It was called )Alh/tion by Ptolemy. about the middle of the isthmus is Uria,We have followed Kramer's reading; some MSS. have Quo|e/ai, some @@ -33100,9 +33100,9 @@ Theseus from Cnossus;About B. C. 1323Torre d' Agnazzo. then Celia,Ceglie, south of Bari. Netium,Now Noja; but the identity of this place has been much canvassed. Canusium,Canosa. and Herdonia.Now Ordona, about twelve miles to the east of Æca, now Troja. +Egnatia,Torre d' Agnazzo. then Celia,Ceglie, south of Bari. Netium,Now Noja; but the identity of this place has been much canvassed. Canusium,Canosa. and Herdonia.Now Ordona, about twelve miles to the east of Æca, now Troja. Livy records the defeat of the Roman forces at this place in two successive years. Hannibal removed the inhabitants and fired the town, @@ -33157,7 +33157,7 @@ Livy records the defeat of the Roman forces at this place in two successive year Frontinus as Ardona. Ptolemy and Silius Italicus, viii. 568, mention it -as Herdonia— +as Herdonia— @@ -33181,7 +33181,7 @@ from Brentesium run into one near Beneventum and Campania, and thence to Rome it and runs through Caudium,Paolisi. Calatia,Le Galazze Capua,S. Maria di Capoa. and Casilinum,Capoa Nova. -to Sinuessa.Monte Dragone, or Mondragone. The way from thence to Rome has been already described.—The whole length of the Appian Way from +to Sinuessa.Monte Dragone, or Mondragone. The way from thence to Rome has been already described.—The whole length of the Appian Way from Rome to Brentesium is 360 miles.

@@ -33271,12 +33271,12 @@ them. -Ne forte credas interitura, quæ +Ne forte credas interitura, quæ Longe sonantem natus ad Aufidum, Non ante vulgatas per artes Verba loquor socianda chordis. on which the Canu- -sitæ have established an emporium, there are 400M. Gossellin considers this rather too much, and supposes 315 stadia +sitæ have established an emporium, there are 400M. Gossellin considers this rather too much, and supposes 315 stadia would be nearer the truth. stadia. @@ -33308,7 +33308,7 @@ city of the Daunii, but now it is of no account. Again, in the neighbouring sea there are two islands called the Diomedean islands, one of which is inhabited, but the other, they -say, is desert: in the latter it is fabled that Diomed disappeared from the earth, and that his companions were transformed into birds,See book v. c. 1, § 9, p. 320. Ptolemy makes these five which is +say, is desert: in the latter it is fabled that Diomed disappeared from the earth, and that his companions were transformed into birds,See book v. c. 1, § 9, p. 320. Ptolemy makes these five which is the number of the isles of Tremiti at present, if we include in the group @@ -33326,7 +33326,7 @@ and lead a sort of human life, both in respect of food, and their readiness to approach men of gentle manners, and to -shun the evil and wanton. We have already noticedBook v. c. i. § 9, p. 320. what +shun the evil and wanton. We have already noticedBook v. c. i. § 9, p. 320. what is currently reported amongst the Heneti concerning this hero @@ -33364,7 +33364,7 @@ the oracle offer a black ram to him, and sleep upon the fleece, the other below near the foot of the hill is dedicated to Podalirius, it is about a hundred stadia distant from the sea; from -this hill also flows a stream,Lycophron calls this stream by the name of Althænus. which is a potent cure for all +this hill also flows a stream,Lycophron calls this stream by the name of Althænus. which is a potent cure for all manner of diseases among cattle.Groskurd is of opinion that some words to the following effect have @@ -33408,7 +33408,7 @@ end of his days; a third is the fable I have already noticed, that he vanished in the island [of Teutria], and one might -reckon as a fourth that of the Heneti,See <*> v. c. l. § 9, p. 320. for they somehow +reckon as a fourth that of the Heneti,See <*> v. c. l. § 9, p. 320. for they somehow make out that he finished his career among them, as they @@ -33437,7 +33437,7 @@ that Strabo was mistaken as to the length of the stadium used by Artemidorus, an accounts. Thence to Ancona, the first says there are 254 miles, -whilst Artemidorus has given but 1250 stadia to the Fiumesino,The ancient Æsis. near to Ancona, which is much shorter. Polybius +whilst Artemidorus has given but 1250 stadia to the Fiumesino,The ancient Æsis. near to Ancona, which is much shorter. Polybius says that from Iapygia the distance has been laid down in @@ -33461,7 +33461,7 @@ calculations, when he made this observation on the length of the Illyrian shore, and refers to what Strabo will himself state in book vii. chap. v. -sections 3, 4, and 9, and to his estimate of 6150 stadia from the Ceraunian Mountains to Iapygia in book ii. chap. iv. § 3, p. 159. Indeed they all generally differ +sections 3, 4, and 9, and to his estimate of 6150 stadia from the Ceraunian Mountains to Iapygia in book ii. chap. iv. § 3, p. 159. Indeed they all generally differ among themselves in stating distances, as we often have occasion to remark. Wherever it is possible to discriminate we @@ -33510,7 +33510,7 @@ whole of this country was flourishing, but Hannibal and the wars which subsequently occurred have wasted it. Here too -was fought the battle of Cannæ, where there was so great a +was fought the battle of Cannæ, where there was so great a slaughter of the Roman forces and their allies.B. C. 216. Near this @@ -33526,7 +33526,7 @@ ancient Frento; its ruins are stated to exist on the site of Civitate, about a mile from the right bank of the Fortore, and ten miles from the sea. -Cramer, vol. ii. p. 273. having a like name with that of the Sidicini.Now Teano, six miles from Sessa, and fifteen from Capua. It is between this and the neighbourhood of Dicæ- +Cramer, vol. ii. p. 273. having a like name with that of the Sidicini.Now Teano, six miles from Sessa, and fifteen from Capua. It is between this and the neighbourhood of Dicæ- archiaPozzuolo. that the breadth of Italy is so contracted as to form @@ -33542,7 +33542,7 @@ Penna. and the country of the Frentani. There are 200 stadia from the lak to the Garganum. The remainder of the towns in the vicinity -of Buca have been before described.Book v. chap. iv. § 2, p. 359. +of Buca have been before described.Book v. chap. iv. § 2, p. 359. @@ -33642,7 +33642,7 @@ should be summarily added about the Romans who have possessed themselves of it, whence to enforce their universal dominion, we would offer -the following.—The Romans, after the foundation of their +the following.—The Romans, after the foundation of their state, discreetly existed as a kingdom for many years, till @@ -33664,9 +33664,9 @@ importance, it chanced that they lost their city suddenly, contrary to the expectation of all men, and again recovered -the same contrary to all expectation.See Poly b. Hist. book i. chap. vi. § 1, edit. Schweigh, tom. i. p. 12. This took place, according to Polybius, in the nineteenth year after the naval +the same contrary to all expectation.See Poly b. Hist. book i. chap. vi. § 1, edit. Schweigh, tom. i. p. 12. This took place, according to Polybius, in the nineteenth year after the naval -engagement of Ægos-potami,This battle was fought in the year 405 B. C. about the time of the con- +engagement of Ægos-potami,This battle was fought in the year 405 B. C. about the time of the con- clusion of the peace of Antalcidas.Concluded 387 B. C. Having escaped these @@ -33730,11 +33730,11 @@ the subjugation of the land to their sway until they had entirely overthrown it: and subdued Viriathus,In the year B. C. 140. and afterwards vanquished Sertorius,B. C. 72. -and last of all the Cantabrians,The inhabitants of Biscay. who were brought to subjection by Augustus Cæsar.B. C. 19. Likewise the whole of Gaul both +and last of all the Cantabrians,The inhabitants of Biscay. who were brought to subjection by Augustus Cæsar.B. C. 19. Likewise the whole of Gaul both within and beyond the Alps with Liguria were annexed at first -by a partial occupation, but subsequently divus Cæsar and +by a partial occupation, but subsequently divus Cæsar and then Augustus subdued them completely in open war, so that @@ -33766,11 +33766,11 @@ see, about A. D. 18; while he did not compile the 17th Book till after Juba's death, which must have taken place before A. D. 21. See M. -l' Abbé Sevin, Rech. sur la Vie, &c., de Juba, +l' Abbé Sevin, Rech. sur la Vie, &c., de Juba, Ac. des Inscr. et Belles- -Lettres, vol. iv. Mém. p. 462. on account of +Lettres, vol. iv. Mém. p. 462. on account of his good will and friendship towards the Romans. The like @@ -33782,25 +33782,25 @@ when their several lines of succession failed, as of that of the kings Attalus,Attalus III., king of Pergamus, died 133 B. C., and constituted the -Roman people his heir. the kings of the Syrians,We may here observe that the Seleucidæ ceased to reign in Syria as +Roman people his heir. the kings of the Syrians,We may here observe that the Seleucidæ ceased to reign in Syria as early as 83 B. C., when that country, wearied of their sad dissensions, willingly submitted to Tigranes the king of Armenia, but their race was -not extinct, and even in the year 64 B. C. when Pompey made the kingdom a Roman province, there were two princes of the Seleucidæ, Antiochus Asiaticus and his brother Seleucus-Cybiosactes, who had an +not extinct, and even in the year 64 B. C. when Pompey made the kingdom a Roman province, there were two princes of the Seleucidæ, Antiochus Asiaticus and his brother Seleucus-Cybiosactes, who had an -hereditary right to the throne; the latter however died about 54 B. C., and in him terminated the race of the Seleucidæ. the Paphlagonians,The race of the kings of Paphlagonia became extinct about 7 B. C. +hereditary right to the throne; the latter however died about 54 B. C., and in him terminated the race of the Seleucidæ. the Paphlagonians,The race of the kings of Paphlagonia became extinct about 7 B. C. -See M. l' Abbé Belley, Diss. sur l' ère de Germanicopolis, &c. +See M. l' Abbé Belley, Diss. sur l' ère de Germanicopolis, &c. Ac. des -Inscr. et Belles-Lettres, vol. xxx. Mém. p. 331. +Inscr. et Belles-Lettres, vol. xxx. Mém. p. 331. -Cappadocians,The royal race of Cappadocia failed about 91 B. C. and Egyptians,The race of the Lagidæ terminated with Ptolemy Auletes, who died +Cappadocians,The royal race of Cappadocia failed about 91 B. C. and Egyptians,The race of the Lagidæ terminated with Ptolemy Auletes, who died -44 B. C., leaving two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoë. Ptolemy Apion +44 B. C., leaving two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoë. Ptolemy Apion died 96 B. C.; he left Cyrene, whereof he was king, to the Roman people [or] when they revolted and @@ -33830,9 +33830,9 @@ the banks of the Euxine, excepting only those who dwell on the -BosphorusStrabo will relate in book vii. chap. iv. § 4, that after the defeat of +BosphorusStrabo will relate in book vii. chap. iv. § 4, that after the defeat of -Mithridates Eupator they became subject to the Romans. and the Nomades;See more as to these people in book vii. chap. iii. § 17. of these the former are in subjection to the Romans, and the latter are unprofitable for commerce on account of their wandering life, and only require to be +Mithridates Eupator they became subject to the Romans. and the Nomades;See more as to these people in book vii. chap. iii. § 17. of these the former are in subjection to the Romans, and the latter are unprofitable for commerce on account of their wandering life, and only require to be watched. The rest of the countries [of Asia] are chiefly inhabited by ScenitesInhabitants of tents. and Nomades who dwell at a great distance. The Parthians indeed border on them and are very @@ -33842,13 +33842,13 @@ the Romans and our emperors, that they have not only sent backIn the year 20 B. C. See book xvi. -chap. i. § 28. to Rome the trophies which they had at a still more +chap. i. § 28. to Rome the trophies which they had at a still more distant period taken from the Romans, but Phraates has even -sent his sons and his sons' sons to Augustus Cæsar, as +sent his sons and his sons' sons to Augustus Cæsar, as -hostages, assiduously courting his friendship:Compare Tacitus, Annales, lib. ii. § 1. indeed the +hostages, assiduously courting his friendship:Compare Tacitus, Annales, lib. ii. § 1. indeed the [Parthians] of the present time frequently send for a king @@ -33868,13 +33868,13 @@ Indeed it were hard to administer the affairs of so great an empire otherwise than by committing them to one man as a -father.Compare the words of Tacitus, Annal. lib. i. § 9, Non aliud discordantis patriæ remedium fuisse, quàm ut ab uno regeretur. For it would never have been in the power of the +father.Compare the words of Tacitus, Annal. lib. i. § 9, Non aliud discordantis patriæ remedium fuisse, quàm ut ab uno regeretur. For it would never have been in the power of the Romans and their allies to attain to a state of such perfect peace, and the enjoyment of such abundant prosperity, as -Augustus Cæsar afforded them from the time that he took +Augustus Cæsar afforded them from the time that he took upon himself the absolute authority; and which his son Tiberius, who has succeeded him, still maintains, who takes his @@ -33900,11 +33900,11 @@ him for their model.

BOOK VII. -GERMANY.—THE CIMBRI, GETÆ, DACI.—MOUTHS OF THE DANUBE.—THE +GERMANY.—THE CIMBRI, GETÆ, DACI.—MOUTHS OF THE DANUBE.—THE TAURICA CHERSONESUS, ILLYRICUM, HUNGARY, EPIRUS, DODONA, MACE- -DONIA, THRACE.—THE HELLESPONT. +DONIA, THRACE.—THE HELLESPONT. @@ -33912,7 +33912,7 @@ DONIA, THRACE.—THE HELLESPONT.

In the Seventh Book Strabo describes the remaining portions of Europe. -That on the east is the country beyond the Rhine, as far as the DonThe ancient Tanais. and the mouth of the Sea of Azof;Palus Mæotis. and on the south, that which the +That on the east is the country beyond the Rhine, as far as the DonThe ancient Tanais. and the mouth of the Sea of Azof;Palus Mæotis. and on the south, that which the DanubeThe ancient Ister. bounds, lying between the Adriatic and the left shores of the Euxine, as far as Greece and the Sea of Marmora,The ancient Propontis. including the whole of Macedonia.

@@ -33966,17 +33966,17 @@ situated to the north of the Danube, and are occupied by the Galatic and German tribes, as far as the territory of the -Bastarnæ,The Bastarnæ were a people occupying portions of the modern Moldavia, Podolia, and the Ukraine. the Tyregetæ,The Tyregetæ, or the Getæ of the river Tyras, were a people dwelling on the Dniester, to the south of the Bastarnæ. and the river Dnieper; so also is the country situated between the Dnieper, the Don, and the +Bastarnæ,The Bastarnæ were a people occupying portions of the modern Moldavia, Podolia, and the Ukraine. the Tyregetæ,The Tyregetæ, or the Getæ of the river Tyras, were a people dwelling on the Dniester, to the south of the Bastarnæ. and the river Dnieper; so also is the country situated between the Dnieper, the Don, and the mouth of the Sea of Azof, which on one side stretches back as far as the [Northern] Ocean,The ancient geographers supposed that the Northern Ocean extended -to the 56° of north latitude. Their notions of the existence of the Baltic +to the 56° of north latitude. Their notions of the existence of the Baltic were vague. They therefore confounded it with the Northern Ocean, -thus making the continent of Europe to extend only to the 56° of north +thus making the continent of Europe to extend only to the 56° of north latitude. and on another is washed @@ -34002,7 +34002,7 @@ more fierce, of a larger stature, and more ruddy in countenance; but in every ot and manners of life, are such as we have related of the -Kelts.See book iv. chap. iv. § 2, pp. 291, 292. The Romans therefore, I think, have very appositely +Kelts.See book iv. chap. iv. § 2, pp. 291, 292. The Romans therefore, I think, have very appositely applied to them the name Germani, as signifying genuine; @@ -34115,7 +34115,7 @@ portion of the Suevi dwells within the Forest, while another portion occupies the territory beyond, on the frontiers of the -Getæ; wherefore the nation of the Suevi is the most considerable, as it extends from the Rhine as far as the Elbe, +Getæ; wherefore the nation of the Suevi is the most considerable, as it extends from the Rhine as far as the Elbe, and even a part of them, as the Hermonduri and the Langobardi, inhabit the country beyond the Elbe; but at the present time these tribes, having been defeated, have retired entirely beyond the Elbe. All these nations easily change their @@ -34212,9 +34212,9 @@ when they treacherously attacked Quintilius Varus, and even to this day continues the war; likewise his son Thumelicus, -a boy three years old, as also Sesithacus, the son of Segimerus,Ægimerus in Tacitus, Annal. lib. i. cap. 71. chief of the Cherusci, and his wife Rhamis, the daughter +a boy three years old, as also Sesithacus, the son of Segimerus,Ægimerus in Tacitus, Annal. lib. i. cap. 71. chief of the Cherusci, and his wife Rhamis, the daughter -of Ucromirus,Acrumerus, according to the correction of Cluverius. He is Actumerus in Tacitus, Annal. lib. xi. 16, 17. chief of the Chatti,MSS. Batti, which Vossius reckons were the Batavi. and Deudorix, the son of Bætorix, the brother of Melon, of the nation of the Sicambri; but Segestes, the father-in-law of Armenius, from the +of Ucromirus,Acrumerus, according to the correction of Cluverius. He is Actumerus in Tacitus, Annal. lib. xi. 16, 17. chief of the Chatti,MSS. Batti, which Vossius reckons were the Batavi. and Deudorix, the son of Bætorix, the brother of Melon, of the nation of the Sicambri; but Segestes, the father-in-law of Armenius, from the commencement opposed the designs of his son-in-law, and @@ -34285,7 +34285,7 @@ When Tiberius had proceeded but one day's journey from the lake, he came in sight of the sources of the Danube.Gossellin says that the sources of the Danube are about 14 leagues distant from the western extremity of the Lake Constance. -

The territory of the RhætiThe Rhæti possessed the countries of the Grisons and the Tyrol, extending to the eastern shores of the Lake Constance. borders some portion of this +

The territory of the RhætiThe Rhæti possessed the countries of the Grisons and the Tyrol, extending to the eastern shores of the Lake Constance. borders some portion of this lake, but the greater part of the shores belong to the HelvetiiThe Helvetii, or Swiss, possessed the southern borders of the Lake @@ -34321,7 +34321,7 @@ Bohemia. The nations as far as the Pannonians,The Pannonians occupied the districts of Hungary west of the Danube. but more especially the -Helvetii and Vindelici, inhabit high table lands. The Rhæti +Helvetii and Vindelici, inhabit high table lands. The Rhæti and the Norici,The Norici inhabited that part of Austria which lies between the @@ -34348,7 +34348,7 @@ enough: for instance, no one could accept the reason given for their wandering life and piracy, that, dwelling on a peninsula, they were driven out of their settlements by a very high -tide;See also book ii. chap. 3, § 6. Festus relates that the Ambrones +tide;See also book ii. chap. 3, § 6. Festus relates that the Ambrones abandoned their country on account of this tide. The Ambrones were @@ -34378,7 +34378,7 @@ passage as follows: For although it is true that the oce more or less height, still they occur periodically, and in an order constantly the same. Neither is it true, as has been related,Aristotle, Ethics, Eudem. lib. iii. cap. 1, Nicolas of Damascus, and -Ælian, Var. Histor. lib. xii. cap. 23, have attributed the like extravagant +Ælian, Var. Histor. lib. xii. cap. 23, have attributed the like extravagant proceedings to the Kelts or Gauls. Nicolas of Damascus, Reliq. pp. @@ -34445,7 +34445,7 @@ writers, and not inaptly conjectures that the Cimbri, on account of their wander have made an expedition as far as the countries around the -Palus Mæotis, and that from them has been derived the name +Palus Mæotis, and that from them has been derived the name of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, or what we should more correctly denominate the Cimbrian Bosphorus, for the Greeks @@ -34454,7 +34454,7 @@ call the Cimbri Cimmerii. Hercynian Forest, and that the Cimbri, having made an incursion into those parts, were repulsed by them, and driven -towards the Danube, and the country occupied by the Scordisci, a Galatic tribe, and from thence to the Tauristæ, or +towards the Danube, and the country occupied by the Scordisci, a Galatic tribe, and from thence to the Tauristæ, or Taurisci, a people likewise of Galatic origin, and farther to the @@ -34481,9 +34481,9 @@ plerosque numinis loco habitam. clad in white, with cloaks of carbasusPliny, lib. xix. cap. 1, describes this carbasus as very fine flax, -grown in the neighbourhood of Tarragona in Spain. The Père Hardouin +grown in the neighbourhood of Tarragona in Spain. The Père Hardouin -considers that the carbasus or fabric manufactured of this flax was similar to the French batiste.—The flax and the fabric were alike called +considers that the carbasus or fabric manufactured of this flax was similar to the French batiste.—The flax and the fabric were alike called carbasus. fastened on with clasps, girt @@ -34493,7 +34493,7 @@ bearing drawn swords, went to meet the captives throughout the camp, and, having crowned them, led them to a brazen -vessel containing about 20 amphoræ, and placed on a raised +vessel containing about 20 amphoræ, and placed on a raised @@ -34546,7 +34546,7 @@ But as for any particulars as to Germany beyond the Elbe, or of the countries which lie beyond it in order, whether we -should call them the Bastarnæ, as most geographers suppose, +should call them the Bastarnæ, as most geographers suppose, or whether other nations intervene, such as the Jazyges,Gossellin places the Jazyges in the southern districts of the Ukraine, @@ -34575,11 +34575,11 @@ Germans. -nationsThe Bastarne and Tyregetæ, mentioned in chap. i. § I, of this book, +nationsThe Bastarne and Tyregetæ, mentioned in chap. i. § I, of this book, -to whom, in book ii. chap. v. § 30, Strabo adds also the Sauromatæ. of the north, for we know neither the Bastarnæ nor +to whom, in book ii. chap. v. § 30, Strabo adds also the Sauromatæ. of the north, for we know neither the Bastarnæ nor -the Sauromatæ;The Sauromatæ, or Sarmatians, living to the east of the Sea of Azoff +the Sauromatæ;The Sauromatæ, or Sarmatians, living to the east of the Sea of Azoff and along the banks of the Don. nor, in a word, any of those tribes situate @@ -34598,7 +34598,7 @@ that sea.

As to the southern part of Germany beyond the Elbe, -the country which adjoins the bank of that river is now occupied by the Suevi. Next lies the country of the Getæ, at first +the country which adjoins the bank of that river is now occupied by the Suevi. Next lies the country of the Getæ, at first narrow, its southern side extends along the Danube, and the @@ -34606,11 +34606,11 @@ opposite side along the mountains of the Hercynian Forest, even including part of those mountains, it then becomes broader -towards the north, and extends as far as the Tyregetæ; however, we are unable to declare its boundaries with accuracy; +towards the north, and extends as far as the Tyregetæ; however, we are unable to declare its boundaries with accuracy; and it is on account of our ignorance of these places that -those who relate fables of the Riphæan mountains and the +those who relate fables of the Riphæan mountains and the Hyperboreans have received credit; as also that which Pytheas of Marseilles has forged concerning the countries bordering on the Northern Ocean, making use of his acquaintance with astronomy and mathematics to fabricate his false @@ -34625,11 +34625,11 @@ that she, being snatched by the north wind, was carried Over the whole ocean, to the extremities of the earth, Even to the place where night received its birth, Where the opposite side of the heavens is beheld, -And where is situated the ancient garden of Phœbus. +And where is situated the ancient garden of Phœbus. -This is of no value to our present inquiry, but must be omitted, as Socrates has done in the Phædrus of Plato. We +This is of no value to our present inquiry, but must be omitted, as Socrates has done in the Phædrus of Plato. We will relate only what we have learnt from ancient accounts, @@ -34642,7 +34642,7 @@ and the reports made in our times.

-

The Greeks indeed considered the Getæ to be Thracians. They occupied either bank of the Danube, as also did +

The Greeks indeed considered the Getæ to be Thracians. They occupied either bank of the Danube, as also did the Mysians, likewise a Thracian people, now called the Moesi, @@ -34654,7 +34654,7 @@ Even the Phrygians themselves are the same as the Briges, a people of Thrace, as also are the Mygdones, the Bebryces, -the Mædobithyni, the Bithyni, the Thyni, and, as I consider, +the Mædobithyni, the Bithyni, the Thyni, and, as I consider, also are the Mariandyni. All these people quitted Europe @@ -34708,9 +34708,9 @@ the least behind him. And this also is introduced as a proof of this very thing, that Homer classes with these the Hippemolgi,Milkers of mares. the Galactophagi,People who live on milk. and the Abii,Devoid of riches. who are the Scythian -HamaxœciDwelling in waggons. and Sarmatians; for at this day, all these nations, +HamaxœciDwelling in waggons. and Sarmatians; for at this day, all these nations, -as well as the Bastarnæ, are mixed with the Thracians, more +as well as the Bastarnæ, are mixed with the Thracians, more especially with those beyond the Danube, and some even with @@ -34724,9 +34724,9 @@ the Thracians on this side the Danube; also amongst these are the Keltic tribes of the Boii, Scordisci, and Taurisci. -Some, indeed, call the Scordisci the Scordistæ, and give to the +Some, indeed, call the Scordisci the Scordistæ, and give to the -Taurisci the names of LigurisciPerhaps Teurisci. and Tauristæ. +Taurisci the names of LigurisciPerhaps Teurisci. and Tauristæ.

Posidonius relates that the Mysians religiously abstain @@ -34737,7 +34737,7 @@ cattle; but that they lived in a quiet way on honey, milk, and cheese; wherefore they are considered a religious people, and -called Capnobatæ.A note in the French translation suggests that Capnobatæ has some +called Capnobatæ.A note in the French translation suggests that Capnobatæ has some connexion with the practice of intoxication by inhaling smoke, and of @@ -34747,7 +34747,7 @@ Herodot. book i. chap. 202; book iv. chap. 75. He adds, that there are am Thracians some who live without wives, and who are known -by the name of Ctistæ. These are considered sacred and worthy +by the name of Ctistæ. These are considered sacred and worthy of honour, and live in great freedom. [He pretends] that the @@ -34777,7 +34777,7 @@ of their being invincible, like good warriors. [Finally, Posidonius pretends] th ought to substitute for the close-fighting Mysians, [the -close-fighting Mœsi.] +close-fighting Mœsi.]

Nevertheless it would perhaps be superfluous to change @@ -34824,13 +34824,13 @@ consequence of their not thoroughly understanding the dogmas of Zeno, the founder of their sect. It was to these ultra-Stoics that the name of -Stoaces [Sto/akes] was given by way of ridicule. Athenæus, book xiii. +Stoaces [Sto/akes] was given by way of ridicule. Athenæus, book xiii. chap. 2, remarks that a like propensity to overdo the precept of the teacher led the disciples of Aristippus, who recommended rational pleasures, to become mere libertines. But [the words of the poet] sanction no such assertion -of the Thracians, and the Getæ in particular, that they live +of the Thracians, and the Getæ in particular, that they live without wives. But see what Menander says of these people, @@ -34838,7 +34838,7 @@ not out of his own imagination, as it should seem, but deriving it from history. -All the Thracians truly, and especially above all others we Getæ, (for +All the Thracians truly, and especially above all others we Getæ, (for I myself glory in being descended from this race,) are not very chaste. @@ -34868,7 +34868,7 @@ enjoyment of many women, and at the same time regard as a dignified and holy life that which is passed in celibacy without any women. But that those living without wives should -be considered holy, and termed Capnobatæ, is entirely opposed to our received opinions; for all agree in regarding +be considered holy, and termed Capnobatæ, is entirely opposed to our received opinions; for all agree in regarding women as the authors of devotion to the gods, and it is they @@ -34918,7 +34918,7 @@ circle played on the cymbals, and others raised their suppliant cries. as likewise on account of the testimony of other historians.

-

For it is said that one of the nation of the Getæ, named +

For it is said that one of the nation of the Getæ, named Zamolxis,Za/lmocis is the reading of the Paris manuscript, No. 1393, and we -should have preferred it for the text, as more likely to be a Getæn name, +should have preferred it for the text, as more likely to be a Getæn name, but for the circumstance of his being generally written Zamolxis. had served Pythagoras, and had acquired with @@ -34951,7 +34951,7 @@ account of his predictions of astronomical phenomena, and eventually persuaded the king to unite him in the government, as an organ of the will of the gods. At first he was -chosen a priest of the divinity most revered by the Getæ, but +chosen a priest of the divinity most revered by the Getæ, but afterwards was esteemed as a god, and having retired into a @@ -34975,11 +34975,11 @@ continues to our time; for there is always found some one of this character who assists the king in his counsels, and is -styled a god by the Getæ. The mountain likewise [where +styled a god by the Getæ. The mountain likewise [where Zamolxis retired] is held sacred, and is thus distinguished, -being named Cogæonus,D'Anville imagines that this is the modern mountain Kaszon, and +being named Cogæonus,D'Anville imagines that this is the modern mountain Kaszon, and the little river of the same name on the confines of Transylvania and @@ -34987,7 +34987,7 @@ Moldavia. as well as the river which flows by it; and at the time when Byrebistus, against whom divus -Cæsar prepared an expedition, reigned over the Getæ, Decæneus held that honour: likewise the Pythagorean precept to +Cæsar prepared an expedition, reigned over the Getæ, Decæneus held that honour: likewise the Pythagorean precept to abstain from animal food, which was originally introduced by @@ -35014,7 +35014,7 @@ long journeys by land or voyages by sea. In support of this he asserts,See Strabo's former remarks on this identical subject, book i. chap. -ii. § 3, page 25. that Homer designated Aulis as 'rocky,' as indeed it is; Eteonus as 'mountainous and woody,' Thisbe as +ii. § 3, page 25. that Homer designated Aulis as 'rocky,' as indeed it is; Eteonus as 'mountainous and woody,' Thisbe as 'abounding in doves,' Haliartus as ' grassy;' but that neither @@ -35024,7 +35024,7 @@ although there are forty rivers which discharge themselves into the Black Sea,ei)s to\n Po/nton. he makes no mention whatever even of -the most considerable, as the Danube,Ister. the Don,Tanaïs. the Dnieper,Borysthenes. the Bog,Hypanis. the Phasz,Phasis. the Termeh,Thermodon. the Kisil-Irmak,Halys. nor does +the most considerable, as the Danube,Ister. the Don,Tanaïs. the Dnieper,Borysthenes. the Bog,Hypanis. the Phasz,Phasis. the Termeh,Thermodon. the Kisil-Irmak,Halys. nor does @@ -35074,7 +35074,7 @@ the philosopher Zeno in altering the Homeric line as follows, I came to the Ethiopians, the Sidonians, and the Arabians.Od. book iv. line 83. See Strabo's remarks on this reading of Zeno, -book i. chap. ii. § 34, page 66. +book i. chap. ii. § 34, page 66. @@ -35084,11 +35084,11 @@ Homer, for those who have lived at a more recent period than he did, have been ignorant of many things, and have told -strange tales. Hesiod has talked of Hemicynes,See the notes on these various monsters, book i. chap. ii. § 35, p. 68. +strange tales. Hesiod has talked of Hemicynes,See the notes on these various monsters, book i. chap. ii. § 35, p. 68. Megalocephali, and Pygmies; Alcman of -Steganopodes;Æschylus of Cynocephali, Sternophthalmi, and Monommati, (they say it is in his Prometheus,) and ten thousand other absurdities. From these he proceeds to censure the writers who talk of +Steganopodes;Æschylus of Cynocephali, Sternophthalmi, and Monommati, (they say it is in his Prometheus,) and ten thousand other absurdities. From these he proceeds to censure the writers who talk of @@ -35096,13 +35096,13 @@ strange tales. Hesiod has talked of Hemicynes,The Riphæan Mountains were probably the chain of the Ural Mountains, which separate Russia from Siberia. and Mount Ogyium,This mountain is unknown. and the dwelling of the GorgonsThe Gorgons were Stheino, Euryalé, and Medusa, the daughters of +the Riphæan MountainsThe Riphæan Mountains were probably the chain of the Ural Mountains, which separate Russia from Siberia. and Mount Ogyium,This mountain is unknown. and the dwelling of the GorgonsThe Gorgons were Stheino, Euryalé, and Medusa, the daughters of -Phorcys and Ceto. See also book i. chap. ii. § 8, page 29. and the Hesperides,The Hesperides were the daughters of Night. They dwelt on an +Phorcys and Ceto. See also book i. chap. ii. § 8, page 29. and the Hesperides,The Hesperides were the daughters of Night. They dwelt on an island on the western edge of the world. See also Apollodorus, book ii. -chap. v. § 11. the land of MeropisÆlian, Var. Histor. book iii. chap. 18, says that Theopompus related +chap. v. § 11. the land of MeropisÆlian, Var. Histor. book iii. chap. 18, says that Theopompus related an interview between Midas, king of Phrygia, and Silenus, in which @@ -35112,9 +35112,9 @@ Asia, Europe, and Africa taken together, and that amongst others a race of men called Meropes occupied several extensive cities there. mentioned by Theopompus, Cimmeris,Ephorus speaks of the Cimmerii who dwelt round the Lake Avernus. -See Strabo, book v. chap. iv. § 5, page 263. a city mentioned +See Strabo, book v. chap. iv. § 5, page 263. a city mentioned -in Hecatæus, the land of PanchæaSee Strabo, book ii. chap. iv. § 2, page 158. mentioned by Euhemerus, +in Hecatæus, the land of PanchæaSee Strabo, book ii. chap. iv. § 2, page 158. mentioned by Euhemerus, and the river-stones formed of sand mentioned by Aristotle,A note in the French translation says that this place has not been @@ -35136,13 +35136,13 @@ be put forward for Callimachus, who pretends to the character of a critic, and yet supposes that Gaudus was the island of -Calypso, and identifies Scheria with Corcyra.See what Strabo has said on this subject in book i. chap. ii. § 37, pp. +Calypso, and identifies Scheria with Corcyra.See what Strabo has said on this subject in book i. chap. ii. § 37, pp. 70, 71. Other writers he blames for misstatements as to Gerena,Strabo will speak further on the subject of Gerena in book viii. chap. -iii. § 7, and § 29. Acacesium,Reference is here made to the epithet a a)ka/khta, which Homer applies +iii. § 7, and § 29. Acacesium,Reference is here made to the epithet a a)ka/khta, which Homer applies to Mercury, Iliad xvi. 185. The grammarians explain it correctly as @@ -35152,7 +35152,7 @@ there were some who interpreted it differently. They maintain that Mercury was so called from a cavern in Arcadia, called Acacesium, (see -Schol. in Homer, edit. Villois. pag. 382,) which was situated near Cyllene, a mountain of Arcadia, where he was born. See Apollodor. Biblioth. lib. iii. cap. x. § 2. Hesiod, however, applies the same epithet to +Schol. in Homer, edit. Villois. pag. 382,) which was situated near Cyllene, a mountain of Arcadia, where he was born. See Apollodor. Biblioth. lib. iii. cap. x. § 2. Hesiod, however, applies the same epithet to Prometheus, (Theogon. verse 613,) who, according to the scholiast, was @@ -35283,7 +35283,7 @@ ignorant of the barbarism of that region, or of those savages who were the most barbarous on earth? But these undoubtedly are the Scythians! Or in the early times were not those -who dwelt beyond the Mysians, and Thracians, and Getæ, +who dwelt beyond the Mysians, and Thracians, and Getæ, Hippemolgi, (or milkers of mares,) Galactophagi, and Abii? @@ -35329,7 +35329,7 @@ monetary transactions, and with the exception of their swords and drinking-cups, possessed all things in common, and especially their wives and children, who were cared for by the -whole community according to the system of Plato. Æschylus +whole community according to the system of Plato. Æschylus too seems to plead the poet's cause, when he says, @@ -35386,9 +35386,9 @@ waged war, and especially the answer he sent [to the messen- ger of Darius]. Take again what Chrysippus relates of the -kings of the Bosphorus, [SatyrusSatyrus is supplied by Koray. See also chapter iv. of this book, § 4, +kings of the Bosphorus, [SatyrusSatyrus is supplied by Koray. See also chapter iv. of this book, § 4, -and book xi. chap. ii. § 7. Groskurd refers also to Diodorus, book xiv. +and book xi. chap. ii. § 7. Groskurd refers also to Diodorus, book xiv. 93, and says that Leuco was the son of Satyrus. and] Leuco. The letters @@ -35408,7 +35408,7 @@ is there for me to speak of such as belonged to the times of old? for Alexander [the Great], the son of Philip, in his -campaign against the Thracians beyond Mount Hæmus,The mountains in the north of Thrace still bear the name of Emineh- +campaign against the Thracians beyond Mount Hæmus,The mountains in the north of Thrace still bear the name of Emineh- Dag, or Mount Emineh, at their eastern point; but the western portion @@ -35422,7 +35422,7 @@ territory as far as the Danube and the island Peuce,Piczina Ismail. which -is in it, and that the Getæ possessed the country beyond that +is in it, and that the Getæ possessed the country beyond that river; however, he was unable to pass into the island for want @@ -35432,7 +35432,7 @@ of the Triballi, who had taken refuge in that place, resisted the undertaking: but Alexander crossed over into the country -of the Getæ and took their city, after which he returned home +of the Getæ and took their city, after which he returned home in haste, carrying with him presents from those nations, and @@ -35479,7 +35479,7 @@ nevertheless sent presents and concluded a treaty of friendship with him, and al no man, but that they valued the friendship of great men above every price. -

In like manner Dromichætes, who was king of the Getæ in +

In like manner Dromichætes, who was king of the Getæ in the times of the successors of Alexander, having taken captive Lysimachus, who had come to wage war against him, @@ -35491,9 +35491,9 @@ rather seek them as friends; after which he received him as a guest, made a treaty of friendship, and suffered him to depart.Diodorus Siculus, in Excerpt. Peiresc. pag. 257; Memnon apud -Photium, cod. 214, cap. 6; and Plutarch, in Demetrio, § 39 and 52, +Photium, cod. 214, cap. 6; and Plutarch, in Demetrio, § 39 and 52, -confirm what Strabo says here of the manner in which Dromichætes +confirm what Strabo says here of the manner in which Dromichætes treated Lysimachus. @@ -35505,14 +35505,14 @@ should plant it very far from the sea, and not near it.This note of some learned reader, should doubtless be transferred back to the -end of § 7 of this chapter.] +end of § 7 of this chapter.]

Ephorus, in the fourth book of his History, which is entitled Of Europe, having gone over Europe as far as -the Scythians, concludes by saying that there is great difference in the manner of life both of the Sauromatæ and the +the Scythians, concludes by saying that there is great difference in the manner of life both of the Sauromatæ and the other Scythians, for while some of them are exceedingly morose, and are indeed cannibals, others abstain even from the @@ -35566,17 +35566,17 @@ of their kin; thus when they come into collision with other nations, they are irresistible and unconquered, having no cause -for which they need endure slavery. He then cites Chœrilus, +for which they need endure slavery. He then cites Chœrilus, -who in his Passage of the Bridge of Boats, which DariusKramer quotes Nækius in proof that we should here read Xerxes +who in his Passage of the Bridge of Boats, which DariusKramer quotes Nækius in proof that we should here read Xerxes instead of Darius; and Groskurd refers to another passage in Strabo, -book xiii chap. i. § 22. +book xiii chap. i. § 22. had made, says, -And the sheep-feeding Sacæ, a people of Scythian race, but they inhabited +And the sheep-feeding Sacæ, a people of Scythian race, but they inhabited Wheat-producing Asia: truly they were a colony of the nomades, @@ -35592,7 +35592,7 @@ asserts too that he was the inventor of the bellows, the double- fluked anchor, and the potter's wheel.Casaubon observes that Diodorus Siculus attributes the invention of -the potter's wheel to Talus, a nephew of Dædalus, and that Theophrastus +the potter's wheel to Talus, a nephew of Dædalus, and that Theophrastus awards it to one Hyberbius of Corinth. I merely state this, @@ -35657,32 +35657,32 @@ but if he should say they were but an invention, as there were no Mysians in Thrace, he will be guilty of a palpable -misstatement, for even in our own times Ælius Catus has removed from the opposite side of the Danube into Thrace fifty +misstatement, for even in our own times Ælius Catus has removed from the opposite side of the Danube into Thrace fifty -thousand Getæ, who speak a language cognate with the Thracian. They still inhabit the very spot, and pass by the name +thousand Getæ, who speak a language cognate with the Thracian. They still inhabit the very spot, and pass by the name -of Mœsi. Whether those of former times were so designated, +of Mœsi. Whether those of former times were so designated, and had their name slightly varied in Asia, or, as is more suitable to history and the poet's expression, those in Thrace -were at the first called Mysians,See chap. iii. § 3, 4, of this book. is not certain. But enough +were at the first called Mysians,See chap. iii. § 3, 4, of this book. is not certain. But enough of this; we must now return to our geography.

-

Let us pass over the early history of the Getæ, and +

Let us pass over the early history of the Getæ, and -occupy ourselves with their actual condition. Bœrebistas, +occupy ourselves with their actual condition. Bœrebistas, -one of the Getæ, having taken the command of his tribe, reanimated the men who were disheartened by frequent wars, +one of the Getæ, having taken the command of his tribe, reanimated the men who were disheartened by frequent wars, and raised them to such a degree of training, sobriety, and a habit of obedience to orders, that he established a powerful -dominion within a few years, and brought most of the neighbouring states into subjection to the Getæ. He at length became formidable even to the Romans, fearlessly crossing the +dominion within a few years, and brought most of the neighbouring states into subjection to the Getæ. He at length became formidable even to the Romans, fearlessly crossing the Danube, and laying waste Thrace as far as Macedonia and @@ -35706,13 +35706,13 @@ certain natural signs, was enabled to assume the character of an oracle, and was almost held in the veneration of a god, as -we have related when noticing Zamolxis.See book vii. chap. iii. § 5, page 456. As an instance of +we have related when noticing Zamolxis.See book vii. chap. iii. § 5, page 456. As an instance of -their implicit obedience, we may relate that they were persuaded to root up their vines and live without wine. However, Bœrebistas was murdered in a sedition before the Romans sent an army against him. Those who succeeded to +their implicit obedience, we may relate that they were persuaded to root up their vines and live without wine. However, Bœrebistas was murdered in a sedition before the Romans sent an army against him. Those who succeeded to his government divided it into several states. Lately, when -Augustus Cæsar sent an army against them, they were divided +Augustus Cæsar sent an army against them, they were divided into five states, at another time they were four, for such @@ -35725,7 +35725,7 @@ extent. these people which still exists; thus, some they call Dacians -and others Getæ: the Getæ extend towards the Euxine and +and others Getæ: the Getæ extend towards the Euxine and the east, but the Dacians are situated on the opposite side @@ -35735,13 +35735,13 @@ the Danube, but to Bohemia, near the middle of the course of the Danube. consider to have been called Daci from a very early period. -Whence also amongst the Attics the names of Getæ and Davi +Whence also amongst the Attics the names of Getæ and Davi were customary for slaves. This at least is more probable than to consider them as taken from the Scythians who are -named Daæ,Gossellin seems to think that these Daæ are identical with the inhabitants of Daghistan. Davus is not found as the name of a slave +named Daæ,Gossellin seems to think that these Daæ are identical with the inhabitants of Daghistan. Davus is not found as the name of a slave amongst the Greeks till after the conquests of Alexander the Great. for they live far beyond Hyrcania,Hyrcania comprehended the Corcan and Daghistan. and it is not likely that slaves would be brought all that way into Attica. It was usual with them to call their slaves after the @@ -35751,7 +35751,7 @@ and Syrus,From Lydia and Syria. or else by a name mu country, as, for a Phrygian, Manes or Midas; for a Paphlagonian, Tibius. The nation which was raised to so much -power by Bœrebistas has since been completely reduced by +power by Bœrebistas has since been completely reduced by @@ -35776,11 +35776,11 @@ its sources to the cataracts, which flows chiefly through the country of the Dacians, but the part below that point which -flows through the country of the Getæ as far as the Black +flows through the country of the Getæ as far as the Black Sea, they call the Ister.o( )/Isto|os. Stephen of Byzantium says that the Ister was called -Da/noubis, and that in very ancient times it was called Matoas. According to Ptolemy the lower part of the Danube was called Ister from Axiopolis, now Rassovat; according to Agathemerus, from Vienna. The Dacians speak the same language as the Getæ. The Getæ are best known among the +Da/noubis, and that in very ancient times it was called Matoas. According to Ptolemy the lower part of the Danube was called Ister from Axiopolis, now Rassovat; according to Agathemerus, from Vienna. The Dacians speak the same language as the Getæ. The Getæ are best known among the Greeks on account of the frequent wandering expeditions @@ -35796,13 +35796,13 @@ when their more powerful neighbours have driven out the weaker, for from time to time the Scythians of the opposite -side of the river, and the Bastarnæ, and the Sarmatians,Sauo|oma/tai. become victorious, and those who are driven out cross over and +side of the river, and the Bastarnæ, and the Sarmatians,Sauo|oma/tai. become victorious, and those who are driven out cross over and some of them take up their residence either in the islands of the river or in Thrace, while on the other side the inhabitants -are distressed by the Illyrians. At one time when the Getæ +are distressed by the Illyrians. At one time when the Getæ and the Dacians had increased to the greatest numbers, they @@ -35817,9 +35817,9 @@ they are not yet quite under their sway on account of their trust in the Germans, who are enemies to the Romans.

-

Between [the Getæ and] the Black Sea, from the +

Between [the Getæ and] the Black Sea, from the -Danube to the Dniester,The ancient Tyras. lies the desert of the Getæ.Bessarabia and the southern part of Moldavia. It is +Danube to the Dniester,The ancient Tyras. lies the desert of the Getæ.Bessarabia and the southern part of Moldavia. It is entirely a plain and destitute of water. It was there that @@ -35837,7 +35837,7 @@ for want of water; this he found out before it was too late, and returned. At a subsequent period, when Lysimachus -was waging war against the Getæ and their king Dromichætes, he not only incurred the risk,Peter the Great, at the beginning of the last century, incurred the +was waging war against the Getæ and their king Dromichætes, he not only incurred the risk,Peter the Great, at the beginning of the last century, incurred the risk of falling into the hands of the Turks almost on the same spot where @@ -35850,7 +35850,7 @@ of the barbarian, as I have before related.

Near the mouths of the Danube is the large island -called Peuce.Now Piczina. This the Bastarnæ possessed, and were hence +called Peuce.Now Piczina. This the Bastarnæ possessed, and were hence called Peucini. There are also other islands much smaller, @@ -35891,7 +35891,7 @@ the other has no outlet.

At the mouth of the Dniester there is a tower called -the Tower of Neoptolemus, and a village called Hermōnax.Now Akkerman. +the Tower of Neoptolemus, and a village called Hermōnax.Now Akkerman. As you sail up the river 140 stadia, there are cities on both @@ -35932,9 +35932,9 @@ junction of the Bog and Dnieper. it is a great emporium and a foundation coast we have described between the Dnieper and the Danube, -the first portion is the Desert of the Getæ, then comes the +the first portion is the Desert of the Getæ, then comes the -Tyregetæ, after them the Jazyges Sarmatæ, and the Basilii, +Tyregetæ, after them the Jazyges Sarmatæ, and the Basilii, who are also called Urgi.Mannert has attempted to read Gewo|goi/, because Herodotus, book iv. @@ -35946,9 +35946,9 @@ However, a few of them pay attention to agriculture. These are said to inhabit the banks of the Danube, frequently even -on both sides of the river. In the inland the Bastarnæ dwell, +on both sides of the river. In the inland the Bastarnæ dwell, -and confine with the Tyregetæ and the Germans; indeed, +and confine with the Tyregetæ and the Germans; indeed, they may almost be said to be of the German stock. They @@ -35960,7 +35960,7 @@ Peucini, and the most northern, Roxolani.Some MSS. read thi (Pwcoanoi/, but whether there is any distinction to be drawn between these -and the (Pwcalanoi/ of book ii. chap. v. § 7, is not to be ascertained. These latter de- +and the (Pwcalanoi/ of book ii. chap. v. § 7, is not to be ascertained. These latter de- pasture the plains lying between the DonThe Tanais. and the Dnieper. @@ -36008,18 +36008,18 @@ shift their quarters ever in search of pasture, changing the places they have exhausted for others full of grass. In the -winter they encamp in the marshes near the Palus Mæotis,The Sea of Zabache. +winter they encamp in the marshes near the Palus Mæotis,The Sea of Zabache. and in the summer on the plains.

-

The whole of this country, which reaches to the seacoast extending from the DnieperThe Borysthenes. to the Palus Mæotis, is +

The whole of this country, which reaches to the seacoast extending from the DnieperThe Borysthenes. to the Palus Mæotis, is subject to severe winters; so also are the most northern of the districts bordering on the sea, as the mouth of the Palus -Mæotis, and farther that of the Dnieper and the head of the +Mæotis, and farther that of the Dnieper and the head of the Gulf of Tamyraca, or Carcinites,The Gulf of Perecop, called also Olou-Degniz. Gossellin. which washes the isthmusThe Isthmus of Perecop, which connects the Peninsula of Crimea, @@ -36049,7 +36049,7 @@ frosts may be best illustrated by the phenomena which are common in the neighbourhood of the embouchure of the Palus -Mæotis;The Strait of Zabache, or Iéni-Kalé. for the passage from Panticapæum,Panticapæum, now Kertsch or Wospor in Europe. across to Phanagoria,Phanagoria was on the Asiatic coast of the Bosphorus. is at times performed in waggons, thus being both +Mæotis;The Strait of Zabache, or Iéni-Kalé. for the passage from Panticapæum,Panticapæum, now Kertsch or Wospor in Europe. across to Phanagoria,Phanagoria was on the Asiatic coast of the Bosphorus. is at times performed in waggons, thus being both a sea passageWe entirely agree with Kramer in favouring Coray's emendation of @@ -36057,13 +36057,13 @@ a sea passageWe entirely agree with Kramer in favouring Cor means of a round net called a gangama, and especially a -kind of sturgeon called antacæus,Herodotus, book iv. chap. 53, says this fishing was carried on in the +kind of sturgeon called antacæus,Herodotus, book iv. chap. 53, says this fishing was carried on in the -Dnieper. Ælian, de Natur. Animal. book xiv. chap. 26, refers it to the +Dnieper. Ælian, de Natur. Animal. book xiv. chap. 26, refers it to the Danube. nearly the size of a dolphin. -It is related that Neoptolemus, the general of Mithridates,Strabo has before alluded to this fact, book ii. chap. i. § 16, p. 114. +It is related that Neoptolemus, the general of Mithridates,Strabo has before alluded to this fact, book ii. chap. i. § 16, p. 114. defeated the barbarians during summer-time in a naval engagement in this very strait, and during the winter in a @@ -36084,7 +36084,7 @@ the air is heated to a great degree, similar to the way in which the misty air is affected in times when a parhelion is observed. -

It appears that Ateas,Lucian, in Macrob. § 10, spells his name Anteas, and relates that he +

It appears that Ateas,Lucian, in Macrob. § 10, spells his name Anteas, and relates that he was killed in this war when upwards of 90 years of age. who carried on war against Philip,Father of Alexander the Great. @@ -36190,13 +36190,13 @@ Tauric or Scythian Chersonese.The Crimea. This, acco not by a large opening, but by the narrow strait of Yenitche, or Tonka, -with the Sea of Azof, (the Palus Mæotis,) from which it is separated by +with the Sea of Azof, (the Palus Mæotis,) from which it is separated by the Tonka, or Tongue of Arabat. is said to extend 4000 stadia (in circumference), and forms part of the [Palus] -Mœotis on its western side, with which it communicates by a +Mœotis on its western side, with which it communicates by a large opening. It abounds in marshy tracts, and is scarcely @@ -36223,7 +36223,7 @@ Fair Haven, for a)/llos limh\n, another harbour. of the Chersonese; for in coasting along the bay, there projects towards the south a large promontory, which is a part -of the great Chersonese. Upon it stands a city of the Heracleotæ, who are a colony from HeracleaTereklias. in the Euxine; it +of the great Chersonese. Upon it stands a city of the Heracleotæ, who are a colony from HeracleaTereklias. in the Euxine; it bears the same name, Chersonesus, as the territory. It is distant from the Dniester,The ancient Tyras. in following the coast, 4400 stadia. In @@ -36316,8 +36316,8 @@ became at once master of the Bosporus, which Pairisades, who held the command of it, voluntarily surrendered. From that -time to the present the city of the Chersonitæ has been subject to the princes of the Bosporus. -

Ctenus is equally distant from the city of the Chersonitæ, +time to the present the city of the Chersonitæ has been subject to the princes of the Bosporus. +

Ctenus is equally distant from the city of the Chersonitæ, and from Symbolon Limen. From Symbolon Limen the @@ -36358,11 +36358,11 @@ Tibarania and Colchis. There is another hill also, the Kimmerium, in the same mountainous district, for the Kimmerii +Staröi-Krime. in the same mountainous district, for the Kimmerii were once sovereigns of the Bosporus, and hence the whole -of the strait at the mouth of the [Palus] Mæotis is called the +of the strait at the mouth of the [Palus] Mæotis is called the Kimmerian Bosporus. @@ -36375,18 +36375,18 @@ and there is a harbour capable of containing a hundred vessels. This formerly wa Bosporians and of the Tauri. Then follows a fertile country -extending to Panticapæum,Kertch. the capital of the Bosporians, +extending to Panticapæum,Kertch. the capital of the Bosporians, -which is situated at the mouth of the Palus Mæotis.The Sea of Azof. Between +which is situated at the mouth of the Palus Mæotis.The Sea of Azof. Between -TheodosiaCaffa. and Panticapæum there is a tract of about 530 +TheodosiaCaffa. and Panticapæum there is a tract of about 530 stadia in extent. The whole country is corn-producing; there -are villages in it, and a city called Nymphæum, with a good +are villages in it, and a city called Nymphæum, with a good harbour. -

Panticæpsum is a hill inhabited all round for a circuit of +

Panticæpsum is a hill inhabited all round for a circuit of 20 stadia. To the east it has a harbour, and docks capable @@ -36396,7 +36396,7 @@ It was founded by the Milesians. Both this place and the neighbouring settlements on each side of the mouth of the -Palus Mæotis were for a long period under the monarchical +Palus Mæotis were for a long period under the monarchical dynasty of Leucon, and Satyrus, and Pairisades, till the latter @@ -36427,7 +36427,7 @@ The greater portion of it is situated in Europe, but a part of it is also situated in Asia.

-

The mouth of the [Palus] Mæotis is called the Kimmerian Bosporus. The entrance, which at the broadest part +

The mouth of the [Palus] Mæotis is called the Kimmerian Bosporus. The entrance, which at the broadest part is about 70 stadia across, where there is a passage from the @@ -36435,9 +36435,9 @@ neighbourhoodi. e. from Kertch to Taman, or from Yenikaleh distance on the ice, and found it to be 30.057 Russian fathoms, or nearly -12 miles. Here the battle was fought on the ice. See chap. iii. § 18. of Panticapæum to Phanagoria, the nearest +12 miles. Here the battle was fought on the ice. See chap. iii. § 18. of Panticapæum to Phanagoria, the nearest -city in Asia. The [Palus] Mæotis closes in an arm of the +city in Asia. The [Palus] Mæotis closes in an arm of the sea which is much narrower. This arm of the sea and the @@ -36455,10 +36455,10 @@ which are distant from each other about 60 stadia. There is also a city of the same name as the river; and next to -Panticapæum it is the largest mart belonging to the barbarians. +Panticapæum it is the largest mart belonging to the barbarians.

On sailing into the Kimmerian Bosporus,Azof. on the left hand -is Myrmecium,Yenikaleh. a small city, 20 stadia from Panticapæum, +is Myrmecium,Yenikaleh. a small city, 20 stadia from Panticapæum, and 40 stadia from Parthenium;Kazandib. it is a village where is the @@ -36495,7 +36495,7 @@ the whole country has been devastated by continual wars. They formerly possessed a small tract only at the mouth of -the [Palus] Mæotis near Panticapæum, extending as far as +the [Palus] Mæotis near Panticapæum, extending as far as Theodosia. The largest part of the territory, as far as the @@ -36532,7 +36532,7 @@ Sindace in Asia, amounted to 180,000 medimni of corn, and 200 talents of silver. The Greeks in former times imported -from this country corn, and the cured fish of Palus Mæotis. +from this country corn, and the cured fish of Palus Mæotis. Leucon is said to have sent to the Athenians 2,100,000 medimni of corn from Theodosia.The amount is enormous, if it refers to the quantity of corn shipped @@ -36603,7 +36603,7 @@ in their ability to repel attacks with ease, and to prevent the incursion of their enemies. This course was pursued, as -Hypsicrates relates, by Ansander, who fortified on the isthmus of the Chersonesus, at the Palus Mæotis, a space of 360 +Hypsicrates relates, by Ansander, who fortified on the isthmus of the Chersonesus, at the Palus Mæotis, a space of 360 stadia, and erected towers at the distance of every 10 stadia.I have adopted the reading suggested by the F. T., Pu/o|gous kaq' @@ -36692,7 +36692,7 @@ itself for several days, and live without inconvenience in places destitute of water.

Such is the nature of the whole of the country beyond the -Danube, lying between the Rhine and the Don, and extending as far as the Pontic Sea and the Palus Mæotis. +Danube, lying between the Rhine and the Don, and extending as far as the Pontic Sea and the Palus Mæotis.

@@ -36724,10 +36724,10 @@ them. We must begin from the Danube, and treat of the countries which follow next in order to those already described, that is to say, the parts contiguous to Italy, the -Alps, the Germans, the Dacians, and the Getæ. +Alps, the Germans, the Dacians, and the Getæ.

These may be divided into two parts. For the mountains -of Illyria, Pæonia, and Thrace, may be considered as forming, as it were, a single line, parallel to the Danube, and +of Illyria, Pæonia, and Thrace, may be considered as forming, as it were, a single line, parallel to the Danube, and extending from the Adriatic to the Euxine. To the north of @@ -36736,7 +36736,7 @@ this line is the country included between the Danube and the mountains. To the south is Greece and the barbarous tract contiguous to these mountains. -

Near the Euxine Sea is Mount Hæmus,The Veliki Balkan. the largest and +

Near the Euxine Sea is Mount Hæmus,The Veliki Balkan. the largest and the highest of the mountains in that quarter, and divides @@ -36749,7 +36749,7 @@ the distance to the Adriatic is considerable, and many things obstruct the view.

Almost the whole of ArdiaThe southern part of Dalmatia bounded by the Narenta, which takes -its source in the Herzogovina. lies near the Adriatic, Pæonia +its source in the Herzogovina. lies near the Adriatic, Pæonia is in the middle, and all this country consists of elevated @@ -36757,9 +36757,9 @@ ground. On the side towards Thrace, it is bounded by Rhodope,Called Monte Argentaro by the Italians, Basilissa by the Greeks, -Rulla by the Turks. Baudrand. Despoto Dagh. a mountain next in height to Hæmus; on the other +Rulla by the Turks. Baudrand. Despoto Dagh. a mountain next in height to Hæmus; on the other -side to the north is Illyria, and the country of the Autariatæ,Occupied the neighbourhood of the river Titius, Kerca, which discharges itself near Siberico. +side to the north is Illyria, and the country of the Autariatæ,Occupied the neighbourhood of the river Titius, Kerca, which discharges itself near Siberico. and Dardania.The mountainous country south of Servia.

I shall first describe Illyria, which approaches close to the @@ -36774,7 +36774,7 @@ Danube, and to the Alps which lie between Italy and Germany, taking their commencement from the lake in the territory of -the Vindelici, Rhæti, and Helvetii.The text presents some difficulty; another reading is Tænii. Gossellin supposes the lake to be the Czirknitz-See near Mount Albius, now +the Vindelici, Rhæti, and Helvetii.The text presents some difficulty; another reading is Tænii. Gossellin supposes the lake to be the Czirknitz-See near Mount Albius, now Alben or Planina. @@ -36785,9 +36785,9 @@ wars with the Boii and Taurisci, Keltic tribes whose chief was Critasirus. The Daci claimed the country, although it -was separated from them by the river Parisus,The Margus? See chap. v. § 12. which flows +was separated from them by the river Parisus,The Margus? See chap. v. § 12. which flows -from the mountains to the Danube, near the Galatæ Scordisci, +from the mountains to the Danube, near the Galatæ Scordisci, a people who lived intermixed with the Illyrian and the Thracian tribes. The Illyrians were destroyed by the Daci, while @@ -36820,7 +36820,7 @@ writers, 500 stadia. Merchandise is transported to Nauportus in waggons. The Ocra is the lowest part of the Alps, which -extend from Rhætica to the Iapodes, where the mountains +extend from Rhætica to the Iapodes, where the mountains rise again, and are called Albii. From Tergeste,Trieste. a village of @@ -36855,13 +36855,13 @@ is Siscia, a strong-hold, and Sirmium, both situated on the road to Italy.

-

The Breuci, Andizetii, Ditiones, Peirustæ, Mazæi, Daisitiatæ, whose chief was Baton, and other small obscure communities, which extend to Dalmatia, and almost to the Ardiæi +

The Breuci, Andizetii, Ditiones, Peirustæ, Mazæi, Daisitiatæ, whose chief was Baton, and other small obscure communities, which extend to Dalmatia, and almost to the Ardiæi to the south, are Pannonians. The whole mountainous tract from the recess of the Adriatic bay to the Rhizonic gulf,Gulf of Cataro. and -to the territory of the Ardiæi, intervening between the sea and +to the territory of the Ardiæi, intervening between the sea and Pannonia, forms the coast of Illyria.

Here perhaps we ought to begin an uninterrupted account @@ -36912,7 +36912,7 @@ After the coast of the Iapodes follows that of Liburnia, exceeding the former by 500 stadia. On this coast is Scardon,Scardona. a Liburnian city, and a river,The Kerka. which is navigable for -vessels of burden as far as the Dalmatæ. +vessels of burden as far as the Dalmatæ.

Islands are scattered along the whole of the above-mentioned coast; among them are the Apsyrtides, where Medea @@ -36926,7 +36926,7 @@ about forty in number; other islands follow, of which the best known are Issa, Tragurium, founded by Isseans; Pharos, -formerly Paros, founded by Parians, the birth-place of Demetrius, the Pharian; then the coast of the Dallnatæ and +formerly Paros, founded by Parians, the birth-place of Demetrius, the Pharian; then the coast of the Dallnatæ and their naval arsenal, Salon.Salona. This nation was for a long time @@ -36943,7 +36943,7 @@ Scipio Nasica greatly reduced its size, and converted the plain into a pasture for sheep, on account of the disposition of the people to rob and pillage. -

It is a custom peculiar to the Dalmatæ to make a partition +

It is a custom peculiar to the Dalmatæ to make a partition of their lands every eighth year. They do not use money, @@ -36958,14 +36958,14 @@ of which is on the sea, the other forms the opposite side of the mountain. Then follow the river Naron, and the people -in the neighbourhood, the Daorizi, Ardiæi, and Pleræi.Inhabitants, probably, of the peninsula Sabioncello. Near +in the neighbourhood, the Daorizi, Ardiæi, and Pleræi.Inhabitants, probably, of the peninsula Sabioncello. Near the former lies the island Black Corcyra,Curzola. on which is a city -founded by the Cnidians. Near the Ardiæi is Pharos, formerly called Paros, for it was founded by Parians. +founded by the Cnidians. Near the Ardiæi is Pharos, formerly called Paros, for it was founded by Parians.

-

Later writers call the Ardiæi, Vard$sei.Varalii, MSS.; but manifestly wrong. The Romans +

Later writers call the Ardiæi, Vard$sei.Varalii, MSS.; but manifestly wrong. The Romans drove them into the interior from the sea-coast, which @@ -36987,7 +36987,7 @@ neighbouring nations. People formerly very powerful are extinct, or were reduced to the lowest condition, as the Boii -and Scordisci among the Galatæ; the Autariatæ, Ardiæi, and +and Scordisci among the Galatæ; the Autariatæ, Ardiæi, and Dardanii, among the Illyrians; and the Triballi among the @@ -36998,17 +36998,17 @@ amongst themselves, but were finally prostrated by wars with the Macedonians and Romans.

-

After the termination of the coast of the Ardiæi and +

After the termination of the coast of the Ardiæi and -Pleræi is the bay of the Rhizæi, a city Rhizon,Risano in the Gulf of Cataro. other small +Pleræi is the bay of the Rhizæi, a city Rhizon,Risano in the Gulf of Cataro. other small towns, and the river Drilon,The river Drin. which may be navigated up its stream towards the east as far as Dardanica. This country -is situated close to the Macedonian and Pæonian nations, towards the south, as also the Autariatæ and the Dasaretii are +is situated close to the Macedonian and Pæonian nations, towards the south, as also the Autariatæ and the Dasaretii are -in parts contiguous to one another [and to the Autariatæ].Kramer suggests the omission of these words, which render the passage obscure. +in parts contiguous to one another [and to the Autariatæ].Kramer suggests the omission of these words, which render the passage obscure. To the Dardaniatae belong the Galabrii,Galabrii. The name of this people is unknown. Probably it should @@ -37018,9 +37018,9 @@ of the Taulantii, or that of a tribe belonging to them. The name Galabrus, or Ga gives some probability to the second conjecture. C. in whose territory is -an ancient city; and the Thunatæ, who approach on the east +an ancient city; and the Thunatæ, who approach on the east -close to the Mædi,The Mædi occupied the mountains which separate Macedonia from +close to the Mædi,The Mædi occupied the mountains which separate Macedonia from Thrace, between the river Strymon and Mount Rhodope. G. a Thracian tribe.

The Dardanii are entirely a savage people, so much so that @@ -37038,7 +37038,7 @@ in another place.

After the bay of RhizonThe Gulf of Cataro is Lissus,Alesso a city, Acrolissus,A fortified rock near. -and Epidamnus, the present Dyrrhachium,Durazzo founded by Corcyræans, and bearing the name of the peninsula on which it +and Epidamnus, the present Dyrrhachium,Durazzo founded by Corcyræans, and bearing the name of the peninsula on which it @@ -37050,7 +37050,7 @@ is situated. Then follow the rivers ApsusErgent, or Beratin the banks of which is situated Apollonia,Polina. Thucydides calls Apollonia a colony of the Corinthians, and -not of the Corinthians and Corcyræans. He states it, however, (b. i. c. +not of the Corinthians and Corcyræans. He states it, however, (b. i. c. 24,) to have been the practice for colonies which in their turn founded @@ -37058,16 +37058,16 @@ other colonies, to unite with them, on these occasions, citizens of the mother city. a city governed by -excellent laws. It was founded by Corinthians and Corcyræans, and is distant from the river 10, and from the sea 60, +excellent laws. It was founded by Corinthians and Corcyræans, and is distant from the river 10, and from the sea 60, -stadia. Hecatæus calls the Aous, Aias, and says that from +stadia. Hecatæus calls the Aous, Aias, and says that from the same place, or rather from the same sources about Lacmus,One of the peaks of Pindus. the Inachus flows southward, to Argos,Amphilochian Argos, now Filochia. G. and the Aias westward, into the Adriatic. -

In the territory of the Apolloniatæ there is what is called a +

In the territory of the Apolloniatæ there is what is called a -Nymphæum. It is a rock which emits fire. Below it are +Nymphæum. It is a rock which emits fire. Below it are springs flowing with hot water and asphaltus. The earth @@ -37121,7 +37121,7 @@ rived from a chief (Ionius) of that country, a native of Issa; and the name Adriatic from a river, Adrias.The word Adri/as is translated Adriatic. In the version of the New -Testament it is translated Adria. Acts xxvii. 27.—The Tartaro. +Testament it is translated Adria. Acts xxvii. 27.—The Tartaro.

From the Liburni to the Ceraunian mountains is a distance of a little more than 2000 stadia. But Theopompus says, @@ -37134,7 +37134,7 @@ incredible statements. Among other instances, he pretends that there is a subterraneous passage between the Adriatic -and the Ægæan Seas, grounding his opinion on the discovery +and the Ægæan Seas, grounding his opinion on the discovery of Chian and Thasian pottery in the river Naron.Narenta. The two @@ -37146,7 +37146,7 @@ extensive as to form a circle of 500 stadia. According to him, the Danube discharges itself by one of its mouths into the -Adriatic.A common opinion among ancient geographers. See b. i. c. ii. § 39. Similar mistakes are to be found in Eratosthenes, +Adriatic.A common opinion among ancient geographers. See b. i. c. ii. § 39. Similar mistakes are to be found in Eratosthenes, which Polybius, when speaking of him and other writers, describes as having their origin in vulgar error.parakou/smata laodogmatika/ @@ -37178,7 +37178,7 @@ the hills or in the plains lower down. These mountain-plains are in the possession of the Pannonians, and extend towards -the south as far as the Dalmatians and Ardiæi. They terminate towards the north at the Ister, and approach towards +the south as far as the Dalmatians and Ardiæi. They terminate towards the north at the Ister, and approach towards @@ -37191,9 +37191,9 @@ the east close to the Scordisci, who live near the Macedonian and Thracian mountains.

-

The Autariatæ were the most populous and the bravest +

The Autariatæ were the most populous and the bravest -tribe of the Illyrians. Formerly, there were continual disputes between them and the Ardiæi respecting the salt which +tribe of the Illyrians. Formerly, there were continual disputes between them and the Ardiæi respecting the salt which was spontaneously formed on the confines of their respective @@ -37207,13 +37207,13 @@ collecting salt was, by agreement, to be exercised alternately by each party, but the compact was broken and war was the -consequence. After the Autariatæ had subdued the Triballi, +consequence. After the Autariatæ had subdued the Triballi, a people whose territory extended a journey of fifteen days, -from the Agrianæ to the Danube, they became masters of the +from the Agrianæ to the Danube, they became masters of the -Thracians and Illyrians. The Autariatæ were first conquered +Thracians and Illyrians. The Autariatæ were first conquered by the Scordisci, and afterwards by the Romans, who overpowered the Scordisci, for a long time a powerful nation. @@ -37222,7 +37222,7 @@ by the Scordisci, and afterwards by the Romans, who overpowered the Scordisci, f Danube, and were divided into two tribes, the Great and the -Little Scordisci.The Agrianæ occupied the neighbourhood of Mount Pangæus on the +Little Scordisci.The Agrianæ occupied the neighbourhood of Mount Pangæus on the confines of Thrace and Macedonia. The Triballi, at the time alluded to @@ -37244,11 +37244,11 @@ which runs beside Segestica, and the Margus, or, as some call it, Bargus. The Little Scordisci lived beyond this river -close to the Triballi and Mysi.Mædi. The Scordisci possessed some +close to the Triballi and Mysi.Mædi. The Scordisci possessed some of the islands also. They increased so much in strength and -numbers as to advance even to the Illyrian, Pæonian, and +numbers as to advance even to the Illyrian, Pæonian, and Thracian confines. Most of the islands on the Danube fell @@ -37269,25 +37269,25 @@ we have before mentioned; we have also spoken of the marshesThe Dobrudscha. of the Lesser Scythia on this side the Danube. This -nation, and the Crobyzi, and the nation called Troglodytæ, +nation, and the Crobyzi, and the nation called Troglodytæ, live above the districts in which are situated Callatis, Tomis, -and Ister.Mangalia, Tomesvar, the place of Ovid's exile, Kara-Herman. Next are the people about the Mount Hæmus, +and Ister.Mangalia, Tomesvar, the place of Ovid's exile, Kara-Herman. Next are the people about the Mount Hæmus, and those who live at its foot, extending as far as the Pontus, -Coralli, and Bessi, and some tribes of Mædi and of Dantheletæ. All these nations are very much addicted to robbery. +Coralli, and Bessi, and some tribes of Mædi and of Dantheletæ. All these nations are very much addicted to robbery. -The Bessi possess far the greatest part of Mount Hæmus, +The Bessi possess far the greatest part of Mount Hæmus, and are called Robbers from their mode of life as free-booters. Some of them live in huts and lead a life of hardship. They -extend close to Rhodope, the Pæeones, and to the Illyrian nations; to the Autariatæ also, and the Dardanians. Between +extend close to Rhodope, the Pæeones, and to the Illyrian nations; to the Autariatæ also, and the Dardanians. Between -these and the Ardiæi are the Dasaretii, Hybrianes, and other +these and the Ardiæi are the Dasaretii, Hybrianes, and other obscure nations, whose numbers the Scordisci were continually @@ -37302,9 +37302,9 @@ impassable forests, which extended several days' journey.

OF the country situated between the Danube and the -mountains on each side of Pæonia, there remains to be described the Pontic coast, which reaches from the Sacred +mountains on each side of Pæonia, there remains to be described the Pontic coast, which reaches from the Sacred -mouth of the Danube to the mountainous district about Hæ- +mouth of the Danube to the mountainous district about Hæ- mus, and to the mouth of the Pontus at Byzantium. As in @@ -37339,7 +37339,7 @@ distance of 500 stadia, Ister,Istropolis or Kara-Herman.Tomesvar. another small town, at the distance of -250 stadia; then Callatis,Mangalia. a city, a colony of the Heracleotæ, +250 stadia; then Callatis,Mangalia. a city, a colony of the Heracleotæ, at 280 stadia; then, at 1300 stadia, Apollonia,Sizepoli. a colony of @@ -37353,21 +37353,21 @@ and dedicated it as a sacred offering in the Capitol. In the intermediate distance between Callatis and Apollonia, is Bizone, a great part of which was swallowed up by an earthquake; Cruni;Baltchik, near Kavarna. Odessus,Varna. a colony of Milesians; and Naulochus, a small town of the Mesembriani. Next follows the -mountain Hæmus,Cape Emineh-in the English charts Emona, but there is no fixed +mountain Hæmus,Cape Emineh-in the English charts Emona, but there is no fixed system of spelling for names of places in this part of the world. Emineh -is probably a corruption of Hæmus. extending to the sea in this quarter; then +is probably a corruption of Hæmus. extending to the sea in this quarter; then Mesembria,Missemvria. a colony of the Megarenses, formerly called Menabria, or city of Mena, Menas being the name of the founder, -and bria,Or Meneburgh, we should say. The Thracian was a language cognate with that of the Getæ; see Strabo, book vii. chap. iii. § 10; and +and bria,Or Meneburgh, we should say. The Thracian was a language cognate with that of the Getæ; see Strabo, book vii. chap. iii. § 10; and -the Getæ were Gothic. We have the Liber Aureus in the Moeso Gothic +the Getæ were Gothic. We have the Liber Aureus in the Moeso Gothic language still. signifying in the Thracian tongue, city. Thus the -city of Selys is called Selybria, and Ænus once had the name +city of Selys is called Selybria, and Ænus once had the name of Poltyobria. Then follows Anchiale,Ahiolou. a small town of the @@ -37376,20 +37376,20 @@ Apolloniat$aa, and Apollonia itself. strong, which Lysimachus formerly used as a treasury. Again, -from Apollonia to the Cyanetæ are about 1500 stadia. In this +from Apollonia to the Cyanetæ are about 1500 stadia. In this -interval are Thynias, a tract belonging to the Apolloniatæ, +interval are Thynias, a tract belonging to the Apolloniatæ, Phinopolis, and Andriace,Places no longer known. G. which are contiguous to Salmydessus. This coast is without inhabitants and rocky, without harbours, stretching far towards the north, and extending as -far as the Cyaneæ, about 700 stadia. Those who are wrecked +far as the Cyaneæ, about 700 stadia. Those who are wrecked on this coast are plundered by the Asti, a Thracian tribe who live above it. -

The CyaneæIn the English charts Kyanees. They do not correspond to the de- +

The CyaneæIn the English charts Kyanees. They do not correspond to the de- scription here given. The well-known poetical name is Symplegades. are two small islands at the mouth of the @@ -37444,7 +37444,7 @@ narrowness of the bays, which is such that they are caught even by the hand. These fish are bred in the marshes of the -Mæotis. When they have attained a little size and strength, +Mæotis. When they have attained a little size and strength, they rush through the mouth in shoals, and are carried along @@ -37458,7 +37458,7 @@ this place. When they get as far as Sinope, they are in better season for the fishery, and for the purpose of salting. But -when they have reached and passed the Cyaneæ, a white rock +when they have reached and passed the Cyaneæ, a white rock projects from the Chalcedonian shore, which alarms the fish, @@ -37506,7 +37506,7 @@ by the present walls of the Seraglio. The enlarged city was founded by the emperor Constantine, A. D. 328, who gave it his name, and made it the -rival of Rome itself. It was taken from the Greeks in 1204, by the Venetians under Dandolo; retaken by the Greeks in 1261 under the emperor Michael Palæologus, and conquered by the Turks in 1453. The +rival of Rome itself. It was taken from the Greeks in 1204, by the Venetians under Dandolo; retaken by the Greeks in 1261 under the emperor Michael Palæologus, and conquered by the Turks in 1453. The crescent found on some of the ancient Byzantine coins was adopted as a @@ -37542,7 +37542,7 @@ tract, and the countries which follow, lying below it, remain to be described. Among these are Greece, and the contiguous barbarous country extending to the mountains. -

Hecatæus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus, that, before +

Hecatæus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus, that, before the time of the Greeks, it was inhabited by barbarians. Perhaps even the whole of Greece was, anciently, a settlement of @@ -37568,23 +37568,23 @@ isthmus; for Thracians, under their leader Eumolpus,Eumolpu there instituted the mysteries of Ceres. took -possession of Attica; Tereus of Daulis in Phocæa; the Phœnicians, with their leader Cadmus,Cadmus, son of Agenor, king of Tyre, arrived in Bœotia B. C. 1550. +possession of Attica; Tereus of Daulis in Phocæa; the Phœnicians, with their leader Cadmus,Cadmus, son of Agenor, king of Tyre, arrived in Bœotia B. C. 1550. The citadel of Thebes was named after him. occupied the Cadmeian -district; Aones, and Temmices, and Hyantes, Bœotia. Pindar says, there was a time when the Bœotian people were +district; Aones, and Temmices, and Hyantes, Bœotia. Pindar says, there was a time when the Bœotian people were called Syes.Sues, Su/as, swine, in allusion to their ignorance. Some names show their barbarous origin, as -Cecrops, Codrus, Œclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus.There were two kings of Athens named Cecrops. The first of this +Cecrops, Codrus, Œclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus.There were two kings of Athens named Cecrops. The first of this -name, first king of Attica and Bœotia, came from Egypt. Cecrops II. +name, first king of Attica and Bœotia, came from Egypt. Cecrops II. -was the 7th, and Codrus the 17th and last king of Attica. Strabo informs us, b. x. c. i. § 3, that Œclus and Cothus were brothers of Ellops, +was the 7th, and Codrus the 17th and last king of Attica. Strabo informs us, b. x. c. i. § 3, that Œclus and Cothus were brothers of Ellops, -who founded Ellopia in Eubœa, and gave the name to the whole island. +who founded Ellopia in Eubœa, and gave the name to the whole island. -Thracians, Illyrians, and Epirotæ are settled even at present +Thracians, Illyrians, and Epirotæ are settled even at present on the sides of Greece. Formerly the territory they possessed @@ -37594,10 +37594,10 @@ a large part of the country, which, without dispute, is Greece. Macedonia is occupied by Thracians, as well as some parts of -Thessaly; the country above Acarnania and Ætolia, by Thesproti, Cassopæi, Amphilochi, Molotti, and Athamanes, Epirotic tribes. +Thessaly; the country above Acarnania and Ætolia, by Thesproti, Cassopæi, Amphilochi, Molotti, and Athamanes, Epirotic tribes.

-

We have already spoken of the Pelasgi.B. v. c. ii. § 4. Some writers +

We have already spoken of the Pelasgi.B. v. c. ii. § 4. Some writers conjecture that the Leleges and Carians are the same people; @@ -37635,11 +37635,11 @@ polity of the Acarnanians, he says that the Curetes occupied a part of the country, and the Leleges (and after them the -Teleboæ) the western side. On the subject of the Ætolian +Teleboæ) the western side. On the subject of the Ætolian polity, he calls the present Locri, Leleges, and observes that -they occupy Bœotia. He repeats the same remark on the +they occupy Bœotia. He repeats the same remark on the subject of the polity of the Opuntians and Megareans. In @@ -37700,7 +37700,7 @@ Polybius says that Paulus [Emilius], after the defeat of the MacedoniansB. C. 168. and their king Perseus, destroyed 70 cities of -the Epirotæ (most of which belonged to the Molotti) and reduced to slavery 150,000 of the inhabitants. Still, however, +the Epirotæ (most of which belonged to the Molotti) and reduced to slavery 150,000 of the inhabitants. Still, however, I shall endeavour, as far as it is compatible with the design @@ -37741,7 +37741,7 @@ Way. The first part of it is called the road to Candavia, which is an Illyrian mountain. It passes through Lychnidus,Lago d' Ochrida. -a city, and Pylon, a place which separates Illyria from Macedonia. Thence its direction is beside Barnus through Heracleia, the Lyncestæ, and the Eordi, to EdessaVodina. and Pella,The ruins of Pella are at a little distance on the east of the lake +a city, and Pylon, a place which separates Illyria from Macedonia. Thence its direction is beside Barnus through Heracleia, the Lyncestæ, and the Eordi, to EdessaVodina. and Pella,The ruins of Pella are at a little distance on the east of the lake Tenidscheh. as @@ -37755,7 +37755,7 @@ extending as far as the Gulf of Ambracia;Gulf of Arta.

The country, from the commencement of the Macedonian -and Pæonian mountains, as far as the river Strymon,Iemboli. is inhabited by Macedonians, and Pæones, and some of the Thracian mountain tribes. But all the country on the other side +and Pæonian mountains, as far as the river Strymon,Iemboli. is inhabited by Macedonians, and Pæones, and some of the Thracian mountain tribes. But all the country on the other side the Strymon, as far as the mouth of the Euxine Sea, and -Mount Hæmus,Balkan applies to the whole mountainous range of Hæmus; Emineh +Mount Hæmus,Balkan applies to the whole mountainous range of Hæmus; Emineh to the part bordering on the Black Sea. belong to the Thracians, except the coast, @@ -37784,12 +37784,12 @@ which is occupied by Greeks, some of whom are settled on the Propontis,Sea of Marmora. others on the Hellespont and on the Gulf -Melas,Gulf of Saros. and others on the Ægean Sea. -

The Ægean Sea waters two sides of Greece; first, the +Melas,Gulf of Saros. and others on the Ægean Sea. +

The Ægean Sea waters two sides of Greece; first, the eastern side, extending from the promontory SuniumCape Colonna. to the -north as far as the Thermæan Gulf, and Thessalonica, a Mace- +north as far as the Thermæan Gulf, and Thessalonica, a Mace- donian city, which has, at present, the largest population in @@ -37819,11 +37819,11 @@ Molotti, because the whole of Epirus was at one time subject, first to Chaones, was greatly strengthened by the family of their kings being -descended from the Æacidæ, and because the ancient and +descended from the Æacidæ, and because the ancient and famous oracle of DodonaThe site of Dodona is unknown. was in their country. Chaones, -Thesproti, and next after these Cassopæi, (who are Thes- +Thesproti, and next after these Cassopæi, (who are Thes- @@ -37873,13 +37873,13 @@ Calamas. flows near it. Above this gulf is situated Cichyrus, formerly Ephyra, a city -of the Thesproti, and above the gulf at Buthrotum, Phœnice.Sopoto. +of the Thesproti, and above the gulf at Buthrotum, Phœnice.Sopoto. -Near Cichyrus is Buchetium, a small city of the Cassopæi, +Near Cichyrus is Buchetium, a small city of the Cassopæi, situated at a little distance from the sea; Elatria, Pandosia, -and Batiæ are in the inland parts. Their territory extends +and Batiæ are in the inland parts. Their territory extends as far as the gulf. Next after the harbour Glycys-Limen are @@ -37887,7 +37887,7 @@ two others, Comarus,Porto Fanari. the nearest and sm isthmus of 60 stadia, near the Ambracian Gulf and Nicopolis,The ruins of Nicopolis are to the north of Prevesa. -founded by Augustus Cæsar; the other, the more distant and +founded by Augustus Cæsar; the other, the more distant and larger, and better harbour, is near the mouth of the gulf, and @@ -37912,7 +37912,7 @@ are Greeks; and here near the entrance of the gulf is a temple of Apollo Actius, below is a sacred grove, and a naval station. Here Augustus -CæsarCæsar Augustus (then Cæsar Octavianus) obtained the celebrated +CæsarCæsar Augustus (then Cæsar Octavianus) obtained the celebrated victory of Actium over Marcus Antonius, B. C. 31. The latter, after his @@ -37929,9 +37929,9 @@ The vessels, and the buildings destined for their reception, were destroyed, it is said, by fire.

On the left hand are Nicopolis,In the Austrian map a ground-plan of the ruins of Nicopolis are -given, at about one mile to the north of Prevesa. and the Cassopæi, a tribe +given, at about one mile to the north of Prevesa. and the Cassopæi, a tribe -of the Epirotæ, extending as far as the recess of the gulf at +of the Epirotæ, extending as far as the recess of the gulf at Ambracia. AmbraciaThe Gulf of Ambracia, and the rivers which flow into it, are much @@ -37949,7 +37949,7 @@ son of Cypselus. The river Arathus flows beside it, which may be navigated up the stream to the city, a distance of a -few stadia. It rises in Mount Tymphe, and the Paroræa. +few stadia. It rises in Mount Tymphe, and the Paroræa. This city was formerly in a very flourishing condition, and @@ -37990,22 +37990,22 @@ containing a gymnasium and a stadium, intended for the celebration of quinquenni ground overhanging the grove, is sacred to Apollo. The -Olympian game, called the Actia,Virg. Æn. iii. 280. is instituted there in honour +Olympian game, called the Actia,Virg. Æn. iii. 280. is instituted there in honour of Apollo Actius. It is under the superintendence of the -Lacedæmonians. The other surrounding settlements are dependent on Nicopolis. The Actian gamesVirg. Æn. iii. 280. were formerly +Lacedæmonians. The other surrounding settlements are dependent on Nicopolis. The Actian gamesVirg. Æn. iii. 280. were formerly celebrated in honour of the god by the neighbouring people; -it was a contest in which the victor was crowned; but Cæsar +it was a contest in which the victor was crowned; but Cæsar has conferred on it greater honours.

After Ambracia follows the Amphilochian Argos, founded -by Alcmæon and his sons. According to Ephorus, Alcmæon, +by Alcmæon and his sons. According to Ephorus, Alcmæon, after the expedition of the EpigoniDescendants of the seven chiefs who fought and perished before @@ -38013,7 +38013,7 @@ Thebes. against Thebes, upon the solicitation of Diomed, accompanied him in his invasion of -Ætolia, and obtained joint possession of this country and of +Ætolia, and obtained joint possession of this country and of Acarnania. When Agamemnon invited them to come to the @@ -38032,11 +38032,11 @@ having succeeded to the dynasty of his brother, founded the city which is called after his name.

-

The Amphilochians are Epirotæ, as also are those nations +

The Amphilochians are Epirotæ, as also are those nations who inhabit a rugged country situated above and close to the -Illyrian mountains, the Molotti, Athamanes, Æthices, Tymphæi, Orestæ Paroræi, and Atintanes, some of whom approach +Illyrian mountains, the Molotti, Athamanes, Æthices, Tymphæi, Orestæ Paroræi, and Atintanes, some of whom approach nearer to Macedonia, others to the Ionian Gulf. It is said @@ -38062,12 +38062,12 @@ live the Bulliones, Taulantii, Parthini, and Brygi.These na separated by the numerous mountain ridges to the west of Pindus. See -below, § 9. But compare D Anville and the Austrian military map. +below, § 9. But compare D Anville and the Austrian military map.

Somewhere near are the silver mines of Damastium. Here the Perisadyes had established their sway, and Enchelii, who -are also called Sesarethii. Then come the Lyncestæ, the territory Deuriopus, Pelagonia-Tripolitis, the Eordi, Elimia, +are also called Sesarethii. Then come the Lyncestæ, the territory Deuriopus, Pelagonia-Tripolitis, the Eordi, Elimia, and Eratyra. Formerly each of these nations was under its @@ -38075,12 +38075,12 @@ own prince. The chiefs of the Enchelii were descendants of Cadmus and Harmonia, and scenes of the fables respecting -these persons are shown in the territory. This nation, therefore, was not governed by native princes. The Lyncestæ +these persons are shown in the territory. This nation, therefore, was not governed by native princes. The Lyncestæ -were under Arrhabæus, who was of the race of the Bacchiadæ. Irra was his daughter, and his grand-daughter was +were under Arrhabæus, who was of the race of the Bacchiadæ. Irra was his daughter, and his grand-daughter was Eurydice, the mother of Philip Amyntas. -

The Molotti also were Epirotæ, and were subjects of Pyrrhus Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles, and of his descendants, +

The Molotti also were Epirotæ, and were subjects of Pyrrhus Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles, and of his descendants, who were Thessalians. The rest were governed by native @@ -38125,13 +38125,13 @@ and the Evenus, formerly called Lycormas. The Ratous discharges its waters into the Achelous, the Achelous itself into the sea, as also the -Evenus; the former traverses Acarnania, the latter Ætolia. +Evenus; the former traverses Acarnania, the latter Ætolia. The Erigon, after having received many streams which flow from the Illyrian mountains, and through the territories of -Lyncestæ, Brygi, Deuriopes, and Pelagonians, empties itself +Lyncestæ, Brygi, Deuriopes, and Pelagonians, empties itself into the Axius. @@ -38144,9 +38144,9 @@ three cities, of which Azorus was one. All the cities of the Deuriopes were situated on the banks of the Erigon; among -which were Bryanium, Alalcomenæ,Alcomene. and Stymbara.Styberra, Polyb.; Stubera, Liv.; Stobera, Suid. Cydriæ +which were Bryanium, Alalcomenæ,Alcomene. and Stymbara.Styberra, Polyb.; Stubera, Liv.; Stobera, Suid. Cydriæ -belonged to the Brygi, and Æginium on the confines of Æthicia, and Tricca, to the Tymphæi. Near Macedonia and Thessalia, about the mountains Pœus and Pindus, are the Æthices, +belonged to the Brygi, and Æginium on the confines of Æthicia, and Tricca, to the Tymphæi. Near Macedonia and Thessalia, about the mountains Pœus and Pindus, are the Æthices, and the sources of the Peneus, which are a subject of dispute @@ -38155,7 +38155,7 @@ between the Tymphei and the Thessalians, who are situated below Pindus.

On the banks of the river Ion is Oxynia, a city distant from -Azorus in the Tripolitis 120 stadia. Near Oxynia are Alalcomenæ, Æginium, Europus, and the confluence of the Ion +Azorus in the Tripolitis 120 stadia. Near Oxynia are Alalcomenæ, Æginium, Europus, and the confluence of the Ion with the Peneus.

At that time then, as I said before, the whole of Epirus @@ -38183,7 +38183,7 @@ sovereigns in Greece. Thus the poet speaks, -O great Pelasgic Dodonæan Jove;Iliad, book xvi. 233.Iliad, book xvi. 233. +O great Pelasgic Dodonæan Jove;Iliad, book xvi. 233.Iliad, book xvi. 233. @@ -38218,7 +38218,7 @@ existed in Homer, the ambiguity of the writing does not permit us to affirm confidently. Philochorus says, that the -country about Dodona was called, like Eubœa, Hellopia; for +country about Dodona was called, like Eubœa, Hellopia; for these are the words of Hesiod, @@ -38297,9 +38297,9 @@ withhold.Odys. xvi. 403. For it is better, it is asserted, to write Tomuritomou/o|ous. than The- -Mistæ,qe/mistas. because in no passage whatever are oracles called by +Mistæ,qe/mistas. because in no passage whatever are oracles called by -the poet Themistæ, this term being applied to decrees,boulai/. or +the poet Themistæ, this term being applied to decrees,boulai/. or statutes and rules of civil government; and the persons are @@ -38379,16 +38379,16 @@ made some peculiar flight, which, observed by the priestesses, suggested the oracular answer. Some say that, in the language of the Molotti and Thesprote, old women are called -peliæ, and old men pelii, so that the celebrated doves +peliæ, and old men pelii, so that the celebrated doves were probably not birds, but three old women who passed an idle time about the temple. EPIT.

-

Among the Thesprotæ and Molotti old women are called +

Among the Thesprotæ and Molotti old women are called -peliæ, and old men pelii, as among the Macedonians. +peliæ, and old men pelii, as among the Macedonians. Persons at least who hold office are called peligones, as @@ -38403,7 +38403,7 @@ the oak at Dodona is a fable. E. In the temple was a brazen vessel, having over it a statue of -a man (an offering of the Corcyræans) grasping in the hand +a man (an offering of the Corcyræans) grasping in the hand a brazen scourge of three thongs, woven in chains, from which @@ -38417,16 +38417,16 @@ the beginning to the end of the vibrations might proceed to count as far as four hundred. Whence also came the proverb, -The Corcyræan scourge.This proverb is quoted in Plutarch's Life of Lycurgus. EPIT. +The Corcyræan scourge.This proverb is quoted in Plutarch's Life of Lycurgus. EPIT.

-

Pæonia is to the east of these nations, and to the west +

Pæonia is to the east of these nations, and to the west of the Thracian mountains; on the north it lies above Macedonia. Through the city Gortynium and Stobi it admits of a passage to * * * (through which the Axius flows, and -renders the access difficult from Pæonia into Macedonia, as +renders the access difficult from Pæonia into Macedonia, as @@ -38436,33 +38436,33 @@ renders the access difficult from Pæonia into Macedonia, as the Peneus flowing through Tempe protects it on the side of -Greece.) On the south, Pæonia borders on the Autariatæ, +Greece.) On the south, Pæonia borders on the Autariatæ, -the Dardanii, and the Ardiæi; it extends also as far as the +the Dardanii, and the Ardiæi; it extends also as far as the Strymon. E.

-

The HaliacmonIndesche Karasu. flows into the Thermæan Gulf. E. +

The HaliacmonIndesche Karasu. flows into the Thermæan Gulf. E.

Orestis is of considerable extent; there is in it a large -mountain which reaches to CoraxOxas. of Ætolia and to Parnassus. +mountain which reaches to CoraxOxas. of Ætolia and to Parnassus. -It is inhabited by the Orestæ themselves, by the Tymphæans, +It is inhabited by the Orestæ themselves, by the Tymphæans, and by Greeks without the isthmus, namely, those who also -occupy Parnassus, Æta, and Pindus. As a whole, the mountain is called by one name, Boion, (Peum?) but the separate +occupy Parnassus, Æta, and Pindus. As a whole, the mountain is called by one name, Boion, (Peum?) but the separate -divisions bear various names. The Ægean, Ambracian, and +divisions bear various names. The Ægean, Ambracian, and Ionian Seas are said to be distinguishable from the highest elevations, but this appears to me to be an extravagant assertion; for Pteleum rises to a considerable height, and is situated near the Ambracian Gulf, stretching on one side to the -Corcyræan and on the other to the Leucadian Seas. E. +Corcyræan and on the other to the Leucadian Seas. E.

Corcyra, humbled by many wars, became a subject of @@ -38493,7 +38493,7 @@ country and its form, we have determined to separate it from Greece, and to unite it with Thrace, which borders upon -it.——Strabo, after a few remarks, mentions CypselaIpsala. and the +it.——Strabo, after a few remarks, mentions CypselaIpsala. and the river Hebrus.The Maritza. He also describes a parallelogram in which is @@ -38514,7 +38514,7 @@ city Cypsela; on the north by an imaginary straight line passing through the mou -Rhodope,Despotodagh. and Hæmus.Velikidagh. For these mountains extend in a +Rhodope,Despotodagh. and Hæmus.Velikidagh. For these mountains extend in a straight line, beginning from the Adriatic, to the Euxine, @@ -38533,13 +38533,13 @@ Emathia. It acquired this name from Macedon, one of its ancient princes. There was also a city Emathia near the sea. -The country was occupied by some of the Epirotæ and Illyrians, but the greatest part by Bottiæi and Thracians. The +The country was occupied by some of the Epirotæ and Illyrians, but the greatest part by Bottiæi and Thracians. The -Bottiæi were of Cretan origin, and came under the command +Bottiæi were of Cretan origin, and came under the command of Botton; the Pieres, who were Thracians, inhabited Pieria -and the parts about Olympus; the Pæonians, the borders of +and the parts about Olympus; the Pæonians, the borders of the river Axius, from whence the region was called Amphaxitis; the Edoni and Bisalti, the rest of the country as far as @@ -38547,11 +38547,11 @@ the Strymon. The Bisalti retained their name, but the Edoni went under the various names of Mygdones, Edoni, (Odones?) -and Sithones. Of all these people, the Argeadæ and the +and Sithones. Of all these people, the Argeadæ and the -Chalcidenses of Eubœa became the chief. The Chalcidenses +Chalcidenses of Eubœa became the chief. The Chalcidenses -came from Eubœa into the territory of the Sithones, and there +came from Eubœa into the territory of the Sithones, and there founded about thirty cities. They were subsequently driven @@ -38566,7 +38566,7 @@ name of Chalcidenses-in-Thrace. E. boundary of Upper Macedonia; and the Haliacmon, the Erigon, the Axius, and other rivers, form the boundary between -Macedonia and the Epirotæ and the Pæonians. E. +Macedonia and the Epirotæ and the Pæonians. E.

If a line is drawn from the recess of the Thermaic @@ -38581,9 +38581,9 @@ Macedonia extends in both directions, and we must begin with the line first mentioned. The first part of it has beyond it -Attica with Megaris to the Crissæan Bay. Next succeeds +Attica with Megaris to the Crissæan Bay. Next succeeds -the sea-coast of Bœotia near Eubea. Above Eubœa an the +the sea-coast of Bœotia near Eubea. Above Eubœa an the @@ -38591,7 +38591,7 @@ the sea-coast of Bœotia near Eubea. Above Eubœa an the -west lies the rest of Bœotia, parallel with Attica. Strabo +west lies the rest of Bœotia, parallel with Attica. Strabo says that the Egnatian Way begins from the Ionian Gulf and @@ -38606,9 +38606,9 @@ Haliacmon near the sea. The Peneus flows from Mount Pindus through the middle of Thrace eastwards; passing -through the cities of the Lapithæ and some of the cities of the +through the cities of the Lapithæ and some of the cities of the -Perrhæbi, it arrives at the vale of Tempe, having in its course +Perrhæbi, it arrives at the vale of Tempe, having in its course received the waters of several rivers: of these, the Europus @@ -38628,7 +38628,7 @@ the Macedonian mountains, on the left, [and Ossa on the right, near] the mouth of the river. At the mouth of the Peneus -on the right is situated Gyrton, a city of the Perrhæbi, and +on the right is situated Gyrton, a city of the Perrhæbi, and Magnetis, where Pirithous and Ixion were kings. The city @@ -38645,7 +38645,7 @@ side. E.

The Peneus, rising in Mount Pindus, flows through -Tempe, the middle of Thessaly, the Lapithæ, and the Perrhæbi. It receives the Europus, (Eurotas,) which Homer +Tempe, the middle of Thessaly, the Lapithæ, and the Perrhæbi. It receives the Europus, (Eurotas,) which Homer calls Titaresius, in its course, and forms on the north the @@ -38656,7 +38656,7 @@ The sources of the river Europus are in Mount Titarius, which is contiguous to Olympus. Olympus itself is in Macedonia; Ossa and Pelion in Thessaly. EPIT.

-

At the roots of Olympus, and on the banks of the Peneus, is Gyrton, a Perrhæbic city, and Magnetis, where Pirithous and Ixion ruled. [The city] Crannon is [100 stadia] +

At the roots of Olympus, and on the banks of the Peneus, is Gyrton, a Perrhæbic city, and Magnetis, where Pirithous and Ixion ruled. [The city] Crannon is [100 stadia] distant [from Gyrton]; and it is said that when the poet writes @@ -38667,7 +38667,7 @@ Crannonians, and by Phlegyes, the Gyrtonii. EPIT.

The city Dium is not on the sea-shore of the Ther- -mæan Gulf, at the roots of Olympus, but is about 7 stadia +mæan Gulf, at the roots of Olympus, but is about 7 stadia @@ -38706,7 +38706,7 @@ intention of taking forcible possession of power, he was attacked by them and pu then Pydna, Methone, Alorus, and the rivers Erigon and Ludias. The Ludias flows from Triclari, through the Oresti and -the Pellæan country (Pelagonia): leaving the city on the left +the Pellæan country (Pelagonia): leaving the city on the left it falls into the Axius. The Ludias is navigable up the stream @@ -38714,15 +38714,15 @@ to Pella 120 stadia. Methone is situated in the middle, about 40 stadia distant from Pydna, and 70 stadia from Alorus. -Alorus is situated in the farthest recess of the Thermæan +Alorus is situated in the farthest recess of the Thermæan Gulf. It was called Thessalonica on account of the splendid [victory obtained over the Thessalians]. Alorus is considered -as belonging to Bottiæa and Pydna to Pieria. Pella is in +as belonging to Bottiæa and Pydna to Pieria. Pella is in -Lower Macedonia, which was in possession of the Bottiæi. +Lower Macedonia, which was in possession of the Bottiæi. Here was formerly the Macedonian Treasury. Philip, who @@ -38738,7 +38738,7 @@ itself between Chalastra and Therma. Near this river is a fortified place, now called Abydos; Homer calls it Amydon, -and says that the Pæonians came from hence to assist the +and says that the Pæonians came from hence to assist the Trojans during the siege of Troy. @@ -38750,7 +38750,7 @@ Trojans during the siege of Troy. -It was razed by the Argeadæ. E. +It was razed by the Argeadæ. E.

The water of the Axius is turbid. Homer, however, @@ -38763,7 +38763,7 @@ says that the water is month beautiful, probably on -of a spring called Æa which runs into it, the water of which +of a spring called Æa which runs into it, the water of which is of surpassing clearness. This is sufficient to prove that @@ -38773,11 +38773,11 @@ Axius is the Echedorus,The Gallico. 20 stadia distan Egnatian Way. He named the city after his wife Thessalonice, the daughter of Philip Amyntas, and pulled down -nearly 26 cities in the district of Crucis, and on the Thermræan Gulf, collecting the inhabitants into one city. It is the +nearly 26 cities in the district of Crucis, and on the Thermræan Gulf, collecting the inhabitants into one city. It is the metropolis of the present Macedonia. The cities transferred -to Thessalonica were Apollonia, Chalastra, Therma, Garescus, Ænea, and Cissus. Cissus, it is probable, belonged to +to Thessalonica were Apollonia, Chalastra, Therma, Garescus, Ænea, and Cissus. Cissus, it is probable, belonged to Cisseus, who is mentioned by the poet. Cisseus educated @@ -38786,7 +38786,7 @@ him, meaning Iphidamas. E.

After the city Drium is the river Haliacmon, which -discharges itself into the Thermæan Gulf. From hence to +discharges itself into the Thermæan Gulf. From hence to the river Axius the sea-coast on the north of the gulf bears @@ -38800,7 +38800,7 @@ Pella the river is navigated upwards to the distance of 20 stadia. Methone is distant from Pydna 40 stadia, and 70 -stadia from Alorus. Pydna is a Pierian, Alorus a Bottiæan +stadia from Alorus. Pydna is a Pierian, Alorus a Bottiæan city. In the plain of Pydna the Romans defeated Perseus, @@ -38819,13 +38819,13 @@ which flows the river Ludias. The lake is supplied by a branch of the river Axius. Next follows the Axius, which -separates the territory of Bottiæa and Amphaxitis, and after +separates the territory of Bottiæa and Amphaxitis, and after receiving the river Erigon, issues out between Chalestra and Therme. On the river Axius is a place which Homer calls -Amydon, and says that the Pæones set out thence as auxiliaries to Troy: +Amydon, and says that the Pæones set out thence as auxiliaries to Troy: @@ -38850,7 +38850,7 @@ altered the line )Aciou=, ou)/ ka/llistton u(/dwo| e)piki/dnatai Ai)=an, -Axius, whose fairest water o'erspreads Æa, +Axius, whose fairest water o'erspreads Æa, @@ -38859,7 +38859,7 @@ to )Aciou=, w(=| ka/lliston u(/odwo| e)piki/dnatai Ai)/hs. -Axius, o'er whom spreads Æa's fairest water. +Axius, o'er whom spreads Æa's fairest water. @@ -38873,7 +38873,7 @@ the words of the geographer, where he says that the Amydon of Homer was afterwards called Abydos, but was razed. For there is a spring of -clearest water near Amydon, called Æa, running into the Axius, which +clearest water near Amydon, called Æa, running into the Axius, which is itself turbid, in consequence of the numerous rivers which flow into @@ -38894,7 +38894,7 @@ after the name of his wife, a daughter of Philip Amyntas. He transferred to it the small surrounding cities, Chalastra, -Ænea, Cissus, and some others. Probably from this Cissus +Ænea, Cissus, and some others. Probably from this Cissus came Iphidamas, mentioned in Homer, whose grandfather @@ -38903,13 +38903,13 @@ Cisseus educated him, he says, in Thrace, which called Macedonia. EPIT.

-

Somewhere in this neighbourhood is the mountain Bermius,Buræus. which was formerly in the possession of the Briges, a +

Somewhere in this neighbourhood is the mountain Bermius,Buræus. which was formerly in the possession of the Briges, a Thracian nation, some of whom passed over to Asia and were -called by another name, Phrygians (Phryges). After Thessalonica follows the remaining part of the Thermæan Gulf,Gulf of Salonica. +called by another name, Phrygians (Phryges). After Thessalonica follows the remaining part of the Thermæan Gulf,Gulf of Salonica. -extending to Canastræum.Cape Pailuri. This is a promontory of a peninsula form, and is opposite to Magnesia. Pallene is the name +extending to Canastræum.Cape Pailuri. This is a promontory of a peninsula form, and is opposite to Magnesia. Pallene is the name of the peninsula. It has an isthmus 5 stadia in width, with a @@ -38921,7 +38921,7 @@ ditch cut across it. There is a city on the peninsula, formerly -called Potidæa,The ruins of Potidæa, or Cassandria, are near Pinako. founded by the Corinthians, but afterwards it +called Potidæa,The ruins of Potidæa, or Cassandria, are near Pinako. founded by the Corinthians, but afterwards it was called Cassandria, from king Cassander, who restored it @@ -38946,14 +38946,14 @@ are said to have committed the destructive act of burning the ships, to avoid be wives. E.

-

The city BerœaKarafaja. lies at the roots of Mount Bermius. +

The city BerœaKarafaja. lies at the roots of Mount Bermius. EPIT.

Pallene is a peninsula. On the isthmus of Pallene -lies what was once Potidæa, but now Cassandra. It was +lies what was once Potidæa, but now Cassandra. It was formerly called Phlegra, and was inhabited by the fabulous @@ -38964,10 +38964,10 @@ Hercules. It has upon it four cities, Aphytis, Mende, Scione, and Sana. EPIT.

-

Olynthus is distant from Potidæa 70 stadia. E. +

Olynthus is distant from Potidæa 70 stadia. E.

-

The arsenal of Olynthus is Mecyberna, on the Toronæan Gulf. EPIT. +

The arsenal of Olynthus is Mecyberna, on the Toronæan Gulf. EPIT.

Near Olynthus is a hollow tract called Cantharolethron, from an accidental circumstance. The Cantharus, (the @@ -38977,7 +38977,7 @@ beetle,) which is bred in the surrounding country, dies as soon as it touches this tract. EPIT.

-

Next after Cassandria is the remaining part of the seacoast of the Toronæan Gulf, as far as Derris. It is a promontory opposite the district of Canastrum, and forms a gulf. +

Next after Cassandria is the remaining part of the seacoast of the Toronæan Gulf, as far as Derris. It is a promontory opposite the district of Canastrum, and forms a gulf. Opposite to Derris, to the east, are the promontories of Athos; @@ -39002,21 +39002,21 @@ promontory Derris, near Cophus-Limen [or Deaf Harbour]: -these form the boundaries of the Toronæan Gulf. Again, +these form the boundaries of the Toronæan Gulf. Again, towards the east lies the promontory of Athos, [Nymphaeum,] which bounds the Singitic Gulf. Then follow one another -the gulfs of the Ægean Sea, towards the north, in this order: +the gulfs of the Ægean Sea, towards the north, in this order: -the Maliac,Gulf of Zeitun. the Pagasitic,G. of Volo. the Thermæan,G. of Salonica. the Toronæan,G. of Cassandra. +the Maliac,Gulf of Zeitun. the Pagasitic,G. of Volo. the Thermæan,G. of Salonica. the Toronæan,G. of Cassandra. the Singitic,G. of Monte Santo. and the Strymonic.G. of Orfane The promontories are these: Posidium,Cape Stauros. situated between the Maliac and Pegasitic -Gulfs; next in order, towards the north, Sepias;C. Demitri. then CanastrumC. Pailuri. in Pallene; then Derris;C. Drepano next NymphæumC. St. George. in +Gulfs; next in order, towards the north, Sepias;C. Demitri. then CanastrumC. Pailuri. in Pallene; then Derris;C. Drepano next NymphæumC. St. George. in Athos, on the Singitic Gulf; Acrathos,C. Monte Santo. the promontory on @@ -39031,7 +39031,7 @@ towards the north. EPIT. city near the Canal of Xerxes. There are five cities in Athos; -Dium, Cleonæ, Thyssos, Olophyxis, Acrothoi, which is situated near the summit of Athos. Mount Athos is pap-shaped, +Dium, Cleonæ, Thyssos, Olophyxis, Acrothoi, which is situated near the summit of Athos. Mount Athos is pap-shaped, very pointed, and of very great height. Those who live upon @@ -39060,11 +39060,11 @@ proverb, Piles of plenty.

There are numerous gold mines among the Crenides, -where the city of Philip now stands, near Mount Pangæus. +where the city of Philip now stands, near Mount Pangæus. -Pangæus itself, and the country on the east of the Strymon, +Pangæus itself, and the country on the east of the Strymon, -and on the west as far as Pæonia, contains gold and silver +and on the west as far as Pæonia, contains gold and silver @@ -39072,7 +39072,7 @@ and on the west as far as Pæonia, contains gold and silver -mines. Particles of gold, it is said, are found in Pæonia in +mines. Particles of gold, it is said, are found in Pæonia in ploughing the land. EPIT. @@ -39106,7 +39106,7 @@ as to present a navigable passage. Here Alexarchus, the son of Antipater, built the city Uranopolis, 30 stadia in circumference.

This peninsula was inhabited by Pelasgi from Lemnos; they -were distributed into five small cities, Cleonæ, Olophyxis, +were distributed into five small cities, Cleonæ, Olophyxis, Acrothoi, Dium, Thyssos. After Athos comes the Strymonic @@ -39145,11 +39145,11 @@ rivers, dockyards, and valuable gold mines. Hence the proverb,

The source of the river Strymon is among the Agrianes @@ -39187,29 +39187,29 @@ Bisaltæ and Odomantes. E. near Rhodope. EPIT.

-

The Pæonians, according to some, were a dependent +

The Pæonians, according to some, were a dependent colony of the Phrygians; according to others, they were an -independent settlement. Pænonia, it is said, extended to Pelagonia and Pieria; Pelagonia is said to have been formerly +independent settlement. Pænonia, it is said, extended to Pelagonia and Pieria; Pelagonia is said to have been formerly -called Orestia; and Asteropæus, one of the chiefs from Pæonia who went to Troy, to have been called, with great probability, the son of Pelagon, and the Pæonians themselves to +called Orestia; and Asteropæus, one of the chiefs from Pæonia who went to Troy, to have been called, with great probability, the son of Pelagon, and the Pæonians themselves to have been called Pelagones. E.

-

The Asteropæus in Homer, son of Pelegon, we are told, +

The Asteropæus in Homer, son of Pelegon, we are told, -was of Pæonia in Macedonia: whence Son of Pelegon; +was of Pæonia in Macedonia: whence Son of Pelegon; -for the Pæonians were called Pelagones. EPIT. +for the Pæonians were called Pelagones. EPIT.

-

As the pœanismus, or singing of the Thracian Pæan, +

As the pœanismus, or singing of the Thracian Pæan, was called titanusmus by the Greeks, in imitation of a well- -known note in the pæan, so the Pelagones were called Titanes. E, +known note in the pæan, so the Pelagones were called Titanes. E, @@ -39218,7 +39218,7 @@ known note in the pæan, so the Pelagones were called Titanes. E,

-

Anciently, as at present, the Pæonians appear to have +

Anciently, as at present, the Pæonians appear to have been masters of so much of what is now called Macedonia as @@ -39226,7 +39226,7 @@ to be able to besiege Perinthus, and subject to their power Crestonia, the whole of Mygdonia, and the territory of the -Agrianes as far as Mount Pangæus. Above the sea-coast of +Agrianes as far as Mount Pangæus. Above the sea-coast of the Strymonic Gulf, extending from Galepsus to Nestus, are @@ -39246,7 +39246,7 @@ It was inhabited by Bistones, over whom ruled Diomed. The Nestus does not always keep within its banks, but frequently -inundates the country. Then Dicæa, a city on the gulf, with +inundates the country. Then Dicæa, a city on the gulf, with a harbour. Above it is the lake Bistonis, 200 stadia in circumference. They say that Hercules, when he came to seize @@ -39264,7 +39264,7 @@ it is the outlet of the lake Ismaris. The stream is called sweet * * * * * * At this place are what are called the -heads of the Thasii. The Sapæi are situated above. E. +heads of the Thasii. The Sapæi are situated above. E.

Topeira is situated near Abdera and Maronia. E. @@ -39277,7 +39277,7 @@ Sinties. EPIT.

After the river Nestus to the west is the city Abdera, -named after Abderus, who was eaten by the horses of Diomed; then, near, Dicæa, a city, above which is situated a large +named after Abderus, who was eaten by the horses of Diomed; then, near, Dicæa, a city, above which is situated a large lake, the Bistonis; then the city Maronia. EPIT. @@ -39312,15 +39312,15 @@ by the Romans, first from Perseus, and afterwards from Pseudophilip. Paulus, who parts; one he assigned to Amphipolis, a second to Thessalonica, a third to Pella, and a fourth to Pelagonia. Along the -Hebrus dwell the Corpili, the Brenæ still higher up, above +Hebrus dwell the Corpili, the Brenæ still higher up, above them, and lastly the Bessi, for the Hebrus is navigable up to -this point. All these nations are addicted to plunder, particularly the Bessi, whom, he says, border upon the Odrysæ +this point. All these nations are addicted to plunder, particularly the Bessi, whom, he says, border upon the Odrysæ -and Sapei. Bizya is the capital of the Astræ (?). Some give +and Sapei. Bizya is the capital of the Astræ (?). Some give -the name of Odrysæ to all those people who live on the mountains overhanging the coast, from the Hebrus and Cypsela to +the name of Odrysæ to all those people who live on the mountains overhanging the coast, from the Hebrus and Cypsela to Odessus. They were under the kingly government of Amadocus, Khersobleptes, Berisades, Seuthes, (Theseus?) and @@ -39345,7 +39345,7 @@ Mount Ida. He taught the Trojans the Samothracian mysteries. Samothrace was form

The gods worshipped in Samothrace, the Curbantes -and Corybantes, the Curetes and the Idæan Dactyli, are said +and Corybantes, the Curetes and the Idæan Dactyli, are said by many persons to be the same as the Cabiri, although they @@ -39354,9 +39354,9 @@ are unable to explain who the Cabiri were. E.

At the mouth of the Hebrus, which discharges itself -by two channels, in the Gulf of Melas, is a city Ænos, founded +by two channels, in the Gulf of Melas, is a city Ænos, founded -by the Mitylenæans and Cumæans; its first founders, however, were Alopeconnesi; then the promontory Sarpedon; +by the Mitylenæans and Cumæans; its first founders, however, were Alopeconnesi; then the promontory Sarpedon; @@ -39386,11 +39386,11 @@ middle of the isthmus is situated the city Lysimachia, named after king Lysimachus, its founder. On one side of the isthmus, on the Gulf Melas, lies Cardia; its first founders were -Milesians and Clazomenæans, its second founders Athenians. +Milesians and Clazomenæans, its second founders Athenians. It is the largest of the cities in the Chersonesus. Pactya is -on the Propontis. After Cardia are Drabus and Limnæ; +on the Propontis. After Cardia are Drabus and Limnæ; then Alopeconnesus, where the Gulf Melas principally ends; @@ -39446,7 +39446,7 @@ tus and the promontory of Sestos, where was the Bridge of Xerxes; after these places comes Sestos. From Eleus to the -Bridge it is 170 stadia; after Sestos it is 280 stadia to Ægospotamos: it is a small city in ruins. At this place a stone is +Bridge it is 170 stadia; after Sestos it is 280 stadia to Ægospotamos: it is a small city in ruins. At this place a stone is said to have fallen from heaven during the Persian war. @@ -39504,7 +39504,7 @@ Some describe the Propontis to be the Hellespont; others, that part of the Propontis which is to the south of Perinthus; others -include a part of the exterior sea which opens to the Ægæan +include a part of the exterior sea which opens to the Ægæan and the Gulf Melas, each assigning different limits. Some @@ -39528,7 +39528,7 @@ of Pindar) when Hercules sailed from Troy through the vir- gin strait of Hella, and arrived at the Myrtoan Sea, he returned back to Cos, in consequence of the wind Zephyrus -blowing contrary to his course. Thus some consider it correct to apply the name Hellespont to the whole of the Ægæan +blowing contrary to his course. Thus some consider it correct to apply the name Hellespont to the whole of the Ægæan Sea, and the sea along the coast of Thessaly and Macedonia, @@ -39547,7 +39547,7 @@ But the argument is contradicted in the following lines, -Piros, Imbracius' son, who came from Ænos. +Piros, Imbracius' son, who came from Ænos. @@ -39563,7 +39563,7 @@ Piros commanded the Thracians, So that he would consider all people settled next to the -Thracians as excluded from the Hellespont. For Ænos is +Thracians as excluded from the Hellespont. For Ænos is situated in the district formerly called Apsynthis, but now @@ -39577,7 +39577,7 @@ west. E.

BOOK VIII. -EUROPE CONTINUED.—GREECE. +EUROPE CONTINUED.—GREECE.

SUMMARY.

@@ -39648,13 +39648,13 @@ able, beginning from the point where our description ended. on the west and north, and of Macedonia as far as Byzantium on the east. -

After the Epirotæ and Illyrii follow the Acarnanes,The territory of the Acarnanes is still called Carnia, south of the +

After the Epirotæ and Illyrii follow the Acarnanes,The territory of the Acarnanes is still called Carnia, south of the Gulf of Arta. The rest of the countries mentioned by Strabo no longer -retain the ancient divisions, Bœotia is the modern Livadhia. G. the +retain the ancient divisions, Bœotia is the modern Livadhia. G. the -Ætoli, the Locri-Ozolæ, then the Phocæenses and Bœoti, +Ætoli, the Locri-Ozolæ, then the Phocæenses and Bœoti, Grecian nations. Opposite to these on the other side of the @@ -39664,7 +39664,7 @@ interposed between, and determining the figure of the latter, from which it also receives its own. Next to MacedoniaMakedunea. -are the Thessalians,The ancient Thessaly is the modern Vlakea. extending as far as the Malienses,The neighbourhood of the Gulf of Zeitun—the ancient Maliac Gulf. and +are the Thessalians,The ancient Thessaly is the modern Vlakea. extending as far as the Malienses,The neighbourhood of the Gulf of Zeitun—the ancient Maliac Gulf. and the other nations, situated on both sides of the isthmus. @@ -39677,19 +39677,19 @@ acquainted, namely, four. Of these, the Ionic is the same as the ancient Attic; (for Iones was the former name of the inhabitants of Attica; from thence came the Iones who settled -in Asia,In Asia Minor, and founded the cities Miletus, Smyrna, Phocæa, &c. and use the dialect now called Ionic;) the Doric was +in Asia,In Asia Minor, and founded the cities Miletus, Smyrna, Phocæa, &c. and use the dialect now called Ionic;) the Doric was -the same as the Æolic dialect, for all the people on the other +the same as the Æolic dialect, for all the people on the other side of the isthmus except the Athenians, the Megareans, and -the Dorians about Parnassus, are even now called Æolians; +the Dorians about Parnassus, are even now called Æolians; it is probable that the Dorians, from their being a small nation, and occupying a most rugged country, and from want -of intercourse [with the Æolians], no longer resemble that +of intercourse [with the Æolians], no longer resemble that people either in language or customs, and, although of the @@ -39716,9 +39716,9 @@ probably the reason, although they were a small nation, why they remained a distinct people with a distinct dialect.

It was not in the parts only on the other side of the isthmus, -that the Æolian nation was powerful, but those on this side +that the Æolian nation was powerful, but those on this side -also were formerly Æolians. They were afterwards intermixed first with Ionians who came from Attica, and got possession of Ægialus,The word Ægialus (Ai)gialo\s) signifies sea-shore. The name was +also were formerly Æolians. They were afterwards intermixed first with Ionians who came from Attica, and got possession of Ægialus,The word Ægialus (Ai)gialo\s) signifies sea-shore. The name was given to this part of the Peloponnesus (afterwards called Achaia) from @@ -39726,15 +39726,15 @@ the towns being situated generally along the coast. Others, however, give a different explanation to the word. and secondly with Dorians, who under -the conduct of the Heracleidæ founded Megara and many of +the conduct of the Heracleidæ founded Megara and many of the cities in the Peloponnesus. The Iones were soon expelled -by the Achæi, an Æolian tribe; and there remained in Peloponnesus the two nations, the Æolic and the Doric. Those +by the Achæi, an Æolian tribe; and there remained in Peloponnesus the two nations, the Æolic and the Doric. Those nations then that had little intercourse with the Dorians used -the Æolian dialect. (This was the case with the Arcadians +the Æolian dialect. (This was the case with the Arcadians and Eleians, the former of whom were altogether a mountain @@ -39744,15 +39744,15 @@ the latter were considered as dedicated to the service of the Olympian Jupiter, and lived for a long period in peace, -principally because they were of Æolian descent, and had +principally because they were of Æolian descent, and had admitted into their country the army of Oxylus, about the time -of the return of the Heracleidæ.1113 before the Christian era. G.) The rest used a kind of +of the return of the Heracleidæ.1113 before the Christian era. G.) The rest used a kind of dialect composed of both, some of them having more, others -less, of the Æolic dialect. Even at present the inhabitants of +less, of the Æolic dialect. Even at present the inhabitants of different cities use different dialects, but all seem to Dorize, @@ -39815,33 +39815,33 @@ numerous most remarkable bays, and large peninsulas. The first of these peninsulas is the Peloponnesus, closed in by -an isthmus of forty stadia in extent. The second comprehends the first, and has an isthmus reaching from Pagæ in +an isthmus of forty stadia in extent. The second comprehends the first, and has an isthmus reaching from Pagæ in -Megaris to Nisæa, which is the naval arsenal of the Megareans; the passage across the isthmus from sea to sea is 120 +Megaris to Nisæa, which is the naval arsenal of the Megareans; the passage across the isthmus from sea to sea is 120 stadia.

The third peninsula also comprises the latter. Its isthmus -extends from the farthest recess of the Crissæan Gulf to +extends from the farthest recess of the Crissæan Gulf to -Thermopylæ. The line supposed to be drawn between these +Thermopylæ. The line supposed to be drawn between these is about 508 stadia in length, including within it the whole -of Bœotia, and cutting Phocis and the country of the +of Bœotia, and cutting Phocis and the country of the Epicnemidii obliquely. The fourth peninsula has the isthmus -extending from the Ambracian Gulf through Mount Œta +extending from the Ambracian Gulf through Mount Œta -and Traclinia to the Maliac Gulf and Thermopylæ, about +and Traclinia to the Maliac Gulf and Thermopylæ, about 800 stadia.

There is another isthmus of more than 1000 stadia reaching from the same Gulf of Ambracia, and passing through the country of the Thessalians and Macedonians to the recess -of the Thermæan Gulf. +of the Thermæan Gulf.

The succession of peninsulas furnishes a convenient order to be followed in describing the country. @@ -39872,7 +39872,7 @@ tree.For the same reason, at a subsequent period, it obtain Morea, in Greek (Moo|e/a) which signifies mulberry, a species or variety -of which tree bears leaves divided into five lobes—equal in number to the +of which tree bears leaves divided into five lobes—equal in number to the five principal capes of the Peloponnesus. See book ii. ch. i. 30. Its length and breadth are nearly equal, each about @@ -39882,7 +39882,7 @@ is, from the promontory Chelonatas through Olympia and the territory Megalopolitis to the isthmus; the latter from south -to north, or from Maliæ though Arcadia to Ægium. +to north, or from Maliæ though Arcadia to Ægium.

The circumference, according to Polybius, exclusive of the circuit of the bays, is 4000 stadia. Artemidorus however @@ -39914,8 +39914,8 @@ in front of it. The greater part of Messenia is open to the south and to the Libyan Sea as far as the islands Thyrides -near Tænarum.Cape Matapan. -

Next to Elis, is the nation of the Achæi looking towards +near Tænarum.Cape Matapan. +

Next to Elis, is the nation of the Achæi looking towards the north, and stretching along the Corinthian Gulf they @@ -39949,7 +39949,7 @@ contiguous to all the other nations. Evenus,Fidari. (some say from the mouths of the Achelous,Aspropotamo. which -is the boundary between the Acarnanes and Ætoli,) and from +is the boundary between the Acarnanes and Ætoli,) and from the promontory Araxus. For there the shores on both sides @@ -39962,13 +39962,13 @@ nearly meet at RhiumDrepano. and Antirrhium,

Rhium is a promontory of Achaia, it is low, and bends inwards like a sickle, (indeed it has the name of Drepanum, or -the Sickle,) and lies between PatræPatras. and Ægium,Vostitza. on it there +the Sickle,) and lies between PatræPatras. and Ægium,Vostitza. on it there -is a temple of Neptune. Antirrhium is situated on the confines of Ætolia and Locris. It is called Rhium Molycrium. +is a temple of Neptune. Antirrhium is situated on the confines of Ætolia and Locris. It is called Rhium Molycrium. -From this point the sea-shore again parts in a moderate degree on each side, and advancing into the Crissæan Gulf, terminates there, being shut in by the western boundaries of +From this point the sea-shore again parts in a moderate degree on each side, and advancing into the Crissæan Gulf, terminates there, being shut in by the western boundaries of -Bœotia and Megaris. +Bœotia and Megaris.

The Corinthian Gulf is 2230 stadia in circuit from the river Evenus to the promontory Araxus; and if we reckon @@ -39976,18 +39976,18 @@ river Evenus to the promontory Araxus; and if we reckon from the Achelous, it would be increased by about 100 stadia.

The tract from the Achelous to the Evenus is occupied by -Acarnanians; next are the Ætoli, reaching to the Cape Antirrhium. The remainder of the country, as far as the isthmus, +Acarnanians; next are the Ætoli, reaching to the Cape Antirrhium. The remainder of the country, as far as the isthmus, -is occupied by Phocis, Bœotia, and by Megaris, it extends +is occupied by Phocis, Bœotia, and by Megaris, it extends 1118 stadia.

The sea from Cape Antirrhium as far as the isthmus is -[the Crissæan Gulf, but from the city Creusa it is called the +[the Crissæan Gulf, but from the city Creusa it is called the -Sea of] Alcyonis, and is a portion of the Crissæan Gulf.The words in brackets are inserted according to the suggestion of Groskurd. The Gulf of Corinth is, in other passages, called by Strabo +Sea of] Alcyonis, and is a portion of the Crissæan Gulf.The words in brackets are inserted according to the suggestion of Groskurd. The Gulf of Corinth is, in other passages, called by Strabo -the Crissæan Gulf. +the Crissæan Gulf. @@ -40010,7 +40010,7 @@ the gulf between both. CHAPTER III. -

AT present the whole sea-coast lying between the Achæi +

AT present the whole sea-coast lying between the Achæi and Messenii is called Eleia, it stretches into the inland parts @@ -40060,7 +40060,7 @@ city, but another river flows beside it, which some call Pamisus, others Amathus, from which Pylus seems to be -termed Emathöeis, but the Alpheius flows through the Eleian +termed Emathöeis, but the Alpheius flows through the Eleian territory. @@ -40069,7 +40069,7 @@ territory. of Homer, but the inhabitants of the country lived in villages. -It was called Cœle [or Hollow] Elis, from the accident of its +It was called Cœle [or Hollow] Elis, from the accident of its locality, for the largest and best part of it is situated in a @@ -40099,11 +40099,11 @@ cities were afterwards formed, as Mantineia in Arcadia, which was furnished with inhabitants from five burghs by Argives; -Tegea from nine; Heræa from as many during the reign of +Tegea from nine; Heræa from as many during the reign of -Cleombrotus, or Cleonymus; Ægium out of seven, or eight; +Cleombrotus, or Cleonymus; Ægium out of seven, or eight; -Patræ out of seven; Dyme out of eight; thus Elis also was +Patræ out of seven; Dyme out of eight; thus Elis also was formed out of the surrounding burghs. The demus of the @@ -40120,11 +40120,11 @@ Triphylia, and the territory of the Caucones. The Triphylii had their name from the accident of the union of three tribes; -of the Epeii, the original inhabitants; of the Minyæ, who +of the Epeii, the original inhabitants; of the Minyæ, who afterwards settled there; and last of all of the Eleii, who -made themselves masters of the country. Instead of the Minyæ +made themselves masters of the country. Instead of the Minyæ some writers substitute Arcadians, who had frequently disputed the possession of the territory, whence Pylus had the @@ -40134,7 +40134,7 @@ tract as far as Messene by the name of Pylus, the name of the city. The names of the chiefs, and of their abodes in the -Catalogue of the Ships, show that Cœle Elis, or the Hollow +Catalogue of the Ships, show that Cœle Elis, or the Hollow Elis, was distinct from the country subject to Nestor.

I say this on comparing the present places with Homer's @@ -40159,7 +40159,7 @@ as far as is required by the design of this work.

The Araxus is a promontory of Eleia situated on the -north, 60 stadia from Dyme, an Achæan city. This promontory +north, 60 stadia from Dyme, an Achæan city. This promontory @@ -40183,7 +40183,7 @@ for he would not have given the title of chief of Epeii to one who came from the Arcadian mountain of this name. It is a -village of moderate size, in which is preserved the Æsculapius +village of moderate size, in which is preserved the Æsculapius of Colotes, a statue of ivory, of admirable workmanship. @@ -40193,7 +40193,7 @@ westerly point of the Peloponnesus. In front of it there is a small island and shoals on the confines of Hollow Elis, and the -territory of the Pisatæ. From hence [Cyllene] to Cephallenia +territory of the Pisatæ. From hence [Cyllene] to Cephallenia is a voyage of not more than 80 stadia. Somewhere on the @@ -40210,9 +40210,9 @@ Ephyra, a city to be distinguished from the Thesprotian, Thessalian, and Corinthian Ephyras; being a fourth city of -this name, situated on the road leading to the Lasion seacoast, and which may be either the same place as Bœonoa, +this name, situated on the road leading to the Lasion seacoast, and which may be either the same place as Bœonoa, -(for it is the custom to call Œnoe by this name,) or a city +(for it is the custom to call Œnoe by this name,) or a city near this, distant from Elis 120 stadia. This Ephyra seems @@ -40222,7 +40222,7 @@ to be the reputed birth-place of Astyochea, the mother of Tlepolemus, the son of -Whom Hercules brought from Ephyra, from the river Selleïs;Il. ii. 650.Il. ii. 650. +Whom Hercules brought from Ephyra, from the river Selleïs;Il. ii. 650.Il. ii. 650. @@ -40283,9 +40283,9 @@ all the poisons which the earth brings forth. the name of Ephyra near it; and a village Ephyra in the -territory of Agræa in Ætolia, the people of which are called +territory of Agræa in Ætolia, the people of which are called -Ephyri. There are also other Ephyri among the Perrhæbi +Ephyri. There are also other Ephyri among the Perrhæbi near Macedonia, who are Crannonians,I read oi( kai\ as Meineke suggests, but the whole passage from there @@ -40295,9 +40295,9 @@ has already enumerated four cities of the name of Ephyra, viz. the Eliac, the Thesprotic, the Corinthian, and the Thessalian; yet here two others -are presented to our notice, the Sicyonian and the Ætolian, of which +are presented to our notice, the Sicyonian and the Ætolian, of which -Strabo makes no mention in his account of Ætolia and Sicyonia. and the Thesprotic +Strabo makes no mention in his account of Ætolia and Sicyonia. and the Thesprotic Ephyri of Cichyrus, which was formerly called Ephyra. @@ -40308,7 +40308,7 @@ poet usually distinguishes places with the same names, as Orchomenus for instance, designating that in Arcadia by the -epithet, abounding with sheep; the Bœotian Orchomenus, +epithet, abounding with sheep; the Bœotian Orchomenus, as Minyeius; by applying to Samos the term Thracian, @@ -40333,9 +40333,9 @@ borrows most of his information. For Demetrius does not say that there is a river Selleis in Thesprotia, but in Elis, near the Thesprotic Ephyra, as I have said before. -

What he says also about Œchalia requires examination, +

What he says also about Œchalia requires examination, -where he asserts that the city of Eurytus of Œchalia is the +where he asserts that the city of Eurytus of Œchalia is the only city, when there is more than one city of that name. It @@ -40345,7 +40345,7 @@ is therefore evident that he means the Thessalian city mentioned by Homer: -And they who occupied Œchalia, the city of Eurytus, the Œchalian.Il. ii. 730.Il. ii. 730. +And they who occupied Œchalia, the city of Eurytus, the Œchalian.Il. ii. 730.Il. ii. 730. @@ -40365,7 +40365,7 @@ power of song, for he says, -Coming from Œchalia, from the dwelling of Eurytus, the Œchalian.Il. ii. 591.Il. ii. 591. +Coming from Œchalia, from the dwelling of Eurytus, the Œchalian.Il. ii. 591.Il. ii. 591. @@ -40373,7 +40373,7 @@ If this were the city in Thessaly, the Scepsian is mistaken in mentioning some city in Arcadia, which is now called Andania. -If he is not mistaken, still the Arcadian Œchalia is said to +If he is not mistaken, still the Arcadian Œchalia is said to be the city of Eurytus, so that there is not one city only of @@ -40449,7 +40449,7 @@ parently with more probability on their side. For they say, that in their territory there is a place better known, called Gerena, and once well inhabited. -

Such then is the present state of the Hollow Elis.Koi/lh )/Hlis, or Cœle-Elis. +

Such then is the present state of the Hollow Elis.Koi/lh )/Hlis, or Cœle-Elis.

The poet however, after having divided the country into @@ -40460,7 +40460,7 @@ express himself, when he says: -those who inhabit Buprasium and the sacred Elis, all whom Hyrminë +those who inhabit Buprasium and the sacred Elis, all whom Hyrminë and Myrsinus, situated at the extremity of the territory and the Olenian @@ -40516,7 +40516,7 @@ part together, as in these lines: through Greece and the middle of Argos;Od. i. 344. through Greece and -Pthia;Od. ii. 496. the Curetes and the Ætoli were fightingIl. ix. 529. those from +Pthia;Od. ii. 496. the Curetes and the Ætoli were fightingIl. ix. 529. those from Dulichium and the sacred Echinades;Il. ii. 625. @@ -40544,7 +40544,7 @@ for the Amathusii are Cyprians: and Alcman; -and Æschylus; +and Æschylus; @@ -40562,7 +40562,7 @@ things which exist. For this is not a proof that they did not exist, but only that he has not mentioned them.

-

But Hecatæus of Miletus says, that the Epeii are a +

But Hecatæus of Miletus says, that the Epeii are a different people from the Eleii; that the Epeii accompanied @@ -40570,7 +40570,7 @@ Hercules in his expedition against Augeas, and joined him in destroying Elis, and defeating Augeas. He also says, that -Dyme was both an Epeian and an Achæan city. +Dyme was both an Epeian and an Achæan city.

The ancient historians, accustomed from childhood to falsehood through the tales of mythologists, speak of many @@ -40591,8 +40591,8 @@ that at that time it was subject to the Epeii, and afterwards to the ones, or perhaps not even to this people, but to the -Achsæi, who were in possession of the country of the Iones. -

Of the four portions, which include Buprasium, Hyrminē +Achsæi, who were in possession of the country of the Iones. +

Of the four portions, which include Buprasium, Hyrminē and Myrsinus belong to the territory of Eleia. The rest, @@ -40601,7 +40601,7 @@ according to the opinion of some writers, are situated close on the borders of the Pisatis.

-

Hyrminë was a small town, which exists no longer, +

Hyrminë was a small town, which exists no longer, but there is a mountainous promontory near Cyllene, called @@ -40623,12 +40623,12 @@ does not explain his meaning clearly in many passages. -Scollis is a rocky mountain, common to the Dymæi, and +Scollis is a rocky mountain, common to the Dymæi, and -Tritæenses, and Eleii, situated close to Lampeia, another mountain in Arcadia, which is distant from Elis 130 stadia, from +Tritæenses, and Eleii, situated close to Lampeia, another mountain in Arcadia, which is distant from Elis 130 stadia, from -Tritæa 100, and an equal number [from Dyme] Achæan cities. -

Aleisium is the present Alesiæum, a place near Amphidolis, +Tritæa 100, and an equal number [from Dyme] Achæan cities. +

Aleisium is the present Alesiæum, a place near Amphidolis, where the neighbouring people hold a market every month. @@ -40655,7 +40655,7 @@ Some also point out a river Aleisius. near Messenia, and as Dyme is called by some writers -Cauconis, and since between Dyme and Tritæa in the Dymæan +Cauconis, and since between Dyme and Tritæa in the Dymæan district there is also a river called Caucon, a question arises @@ -40672,7 +40672,7 @@ name of a small town that was one of those that composed Dyme; except that the town is of the feminine gender, and is pronounced Teuthea, without the s, and the last syllable is long. -

There is a temple of Diana Nemydia (Nemeæma?). The +

There is a temple of Diana Nemydia (Nemeæma?). The Teutheas discharges itself into the Achelous, which runs by @@ -40689,7 +40689,7 @@ name also of Peirus. In the lines of Hesiod, some change the last word Pei/o|oio to Pw/o|oio but improperly. -

2 This passage in brackets is an interpolation to explain the subsequent inquiry who the Caucones were. Kramer.[But it is the opinion of some writers, who make the +

2 This passage in brackets is an interpolation to explain the subsequent inquiry who the Caucones were. Kramer.[But it is the opinion of some writers, who make the Caucones a subject of inquiry, that when Minerva in the @@ -40744,7 +40744,7 @@ and after it Triphylia as far as the confines of Messenia.

Next to the Chelonatas is the long tract of coast of the -Pisatæ; then follows a promontory, Pheia; there was also a +Pisatæ; then follows a promontory, Pheia; there was also a small town of this name; @@ -40786,7 +40786,7 @@ Eurotas reappears at the commencement of the district Bleminates, flowing close long valley near Helos, which the poet mentions, empties itself -between Gythium, the naval arsenal of Sparta, and Acræa. +between Gythium, the naval arsenal of Sparta, and Acræa. But the Alpheius, after receiving the Celadon, (Ladon?) and @@ -40906,7 +40906,7 @@ called sandy from this tract.

Towards the north there were two small Triphyliac -towns, Hypana and Typaneæ, bordering upon Pylus; the +towns, Hypana and Typaneæ, bordering upon Pylus; the former of which was incorporated with Elis, the other remained separate. Two rivers flow near, the Dalion and the @@ -40931,7 +40931,7 @@ no crop whatever. was a city, situated 40 stadia above the sea-coast. Between -the Lepreum and the Annius (Anigrus? Alphæus?) is the +the Lepreum and the Annius (Anigrus? Alphæus?) is the temple of the Samian Neptune. These places are distant 100 @@ -40964,7 +40964,7 @@ exist, but when it is possible to adapt poetry to reality, and preserve the narrative . . . . it is better to abstain from fiction. -

The Lepreatæ possessed a fertile country, on the confines of +

The Lepreatæ possessed a fertile country, on the confines of which were situated the Cyparissenses. But Caucones were @@ -40989,7 +40989,7 @@ that they came as auxiliaries to the Trojans, but from what country he does not mention, but it is supposed from Paphlagonia. For in that country there is a tribe of the name of -Cauconiatæ, that border upon the Mariandyni, who are themselves Paphlagonians. We shall say more of them when we +Cauconiatæ, that border upon the Mariandyni, who are themselves Paphlagonians. We shall say more of them when we describe that country.Book xii. c. 3, 4. Little, however, can be obtained of their history, @@ -41024,7 +41024,7 @@ and the east (and these coincide towards Messenia and Laconia) was the country s now occupy it, so that those who are going from Pylus to -Lacedæmon must necessarily take the road through the +Lacedæmon must necessarily take the road through the Caucones. The temple of the Samian Neptune, and the @@ -41042,7 +41042,7 @@ the account of the poet must be erroneous. [For, according to Sotades, Minerva enjoins Nestor to send -his son with Telemachus in a chariot to Lacedæmon towards +his son with Telemachus in a chariot to Lacedæmon towards the east, while she herself returns back to the west, to pass the @@ -41062,7 +41062,7 @@ then are we to reconcile these opinions? for Nestor might say, The Caucones are my subjects, and lie directly in the -road of persons who are going to Lacedæmon; why then +road of persons who are going to Lacedæmon; why then do you not accompany Telemachus and his friends on his @@ -41081,7 +41081,7 @@ refuse to discharge it. But she did not do this. only, these absurdities would follow. But if one division of -this tribe occupied the places in Elis near Dymë, Minerva +this tribe occupied the places in Elis near Dymë, Minerva might be said to direct her journey thither, and even the @@ -41097,7 +41097,7 @@ a similar manner, when we come, as we proceed, to the description of the Messeni in s. 11. Cramer.]

-

There is also, it is said, a nation, the Paroreatæ, who +

There is also, it is said, a nation, the Paroreatæ, who occupy, in the hilly district of Triphylia, the mountains, @@ -41114,7 +41114,7 @@ of the Atlantides,Dardanus was the son of Jupiter and Elect daughters of Atlas, surnamed Atlantides. and of the birth of Dardanus. There -also are the groves, both the Ionæum and Eurycydeium. +also are the groves, both the Ionæum and Eurycydeium.

Samicum is a fortress. Formerly there was a city of the name of Samos, which perhaps had its designation from its @@ -41127,7 +41127,7 @@ name of Samos, which perhaps had its designation from its height, since they called heights Sami; perhaps also this was -the acropolis of Arēnē, which the poet mentions in the +the acropolis of Arēnē, which the poet mentions in the Catalogue of the Ships; @@ -41139,7 +41139,7 @@ Catalogue of the Ships; -for as the position of Arēnē has not been clearly discovered +for as the position of Arēnē has not been clearly discovered anywhere, it is conjectured, that it was most probably situated where the adjoining river Anigrus, formerly called @@ -41177,7 +41177,7 @@ others, Polenor, who washed his wounds in the Anigrus. washed from their wounds; others say, that Melampus used these cleansing -waters for the purification of the Prœtades.The daughters of Prœtus. According to Apollodorus, Melampus +waters for the purification of the Prœtades.The daughters of Prœtus. According to Apollodorus, Melampus cured them of madness, probably the effect of a disease of the skin. They are a @@ -41192,11 +41192,11 @@ Leichen, a cutaneous disease tending to leprosy. of the waters of the sea, produce a state of rest rather than a -current, they say, that its former name was Minyeïus, but +current, they say, that its former name was Minyeïus, but that some persons perverted the name and altered it to -Minteïus. The etymology of the name may be derived from +Minteïus. The etymology of the name may be derived from other sources; either from those who accompanied Chloris, @@ -41208,20 +41208,20 @@ the mother of Nestor, from the Minyeian Orchomenus; or, -frown the Minyæ descendants of the Argonauts, who were +frown the Minyæ descendants of the Argonauts, who were -banished from Lemnos, and went to Lacedæmon, and thence +banished from Lemnos, and went to Lacedæmon, and thence -to Triphylia, and settled about Arēnē, in the country now +to Triphylia, and settled about Arēnē, in the country now -called Hypæsia, which however no longer contains places +called Hypæsia, which however no longer contains places -built by the Minyæ. +built by the Minyæ.

Some of these people, with Theras the son of Autesion, who was a descendant of Polynices, having set sail to the -country between Cyrenæa and the island of Crete, formerly +country between Cyrenæa and the island of Crete, formerly Calliste, but afterwards called Thera, according to Callimachus, founded Thera, the capital of Cyrene, and gave the @@ -41232,7 +41232,7 @@ same name to the city, and to the island. the Jardanes rises, a meadow and a sepulchre are shown, -and the Achææ, which are rocks broken off from the same +and the Achææ, which are rocks broken off from the same mountain, above which was situated, as I have said, the @@ -41252,7 +41252,7 @@ be seen from the sea.

Here also is the plain called Samicus, from which we may further conjecture that there was once a city Samos. -

According to the poem Rhadinē, of which Stesichorus +

According to the poem Rhadinē, of which Stesichorus seems to have been the author, and which begins in this @@ -41268,7 +41268,7 @@ lovely Samian youths, sounding the strings of the delightful lyre: these youths were natives of this Samos. For he says that -Rhadinē being given in marriage to the tyrant, set sail from +Rhadinē being given in marriage to the tyrant, set sail from Samos to Corinth with a westerly wind, and therefore certainly not from the Ionian Samos. By the same wind her @@ -41285,7 +41285,7 @@ he recalled the chariot, and buried them.

From this Pylus and the Lepreum to the Messenian -PylusThe position of Pylus of Messenia is uncertain. D'Anville places it at New Navarino. Barbé de Bocage at Old Navarino. See also Ernst +PylusThe position of Pylus of Messenia is uncertain. D'Anville places it at New Navarino. Barbé de Bocage at Old Navarino. See also Ernst Curtis, Peloponnesus. and the Coryphasium, fortresses situated upon the sea, @@ -41305,7 +41305,7 @@ and the river Acidon, which flows beside the tomb of Jardanus, and Chaa, a city which was once near Lepreum, where also is -the Æpasian plain. It was for this Chaa, it is said, that the +the Æpasian plain. It was for this Chaa, it is said, that the Arcadians and Pylians went to war with each other, which @@ -41334,7 +41334,7 @@ Pyrgi, and the rivers Acidon and Neda. At present the boundary of Triphylia towards Messenia is the impetuous -stream of the Neda descending from the Lycæus, a mountain +stream of the Neda descending from the Lycæus, a mountain of Arcadia, and rising from a source which, according to the @@ -41342,7 +41342,7 @@ fable, burst forth to furnish water in which Rhea was to wash herself after the birth of Jupiter. It flows near Phigalia, and -empties itself into the sea where the Pyrgitæ, the extreme +empties itself into the sea where the Pyrgitæ, the extreme tribe of the Triphylii, approach the Cyparissenses, the first of @@ -41350,7 +41350,7 @@ tile Messenian nation. But, anciently, the country had other boundaries, so that the dominions of Nestor included some -places on the other side of the Neda, as the Cyparisseïs, and +places on the other side of the Neda, as the Cyparisseïs, and some others beyond that tract, in the same manner as the poet @@ -41387,7 +41387,7 @@ the Coryphasium, and to the place at present called Pylus, are 100 stadia.Some MSS. have 120 stadia. There is also a cenotaph and a small town in it -both of the same name—Protē. +both of the same name—Protē.

We ought not perhaps to carry our inquiries so far into antiquity, and it might be sufficient to describe the present state of each place, if certain reports about them had not been delivered down to us in childhood; but as different writers give @@ -41415,15 +41415,15 @@ Hollow Elis and of Buprasium. "And they who inhabited Pylus, and the beautiful Arene, and Thryum, -a passage across the Alpheius, and the well-built Æpy, and Cyparisseis, +a passage across the Alpheius, and the well-built Æpy, and Cyparisseis, and Amphigeneia, and Pteleum, and Helos, and Dorium, where the Muses having met with Thamyris the Thracian, deprived him of the -power of song, as he was coming from Œchalia, from the house of Eurytus +power of song, as he was coming from Œchalia, from the house of Eurytus -the Œchalian.Il. ii. 591. +the Œchalian.Il. ii. 591. @@ -41449,19 +41449,19 @@ He calls it the ford or passage of the Alpheius, because, according to these ver this place on foot. Thryum is at present called Epitalium, a village of Macistia. -

With respect to eu)/ktiton Ai)=pu, Æpy the well-built," +

With respect to eu)/ktiton Ai)=pu, Æpy the well-built," some writers ask which of these words is the epithet of the -other, and what is the city, and whether it is the present Margalæ of Amphidolia, but this Margalæ is not a natural fortress, +other, and what is the city, and whether it is the present Margalæ of Amphidolia, but this Margalæ is not a natural fortress, but another is meant, a natural strong-hold in Macistia. -Writers who suppose this place to be meant, say, that Æpy is +Writers who suppose this place to be meant, say, that Æpy is the name of the city, and infer it from its natural properties, -as in the example of Helos,A marsh. Ægialos,The sea-shore. and many others: +as in the example of Helos,A marsh. Ægialos,The sea-shore. and many others: @@ -41469,7 +41469,7 @@ as in the example of Helos,A marsh. Ægialos,

Thryum, or Thryoessa, they say, is Epitalium, because all the @@ -41480,7 +41480,7 @@ rivers, but this appears more clearly at the fordable places of the stream. Perhaps Thryum is meant by the ford, and by -the well-built Æpy, Epitalium, which is naturally strong, +the well-built Æpy, Epitalium, which is naturally strong, and in the other part of the passage he mentions a lofty hill; @@ -41494,7 +41494,7 @@ and in the other part of the passage he mentions a lofty hill;

-

Cyparisseïs is near the old Macistia, which then extended even to the other side of the Neda, but it is not inhabited, as neither is Macistum. There is also another, the +

Cyparisseïs is near the old Macistia, which then extended even to the other side of the Neda, but it is not inhabited, as neither is Macistum. There is also another, the Messenian Cyparissia, not having quite the same name, but @@ -41540,9 +41540,9 @@ tile present Oluris, or Olura, situated in the Aulon, as it is called, of Messenia, is Dorium. Somewhere there also is -Œchalia of Eurytus, the present Andania, a small Arcadian +Œchalia of Eurytus, the present Andania, a small Arcadian -town of the same name as those in Thessaly and Eubœa, +town of the same name as those in Thessaly and Eubœa, whence the poet says, Thamyris, the Thracian, came to Dorium, and was deprived by the Muses of the power of song. @@ -41574,7 +41574,7 @@ distant more than 30 stadia from it, as appears from the poem. A messenger is sent to the vessel, to the companions -of Telemachus,—to invite them to a hospitable entertainment. +of Telemachus,—to invite them to a hospitable entertainment. Telemachus, upon his return from Sparta, does not permit @@ -41592,7 +41592,7 @@ be aptly understood: they went past Cruni, and the beautiful streams of Chalcis; the sun -set, and all the villages were in shade and darkness; but the ship, exulting in the gales of Jove, arrived at Pheæ. She passed also the divine +set, and all the villages were in shade and darkness; but the ship, exulting in the gales of Jove, arrived at Pheæ. She passed also the divine Elis, where the Epeii rule;Od. xv. 295. @@ -41633,7 +41633,7 @@ said, after setting off thence, to take its course along Cruni and Chalcis, as far as the west, then to arrive by night at -Pheæ, and afterwards to sail along the territory of Eleia, for +Pheæ, and afterwards to sail along the territory of Eleia, for @@ -41641,7 +41641,7 @@ Pheæ, and afterwards to sail along the territory of Eleia, for -these places are to the south of Eleia, first Pheæ, then Chalcis, +these places are to the south of Eleia, first Pheæ, then Chalcis, then Cruni, then the Triphylian Pylus, and the Samicum. @@ -41665,7 +41665,7 @@ to the Triphylian Pylus and the Samian Poseidium is 400 stadia, and the voyage would not be along Cruni, and Chalcis, -and Pheæ, the names of obscure places and rivers, or rather +and Pheæ, the names of obscure places and rivers, or rather of streams, but first along the Neda, then Acidon, next @@ -41772,7 +41772,7 @@ and adds below, -but the Achæi +but the Achæi Turned back their swift horses from Buprasium to Pylus. @@ -41828,7 +41828,7 @@ mand, -who lived at Pylns, and the pleasant Arēnē, +who lived at Pylns, and the pleasant Arēnē, @@ -41870,7 +41870,7 @@ on the third day, ready to lay siege to the strong-hold. How also did these districts belong to the chiefs of Messenia, when -the Caucones, and Triphylii, and Pisatæ occupied them? +the Caucones, and Triphylii, and Pisatæ occupied them? But the territory Gerena, or Gerenia, for it is written both @@ -41947,7 +41947,7 @@ appearance that, if it should rise, and stand upright, it would unroof the temple. Some writers have given the measurement of the statue, and Callimachus has expressed it in some -iambic verses. Panænus, the painter, his nephew, and joint +iambic verses. Panænus, the painter, his nephew, and joint labourer, afforded great assistance in the completion of the @@ -41956,7 +41956,7 @@ statue with respect to the colours with which it was ornamented, and particularl around the temple, the work of this painter. It is recorded -of Phidias, that to Panænus, who was inquiring after what +of Phidias, that to Panænus, who was inquiring after what model he intended to form the figure of Jupiter, he replied, @@ -42022,7 +42022,7 @@ Troy, but the Pylians and Nestor ninety; then after the return of the Heracleidm the contrary happened. For the -Ætoli returning with the Heracleidœ under the command of +Ætoli returning with the Heracleidœ under the command of Oxylus, became joint settlers with the Epeii, on the ground of @@ -42038,7 +42038,7 @@ legends and is involved in much obscurity. See Smith, Greek and Roman Antiq.

After the twenty-sixth Olympiad, the Pisatæ, having recovered their territory, instituted games themselves, when +

After the twenty-sixth Olympiad, the Pisatæ, having recovered their territory, instituted games themselves, when they perceived that these games were obtaining celebrity. But @@ -42106,7 +42106,7 @@ in after-times, when the territory of the Pisatis reverted to the Eleii, the presidency and celebration of the games reverted -to them also. The Lacedæmonians too, after the last defeat of +to them also. The Lacedæmonians too, after the last defeat of the Messenians, co-operated with the Eleii as allies, contrary @@ -42116,11 +42116,11 @@ them so effectually that all the country as far as Messene was called Eleia, and the name continues even to the present time. -But of the Pisatæ, and Triphylii, and Caucones, not even the +But of the Pisatæ, and Triphylii, and Caucones, not even the names remain. They united also Pylus Emathoeis itself with -Lepreum in order to gratify the Lepreatæ, who had taken no +Lepreum in order to gratify the Lepreatæ, who had taken no part in the war. They razed many other towns, and imposed @@ -42129,7 +42129,7 @@ a tribute upon as many as were inclined to maintain their independence.

The Pisatis obtained the highest celebrity from the -great power of its sovereigns, Œnomaus and his successor +great power of its sovereigns, Œnomaus and his successor Pelops, and the number of their children. Salmoneus is said @@ -42146,7 +42146,7 @@ agreeing with one another, for modern writers, entertaining different opinions, are accustomed to contradict them frequently; as for example, according to some writers, Augeas -was king of the Pisatis, and Œnomaus and Salmoneus kings +was king of the Pisatis, and Œnomaus and Salmoneus kings of Eleia, while others consider the two nations as one. Still @@ -42188,7 +42188,7 @@ play of Ion says -Eubœa is a neighbour city to Athens, +Eubœa is a neighbour city to Athens, @@ -42198,7 +42198,7 @@ and so in the play of Rhadamanthus, -they who occupy the land of Eubœa, an adjoining state; +they who occupy the land of Eubœa, an adjoining state; @@ -42214,7 +42214,7 @@ thus Sophocles also in the play of the Mysi,

-

Salmonē is near the fountain of the same name, the +

Salmonē is near the fountain of the same name, the source of the Enipeus. It discharges itself into the Alpheius, @@ -42232,11 +42232,11 @@ was enamoured of this river; for there her father Salmoneus was king, as Euripides says in -the play of Æolus. [The river in Thessaly some call Eniseus, +the play of Æolus. [The river in Thessaly some call Eniseus, which, flowing from the Othrys, receives the Apidanus, that -descends from the mountain Pharsalus.An interpolation. Meineke.] Near Salmonē is +descends from the mountain Pharsalus.An interpolation. Meineke.] Near Salmonē is Heracleia, which is one of the eight cities, distant about 40 @@ -42249,9 +42249,9 @@ heal diseases by means of the waters of the river. cities. The river Parthenius runs through it in the direction -of the road to Pheræa. Pheræa belongs to Arcadia. [It is +of the road to Pheræa. Pheræa belongs to Arcadia. [It is -situated above Dymæa, Buprasium, and Elis, which lie to the +situated above Dymæa, Buprasium, and Elis, which lie to the north of the Pisatis.An interpolation. Groskurd.] There also is Cicysium, one of the @@ -42285,15 +42285,15 @@ that the river Erymanthus, one of those that empty themselves into the Alpheius, the places called Pylian are beyond the Erymanthus.

-

According to Ephorus, "Ætolus, being banished by +

According to Ephorus, "Ætolus, being banished by -Salmoneus, king of the Epeii, and the Pisatæ, from Eleia to +Salmoneus, king of the Epeii, and the Pisatæ, from Eleia to -Ætolia, called the country after his own name, and settled +Ætolia, called the country after his own name, and settled the cities there. His descendant Oxylus was the friend of -Temenus, and the Heracleidæ his companions, and was their +Temenus, and the Heracleidæ his companions, and was their guide on their journey to Peloponnesus; he divided among @@ -42303,13 +42303,13 @@ to the acquisition of the country. In return for these services he was to be requited by the restoration of Elis, which had belonged to his ancestors. He returned with an army collected -out of Ætolia, for the purpose of attacking the Epeii, who +out of Ætolia, for the purpose of attacking the Epeii, who occupied Elis. On the approach of the Epeii in arms, when the forces were drawn up in array against each other, there advanced in front, and engaged in single combat according to an -ancient custom of the Greeks, Pyrechmes, an Ætolian, and +ancient custom of the Greeks, Pyrechmes, an Ætolian, and Degmenus, an Epeian: the latter was lightly armed with a @@ -42321,17 +42321,17 @@ of his adversary, provided himself with a sling, and a scrip filled with stones. The kind of sling also happened to have -been lately invented by the Ætolians. As a sling reaches its +been lately invented by the Ætolians. As a sling reaches its object at a greater distance than a bow, Degmenus fell; the -Ætolians took possession of the country, and ejected the Epeii. +Ætolians took possession of the country, and ejected the Epeii. They assumed also the superintendence of the temple at Olympia, which the Epeii exercised; and on account of the -friendship which subsisted between Oxylus and the Heracleidæ, +friendship which subsisted between Oxylus and the Heracleidæ, it was generally agreed upon, and confirmed by an oath, that @@ -42392,7 +42392,7 @@ The Eleians however did not solemnly inscribe in their records this celebration of the games, but on this occasion procured -arms, and began to defend themselves. The Lacedæmonians +arms, and began to defend themselves. The Lacedæmonians also afforded assistance, either because they were jealous of the @@ -42435,9 +42435,9 @@ present city called Messene, the acropolis of which was Ithome, was not then founded. After the death of Menelaus, when -the power of those who succeeded to the possession of Laconia was altogether weakened, the Neleidæ governed Messenia. +the power of those who succeeded to the possession of Laconia was altogether weakened, the Neleidæ governed Messenia. -At the time of the return of the Heracleidæ, and according +At the time of the return of the Heracleidæ, and according to the partition of the country at that time, Melanthus was @@ -42447,15 +42447,15 @@ formerly subject to Menelaus. As a proof of this, in the space from the Messenian Gulf and the continuous gulf, (called -the Asinæan from the Messenian Asine,) were situated the +the Asinæan from the Messenian Asine,) were situated the seven cities which Agamemnon promised to Achilles; -Cardamyle, Enope, the grassy Hira, the divine Pheræ,The text of Homer gives the name of Pharis. Antheia with +Cardamyle, Enope, the grassy Hira, the divine Pheræ,The text of Homer gives the name of Pharis. Antheia with -rich meadows, the beautiful Æpeia, and Pedasus abounding with vines.Il. ix. 150. +rich meadows, the beautiful Æpeia, and Pedasus abounding with vines.Il. ix. 150. @@ -42463,27 +42463,27 @@ He certainly would not have promised what did not belong either to himself or to his brother. The poet mentions those, -who accompanied Menelaus from Pheræ to the war,Il. ii. 582. and speaks +who accompanied Menelaus from Pheræ to the war,Il. ii. 582. and speaks -of (Œtylus) in the Laconian catalogue, a city situated on the +of (Œtylus) in the Laconian catalogue, a city situated on the Gulf of Messenia.

Messene follows next to Triphylia. The promontory, after which are the Coryphasium and Cyparissia, is common to -both. At the distance of 7 stadia is a mountain, the Ægaleum, situated above Coryphasium and the sea. +both. At the distance of 7 stadia is a mountain, the Ægaleum, situated above Coryphasium and the sea.

The ancient Messenian Pylus was a city lying below -the Ægaleum, and after it was razed, some of the inhabitants settled under the Coryphasium. But the Athenians +the Ægaleum, and after it was razed, some of the inhabitants settled under the Coryphasium. But the Athenians in their second expedition against Sicily, under the command of Eurymedon and Stratocles, got possession of it, and used -it as a stronghold against the Lacedæmonians.Thucydides, b. iv. ch. 2. The expedition was under the command +it as a stronghold against the Lacedæmonians.Thucydides, b. iv. ch. 2. The expedition was under the command of Eurymedon and Sophocles. Stratocles being at the time archon at @@ -42499,7 +42499,7 @@ is the Messenian Cyparissia, (and the island Prote,) lying close to Pylus, the island Sphagia, called also Sphacteria. It was -here that the Lacedæmonians lost three hundred men,Thucydides, b. iv. ch. 38. The number was 292. who +here that the Lacedæmonians lost three hundred men,Thucydides, b. iv. ch. 38. The number was 292. who were besieged by the Athenians and taken prisoners.

Two islands, called Strophades,Strivali. belonging to the Cy- @@ -42520,7 +42520,7 @@ Bogus, the king of the Maurusii, a partisan of Antony's, having got possession of the place by an attack by sea

-

Continuous with Methone is Acritas,Cape Gallo. The Gulf of Messenia is now the Gulf of Coron. where the Messenian Gulf begins, which they call also Asinæus from Asine, a +

Continuous with Methone is Acritas,Cape Gallo. The Gulf of Messenia is now the Gulf of Coron. where the Messenian Gulf begins, which they call also Asinæus from Asine, a small city, the first we meet with on the gulf, and having the @@ -42529,16 +42529,16 @@ same name as the Hermionic Asine. Towards the east are the Thyrides,The name Thyrides, the little gates, is probably derived from the -fable which placed the entrance of the infernal regions at Tænarum, Cape +fable which placed the entrance of the infernal regions at Tænarum, Cape -Matapan. as they are called, bordering upon the present Laconia near Cænepolis,For Cinæthium I read Cænepolis, as suggested by Falconer, and ap +Matapan. as they are called, bordering upon the present Laconia near Cænepolis,For Cinæthium I read Cænepolis, as suggested by Falconer, and ap -proved by Coray. and Tænarum. +proved by Coray. and Tænarum.

In the intervening distance, if we begin from the Thyrides, -we meet with Œtylus,Vitulo. by some called Beitylus; then Leuctrum, a colony of the Leuctri in Bœotia; next, situated upon +we meet with Œtylus,Vitulo. by some called Beitylus; then Leuctrum, a colony of the Leuctri in Bœotia; next, situated upon -a steep rock, Cardamyle;Scardamula. then Pheræ, bordering upon Thu- +a steep rock, Cardamyle;Scardamula. then Pheræ, bordering upon Thu- ria, and Gerenia, from which place they say Nestor had the @@ -42546,13 +42546,13 @@ epithet Gerenian, because he escaped thither, as we have mentioned before. They show in the Gerenian territory a -temple of Æsculapius Triccæus, copied from that at the Thessalian Tricca. Pelops is said to have founded Leuctrum, and +temple of Æsculapius Triccæus, copied from that at the Thessalian Tricca. Pelops is said to have founded Leuctrum, and -Charadra, and Thalami, now called the Bœotian Thalami, +Charadra, and Thalami, now called the Bœotian Thalami, having brought with him, when he married his sister Niob -to Amphion, some colonists from Bœotia. +to Amphion, some colonists from Bœotia. @@ -42562,11 +42562,11 @@ to Amphion, some colonists from Bœotia. The Nedon, a different river from the Neda, flows through -Laconia, and discharges its waters near Pheræ. It has upon +Laconia, and discharges its waters near Pheræ. It has upon its banks a remarkable temple of the Nedusian Minerva. At -Pœaessa also there is a temple of the Nedusian Minerva, +Pœaessa also there is a temple of the Nedusian Minerva, which derives its name from a place called Nedon,As Strabo remarks, in b. x., that the temple was built by Nestor on @@ -42574,18 +42574,18 @@ his return from Troy, Falconer suggests that it might have derived its name from the river Nedon, near Gerenia, the birth-place of Nestor. whence, -they say, Teleclus colonized Pœaessa,In the island of Cos. and Echeiæ, and +they say, Teleclus colonized Pœaessa,In the island of Cos. and Echeiæ, and Tragium.

With respect to the seven cities promised to Achilles, we -have already spoken of Cardamyle, and Pheræ, and Pedasus. +have already spoken of Cardamyle, and Pheræ, and Pedasus. Enope, some say is Pellana; others, some place near Cardamyle; others, Gerenia.According to Pausanias, Gerenia is the Enope of Homer. Hira is pointed out near a mountain -in the neighbourhood of MegalopolisHira in the time of Pausanias was called Abia (Palæochora?). Some +in the neighbourhood of MegalopolisHira in the time of Pausanias was called Abia (Palæochora?). Some interpreters of Homer were misled by the name of a mountain, Ira, near @@ -42593,15 +42593,15 @@ Megalopolis, and placed there a city of the same name, but Hira was on the sea-coast. in Arcadia, on the road -to Andania, which we have said is called by the poet Œchalia. Others say that the present Mesola was called Hira, +to Andania, which we have said is called by the poet Œchalia. Others say that the present Mesola was called Hira, -which extends to the bay situated between Taÿgetum and +which extends to the bay situated between Taÿgetum and -Messenia. Æpeia is now called Thuria, which we said bordered upon Pheræ. It is situated upon a lofty hill, whence +Messenia. Æpeia is now called Thuria, which we said bordered upon Pheræ. It is situated upon a lofty hill, whence -its name.Æpys, ai)pu)s, lofty. The Thuriatic Gulf has its name from Thuria; +its name.Æpys, ai)pu)s, lofty. The Thuriatic Gulf has its name from Thuria; -upon the gulf is a single city, named Rhium, opposite Tenarum. Some say that Antheia is Thuria, and Æpeia Methone; +upon the gulf is a single city, named Rhium, opposite Tenarum. Some say that Antheia is Thuria, and Æpeia Methone; others, that Antheia is Asine, situated between Methone and @@ -42613,7 +42613,7 @@ is Corone. There are some writers who say that this town is called Pedasus by the poet. These cities are all near the -sea; Cardamyle close to it; Pheræ at the distance of 5 +sea; Cardamyle close to it; Pheræ at the distance of 5 stadia, having an anchorage, which is used in the summer. @@ -42636,7 +42636,7 @@ which some writers erroneously suppose to be the ancient -Arene; on the left hand it has Thyria and Pheræ. It is the +Arene; on the left hand it has Thyria and Pheræ. It is the @@ -42654,7 +42654,7 @@ is also another Pamisus, a small torrent stream, running near Leuctrum of Laconia, which was a subject of dispute between -the Messenians and Lacedæmonians in the time of Philip. +the Messenians and Lacedæmonians in the time of Philip.

I have before said that some persons called the Pamisus, Amathus.The Pamisus above mentioned was never called the Amathus. There @@ -42697,7 +42697,7 @@ seized both horns, the cow will be your own; meaning, by the horns, Ithome and Acrocorinthus, and, by the cow, Peloponnesus. It was no doubt their convenient situation which -made these cities subjects of contention. The Romans therefore razed Corinth, and again rebuilt it. The Lacedæmonians +made these cities subjects of contention. The Romans therefore razed Corinth, and again rebuilt it. The Lacedæmonians @@ -42710,7 +42710,7 @@ destroyed Messene, and the Thebans, and subsequently Philip, the son of Amyntas, restored it. The citadels however continued unoccupied.

-

The temple of Diana in Limnæ (in the Marshes), where +

The temple of Diana in Limnæ (in the Marshes), where the Messenians are supposed to have violated the virgins who @@ -42720,16 +42720,16 @@ Messenia, where the inhabitants of both countries usually celebrated a common fe the violation of the virgins, the Messenians did not make any -reparation, and war, it is said, ensued. The Limnæan temple of +reparation, and war, it is said, ensued. The Limnæan temple of -Diana at Sparta is said to have its name from the Limnæ here. +Diana at Sparta is said to have its name from the Limnæ here.

-

There were frequent wars (between the Lacedæmonians +

There were frequent wars (between the Lacedæmonians and Messenians) on account of the revolts of the Messenians. -Tyrtæus mentions, in his poems, that their first subjugation +Tyrtæus mentions, in his poems, that their first subjugation was in the time of their grandfathers;The first war dates from the year B. C. 743, and continued 20 years. @@ -42737,13 +42737,13 @@ The second, beginning from 682 B. C., lasted 14 years; citadel or fort of Messene. Diod. Sic. lib. xv. c. 66. the second, when in -conjunction with their allies the Eleians [Arcadians], Argives, and Pisatæ, they revolted; the leader of the Arcadians +conjunction with their allies the Eleians [Arcadians], Argives, and Pisatæ, they revolted; the leader of the Arcadians -was Aristocrates, king of Orchomenus, and of the Pisatæ, +was Aristocrates, king of Orchomenus, and of the Pisatæ, -Pantaleon, son of Omphalion. In this war, Tyrtæus says, he +Pantaleon, son of Omphalion. In this war, Tyrtæus says, he -himself commanded the Lacedæmonian army, for in his elegiac +himself commanded the Lacedæmonian army, for in his elegiac poem, entitled Eunomia, he says he came from Erineum; @@ -42751,7 +42751,7 @@ poem, entitled Eunomia, he says he came from Erineum; for Jupiter himself, the son of Saturn, and husband of Juno with the -beautiful crown, gave this city to the Heracleidæ, with whom we left the +beautiful crown, gave this city to the Heracleidæ, with whom we left the windy Erineum, and arrived at the spacious island of Pelops. @@ -42761,12 +42761,12 @@ Wherefore we must either invalidate the authority of the elegiac verses, or we must disbelieve Philochorus, and Callisthenes, and many other writers, who say that he came from -Athens, or Aphidnæ, at the request of the Lacedæmonians, +Athens, or Aphidnæ, at the request of the Lacedæmonians, whom an oracle had enjoined to receive a commander from the Athenians. -

The second war then occurred in the time of Tyrtæus. +

The second war then occurred in the time of Tyrtæus. But they mention a third, and even a fourth war, in which the @@ -42774,9 +42774,9 @@ Messenians were destroyed.The Messenians, driven from Ithom settled at Naupactus, which was given to them as a place of refuge by the -Athenians, after the expulsion of the Locri-Ozolæ. It is probable that +Athenians, after the expulsion of the Locri-Ozolæ. It is probable that -Strabo considers as a fourth war that which took place in the 94th Olympiad, when the Messenians were driven from Naupactus by the Lacedæ. +Strabo considers as a fourth war that which took place in the 94th Olympiad, when the Messenians were driven from Naupactus by the Lacedæ. monians and compelled to abandon Greece entirely. @@ -42810,20 +42810,20 @@ and that for this reason hecatombs were annually sacrificed.

NEXT after the Messenian is the Laconian Gulf, situated -between Tænarum and Maleæ, declining a little from the +between Tænarum and Maleæ, declining a little from the south to the east. Thyrides, a precipitous rock, beaten by -the waves, is in the Messenian Gulf, and distant from Tænarum 100 stadia. Above is Taÿgetum, a lofty and perpendicular mountain, at a short distance from the sea, approaching +the waves, is in the Messenian Gulf, and distant from Tænarum 100 stadia. Above is Taÿgetum, a lofty and perpendicular mountain, at a short distance from the sea, approaching on the northern side close to the Arcadian mountains, so as to leave between them a valley, where Messenia is continuous with Laconia. -

At the foot of Taÿgetum, in the inland parts, lie Sparta +

At the foot of Taÿgetum, in the inland parts, lie Sparta -and Amyclæ,Leake supposes Amyclæ to have been situated between Iklavokhori +and Amyclæ,Leake supposes Amyclæ to have been situated between Iklavokhori and Sparta, on the hill of Agia Kyriaki, half a mile from the Eurotas. @@ -42839,10 +42839,10 @@ mountains within it; no part of it, however, is marshy, although, anciently, the suburbs were so, which were called -Limnæ. The temple of Bacchus, also in Limnnæ, was in a wet, +Limnæ. The temple of Bacchus, also in Limnnæ, was in a wet, situation, but now stands on a dry ground. -

In the bay on the coast is Tænarum, a promontory projecting into the sea.Cape Matapan. Upon it, in a grove, is the temple of +

In the bay on the coast is Tænarum, a promontory projecting into the sea.Cape Matapan. Upon it, in a grove, is the temple of Neptune, and near the temple a cave, through which, according to the fable, Cerberus was brought up by Hercules from @@ -42858,13 +42858,13 @@ a passage across towards the south of 3000 stadia; and to Pachynus, towards the west, the promontory of Sicily, 4600, -or, according to some writers, 4000 stadia; to Maleæ, towards +or, according to some writers, 4000 stadia; to Maleæ, towards the east, including the measurement of the bays, 670 stadia; to Onugnathus,The Ass's Jaw. It is detached from the continent, and is now the -island of Servi. a low peninsula a little within Maleæ, 520 +island of Servi. a low peninsula a little within Maleæ, 520 stadia. (In front of Onugnathus, at the distance of 40 stadia, @@ -42872,18 +42872,18 @@ lies Cythera,Cerigo. an island with a good harbour, same name, which was the private property of Eurycles, the -commander of the Lacedæmonians in our time. It is surrounded by several small islands, some near it, others lying +commander of the Lacedæmonians in our time. It is surrounded by several small islands, some near it, others lying somewhat farther off.) To Corycus, a promontory of Crete, the nearest passage by sea is 250 stadia.750 stadia. Groskurd.

-

Next to Tænarum on the voyage to Onugnathus and to +

Next to Tænarum on the voyage to Onugnathus and to -MaleæBy others written in the singular number, Malea, now C. St. Angelo. is Amathus, (Psamathus,) a city; then follow Asine, +MaleæBy others written in the singular number, Malea, now C. St. Angelo. is Amathus, (Psamathus,) a city; then follow Asine, -and Gythium,The site of Gythium is identified as between Marathonisi and Trinissa. the naval arsenal of Sparta, situated at an interval of 240 stadia. Its station for vessels, they say, is excavated by art. Farther on, between Gythium and Acræa, is +and Gythium,The site of Gythium is identified as between Marathonisi and Trinissa. the naval arsenal of Sparta, situated at an interval of 240 stadia. Its station for vessels, they say, is excavated by art. Farther on, between Gythium and Acræa, is the mouth of the Eurotas.The Iri, or Vasili Potamo. To this place the voyage along the @@ -42895,7 +42895,7 @@ a village, Helos, which formerly was a city, according to Homer; -They who occupied Amyclæ, and Helos, a small town on the sea-coast.Il. ii. 584.Il. ii. 584. +They who occupied Amyclæ, and Helos, a small town on the sea-coast.Il. ii. 584.Il. ii. 584. @@ -42907,7 +42907,7 @@ river Mario-revina. a city upon a peninsula, with a harbour; then Onugnathus with -a harbour; next Bœa, a city; then Maleæ. From these +a harbour; next Bœa, a city; then Maleæ. From these cities to Onugnathus are 150 stadia. There is also Asopus,The site of Asopus appears, according to the ruins indicated in the @@ -42920,7 +42920,7 @@ a city in Laconia. and that Messoa is not a part of Laconia, but a part of Sparta -itself, as was the Limnæum near Thornax. Some understand +itself, as was the Limnæum near Thornax. Some understand @@ -42928,7 +42928,7 @@ itself, as was the Limnæum near Thornax. Some understand -Messē to be a contraction of Messene, for it is said that this +Messē to be a contraction of Messene, for it is said that this was a part of Laconia. [They allege as examples from the @@ -42965,40 +42965,40 @@ Dodona.]Probably an interpolation. extinct; of others traces remain, and of others the names are -changed, as Augeiæ into Ægææ: [the city] of that name in +changed, as Augeiæ into Ægææ: [the city] of that name in Locris exists no longer. With respect to Las, the Dioscuri are said to have taken it by siege formerly, whence they had -the name of Lapersæ, (Destroyers of Las,) and Sophocles says +the name of Lapersæ, (Destroyers of Las,) and Sophocles says -somewhere, by the two Lapersæ, by Eurotas, by the gods +somewhere, by the two Lapersæ, by Eurotas, by the gods in Argos and Sparta.

-

Ephorus says that the Heracleidæ, Eurysthenes and +

Ephorus says that the Heracleidæ, Eurysthenes and Procles, having obtained possession of Laconia, divided it into -six parts, and founded cities throughout the country, and assigned Amyclæ to him who betrayed to them Laconia, and +six parts, and founded cities throughout the country, and assigned Amyclæ to him who betrayed to them Laconia, and who prevailed upon the person that occupied it to retire, on -certain conditions, with the Achæi, into Ionia. Sparta they retained themselves as the royal seat of the kingdom. To the +certain conditions, with the Achæi, into Ionia. Sparta they retained themselves as the royal seat of the kingdom. To the other cities they sent kings, permitting them to receive whatever strangers might be disposed to settle there, on account of the scarcity of inhabitants. Las was used as a naval station, -because it had a convenient harbour; Ægys, as a stronghold, +because it had a convenient harbour; Ægys, as a stronghold, -from whence to attack surrounding enemies; Pheræa, as a +from whence to attack surrounding enemies; Pheræa, as a place to deposit treasure, because it afforded security fromThe text here is very corrupt. attempts from without. * * * * that all the neighbouring -people submitted to the Spartiatæ, but were to enjoy an +people submitted to the Spartiatæ, but were to enjoy an equality of rights, and to have a share in the government and @@ -43008,7 +43008,7 @@ equality of rights, and to have a share in the government and -in the offices of state. They were called Heilotæ. But Agis, +in the offices of state. They were called Heilotæ. But Agis, the son of Eurysthenes, deprived them of the equality of @@ -43020,11 +43020,11 @@ were made prisoners in the course of the war; they were adjudged to be slaves, w not be allowed to give them their liberty, nor sell them beyond the boundaries of the country. This was called the war -of the Heilotæ.1090 B. C. The system of Heilote-slavery, which continued from that time to the establishment of the dominion of +of the Heilotæ.1090 B. C. The system of Heilote-slavery, which continued from that time to the establishment of the dominion of the Romans, was almost entirely the contrivance of Agis. -They were a kind of public slaves, to whom the Lacedæmonians assigned habitations, and required from them peculiar +They were a kind of public slaves, to whom the Lacedæmonians assigned habitations, and required from them peculiar services. @@ -43035,7 +43035,7 @@ changes which have taken place among them, many things, as being well known, may be passed over, but some it may be -worth while to relate. It is said that the Achæan Phthiotæ, +worth while to relate. It is said that the Achæan Phthiotæ, who, with Pelops, made an irruption into Peloponnesus, settled @@ -43043,7 +43043,7 @@ in Laconia, and were so much distinguished for their valour, that Peloponnesus, which for a long period up to this time -had the name of Argos, was then called Achæan Argos; and +had the name of Argos, was then called Achæan Argos; and not Peloponnesus alone had this name, but Laconia also was @@ -43055,13 +43055,13 @@ of the poet, -Where was Menelaus, was he not at Achæan Argos?Od. iii. 249, 251.Od. iii. 249, 251. +Where was Menelaus, was he not at Achæan Argos?Od. iii. 249, 251.Od. iii. 249, 251. as implying, was he not in Laconia? But about the time of -the return of the Heracleidæ, when Philonomus betrayed the +the return of the Heracleidæ, when Philonomus betrayed the country to the Dorians, they removed from Laconia to the @@ -43101,7 +43101,7 @@ other services but those expected from allies. Lately however Eurycles excited some disturbances amongst them, having -abused excessively, in the exercise of his authority, the friendship of Cæsar. The government soon came to an end by the +abused excessively, in the exercise of his authority, the friendship of Cæsar. The government soon came to an end by the death of Eurycles, and the son rejected all such friendships. @@ -43111,7 +43111,7 @@ the time of Pausanias 18 only. They were kindly treated by Augustus, but subsequently they were excluded from the coast to prevent communication with strangers. Pausanias, b. iii. c. 21. however did obtain some regular -form of government, when the surrounding people, and especially the Heilotæ, at the time that Sparta was governed by +form of government, when the surrounding people, and especially the Heilotæ, at the time that Sparta was governed by tyrants, were the first to attach themselves to the Romans.

Hellanicus says that Eurysthenes and Procles regulated the @@ -43130,7 +43130,7 @@ were the founders of Sparta, yet not even these honours were paid to them, that their descendants should bear the respective -appellations of Eurysthenidæ and Procleidæ.From hence to the end of the section the text is corrupt.. See Groskurd +appellations of Eurysthenidæ and Procleidæ.From hence to the end of the section the text is corrupt.. See Groskurd for an attempt to amend the text of the last sentence, which is here not @@ -43138,7 +43138,7 @@ translated. [The descendants of Agis, however, the son of Eurysthenes, we Agides, and the descendants of Eurypon, the son of Procles, -were called Eurypontiadæ. The former were legitimate +were called Eurypontiadæ. The former were legitimate princes; the others, having admitted strangers as settlers, @@ -43184,13 +43184,13 @@ winter, nor too much heated by the coursers of the sun; and a little farther on, speaking of the division of the country -by the Heracleidæ according to lot, the first was +by the Heracleidæ according to lot, the first was -lord of the Lacænian land, a bad soil, +lord of the Lacænian land, a bad soil, @@ -43204,7 +43204,7 @@ the second was Messene, -and Tyrtæus speaks of it in the same manner. +and Tyrtæus speaks of it in the same manner.

But we cannot admit that Laconia and Messenia are bounded, as Euripides says, @@ -43244,7 +43244,7 @@ of Messenia: or, if he meant the ancient Eleia, called the Hollow, this is a sti crossing the Pamisus, there is a large tract of the Messenian -country, then the whole district of [the Lepreatæ], and of the +country, then the whole district of [the Lepreatæ], and of the [Macistii], which is called Triphylia; then the Pisatis, and @@ -43253,9 +43253,9 @@ Olympia; then at the distance of 300 stadia is Elis.

As some persons write the epithet applied by Homer to -Lacedæmon, khtw/essan, and others kaieta/essan, how are we to +Lacedæmon, khtw/essan, and others kaieta/essan, how are we to -understand khtw/essa, whether it is derived from Cetos,Kh=tos. Some are of opinion that the epithet was applied to Lacedæmon, because fish of the cetaceous tribe frequented the coast of Laconia. or +understand khtw/essa, whether it is derived from Cetos,Kh=tos. Some are of opinion that the epithet was applied to Lacedæmon, because fish of the cetaceous tribe frequented the coast of Laconia. or @@ -43265,9 +43265,9 @@ understand khtw/essa, whether it is derived from whether it denotes large, which is most probable. Some -understand kaieta/essa to signify, abounding with calaminthus; others suppose, as the fissures occasioned by earthquakes are called Cæeti, that this is the origin of the epithet. +understand kaieta/essa to signify, abounding with calaminthus; others suppose, as the fissures occasioned by earthquakes are called Cæeti, that this is the origin of the epithet. -Hence Cæietas also, the name of the prison among the Lacedæmonians, which is a sort of cave. Some however say, that +Hence Cæietas also, the name of the prison among the Lacedæmonians, which is a sort of cave. Some however say, that such kind of hollows are rather called Coi, whence the expression of Homer,Il. i. 268. applied to wild beasts, fho|si\n o)reskw/|oisin, @@ -43275,23 +43275,23 @@ which live in mountain caves. Laconia however is subject to earthquakes, and some writers relate, that certain peaks of -Taÿgetum have been broken off by the shocks.This may have taken place a little before the third Messenian war, +Taÿgetum have been broken off by the shocks.This may have taken place a little before the third Messenian war, B. C. 464, when an earthquake destroyed all the houses in Sparta, with the exception of five. Diod. Sic. b. xv. c. 66; Pliny, b. ii. c. 79.

Laconia contains also quarries of valuable marble. Those -of the Tænarian marble in TænarumPliny, b. xxxvi. c. 18, speaks of the black marble of Tænarus. are ancient, and certain +of the Tænarian marble in TænarumPliny, b. xxxvi. c. 18, speaks of the black marble of Tænarus. are ancient, and certain persons, assisted by the wealth of the Romans, lately opened a -large quarry in Taÿgetum. +large quarry in Taÿgetum.

It appears from Homer, that both the country and the -city had the name of Lacedæmon; I mean the country together with Messenia. When he speaks of the bow and +city had the name of Lacedæmon; I mean the country together with Messenia. When he speaks of the bow and quiver of Ulysses, he says, @@ -43299,7 +43299,7 @@ quiver of Ulysses, he says, -A present from Iphitus Eurytides, a stranger, who met him in Lacedæmon,Od. xxi. 13.Od. xxi. 13. +A present from Iphitus Eurytides, a stranger, who met him in Lacedæmon,Od. xxi. 13.Od. xxi. 13. @@ -43313,7 +43313,7 @@ and adds, -He means the country which was a part of Messenia.Eustathius informs us that, according to some writers, Sparta and Lacedæmon were the names of the two principal quarters of the city; and +He means the country which was a part of Messenia.Eustathius informs us that, according to some writers, Sparta and Lacedæmon were the names of the two principal quarters of the city; and adds that the comic poet, Cratinus, gave the name of Sparta to the whole @@ -43321,23 +43321,23 @@ of Laconia. There was then no difference whether he said A stranger, whom he -met at Lacedæmon, gave him, or, they met at Messene; +met at Lacedæmon, gave him, or, they met at Messene; -for it is evident that Pheræ was the home of Ortilochus: +for it is evident that Pheræ was the home of Ortilochus: -they arrived at Pheræ, and went to the house of Diocles the son of Ortilochus,Od. iii. 488.Od. iii. 488. +they arrived at Pheræ, and went to the house of Diocles the son of Ortilochus,Od. iii. 488.Od. iii. 488. -namely, Telemachus and Pisistratus. Now PheræCheramidi. belongs to +namely, Telemachus and Pisistratus. Now PheræCheramidi. belongs to Messenia. But after saying, that Telemachus and his friend -set out from Pheræ, and were driving their two horses the +set out from Pheræ, and were driving their two horses the whole day, he adds, @@ -43347,13 +43347,13 @@ whole day, he adds, -The sun was setting; they came to the hollow Lacedæmon (kht/essan), +The sun was setting; they came to the hollow Lacedæmon (kht/essan), and drove their chariot to the palace of Menelaus.Od. iii. 487. Here we must understand the city; and if we do not, the poet -says, that they journeyed from Lacedæmon to Lacedæmon. +says, that they journeyed from Lacedæmon to Lacedæmon. It is otherwise improbable that the palace of Menelaus should @@ -43373,7 +43373,7 @@ for this seems to agree with the epithets applied to the country,CHAPTER VI. -

AFTER Malæ follow the Argolic and Hermionic Gulfs; +

AFTER Malæ follow the Argolic and Hermionic Gulfs; -the former extends as far as Scyllæum,Skylli. it looks to the east, +the former extends as far as Scyllæum,Skylli. it looks to the east, and towards the Cyclades;The islands about Delos. the latter lies still more towards -the east than the former, reaching Ægina and the Epidaurian territory.The form thus given to the Gulf of Hermione bears no resemblance +the east than the former, reaching Ægina and the Epidaurian territory.The form thus given to the Gulf of Hermione bears no resemblance to modern maps. The Laconians occupy the first part of the @@ -43420,7 +43420,7 @@ occupied by the Laconians are Delium,Pausanias calls it Epi -the same name as that in Bœotia; Minoa, a fortress of the +the same name as that in Bœotia; Minoa, a fortress of the same name as that in Megara; and according to Artemidorus, @@ -43432,7 +43432,7 @@ Cythera,Cerigo. and having a convenient harbour, (

-

To the Argives belong Prasiæ,The ruins are on the bay of Rheontas. and TemeniumToniki, or Agenitzi. where +

To the Argives belong Prasiæ,The ruins are on the bay of Rheontas. and TemeniumToniki, or Agenitzi. where Temenus lies buried. Before coming to Temenium is the district through which the river Lerna flows, that having the same @@ -43449,9 +43449,9 @@ name as the lake, where is laid the scene of the fable of the Hydra. The Temenium is distant from Argos 26 stadia from -the sea-coast; from Argos to Heræum are 40, and thence to +the sea-coast; from Argos to Heræum are 40, and thence to -Mycenæ 10 stadia. +Mycenæ 10 stadia.

Next to Temenium is Nauplia, the naval station of the Argives. Its name is derived from its being accessible to @@ -43466,7 +43466,7 @@ wisdom and intelligence, and was unjustly put to death; and if Nauplius had destroyed so many people at Caphareus.Napoli di Romagna. Nauplius, to avenge the death of his son Palamedes, was the cause of many Greeks perishing on their return from Troy -at Cape Caphareus in Eubœa, famous for its dangerous rocks. The +at Cape Caphareus in Eubœa, famous for its dangerous rocks. The modern Greeks give to this promontory the name of Nulofa/gos, (Xylophagos,) or devourer of vessels. Italian navigators call it Capo d'Oro, @@ -43501,7 +43501,7 @@ we must not overlook this division of the circumference of this country. It begins from the small city Asine;Fornos. then -follow Hermione,Castri. and Trœzen.Damala. In the voyage along the +follow Hermione,Castri. and Trœzen.Damala. In the voyage along the coast the island CalauriaI. Poros. lies opposite; it has a compass of @@ -43523,16 +43523,16 @@ Isthmus (of Corinth) to the Myrtoan and Cretan Seas, has this name.

To the Saronic Gulf belong Epidaurus,A place near the ruins of Epidaurus preserves the name Pedauro. G. and the island in -front of it, Ægina; then Cenchreœ, the naval station of the +front of it, Ægina; then Cenchreœ, the naval station of the -Corinthians towards the eastern parts; then Schœnus,Scheno. a harbour at the distance of 45 stadia by sea; from Maleæ tile +Corinthians towards the eastern parts; then Schœnus,Scheno. a harbour at the distance of 45 stadia by sea; from Maleæ tile whole number of stadia is about 1800. -

At Schœnus is the Diolcus, or place where they draw the +

At Schœnus is the Diolcus, or place where they draw the vessels across the Isthmus: it is the narrowest part of it. -Near Schœnus is the temple of the Isthmian Neptune. At +Near Schœnus is the temple of the Isthmian Neptune. At present, however, I shall not proceed with the description of @@ -43541,7 +43541,7 @@ these places, for they are not situated within the Argive territory, but resume

And first, we may observe how frequently Argos is -mentioned by the poet, both by itself and with the epithet designating it as Achæan Argos, Argos Jasum, Argos Hippium, +mentioned by the poet, both by itself and with the epithet designating it as Achæan Argos, Argos Jasum, Argos Hippium, or Hippoboton, or Pelasgicum. The city, too, is called Argos, @@ -43549,7 +43549,7 @@ or Hippoboton, or Pelasgicum. The city, too, is called Argos, -Argos and Sparta—Il. iv. 52.Il. iv. 52. +Argos and Sparta—Il. iv. 52.Il. iv. 52. @@ -43577,7 +43577,7 @@ for the city could not be called his house; and he calls the whole of Greece, Argos, for he calls all Argives, as he calls -them Danai, and Achæans. +them Danai, and Achæans. @@ -43597,30 +43597,30 @@ Thessaly, Pelasgic Argos; -and the Peloponnesus, the Achæan Argos; +and the Peloponnesus, the Achæan Argos; -if we should return to Achæan Argos;Il. ix. 141. +if we should return to Achæan Argos;Il. ix. 141. -was he not at Achæan Argos?Od. iii. 251. +was he not at Achæan Argos?Od. iii. 251. intimating in these lines that the Peloponnesians were called -peculiarly Achæans according to another designation. +peculiarly Achæans according to another designation.

He calls also the Peloponnesus, Argos Jasum; -if all the Achæans throughout Argos Jasum should see you,Od. xviii. 245.Od. xviii. 245. +if all the Achæans throughout Argos Jasum should see you,Od. xviii. 245.Od. xviii. 245. @@ -43653,7 +43653,7 @@ but Hesiod, and Archilochus, in their time knew that they were all called Hellenes, and Panhellenes: the former calls -them by this name in speaking of the Prœtides, and says that +them by this name in speaking of the Prœtides, and says that Panhellenes were their suitors; the latter, where he says @@ -43701,7 +43701,7 @@ mountain near Cynuria]. We have said before that the fabulous stories about its sources are the inventions of poets; -it is a fiction also that Argos is without water— +it is a fiction also that Argos is without water— @@ -43744,7 +43744,7 @@ or without the d for polui -this house of the Pelopidæ abounding in slaughter,Sophocles, El. 10. +this house of the Pelopidæ abounding in slaughter,Sophocles, El. 10. @@ -43754,7 +43754,7 @@ destruction; at present he is making the attempt, and he will soon-destroy (i)/yetai) -the sons of the Achæi;Il. ii. 193. +the sons of the Achæi;Il. ii. 193. and again, lest @@ -43805,7 +43805,7 @@ the Argive territory; there is also another in Argia, the -Erasīnus. It has its source in Stymphalus in Arcadia, and in +Erasīnus. It has its source in Stymphalus in Arcadia, and in the lake there called Stymphalis, where the scene is laid of @@ -43817,7 +43817,7 @@ of drums. It is said that this river passes under-ground, and issues forth in the Argian territory, and waters the plain. -The Erasīnus is also called Arsinus. +The Erasīnus is also called Arsinus.

Another river of the same name flows out of Arcadia to the coast near Buras. There is another Erasinus also in @@ -43842,7 +43842,7 @@ tion; hence the line, -the Danaïdes made waterless Argos, Argos the watered. +the Danaïdes made waterless Argos, Argos the watered. @@ -43861,7 +43861,7 @@ former rulers of the country, that, according to Euripides, -he made a law that those who were formerly called Pelasgiotæ, should +he made a law that those who were formerly called Pelasgiotæ, should be called Danai throughout Greece. @@ -43869,8 +43869,8 @@ be called Danai throughout Greece. His tomb, called Palinthus, is in the middle of the marketplace of the Argives. I suppose that the celebrity of this city -was the reason of all the Greeks having the name of Pelasgiotæ, and Danai, as well as Argives. -

Modern writers speak of Iasidæ, and Argos Iasum, and +was the reason of all the Greeks having the name of Pelasgiotæ, and Danai, as well as Argives. +

Modern writers speak of Iasidæ, and Argos Iasum, and Apia, and Apidones. Homer does not mention Apidones, and @@ -43929,7 +43929,7 @@ use of the word.

After the descendants of Danaus had succeeded to the -sovereignty at Argos, and the Amythaonidæ, who came from +sovereignty at Argos, and the Amythaonidæ, who came from Pisatis and Triphylia, were intermixed with them by marriages, it is not surprising that, being allied to one another, @@ -43937,18 +43937,18 @@ they at first divided the country into two kingdoms, in such a manner that the two cities, the intended capitals, Argos and -Mycenæ, were not distant from each other more than 50 stadia, +Mycenæ, were not distant from each other more than 50 stadia, -and that the Heræum at Mycenæ should be a temple common +and that the Heræum at Mycenæ should be a temple common to both. In this temple were the statues the workmanship of Polycletus. In display of art they surpassed all others, but in magnitude and cost they were inferior to those of Pheidias. -

At first Argos was the most powerful of the two cities. Afterwards Mycenæ received a great increase of inhabitants in +

At first Argos was the most powerful of the two cities. Afterwards Mycenæ received a great increase of inhabitants in -consequence of the migration thither of the Pelopidæ. For when +consequence of the migration thither of the Pelopidæ. For when everything had fallen under the power of the sons of Atreus, @@ -43956,28 +43956,28 @@ Agamemnon, the elder, assumed the sovereign authority, and by good fortune and valour annexed to his possessions a large -tract of country. He also added the Laconian to the Mycenæan +tract of country. He also added the Laconian to the Mycenæan -district.About 1283, B. C. Menelaus had Laconia, and Agamemnon Mycenæ, +district.About 1283, B. C. Menelaus had Laconia, and Agamemnon Mycenæ, and the country as far as Corinth, and Sicyon, and the territory which was then said to be the country of Iones and -Ægialians, and afterwards of Achæi. +Ægialians, and afterwards of Achæi.

After the Trojan war, when the dominion of Agamemnon was -at an end, the declension of Mycenæ ensued, and particularly +at an end, the declension of Mycenæ ensued, and particularly -after the return of the Heracleidæ.About 1190, B. C. For when these people +after the return of the Heracleidæ.About 1190, B. C. For when these people -got possession of Peloponnesus, they expelled its former masters, so that they who had Argos possessed Mycenæ likewise, +got possession of Peloponnesus, they expelled its former masters, so that they who had Argos possessed Mycenæ likewise, -as composing one body. In subsequent times Mycenæ was +as composing one body. In subsequent times Mycenæ was razed by the Argives, so that at present not even a trace is to -be discovered of the city of the Mycenæans.Not strictly correct, as in the time of Pausanias, who lived about 150 +be discovered of the city of the Mycenæans.Not strictly correct, as in the time of Pausanias, who lived about 150 -years after Strabo, a large portion of the walls surrounding Mycenæ still +years after Strabo, a large portion of the walls surrounding Mycenæ still existed. Even in modern times traces are still to be found. @@ -43987,7 +43987,7 @@ existed. Even in modern times traces are still to be found. -If Mycenæ experienced this fate, it is not surprising that +If Mycenæ experienced this fate, it is not surprising that some of the cities mentioned in the Catalogue of the Ships, @@ -43999,9 +43999,9 @@ the words of the Catalogue: They who occupied Argos, and Tiryns, with strong walls, and Hermione, -and Asine situated on a deep bay, and Eïones, and Epidaurus with its +and Asine situated on a deep bay, and Eïones, and Epidaurus with its -vines, and the valiant Achæan youths who occupied Ægina, and Mases.Il. ii. 559 +vines, and the valiant Achæan youths who occupied Ægina, and Mases.Il. ii. 559 @@ -44010,7 +44010,7 @@ Among these we have already spoken of Argos; we must now speak of the rest.

-

Prœtus seems to have used Tiryns as a stronghold, +

Prœtus seems to have used Tiryns as a stronghold, and to have fortified it by means of the Cyclopes. There @@ -44026,12 +44026,12 @@ Licymna has its name from Licymnius. It is distant from Nauplia about 12 stadia. This place is deserted, as well as the -neighbouring Midéa, which is different from the Bœotian +neighbouring Midéa, which is different from the Bœotian -Mídea, for that is accentuated Mídea, like po|o\nia, but this is +Mídea, for that is accentuated Mídea, like po|o\nia, but this is -accentuated Midéa, like Tegéa. -

Prosylmna borders upon Midéa; it has also a temple of +accentuated Midéa, like Tegéa. +

Prosylmna borders upon Midéa; it has also a temple of Juno. The Argives have depopulated most of these for their @@ -44039,13 +44039,13 @@ refusal to submit to their authority. Of the inhabitants some went from Tiryns to Epidaurus; others from Hermione to the -Ialieis (the Fishermen), as they are called; others were transferred by the Lacedæmonians to Messenia from Asine, (which +Ialieis (the Fishermen), as they are called; others were transferred by the Lacedæmonians to Messenia from Asine, (which is itself a village in the Argive territory near Nauplia,) and they built a small city of the same name as the Argolic Asine. -For the Lacedæmonians, according to Theopompus, got possession of a large tract of country belonging to other nations, +For the Lacedæmonians, according to Theopompus, got possession of a large tract of country belonging to other nations, and settled there whatever fugitives they had received, who @@ -44084,21 +44084,21 @@ them thither from the places near the Spercheius, according to Aristotle; or, Hercules expelled them from Doris near Parnassus. -

Scyllæum near Hermione has its name, it is said, from +

Scyllæum near Hermione has its name, it is said, from Scylla, daughter of Nisus. According to report, she was -enamoured of Minos, and betrayed to him Nisæa. She was +enamoured of Minos, and betrayed to him Nisæa. She was drowned by order of' her father, and her body was thrown upon the shore, and buried here. -

Eïones was a kind of village which the Mycenæi depopulated, and converted into a station for vessels. It was afterwards destroyed, and is no longer a naval station. +

Eïones was a kind of village which the Mycenæi depopulated, and converted into a station for vessels. It was afterwards destroyed, and is no longer a naval station.

-

Trœzen is sacred to Neptune,Poseidon, or Neptune. This god, after a dispute with Minerva respecting this place, held by order of Jupiter, divided possession of it with her. +

Trœzen is sacred to Neptune,Poseidon, or Neptune. This god, after a dispute with Minerva respecting this place, held by order of Jupiter, divided possession of it with her. -Hence the ancient coins of Trœzen bear the trident and head of Minerva. from whom it was +Hence the ancient coins of Trœzen bear the trident and head of Minerva. from whom it was formerly called Poseidonia. It is situated 15 stadia from the @@ -44106,7 +44106,7 @@ sea. Nor is this an obscure city. In front of its harbour, called Pogon,Pw/gwn, pogon or beard. Probably the name is derived from the form -of the harbour. Hence the proverb, Go to Trœzen, (pleu/seias ei)s +of the harbour. Hence the proverb, Go to Trœzen, (pleu/seias ei)s Troizh=na, addressed to those who had little or no beard. lies Calauria, a small island, of about 30 stadia @@ -44114,7 +44114,7 @@ in compass. Here was a temple of Neptune, which served as an asylum for fugitives. It is said that this god exchanged -Delos for Calauria with Latona, and Tænarum for Pytho with +Delos for Calauria with Latona, and Tænarum for Pytho with Apollo. Ephorus mentions the oracle respecting it: @@ -44123,16 +44123,16 @@ Apollo. Ephorus mentions the oracle respecting it: It is the same thing to possess Delos, or Calauria, -The divine Pytho, or the windy Tænarum. +The divine Pytho, or the windy Tænarum.

There was a sort of Amphictyonic body to whom the concerns of this temple belonged, consisting of seven cities, which -performed sacrifices in common. These were Hermon, Epidaurus, Ægina, Athenæ, Prasiæ, Nauplia, and Orchomenus +performed sacrifices in common. These were Hermon, Epidaurus, Ægina, Athenæ, Prasiæ, Nauplia, and Orchomenus Minyeius. The Argives contributed in behalf of Nauplia, and -the Lacedæmonians in behalf of Prasiæ. The veneration +the Lacedæmonians in behalf of Prasiæ. The veneration for this god prevailed so strongly among the Greeks, that @@ -44172,12 +44172,12 @@ Caria and the Troad.

Epidaurus was called Epitaurus [Epicarus?]. Aristotle says, that Carians occupied both this place and Hermione, -but upon the return of the Heracleidæ those Ionians, who had +but upon the return of the Heracleidæ those Ionians, who had accompanied them from the Athenian Tetrapolis to Argos, settled there together with the Carians. -

EpidaurusPidauro. was a distinguished city, remarkable particularly on account of the fame of Æsculapius, who was supposed to cure every kind of disease, and whose temple is +

EpidaurusPidauro. was a distinguished city, remarkable particularly on account of the fame of Æsculapius, who was supposed to cure every kind of disease, and whose temple is crowded constantly with sick persons, and its walls covered @@ -44192,7 +44192,7 @@ Saronic Gulf, with a coasting navigation of 15 stadia, and its aspect is towards the point of summer sun-rise. It is surrounded with lofty mountains, which extend to the coast, so that it is strongly fortified by nature on all sides. -

Between Trœzen and Epidaurus, there was a fortress Methana,Methana is the modern name. and a peninsula of the same name. In some copies of +

Between Trœzen and Epidaurus, there was a fortress Methana,Methana is the modern name. and a peninsula of the same name. In some copies of Thucydides Methone is the common reading,Thucyd. b. ii. c. 34. Methone is the reading of all manuscripts and @@ -44202,7 +44202,7 @@ same name with the Macedonian city, at the siege of which Philip lost an eye. Hence Demetrius of Scepsis is of opinion, -that some persons were led into error by the name, and supposed that it was Methone near Trœzen. It was against this +that some persons were led into error by the name, and supposed that it was Methone near Trœzen. It was against this town, it is said, that the persons sent by Agamemnon to levy @@ -44225,7 +44225,7 @@ not probable that those, who were in the neighbourhood of Agamemnon, would disobey his orders.

-

Ægina is a place in the territory of Epidaurus. There +

Ægina is a place in the territory of Epidaurus. There is in front of this continent, an island, of which the poet means @@ -44235,7 +44235,7 @@ to speak in the lines before cited. Wherefore some write, -and the island Ægina, +and the island Ægina, @@ -44245,14 +44245,14 @@ instead of -and they who occupied Ægina, +and they who occupied Ægina, making a distinction between the places of the same name.

It is unnecessary to remark, that this island is among the -most celebrated. It was the country of Æacus and his descendants. It was this island which once possessed so much +most celebrated. It was the country of Æacus and his descendants. It was this island which once possessed so much power at sea, and formerly disputed the superiority with the @@ -44278,20 +44278,20 @@ but it is stony at the surface, particularly the plain country, whence the whole has a bare appearance, but yields large crops -of barley. It is said that the Æginetæ were called Myrmi- +of barley. It is said that the Æginetæ were called Myrmi- dones, not as the fable accounts for the name, when the ants were metamorphosed into men, at the time of a great famine, -by the prayer of Æacus; but because by digging, like ants, +by the prayer of Æacus; but because by digging, like ants, they threw up the earth upon the rocks, and were thus made able to cultivate the ground, and because they lived in excavations under-ground, abstaining from the use of bricks and sparing of the soil for this purpose. -

Its ancient name was Œnone, which is the name of two of +

Its ancient name was Œnone, which is the name of two of the demi in Attica, one near Eleuthera; @@ -44299,7 +44299,7 @@ the demi in Attica, one near Eleuthera; -to inhabit the plains close to Œnone, (Œnoe,) and Eleutheræ; +to inhabit the plains close to Œnone, (Œnoe,) and Eleutheræ; @@ -44311,7 +44311,7 @@ to which the proverb is applied, -Œnone (Œnoe?) and its torrent. +Œnone (Œnoe?) and its torrent. @@ -44323,12 +44323,12 @@ Its inhabitants were in succession Argives, Cretans, Epidauri ans, and Dorians. At last the Athenians divided the island by -lot among settlers of their own. The Lacedæmonians, however, +lot among settlers of their own. The Lacedæmonians, however, deprived the Athenians of it, and restored it to the ancient in- habitants. -

The Æginetæ sent out colonists to CydoniaThis colony must have been posterior to that of the Samians, the first +

The Æginetæ sent out colonists to CydoniaThis colony must have been posterior to that of the Samians, the first founders of Cydonia. in Crete, and @@ -44336,7 +44336,7 @@ to the Ombrici. According to Ephorus, silver was first struck as money by Pheidon. The island became a mart, the inhabitants, on account of the fertility of its soil, employing themselves at sea as traders; whence goods of a small kind had -the name of Ægina wares. +the name of Ægina wares.

The poet frequently speaks of places in succession as @@ -44350,7 +44350,7 @@ they are situated; they who inhabited Hyria, and Aulis;Il. ii. 496. and they who occupied Argos, and Tiryns, Hermione, and Asine, -Trœzen, and Eiones.Il. ii. 559. +Trœzen, and Eiones.Il. ii. 559. @@ -44360,8 +44360,8 @@ At other times he does not observe any order; -Schœnus, and Scolus, -Thespeia, and Græa.Il. ii. 497.Il. ii. 497. +Schœnus, and Scolus, +Thespeia, and Græa.Il. ii. 497.Il. ii. 497. @@ -44376,25 +44376,25 @@ He also mentions together places on the continent and islands; -for Crocyleia is in Acarnania. Thus he here joins with Ægina +for Crocyleia is in Acarnania. Thus he here joins with Ægina Mases, which belongs to the continent of Argolis. -

Homer does not mention Thyreæ, but other writers speak +

Homer does not mention Thyreæ, but other writers speak of it as well known. It was the occasion of a contest between -the three hundred Argives against the same number of Lacedæmonians; the latter were conquerors by means of a stratagem of Othryadas. Thucydides places Thyreæ in Cynuria, +the three hundred Argives against the same number of Lacedæmonians; the latter were conquerors by means of a stratagem of Othryadas. Thucydides places Thyreæ in Cynuria, on the confines of Argia and Laconia.Thucyd. ii. 27; iv. 56. -

Hysiæ also is a celebrated place in Argolica; and Cenchreæ, +

Hysiæ also is a celebrated place in Argolica; and Cenchreæ, which lies on the road from Tegea to Argos, over the mountain Parthenius, and the Creopolus.A place not known. But Homer was not -acquainted with either of these places, [nor with the Lyrceium, nor Orneæ, and yet they are villages in the Argian +acquainted with either of these places, [nor with the Lyrceium, nor Orneæ, and yet they are villages in the Argian territory; the former of the same name as the mountain there; -the latter of the same name as the Orneæ, situated between +the latter of the same name as the Orneæ, situated between Corinth and Sicyon].Probably interpolated. @@ -44413,7 +44413,7 @@ them at length, for if we did so, we should seem to repeat what is said by all writers.

Anciently, Argos was the most celebrated, but afterwards -the Lacedæmonians obtained the superiority, and continued to +the Lacedæmonians obtained the superiority, and continued to maintain their independence, except during some short interval, @@ -44425,7 +44425,7 @@ fell before the walls, an old woman having let a tile drop from a house upon his head.

They were, however, under the sway of other kings. When -they belonged to the Achæan league they were subjected, together with the other members of that confederacy, to the +they belonged to the Achæan league they were subjected, together with the other members of that confederacy, to the power of the Romans. The city subsists at present, and is @@ -44436,25 +44436,25 @@ second in rank to Sparta. the Catalogue of the Ships, to be under the government of -Mycenæ and Agamemnon: the lines are these: +Mycenæ and Agamemnon: the lines are these: -Those who inhabited Mycenæ, a well-built city, -and the wealthy Corinth, and Cleonæ well built, -and Orneiæ, and the lovely Aræthyrea, +Those who inhabited Mycenæ, a well-built city, +and the wealthy Corinth, and Cleonæ well built, +and Orneiæ, and the lovely Aræthyrea, and Sicyon, where Adrastus first reigned, and they who inhabited Hyperesia, and the lofty Gonoessa -and Pellene, and Ægium, +and Pellene, and Ægium, and the whole range of the coast, and those who lived near the spacious Helice.Il. ii. 569. -

Mycenæ exists no longer. It was founded by Perseus. +

Mycenæ exists no longer. It was founded by Perseus. Sthenelus succeeded Perseus; and Eurystheus, Sthenelus. @@ -44471,9 +44471,9 @@ it at TricorythusTricorythus in place of Corinth is the sug the body near the fountain Macaria, close to the chariot-road. The spot itself has the name of Eurystheus'-head. -

Mycenæ then passed into the possession of the Pelopidæ +

Mycenæ then passed into the possession of the Pelopidæ -who had left the Pisatis, then into that of the Heracleidaæ, +who had left the Pisatis, then into that of the Heracleidaæ, @@ -44483,7 +44483,7 @@ who had left the Pisatis, then into that of the Heracleidaæ, who were also masters of Argos. But after the sea-fight at -Salamis, the Argives, together with the Cleonæi, and the Tegetæ, invaded Mycenæ, and razed it, and divided the territory +Salamis, the Argives, together with the Cleonæi, and the Tegetæ, invaded Mycenæ, and razed it, and divided the territory among themselves. The tragic writers, on account of the @@ -44491,22 +44491,22 @@ proximity of the two cities, speak of them as one, and use the name of one for the other. Euripides in the same play calls -the same city in one place Mycenæ, and in another Argos, as +the same city in one place Mycenæ, and in another Argos, as in the Iphigeneia,Iph. Taur. 508 et seq. and in the Orestes.Orest. 98, 101, 1246. -

Cleonæ is a town situated upon the road leading from Argos to Corinth, on an eminence, which is surrounded on all +

Cleonæ is a town situated upon the road leading from Argos to Corinth, on an eminence, which is surrounded on all sides by dwellings, and well fortified, whence, in my opinion, -Cleonæ was properly described as well built. There also, +Cleonæ was properly described as well built. There also, -between Cleonæ and Phlius, is Nemea, and the grove where +between Cleonæ and Phlius, is Nemea, and the grove where it was the custom of the Argives to celebrate the Nemean games: here is the scene of the fable of the Nemean Lion, -and here also the village Bembina. Cleonæ is distant from +and here also the village Bembina. Cleonæ is distant from Argos 120 stadia, and 80 from Corinth. And we have ourselves beheld the city from the Acrocorinthus. @@ -44520,13 +44520,13 @@ near Asia, the other near Italy, and facilitates, by reason of so short a distance between them, an exchange of commodities on each side. -

As the Sicilian strait, so formerly these seas were of difficult navigation, and particularly the sea above Maleæ, on account of the prevalence of contrary winds; whence the common proverb, +

As the Sicilian strait, so formerly these seas were of difficult navigation, and particularly the sea above Maleæ, on account of the prevalence of contrary winds; whence the common proverb, -When you double Maleæ forget your home. +When you double Maleæ forget your home. @@ -44534,7 +44534,7 @@ It was a desirable thing for the merchants coming from Asia, and from Italy, to discharge their lading at Corinth without -being obliged to double Cape Maleæ. For goods exported +being obliged to double Cape Maleæ. For goods exported from Peloponnesus, or imported by land, a toll was paid to @@ -44544,7 +44544,7 @@ terwards for ever. In after-times they enjoyed even additional advantages, for the Isthmian games, which were celebrated -there, brought thither great multitudes of people. The Bacchiadæ, a rich and numerous family, and of illustrious descent, +there, brought thither great multitudes of people. The Bacchiadæ, a rich and numerous family, and of illustrious descent, were their rulers, governed the state for nearly two hundred @@ -44602,7 +44602,7 @@ reproaching her with disliking work, and not employing herself in spinning; Although I am what you see, yet, in this short time, I have already -finished three distaffs.i(stou\s—distaffs; also, masts and sailors. +finished three distaffs.i(stou\s—distaffs; also, masts and sailors. @@ -44687,30 +44687,30 @@ portion of the ruins of a temple, or palace, built of white marble. From the sum and Helicon, lofty mountains covered with snow; then the -Crissæan Gulf,Strabo here gives the name of Crisssæan Gulf to the eastern half of the +Crissæan Gulf,Strabo here gives the name of Crisssæan Gulf to the eastern half of the Gulf of Corinth. lying below both, and surrounded by Phocis, -Bœotia, Megaris, by the Corinthian district opposite to Phocis, +Bœotia, Megaris, by the Corinthian district opposite to Phocis, and by Sicyonia on the west. * * * *

Above all these are situated the OneiaOf or belonging to asses. mountains, as they -are called, extending as far as Bœotia and Cithæron, from +are called, extending as far as Bœotia and Cithæron, from the Sceironides rocks, where the road leads along them to Attica.

-

Lechæum is the commencement of the coast on one +

Lechæum is the commencement of the coast on one -side; and on the other, Cenchreæ, a village with a harbour, +side; and on the other, Cenchreæ, a village with a harbour, distant from the city about 70 stadia. The latter serves for -the trade with Asia, and Lechæum for that with Italy. -

Lechæum is situated below the city, and is not well in- +the trade with Asia, and Lechæum for that with Italy. +

Lechæum is situated below the city, and is not well in- @@ -44720,27 +44720,27 @@ the trade with Asia, and Lechæum for that with Italy. habited. There are long walls of about 12 stadia in length, -stretching on each side of the road towards Lechæum. The +stretching on each side of the road towards Lechæum. The -sea-shore, extending hence to Pagæ in Megaris, is washed by +sea-shore, extending hence to Pagæ in Megaris, is washed by the Corinthian Gulf. It is curved, and forms the Diolcus, or the passage along which vessels are drawn over the Isthmus -to the opposite coast at Schœnus near Cenchreæ. -

Between Lechæum and Pagæ, anciently, there was the +to the opposite coast at Schœnus near Cenchreæ. +

Between Lechæum and Pagæ, anciently, there was the -oracle of the Acræan Juno, and Olmiæ, the promontory that +oracle of the Acræan Juno, and Olmiæ, the promontory that -forms the gulf, on which are situated Œnoe, and Page; the +forms the gulf, on which are situated Œnoe, and Page; the -former is a fortress of the Megarians; and Œnoe is a fortress +former is a fortress of the Megarians; and Œnoe is a fortress of the Corinthians. -

Next to CenchreæThe remains of an ancient place at the distance of about a mile after +

Next to CenchreæThe remains of an ancient place at the distance of about a mile after -crossing the Erasinus, (Kephalari,) are probably those of Cenchreæ Smith. is Schoenus, where is the narrow part +crossing the Erasinus, (Kephalari,) are probably those of Cenchreæ Smith. is Schoenus, where is the narrow part of the Diolcus, then Crommyonia. In front of this coast lies @@ -44803,7 +44803,7 @@ which last word was perverted by some through ignorance, and altered to Tegea. Here, it is said, Polybus brought up -Œdipus. +Œdipus.

There seems to be some affinity between the Tenedii and these people, through Tennus, the son of Cycnus, according @@ -44856,7 +44856,7 @@ spite of the protestations of Attalus, and sent it to Rome. by Aristeides to the Bacchus,) and Hercules tortured in the robe, the gift -of Deïaneira.This story forms the subject of the Trachiniæ of Sophocles. This I have not myself seen, but I have seen the +of Deïaneira.This story forms the subject of the Trachiniæ of Sophocles. This I have not myself seen, but I have seen the picture of the Bacchus suspended in the Demetreium at Rome, @@ -44895,7 +44895,7 @@ obtained more honour than Lucullus, who presented them as sacred offerings.

Corinth remained a long time deserted, till at length it was -restored on account of its natural advantages by divus Cæsar, +restored on account of its natural advantages by divus Cæsar, who sent colonists thither, who consisted, for the most part, of @@ -44924,11 +44924,11 @@ not continue, not only because the supply failed, but because the greatest part of them were not well executed.The plastic art was invented at Sicyon by Dibutades; according to -others, at the island of Samos, by Rœcus and Theodorus. From Greece it +others, at the island of Samos, by Rœcus and Theodorus. From Greece it was carried into Etruria by Demaratus, who was accompanied by Eucheir -and Eugrammus, plastic artists, and by the painter Cleophantus of Corinth, B. C. 663. See b. v. c. ii. § 2. +and Eugrammus, plastic artists, and by the painter Cleophantus of Corinth, B. C. 663. See b. v. c. ii. § 2.

The city of Corinth was large and opulent at all periods, and produced a great number of statesmen and artists. For @@ -44957,7 +44957,7 @@ of hills, and apply the proverb,

-

Orneæ has the same name as the river which flows beside it. At present it is deserted; formerly, it was well inhabited, and contained a temple of Priapus, held in veneration. +

Orneæ has the same name as the river which flows beside it. At present it is deserted; formerly, it was well inhabited, and contained a temple of Priapus, held in veneration. It is from this place that Euphronius, (Euphorius?) the author @@ -44967,7 +44967,7 @@ god.

It was situated above the plain of the Sicyonians, but the Argives were masters of the country. -

AræthyreaIl. ii. 571. is now called Phliasia. It had a city of the +

AræthyreaIl. ii. 571. is now called Phliasia. It had a city of the same name as the country near the mountain Celossa. They @@ -44981,12 +44981,12 @@ which flows by Sicyon,Vasilika. and forms the Asopia which is a part of Sicyonia. There is also an Asopus, which -flows by Thebes, and Platæa, and Tanagra. There is another +flows by Thebes, and Platæa, and Tanagra. There is another also in Heracleia Trachinia, which flows beside a village, called Parasopii, and a fourth at Paros. -

Phlius is situated in the middle of a circle formed by Sicyonia, Argeia, Cleonæ, and Stymphalus. At Phlius and at +

Phlius is situated in the middle of a circle formed by Sicyonia, Argeia, Cleonæ, and Stymphalus. At Phlius and at Sicyon the temple of Dia, a name given to Hebe, is held in @@ -44995,7 +44995,7 @@ veneration.

Sicyon was formerly called Mecone, and at a still earlier -period, Ægiali. It was rebuilt high up in the country about +period, Ægiali. It was rebuilt high up in the country about 20, others say, about 12, stadia from the sea, upon an eminences @@ -45010,7 +45010,7 @@ moderate disposition. Of these, the most illustrious was Aratus, who made the city free, and was the chief of the -Achæans, who voluntarily conferred upon him that power; +Achæans, who voluntarily conferred upon him that power; @@ -45023,15 +45023,15 @@ he extended the confederacy by annexing to it his own coun- try, and the other neighbouring cities.

Hyperesia, and the cities next in order in the Catalogue of -the poet, and Ægialus,Ægialus was the most ancient name of Achaia, and was given to it +the poet, and Ægialus,Ægialus was the most ancient name of Achaia, and was given to it on account off the greater number of cities being situated upon the coast. The Sicyonians, however, asserted that the name was derived from one -of their Kings named Ægialeus. [or the sea-coast,] as far as Dyme, and +of their Kings named Ægialeus. [or the sea-coast,] as far as Dyme, and -the borders of the Eleian territory, belong to the Achæans. +the borders of the Eleian territory, belong to the Achæans.

@@ -45042,7 +45042,7 @@ the borders of the Eleian territory, belong to the Achæans. were, anciently, masters of this country. It was formerly -called Ægialeia, and the inhabitants Ægialeans, but in later +called Ægialeia, and the inhabitants Ægialeans, but in later times, Ionia, from the former people, as Attica had the name @@ -45059,10 +45059,10 @@ the Dorians about Parnassus, and when he left them, they bore his name. Xuthus, another, married the daughter of Erechtheus, and was the founder of the Tetrapolis of Attica, which -consisted of Œnoe, Marathon, Probalinthus, and Tricorythus. -

Achæus, one of the sons of Xuthus, having committed an +consisted of Œnoe, Marathon, Probalinthus, and Tricorythus. +

Achæus, one of the sons of Xuthus, having committed an -accidental murder, fled to Lacedæmon, and occasioned the inhabitants to take the name of Achæans.The story is narrated differently in Pausanias, b. vii. c. 1. +accidental murder, fled to Lacedæmon, and occasioned the inhabitants to take the name of Achæans.The story is narrated differently in Pausanias, b. vii. c. 1.

Ion, the other son, having vanquished the Thracian army with their leader Eumolpus, obtained so much renown, that @@ -45089,29 +45089,29 @@ abundance of inhabitants, that the Athenians sent out a colony of Ionians to Pel which they occupied was called Ionia after their own name, -instead of Ægialeia, and the inhabitants Ionians instead of +instead of Ægialeia, and the inhabitants Ionians instead of -Ægialeans, who were distributed among twelve cities. -

After the return of the Heracleidæ, these Ionians, being +Ægialeans, who were distributed among twelve cities. +

After the return of the Heracleidæ, these Ionians, being -expelled by the Achæans, returned to Athens, whence, in con- +expelled by the Achæans, returned to Athens, whence, in con- -junction with the Codridæ, (descendants of Codrus,) they sent +junction with the Codridæ, (descendants of Codrus,) they sent cut the Ionian colonists to Asia.About 1044 B. C. They founded twelve cities on the sea-coast of Caria and Lydia, having distributed themselves over the country into as many parts as they occupied in -Peloponnesus.The twelve cities were Phocæa, Erythræ, Clazomenæ Teos, Lebedos, +Peloponnesus.The twelve cities were Phocæa, Erythræ, Clazomenæ Teos, Lebedos, Colophon, Ephesus, Priene, Myus, Miletus, and Samos and Chios in the -neighbouring islands. See b. xiv. c. i. § 3. This account of the expulsion of the Ionians from Peloponnesus is taken from Poilybius, b. ii. c. +neighbouring islands. See b. xiv. c. i. § 3. This account of the expulsion of the Ionians from Peloponnesus is taken from Poilybius, b. ii. c. 41, and b. iv. c. 1. -

The Achæans were Phthiotæ by descent, and were settled at +

The Achæans were Phthiotæ by descent, and were settled at -Lacedæmon, but when the Heracleidæ became masters of the +Lacedæmon, but when the Heracleidæ became masters of the country, having recovered their power under Tisamenus, the @@ -45121,24 +45121,24 @@ and defeated them. They drove the Ionians out of the country, and took possessio same partition of it which they found existing there. They -became so powerful, that, although the Heracleidæ, from whom +became so powerful, that, although the Heracleidæ, from whom they had revolted, occupied the rest of Peloponnesus, yet they defended themselves against them all, and called their own -country Achæa. +country Achæa.

From Tisamenus to Ogyges they continued to be governed by kings. Afterwards they established a democracy, and acquired so great renown for their political wisdom, that the Italian Greeks, after their dissensions with the Pythagoreans, -adopted most of the laws and institutions of the Achæans. After +adopted most of the laws and institutions of the Achæans. After -the battle of Leuctra the ThebansAnd Laceduæmonians, adds Polybius, b, ii. c, 39. committed the disputes of +the battle of Leuctra the ThebansAnd Laceduæmonians, adds Polybius, b, ii. c, 39. committed the disputes of -the cities among each other to the arbitration of the Achæans. +the cities among each other to the arbitration of the Achæans. At a later period their community was dissolved by the Macedonians, but they recovered by degrees their former power. @@ -45150,7 +45150,7 @@ At the time of the expedition of Pyrrhus into Italy they be- -gan with the union of four cities, among which were Patræ +gan with the union of four cities, among which were Patræ and Dyme.Patras and Paleocastro. They then had an accession of the twelve cities, @@ -45205,7 +45205,7 @@ of the bull and the sacrifice, asserting that these things were done there by established custom, and that the poet drew his -comparison from the festival celebrated there. HeliceÆlian, De Naturâ Anim. b. ii. c. 19, and Pausanias, b. vii. c. 24, +comparison from the festival celebrated there. HeliceÆlian, De Naturâ Anim. b. ii. c. 19, and Pausanias, b. vii. c. 24, 25, give an account of this catastrophe, which was preceded by an earth. @@ -45223,7 +45223,7 @@ Leuctra. Eratosthenes says, that he himself saw the place, and the ferrymen told him that there formerly stood in the -strait a brazen statue of Neptune, holding in his hand a hippocampus,The Syngathus Hippocampus of Linnæus, from i(/ppos, a horse, and +strait a brazen statue of Neptune, holding in his hand a hippocampus,The Syngathus Hippocampus of Linnæus, from i(/ppos, a horse, and ka/mph, a caterpillar. It obtained its name from the supposed resemblance @@ -45233,14 +45233,14 @@ It is, however, but a small animal, abundant in the Mediterranean. The head, especially when dried, is like that of a horse. Pliny, b. xxxii. -c. 9–11. Ælian, De Nat. Anim. b. xiv. c. 20. an animal which is dangerous to fishermen. +c. 9–11. Ælian, De Nat. Anim. b. xiv. c. 20. an animal which is dangerous to fishermen.

According to Heracleides, the inundation took place in his time, and during the night. The city was at the distance of 12 stadia from the sea, which overwhelmed the whole intermediate country as well as the city. Two thousand men were -sent by the Achæans to collect the dead bodies, but in vain. +sent by the Achæans to collect the dead bodies, but in vain. The territory was divided among the bordering people. This @@ -45254,19 +45254,19 @@ Neptune, or if they were unwilling to give that, to furnish them with the model of the temple. On their refusal, the -Ionians sent to the Achæan body, who decreed, that they should +Ionians sent to the Achæan body, who decreed, that they should comply with the request, but they would not obey even this injunction. The disaster occurred in the following winter, -and after this the Achæans gave the Ionians the model of the +and after this the Achæans gave the Ionians the model of the temple.

Hesiod mentions another Helice in Thessaly.

-

The Achæans, during a period of five and twenty years, +

The Achæans, during a period of five and twenty years, elected, annually, a common secretary, and two military chiefs. @@ -45280,7 +45280,7 @@ They afterwards resolved to elect one military chief. When Aratus held this post, he took the Acrocorinthus from Antigonus, and annexed the city as well as his own country to -the Achæan league.This distinguished man was elected general of the Achæan League, +the Achæan league.This distinguished man was elected general of the Achæan League, B. C. 245. He admitted the Megareans also into @@ -45288,7 +45288,7 @@ the body, and, having destroyed the tyrannical governments in each state, he made them members, after they were restored -to liberty, of the Achæan league. * * * * * He freed, in a +to liberty, of the Achæan league. * * * * * He freed, in a @@ -45300,19 +45300,19 @@ short time, Peloponnesus from the existing tyrannies; thus Argos, Hermion, Phlius, and Megalopolis, the largest of the -Arcadian cities, were added to the Achæan body, when they +Arcadian cities, were added to the Achæan body, when they attained their greatest increase of numbers. It was at this time that the Romans, having expelled the Carthaginians -from Sicily, undertook an expedition against the Galatæ, +from Sicily, undertook an expedition against the Galatæ, who were settled about the Po.The expulsion of the Carthaginians from Sicily took place 241 B. C. The war of the Romans against the Cisalpine Gauls commenced 224 B. C., -when the Romans passed the Po for the first time. The Achæans remained +when the Romans passed the Po for the first time. The Achæans remained firmly united until Philopoemen had the military command, @@ -45324,36 +45324,36 @@ had obtained possession of the whole of Greece. The Romans did not treat each st [He then assigns reasons for expatiating on the subject of the -Achæans, namely, their attainment of such a degree of power +Achæans, namely, their attainment of such a degree of power -as to be superior to the Lacedæmonians, and because they +as to be superior to the Lacedæmonians, and because they were not as well known as they deserved to be from their importance.]Text abbreviated by the copyist.

-

The order of the places which the Achæans inhabited, according to the distribution into twelve parts, is as follows. +

The order of the places which the Achæans inhabited, according to the distribution into twelve parts, is as follows. -Next to Sicyon is Pellene; Ægeira, the second; the third, +Next to Sicyon is Pellene; Ægeira, the second; the third, -Ægæ, with a temple of Neptune; Bura, the fourth; then +Ægæ, with a temple of Neptune; Bura, the fourth; then Helice, where the Ionians took refuge after their defeat by the -Achæans, and from which place they were at last banished; +Achæans, and from which place they were at last banished; -after Helice are Ægium, Rhypes, Patræ, and Phara; then Olenus, beside which runs the large river [Peirus?]; then Dyme, +after Helice are Ægium, Rhypes, Patræ, and Phara; then Olenus, beside which runs the large river [Peirus?]; then Dyme, -and Tritsæis. The Ionians dwelt in villages, but the Achæans +and Tritsæis. The Ionians dwelt in villages, but the Achæans founded cities, to some of which they afterwards united others -transferred from other quarters, as Ægæ to Ægeira, (the inhabitants, however, were called Ægæi,) and Olenus to Dyme. +transferred from other quarters, as Ægæ to Ægeira, (the inhabitants, however, were called Ægæi,) and Olenus to Dyme.

Traces of the ancient settlement of the Olenii are to be -seen between Patræ and Dyme: there also is the famous temple of Æsculapius, distant from Dyme 40, and from Patræ 80 +seen between Patræ and Dyme: there also is the famous temple of Æsculapius, distant from Dyme 40, and from Patræ 80 stadia. -

In Eubœa there is a place of the same name with the +

In Eubœa there is a place of the same name with the @@ -45361,22 +45361,22 @@ stadia. -Ægæ here, and there is a town of the name of Olenus in +Ægæ here, and there is a town of the name of Olenus in -Ætolia, of which there remain only vestiges. +Ætolia, of which there remain only vestiges.

The poet does not mention the Olenus in Achaia, nor many -other people living near Ægialus, but speaks in general terms; +other people living near Ægialus, but speaks in general terms; -along the whole of Ægialus, and about the spacious Helice.Il. ii. 576.Il. ii. 576. +along the whole of Ægialus, and about the spacious Helice.Il. ii. 576.Il. ii. 576. -But he mentions the Ætolian Olenus in these words; +But he mentions the Ætolian Olenus in these words; @@ -45386,15 +45386,15 @@ But he mentions the Ætolian Olenus in these words; -He mentions both the places of the name of Ægæ; the +He mentions both the places of the name of Ægæ; the -Achæan Ægæ in these terms, +Achæan Ægæ in these terms, -who bring presents to Helice, and to Ægæ.Il. viii. 203.Il. viii. 203. +who bring presents to Helice, and to Ægæ.Il. viii. 203.Il. viii. 203. @@ -45404,17 +45404,17 @@ But when he says, -Ægæ, where his palace is in the depths of the sea, +Ægæ, where his palace is in the depths of the sea, There Neptune stopped his coursers,Il. xiii. 21, 34.Il. xiii. 21, 34. -it is better to understand Ægæ in Eubœa; whence it is +it is better to understand Ægæ in Eubœa; whence it is -probable the Ægæan Sea had its name. On this sea, according to story, Neptune made his preparations for the Trojan +probable the Ægæan Sea had its name. On this sea, according to story, Neptune made his preparations for the Trojan war. -

Close to the Achæn Ægæ flows the river Crathis,Kra/qis—kraqh=nai The Acrata. The site of Ægæ is probably the +

Close to the Achæn Ægæ flows the river Crathis,Kra/qis—kraqh=nai The Acrata. The site of Ægæ is probably the Khan of Acrata. Smith. augmented by the waters of two rivers, and deriving its name @@ -45436,27 +45436,27 @@ is a strong fortress. There is also a village of the name of Pellene, whence they bring the Pellenian mantles, which are -offered as prizes at the public games. It lies between ÆgiumVostitza. +offered as prizes at the public games. It lies between ÆgiumVostitza. -and Pellene. But Pellana, a different place from these, belongs to the Lacedæmonians, and is situated towards the territory of Megalopolitis. +and Pellene. But Pellana, a different place from these, belongs to the Lacedæmonians, and is situated towards the territory of Megalopolitis. -

ÆgeiraLeake places the port of Ægeira at Maura-Litharia, the Black Rocks, +

ÆgeiraLeake places the port of Ægeira at Maura-Litharia, the Black Rocks, -on the left of which on the summit of a hill are some vestiges of an ancient city, which must have been Ægeira. is situated upon a hill. Bura is at the distance +on the left of which on the summit of a hill are some vestiges of an ancient city, which must have been Ægeira. is situated upon a hill. Bura is at the distance from the sea-coast of about 40 stadia. It was swallowed up by an earthquake. It is said, that from the fountain Sybaris which is there, the river Sybaris in Italy had its name. -

Æga (for this is the name by which Ægæ is called) is not +

Æga (for this is the name by which Ægæ is called) is not -now inhabited, but the Ægienses occupy the territory. Ægium, +now inhabited, but the Ægienses occupy the territory. Ægium, however, is well inhabited. It was here, it is said, that Jupiter was suckled by a goat, as Aratus also says, @@ -45466,7 +45466,7 @@ however, is well inhabited. It was here, it is said, that Jupiter was suckled by the sacred goat, which is said to have applied its teats to the lips of -Jupiter.Phœn. 163.Phœn. 163. +Jupiter.Phœn. 163.Phœn. 163. He adds, that, @@ -45483,8 +45483,8 @@ and indicates the place because it was near Olenus. There also is Ceryneia, situated upon a lofty rock. This place, and -Helice, belong to the Ægienses,See above, § 3. and the Ænarium, [Homarium,] the grove of Jupiter, where the Achæans held their convention, when they were to deliberate upon their common affairs. -

The river Selinus flows through the city of the Ægienses. +Helice, belong to the Ægienses,See above, § 3. and the Ænarium, [Homarium,] the grove of Jupiter, where the Achæans held their convention, when they were to deliberate upon their common affairs. +

The river Selinus flows through the city of the Ægienses. It has the same name as that which was beside Artemisium @@ -45494,12 +45494,12 @@ spot, that XenophonAnab. v. 3. 8. says he purchased the injunction of an oracle, in honour of Artemis. There is -also another Selinus in the country of the Hyblæi Megarenses, whom the Carthaginians expelled. -

Of the remaining Achæan cities, or portions, Rhypes is not +also another Selinus in the country of the Hyblæi Megarenses, whom the Carthaginians expelled. +

Of the remaining Achæan cities, or portions, Rhypes is not inhabited, but the territory called Rhypis was occupied by -Ægienses and Pharians. Æschylus also says somewhere, +Ægienses and Pharians. Æschylus also says somewhere, @@ -45512,9 +45512,9 @@ inhabited, but the territory called Rhypis was occupied by Leuctrum, belonging to the district Rhypis, was a demus -of Rhypes. Between these was Patræ, a considerable city, +of Rhypes. Between these was Patræ, a considerable city, -and in the intervening country, at the distance of 40 stadia from Patræ, are Rhium,Castel di Morea. and opposite to it, Antirrhium.Castel di Rumeli. Not long since the Romans, after the victory at Actium, stationed there a large portion of their army, and at +and in the intervening country, at the distance of 40 stadia from Patræ, are Rhium,Castel di Morea. and opposite to it, Antirrhium.Castel di Rumeli. Not long since the Romans, after the victory at Actium, stationed there a large portion of their army, and at @@ -45545,11 +45545,11 @@ have said before. Others think that it is derived from a river Caucon, in the same way as Thebes has the appellation of -Dircæan, and Asopian; and as Argos is called Inachian, and +Dircæan, and Asopian; and as Argos is called Inachian, and Troy, Simuntis.From the fountain Dirce, and the rivers Asopus, Inachus, and -Simoïs. +Simoïs.

A little before our time, Dyme had received a colony consisting of a mixed body of people, a remnant of the piratical bands, whose haunts Pompey had destroyed. Some he settled @@ -45557,12 +45557,12 @@ bands, whose haunts Pompey had destroyed. Some he settled at Soli in Cilicia, and others in other places, and some in this spot. -

Phara borders upon the Dymæan territory. The inhabitants of this Phara are called Pharenses; those of the Messenian Phara, Pharatæ. In the territory of Phara there is a +

Phara borders upon the Dymæan territory. The inhabitants of this Phara are called Pharenses; those of the Messenian Phara, Pharatæ. In the territory of Phara there is a fountain Dirce, of the same name as that at Thebes. -

Olenus is deserted. It lies between Patræ and Dyme. +

Olenus is deserted. It lies between Patræ and Dyme. -The territory is occupied by the Dymæi. Next is Araxus,Cape Papa. +The territory is occupied by the Dymæi. Next is Araxus,Cape Papa. the promontory of the Eleian district, distant from the isthmus 1000 stadia. @@ -45596,7 +45596,7 @@ Greece.The Arcadians called themselves Autochthones, indige Proseleni, born before the moon; hence Ovid speaking of them says, -Lunâ gens prior illa fuit. +Lunâ gens prior illa fuit.

In consequence of the complete devastation of this country, it is unnecessary to give a long description of it. The cities, @@ -45623,7 +45623,7 @@ and asses, which are used as stallions. The race of Arcadian horses, as well as the Argolic and Epidaurian, is preferred -before all others. The uninhabited tracts of country in Ætolia +before all others. The uninhabited tracts of country in Ætolia and Acarnania are not less adapted to the breeding of horses @@ -45632,18 +45632,18 @@ than Thessaly.

Mantinea owes its fame to Epaminondas, who conquered -the Lacedæmonians there in a second battle, in which he lost +the Lacedæmonians there in a second battle, in which he lost his life.B . C. 371. -

This city, together with Orchomenus, Heræa, Cleitor, Pheneus, Stymphalus, Mænalus, Methydrium, Caphyeis, and Cynætha, either exist no longer, or traces and signs only of their +

This city, together with Orchomenus, Heræa, Cleitor, Pheneus, Stymphalus, Mænalus, Methydrium, Caphyeis, and Cynætha, either exist no longer, or traces and signs only of their existence are visible. There are still some remains of Tegea, -and the temple of the Alæan Minerva remains. The latter +and the temple of the Alæan Minerva remains. The latter is yet held in some little veneration, as well as the temple of -the Lycæan Jupiter on the Lycæan mountain. But the places +the Lycæan Jupiter on the Lycæan mountain. But the places mentioned by the poet, as @@ -45666,7 +45666,7 @@ from the deserted condition of the country.

-

The mountains of note, besides Cyllene, are Pholoë,Mauro vuni. Lycæum,Mintha. Mænalus, and the Parthenium,Partheni. as it is called, which +

The mountains of note, besides Cyllene, are Pholoë,Mauro vuni. Lycæum,Mintha. Mænalus, and the Parthenium,Partheni. as it is called, which extends from the territory of Tegea to that of Argos. @@ -45726,9 +45726,9 @@ esteemed to be sacred. -5.The following section is corrupt in the original; it is translated according to the corrections proposed by Kramer, Gosselin, &c. Polybius having said, that from Maleæ towards the north +5.The following section is corrupt in the original; it is translated according to the corrections proposed by Kramer, Gosselin, &c. Polybius having said, that from Maleæ towards the north -as far as the Danube the distance is about 10,000 stadia, is corrected by Artemidorus, and not without reason; for, according to the latter, from Maleæ to Ægium the distance is 1400 +as far as the Danube the distance is about 10,000 stadia, is corrected by Artemidorus, and not without reason; for, according to the latter, from Maleæ to Ægium the distance is 1400 stadia, from hence to Cirrha is a distance by sea of 200 stadia; @@ -45742,16 +45742,16 @@ to Thessalonica, 660 stadia; then to the Danube, through Idomene, and Stobi, and Dardanii, it is 3200 stadia. According to Artemidorus, therefore, the distance from the -Danube to Maleæ would be 6500. The cause of this difference is that he does not give the measurement by the shortest +Danube to Maleæ would be 6500. The cause of this difference is that he does not give the measurement by the shortest road, but by some accidental route pursued by a general of an army.

It is not, perhaps, out of place to add the founders mentioned by Ephorus, who settled colonies in Peloponnesus after -the return of the Heracleidæ; as Aletes, the founder of Corinth; Phalces, of Sicyon; Tisamenus, of cities in Achæa; Oxylus, of Elis, Cresphontes, of Messene; Eurysthenes and Procles, of Lacedæmon; Temenus and Cissus, of Argos; and +the return of the Heracleidæ; as Aletes, the founder of Corinth; Phalces, of Sicyon; Tisamenus, of cities in Achæa; Oxylus, of Elis, Cresphontes, of Messene; Eurysthenes and Procles, of Lacedæmon; Temenus and Cissus, of Argos; and -Agræus and Deiphontes, of the towns about Acte. +Agræus and Deiphontes, of the towns about Acte. @@ -45766,7 +45766,7 @@ Agræus and Deiphontes, of the towns about Acte.

Continuation of the geography of Greece. A panegyrical account of Athens. -A description of Bœotia and Thessaly, with the sea-coast.

+A description of Bœotia and Thessaly, with the sea-coast.

CHAPTER I. @@ -45786,20 +45786,20 @@ are continuous with it.The peninsulas described by Strabo, Corinth.

-

2. The peninsula bounded by a line drawn from Pagæ to Nisæa, and +

2. The peninsula bounded by a line drawn from Pagæ to Nisæa, and including the above.

3. The peninsula bounded by a line drawn from the recess of the -Crissæan Gulf, properly so called, (the Bay of Salona,) to Thermopylæ, +Crissæan Gulf, properly so called, (the Bay of Salona,) to Thermopylæ, and includes the two first.

4. The peninsula bounded by a line drawn from the Ambracic Gulf -to Thermopylæ and the Maliac Gulf, and includes the three former.

+to Thermopylæ and the Maliac Gulf, and includes the three former.

5. The peninsula bounded by a line drawn from the Ambracic Gulf @@ -45811,7 +45811,7 @@ to the Peloponnesus [so that Crommyon belongs to Megaris, and not to the Corinthians];These words are transposed from after the word Epicnemidii, as suggested by Cramer. the third to be that which is -situated near the former, comprising Attica and Bœotia, some +situated near the former, comprising Attica and Bœotia, some part of Phocis, and of the Locri Epicnemidii. Of these we @@ -45832,7 +45832,7 @@ the left, to the north, the continuous coast from the Ceraunian -Mountains to the Crisæan Gulf, and the whole of Megaris +Mountains to the Crisæan Gulf, and the whole of Megaris and Attica. He is of opinion that the shore which extends @@ -45840,7 +45840,7 @@ from Sunium to the Isthmus, would not have so great a curvature, nor have so gre added the parts continuous with the Isthmus and extending -to the Hermionic Bay and Acté; that in the same manner +to the Hermionic Bay and Acté; that in the same manner the shore, from the Ceraunian Mountains to the Gulf of @@ -45850,15 +45850,15 @@ contracting together give it this figure. The same is the case with the shore about Crissa and the recess, where the -Crissæan Sea terminates.The Crissæan Gulf, properly so called, is the modern Bay of Salona. +Crissæan Sea terminates.The Crissæan Gulf, properly so called, is the modern Bay of Salona. -But probably Strabo (or rather Eudoxus, whose testimony he alleges) intended to comprehend, under the denomination of Crissæan, the whole +But probably Strabo (or rather Eudoxus, whose testimony he alleges) intended to comprehend, under the denomination of Crissæan, the whole gulf, more commonly called Corinthian by the ancients, that is, the gulf which commenced at the strait between Rhium and Antirrhium, and of -which the Crissæan Gulf was only a portion. The text in the above +which the Crissæan Gulf was only a portion. The text in the above passage is very corrupt. @@ -45869,13 +45869,13 @@ extending from Sunium as far as the Isthmus, to be curved, although slightly so. About the middle of the above-men- -tioned lineFrom Sunium to the Isthmus. is the Piræus, the naval arsenal of the Athenians. +tioned lineFrom Sunium to the Isthmus. is the Piræus, the naval arsenal of the Athenians. It is distant from Schoenus, at the Isthmus, about 350 stadia; -from Sunium 330. The distance from the Piræus to PagæLibadostani. +from Sunium 330. The distance from the Piræus to PagæLibadostani. -and from the Piræus to Schœnus is nearly the same, yet the +and from the Piræus to Schœnus is nearly the same, yet the former is said to exceed the latter by 10 stadia. After having @@ -45886,7 +45886,7 @@ north with a declination to the west.

Acte (Attica) is washed by two seas; it is at first -narrow, then it widens towards the middle, yet it, nevertheless, takes a lunated bend towards Oropus in Bœotia, having +narrow, then it widens towards the middle, yet it, nevertheless, takes a lunated bend towards Oropus in Bœotia, having the convex side towards the sea. This is the second, the @@ -45897,9 +45897,9 @@ the territory of Oropus towards the west, as far as Megaris, and consists of the mountainous tract of Attica, having a -variety of names, and dividing Bœotia from Attica; so that, +variety of names, and dividing Bœotia from Attica; so that, -as I have before remarked, Bœotia, by being connected with +as I have before remarked, Bœotia, by being connected with @@ -45951,11 +45951,11 @@ violence, from these summits is called by the Athenians Sciron.

After the rocks Scironides there projects the promontory -Minoa, forming the harbour of Nisæa. Nisæa is the arsenal +Minoa, forming the harbour of Nisæa. Nisæa is the arsenal -of Megara, and distant 18 stadia from the city; it is joined to it by walls on each side.Literally, by legs on each side. Nisæa was united to Megara, as +of Megara, and distant 18 stadia from the city; it is joined to it by walls on each side.Literally, by legs on each side. Nisæa was united to Megara, as -the Piræus to Athens, by two lone walls. This also had the name of +the Piræus to Athens, by two lone walls. This also had the name of Minoa. @@ -45998,7 +45998,7 @@ the poet says, -There the Bœoti, and Iaones,Il. xiii. 685.Il. xiii. 685. +There the Bœoti, and Iaones,Il. xiii. 685.Il. xiii. 685. @@ -46035,9 +46035,9 @@ Although those, who wrote on the history of AtticaSee note in many respects, yet those of any note agree in this, that -when there were four Pandionidæ, Ægeus, Lycus, Pallas, +when there were four Pandionidæ, Ægeus, Lycus, Pallas, -and Nisus; and when Attica was divided into four portions, Nisus obtained, by lot, Megaris, and founded Nisæa. +and Nisus; and when Attica was divided into four portions, Nisus obtained, by lot, Megaris, and founded Nisæa. Philochorus says, that his government extended from the @@ -46048,13 +46048,13 @@ Eleusis and the Thriasian plain. division of the country into four parts, it is enough to adduce -these lines from Sophocles where Ægeus says, +these lines from Sophocles where Ægeus says, My father determined that I should go away to Acte, having assigned -to me, as the elder, the best part of the land; to Lycus, the opposite garden of Eubœa; for Nisus he selects the irregular tract of the shore of +to me, as the elder, the best part of the land; to Lycus, the opposite garden of Eubœa; for Nisus he selects the irregular tract of the shore of Sciron; and the rugged Pallas, breeder of giants, obtained by lot the part @@ -46065,11 +46065,11 @@ to the south.From a lost tragedy of Sophocles.

-

After the return of the Heraclidæ, and the partition of +

After the return of the Heraclidæ, and the partition of the country, many of the former possessors were banished from -their own land by the Heraclidæ, and by the Dorians, who +their own land by the Heraclidæ, and by the Dorians, who came with them, and migrated to Attica. Among these was @@ -46083,11 +46083,11 @@ Melanthus, the king of Messene. He was voluntarily ap- pointed king of the Athenians, after having overcome in -single combat, Xanthus, the king of the Bœotians. When +single combat, Xanthus, the king of the Bœotians. When Attica became populous by the accession of fugitives, the -Heraclidæ were alarmed, and invaded Attica, chiefly at the +Heraclidæ were alarmed, and invaded Attica, chiefly at the instigation of the Corinthians and Messenians; the former @@ -46114,21 +46114,21 @@ many changes, still subsists. It once had schools of philosophers, who had the n Megarensian, in the same manner as the Eleiaci, among whom -was Pyrrhon, who succeeded Phædon, the Eleian, who was also +was Pyrrhon, who succeeded Phædon, the Eleian, who was also a Socratic philosopher, and as the Eretriaci succeeded Menedemus the Eretrean.

Megaris, like Attica, is very sterile, and the greater part of it is occupied by what are called the Oneii mountains, a kind -of ridge, which, extending from the Scironides rocks to Bœotia +of ridge, which, extending from the Scironides rocks to Bœotia -and to Cithæron, separates the sea at Nisæa from that near +and to Cithæron, separates the sea at Nisæa from that near Page, called the Alcyonian Sea.

-

In sailing from Nisæa to Attica there lie, in the course +

In sailing from Nisæa to Attica there lie, in the course of the voyage, five small islands. Then succeeds Salamis, @@ -46136,15 +46136,15 @@ which is about 70, and according to others, 80, stadia in length. It has two cities of the same name. The ancient -city, which looked towards Ægina, and to the south, as +city, which looked towards Ægina, and to the south, as -Æschylus has described it; +Æschylus has described it; -Ægina lies towards the blasts of the south: +Ægina lies towards the blasts of the south: @@ -46174,13 +46174,13 @@ the island, but that Ceres admitted it into Eleusis, and it became her attendant pitys, the pine tree. The island obtained its renown from -the Æacidæ, who were masters of it, particularly from Ajax, +the Æacidæ, who were masters of it, particularly from Ajax, the son of Telamon, and from the defeat of Xerxes by the Greeks in a battle on the coast, and by his flight to his own -country. The Æginetæ participated in the glory of that engagement, both as neighbours, and as having furnished a considerable naval force. [In Salamis is the river Bocarus, now +country. The Æginetæ participated in the glory of that engagement, both as neighbours, and as having furnished a considerable naval force. [In Salamis is the river Bocarus, now called Bocalia.]Probably interpolated. @@ -46273,9 +46273,9 @@ Megarians to have replied in an opposite strain of this kind; -Ajax conducted ships from Salamis, from Polichna, from Ægirussa, +Ajax conducted ships from Salamis, from Polichna, from Ægirussa, -from Nisæa, and from Tripodes,Il. ii. 557. +from Nisæa, and from Tripodes,Il. ii. 557. @@ -46328,7 +46328,7 @@ demi, or burghs.

Then follows the Thriasian plain, and the coast, a -demus of the same name,Thria. then the promontory Amphiale,Scaramandra; from the height above Ægaleos, Xerxes witnessed +demus of the same name,Thria. then the promontory Amphiale,Scaramandra; from the height above Ægaleos, Xerxes witnessed the battle of Salamis. @@ -46345,7 +46345,7 @@ complished it. -

There also are the Pharmacussæ,Megala Kyra, Micra Kyra. two small islands, in the +

There also are the Pharmacussæ,Megala Kyra, Micra Kyra. two small islands, in the larger of which is shown the tomb of Circe. @@ -46356,12 +46356,12 @@ the demus Corydalleis: then the harbour of Phoron, (Robbers,) and Psyttalia, a small rocky desert island, which, according to -some writers, is the eye-sore of the Piræus. +some writers, is the eye-sore of the Piræus.

Near it is Atalanta, of the same name as that between -Eubœa and the Locri; and another small island similar to +Eubœa and the Locri; and another small island similar to -Psyttalia; then the Piræus, which is also reckoned among the +Psyttalia; then the Piræus, which is also reckoned among the demi, and the Munychia. @@ -46376,7 +46376,7 @@ row opening. Beneath it are three harbours. Formerly the Munychia was surrounded by a wall, and occupied by dwellings, nearly in the same manner as the city of the Rhodians, -comprehending within the circuit of the walls the Piræus and +comprehending within the circuit of the walls the Piræus and the harbours full of materials for ship-building; here also @@ -46392,23 +46392,23 @@ the legs, that stretched out from the Asty. These were the long walls, 40 stadia in length, joining the Astyto\ a(/stu, the Asty, was the upper town, in opposition to the lower -town, of Piræus. See Smith's Dictionary for a very able and interesting +town, of Piræus. See Smith's Dictionary for a very able and interesting -article, Athenœ; also Kiepert's Atlas von Hellas. to the +article, Athenœ; also Kiepert's Atlas von Hellas. to the -Piræus. But in consequence of frequent wars, the wall and +Piræus. But in consequence of frequent wars, the wall and the fortification of the Munychia were demolished; the -Piræus was contracted to a small town, extending round the +Piræus was contracted to a small town, extending round the harbours and the temple of Jupiter Soter. The small porticoes of the temple contain admirable paintings, the work of -celebrated artists, and the hypæthrum, statues. The long +celebrated artists, and the hypæthrum, statues. The long -walls also were destroyed, first demolished by the Lacedæmonians, and afterwards by the Romans, when Sylla took the +walls also were destroyed, first demolished by the Lacedæmonians, and afterwards by the Romans, when Sylla took the -Piræus and the Asty by siege.Sylla took Athens, after a long and obstinate siege, on the 1st March, +Piræus and the Asty by siege.Sylla took Athens, after a long and obstinate siege, on the 1st March, B. C. 86. The city was given up to rapine and plunder. @@ -46505,7 +46505,7 @@ rival the art of Pheidias. Deceleia was the rendezvous of the Peloponnesians in the Decelic war. From Phyle Thrasybu- -lus brought back the people to the Piræus, and thence to the +lus brought back the people to the Piræus, and thence to the Asty. Thus also much might be told respecting many other @@ -46523,7 +46523,7 @@ Persian fleet conquered at Salamis. There was also the Odeium of Regilla, but this was built in the time of the Antonines. of the -Stoa Pœcile, [or painted Portico,] and of the temples in tile +Stoa Pœcile, [or painted Portico,] and of the temples in tile city, all of which contain the works of illustrious artists. @@ -46534,15 +46534,15 @@ quire who were the founders of the city from the time of Cecrops, for writers do not agree, as is evident from the names -of persons and of places. For example, Attica,The country was called Actica from Actæos. Parian Chronicle. they say, +of persons and of places. For example, Attica,The country was called Actica from Actæos. Parian Chronicle. they say, -was derived from Actæon; Atthis, and Attica, from Atthis, +was derived from Actæon; Atthis, and Attica, from Atthis, the daughter of Cranaus, from whom the inhabitants had the name Cranai; Mopsopia from Mopsopus; Ionia from Ion, the -son of Xuthus; Poseidonia and Athenæ, from the deities of +son of Xuthus; Poseidonia and Athenæ, from the deities of that name. We have said, that the nation of the Pelasgi seem @@ -46599,15 +46599,15 @@ of some of them.

It will suffice then to add, that, according to Philochorus, when the country was devastated on the side of the -sea by the Carians, and by land by the Bœotians, whom they +sea by the Carians, and by land by the Bœotians, whom they called Aones, Cecrops first settled a large body of people in twelve cities, the names of which were Cecropia, Tetrapolis, -Epacria, Deceleia, Eleusis, Aplhidnæ, (although some persons +Epacria, Deceleia, Eleusis, Aplhidnæ, (although some persons -write it in the plural number, Aphidnæ,) Thoricus, Brauron, +write it in the plural number, Aphidnæ,) Thoricus, Brauron, Cytherus, Sphettus, Cephisia [Phalerus]. Again, at a subsequent period, Theseus is said to have collected the inhabitants of the twelve cities into one, the present city.

Formerly, the Athenians were governed by kings; they @@ -46616,7 +46616,7 @@ afterwards changed the government to a democracy; then tyrants were their masters, as Pisistratus and his sons; afterwards there was an oligarchy both of the four hundred and -of the thirty tyrants, whom the Lacedæmonii set over them; +of the thirty tyrants, whom the Lacedæmonii set over them; these were expelled by the Athenians, who retained the form @@ -46660,7 +46660,7 @@ were melted down, and according to some were cast into chamber-pots. The Romans, after their conquest, finding -them governed by a democracy,Aratus, the Achæan general, 245 B. C., drove from Attica the Lacedæmonian garrisons, and restored liberty to the Athenians. maintained their independence and liberty. During the Mithridatic war, the king set +them governed by a democracy,Aratus, the Achæan general, 245 B. C., drove from Attica the Lacedæmonian garrisons, and restored liberty to the Athenians. maintained their independence and liberty. During the Mithridatic war, the king set over them such tyrants as he pleased. Aristio, who was the @@ -46673,19 +46673,19 @@ death. The citizens were pardoned, and, to this time, the city enjoys liberty, and is respected by the Romans.

-

Next to the Piræus is the demus Phalereis, on the succeeding line of coast, then Halimusii, Æxoneis, Alæeis, the +

Next to the Piræus is the demus Phalereis, on the succeeding line of coast, then Halimusii, Æxoneis, Alæeis, the -Æxonici, Anagyrasii; then Theoris, Lampesis; Ægilieis, +Æxonici, Anagyrasii; then Theoris, Lampesis; Ægilieis, Anaphlystii, Azenieis; these extend as far as the promontory Sunium. Between the above-mentioned demi is a long -promontory, Zoster,C. Halikes. the first after the Æxoneis; then another promontory after Thoreis, Astypalæa; in the front of +promontory, Zoster,C. Halikes. the first after the Æxoneis; then another promontory after Thoreis, Astypalæa; in the front of the former of these is an island, Phabra,Falkadi. and of the latter an -island, Eleüssa,Elisa. opposite the Æxoneis is Hydrussa. About +island, Eleüssa,Elisa. opposite the Æxoneis is Hydrussa. About Anaphlystum is the Paneum, and the temple of Venus Colias. @@ -46720,18 +46720,18 @@ called Potamus, from which the inhabitants are called Potamii; next Prasia,

Next to Marathon is Tricorynthus, then Rhamnus, where is the temple of Nemesis; then Psaphis, a city of the Oropii. -Somewhere about this spot is the Amphiaræum, an oracle +Somewhere about this spot is the Amphiaræum, an oracle once in repute, to which Amphiareus fled, as Sophocles says, @@ -46744,7 +46744,7 @@ the four-horse chariot.

Oropus has frequently been a subject of contention, for it is -situated on the confines of Attica and Bœotia. +situated on the confines of Attica and Bœotia.

In front of this coast, before Thoricum and Sunium, is the island Helena; it is rocky and uninhabited, extending in @@ -46755,25 +46755,25 @@ the words, in which Alexander addresses Helen, -Not when first I carried thee away from the pleasant Lacedæmon, +Not when first I carried thee away from the pleasant Lacedæmon, -across the deep, and in the island Cranaë embraced thee.Il. iii. 443. +across the deep, and in the island Cranaë embraced thee.Il. iii. 443. -For Cranaë, from the kind of intercourse which took place +For Cranaë, from the kind of intercourse which took place -there, is now called Helena. Next to Helena,Macronisi. EulbœaNegropont. +there, is now called Helena. Next to Helena,Macronisi. EulbœaNegropont. lies in front of the following tract of coast. It is long and narrow, and stretching along the continent like Helena. -From Sunium to the southern point of Eubœa, which is called +From Sunium to the southern point of Eubœa, which is called Leuce Acte,From C. Colonna to C. Mantelo. [or, the white coast,] is a voyage of 300 stadia, -but we shall speak hereafter of Eubœa. +but we shall speak hereafter of Eubœa.

It would be tedious to recite the names of the Demi of Attica in the inland parts, on account of their number.Smith gives an alphabetical list of 160 demi. @@ -46821,7 +46821,7 @@ proverb or saying of the miners, such as, Ours is the be from the Trinemeis, it flows through the plain (where are the -Gephyra, and the Gephyrismi) between the legs or walls extending from the Asty to the Piræus, and empties itself into +Gephyra, and the Gephyrismi) between the legs or walls extending from the Asty to the Piræus, and empties itself into the Plalericum. Its character is chiefly that of a winter @@ -46833,14 +46833,14 @@ other side of the Asty to the same coast, from the parts above Agra, and the Lyceium, and the fountain celebrated by Plato -in the Phædrus. So much then respecting Attica. +in the Phædrus. So much then respecting Attica.

CHAPTER II. -

NEXT in order is Bœotia. When I speak of this country, +

NEXT in order is Bœotia. When I speak of this country, and of the contiguous nations, I must, for the sake of perspicuity, repeat what I have said before.

We have said, that the sea-coast stretches from Sunium to @@ -46853,7 +46853,7 @@ this shore towards the west extend like beltsIn the followi or bands (taini/as) for the territory intercepted between the lines forming -the peninsulas. See note, chap. i. § 1, of this book. parallel to one +the peninsulas. See note, chap. i. § 1, of this book. parallel to one another through the whole country. The first of these belts @@ -46865,25 +46865,25 @@ is Attica with Megaris, the eastern side of which extends -from Sunium to Oropus, and Bœotia; on the western side is +from Sunium to Oropus, and Bœotia; on the western side is -the isthmus, and the Alcyonian sea commencing at Pagæ and +the isthmus, and the Alcyonian sea commencing at Pagæ and -extending as far as the boundaries of Bœotia near Creusa, +extending as far as the boundaries of Bœotia near Creusa, the remaining two sides are formed by the sea-shore from -Sunium to the Isthmus, and the mountain tract nearly parallel with this, which separates Attica from Bœotia. -

The second belt is Bœotia, stretching from east to west +Sunium to the Isthmus, and the mountain tract nearly parallel with this, which separates Attica from Bœotia. +

The second belt is Bœotia, stretching from east to west -from the Eubœan sea to the Crisæan Gulf, nearly of equal +from the Eubœan sea to the Crisæan Gulf, nearly of equal length with Attica, or perhaps somewhat less; in quality of soil however it greatly surpasses Attica.

-

Ephorus declares the superiority of Bœotia over the +

Ephorus declares the superiority of Bœotia over the bordering nations not only in this respect, but also because it @@ -46891,7 +46891,7 @@ alone has three seas adjoining it, and a great number of harbours. At the Criss$ean and Corinthian Gulfs it received -the commodities of Italy, Sicily, and Africa. Towards Eubœa the sea-coast branches off on each side of the Euripus; +the commodities of Italy, Sicily, and Africa. Towards Eubœa the sea-coast branches off on each side of the Euripus; in one direction towards Aulis and Tanagrica, in the other, @@ -46901,9 +46901,9 @@ sea to Egypt, and Cyprus, and the islands; on the other to Macedonia, the Propontis, and the Hellespont. He adds also -that Eubœa is almost a part of Bœotia, because the Euripus is +that Eubœa is almost a part of Bœotia, because the Euripus is -very narrow, and the opposite shores are brought into communication by a bridge of two plethra in length.About 67 yards. See also b. x. ch. i. § 8. +very narrow, and the opposite shores are brought into communication by a bridge of two plethra in length.About 67 yards. See also b. x. ch. i. § 8.

For these reasons he praises the country, and says, that it has natural advantages for obtaining supreme command, but @@ -46938,19 +46938,19 @@ learning, and so established universal dominion. -3. Bœotia was first occupied by Barbarians, Aones, and +3. Bœotia was first occupied by Barbarians, Aones, and Temmices, a wandering people from Sunium, by Leleges, and -Hyantes. Then the Phœnicians, who accompanied Cadmus, +Hyantes. Then the Phœnicians, who accompanied Cadmus, -possessed it. He fortified the Cadmeian land, and transmitted the government to his descendants. The Phœnicians +possessed it. He fortified the Cadmeian land, and transmitted the government to his descendants. The Phœnicians founded Thebes, and added it to the Cadmeian territory. They preserved their dominion, and exercised it over the greatest -part of the Bœotians till the time of the expedition of the +part of the Bœotians till the time of the expedition of the Epigoni. At this period they abandoned Thebes for a short @@ -46958,21 +46958,21 @@ time, but returned again. In the same manner when they were ejected by Thracians and Pelasgi, they established their -rule in Thessaly together with the Arnœi for a long period, +rule in Thessaly together with the Arnœi for a long period, -so that all the inhabitants obtained the name of Bœotians. +so that all the inhabitants obtained the name of Bœotians. They returned afterwards to their own country, at the time -the Æolian expedition was preparing at Aulis in Bœotia +the Æolian expedition was preparing at Aulis in Bœotia which the descendants of Orestes were equipping for Asia. -After having united the Orchomenian tract to Bœotia (for +After having united the Orchomenian tract to Bœotia (for formerly they did not form one community, nor has Homer -enumerated these people with the Bœotians, but by themselves, calling them Minyæ) with the assistance of the Orchomenians they drove out the Pelasgi, who went to Athens, a +enumerated these people with the Bœotians, but by themselves, calling them Minyæ) with the assistance of the Orchomenians they drove out the Pelasgi, who went to Athens, a part of which city is called from this people Pelasgic. The @@ -46985,7 +46985,7 @@ Phocis.

Ephorus relates that the Thracians, after making treaty -with the Bœotians, attacked them by night, when encamped +with the Bœotians, attacked them by night, when encamped in a careless manner during a time of peace. The Thracians @@ -46996,11 +46996,11 @@ that they had not broken it, for the conditions were by day, whereas they had made the attack by night, whence the common proverb, a Thracian shuffle. -

The Pelasgi and the Bœotians also went during the war to +

The Pelasgi and the Bœotians also went during the war to consult the oracle. He cannot tell, he says, what answer was -given to the Pelasgi, but the prophetess replied to the Bœotians that they would prosper by committing some act of +given to the Pelasgi, but the prophetess replied to the Bœotians that they would prosper by committing some act of impiety. The messengers sent to consult the oracle suspecting @@ -47032,7 +47032,7 @@ They were summoned before the priestesses, who were also the prophetesses, being the two survivors out of the three. The -Bœotians alleged that there was no law permitting women to +Bœotians alleged that there was no law permitting women to act as judges; an equal number of men were therefore chosen. @@ -47040,11 +47040,11 @@ The men acquitted; the women condemned. As the votes were equal, those for acquittal prevailed. Hence at Dodona -it is to the Bœotians only that men deliver oracles. The +it is to the Bœotians only that men deliver oracles. The prophetesses however give a different meaning to the answer -of the oracle, and say, that the god enjoins the Bœotians to +of the oracle, and say, that the god enjoins the Bœotians to steal the tripods used at home, and to send them annually to @@ -47055,16 +47055,16 @@ concealed in their clothes, in order to convey them clandestinely as offerings t

After this they assisted Penthilus in sending out the -Æolian colony, and despatched a large body of their own people with him, so that it was called the Bœotian colony. +Æolian colony, and despatched a large body of their own people with him, so that it was called the Bœotian colony.

A long time afterwards the country was devastated during -the war with the Persians at Platææ. They afterwards so +the war with the Persians at Platææ. They afterwards so -far recovered their power, that the Thebans, having vanquished the Lacedæmonians in two battles,Leuctra and Mantineia. disputed the sovereignty of Greece. Epaminondas, however, was killed, and +far recovered their power, that the Thebans, having vanquished the Lacedæmonians in two battles,Leuctra and Mantineia. disputed the sovereignty of Greece. Epaminondas, however, was killed, and they were disappointed in their hope of obtaining this supremacy. They, nevertheless, fought in defence of the Greeks -against the Phocæans, who had plundered their common temple. Reduced by this war, and by the Macedonians, at the +against the Phocæans, who had plundered their common temple. Reduced by this war, and by the Macedonians, at the time they invaded Greece, they lost their city, which was @@ -47072,7 +47072,7 @@ afterwards restored to them, and rebuilt by the Macedonians themselves, who had razed it.The Thebans, who were formerly the allies of the Macedonians, were -opposed to Philip of Macedon at the battle of Chæroneia. On the accession to the throne of Alexander, the city was destroyed, B. C. 335; 6000 +opposed to Philip of Macedon at the battle of Chæroneia. On the accession to the throne of Alexander, the city was destroyed, B. C. 335; 6000 of the inhabitants were killed, and 30,000 sold as slaves. The city was @@ -47088,19 +47088,19 @@ times their affairs have continued to decline, nor do they retain the appearance even of a considerable village. Other cities -(of Bœotia) have experienced a similar fate, with the exception of Tanagra and Thespiæ, which in comparison with +(of Bœotia) have experienced a similar fate, with the exception of Tanagra and Thespiæ, which in comparison with Thebes are in a tolerable condition.

We are next to make a circuit of the country, beginning -at the sea-coast, opposite Eubœa, which is continuous with +at the sea-coast, opposite Eubœa, which is continuous with that of Attica.

We begin this circuit from Oropus, and the Sacred Harbour,Hieros Limen. which is called Delphinium, opposite to which is the -ancient Eretria in Eubœa, having a passage across of 60 +ancient Eretria in Eubœa, having a passage across of 60 stadia. After Delphinium, at the distance of 20 stadia, is @@ -47111,12 +47111,12 @@ is a passage over to it of 40 stadia.

Next is Delium,Dramesi. a place sacred to Apollo, in imitation -of that at Delos. It is a small town of the Tanagræans, at +of that at Delos. It is a small town of the Tanagræans, at the distance of 30 stadia from Aulis.

To this place the Athenians, after their defeat in battle, -fled in disorder.Athenæus, v. 15. In the flight, Socrates the philosopher +fled in disorder.Athenæus, v. 15. In the flight, Socrates the philosopher (who having lost his horse, was serving on foot) observed @@ -47135,7 +47135,7 @@ at an end. by Homer (11. ii. 303) it is called Au\li\s petrh/essa About three miles -south of Chalcis, on the Bœotian coast, are two bays, separated from each +south of Chalcis, on the Bœotian coast, are two bays, separated from each other by a rocky peninsula: the northern is small and winding, the southern spreads out at the end of a channel into a large circular basin. The @@ -47145,7 +47145,7 @@ is called Vathy, a name evidently derived from Leake and Smith. a rocky spot, and a village -of the Tanagræans, with a harbour capable of containing 50 +of the Tanagræans, with a harbour capable of containing 50 small vessels. So that probably the naval station of the @@ -47161,9 +47161,9 @@ Euripus, to which, from Suniurn, are 70 stadia. On the Euripus, as I have already said, there is a bridge of two -plethra in length;See above, c. ii. § 2. at each end is a tower, one on the side of +plethra in length;See above, c. ii. § 2. at each end is a tower, one on the side of -Chalcis, the other on the side of Bœotia; and a passage (for +Chalcis, the other on the side of Bœotia; and a passage (for the water) is constructed between them.diw|kodo/mhtai d' ei)s au)tou)s su=rigc. The passage does not give a clear @@ -47176,7 +47176,7 @@ the cause must be investigated elsewhere.

Salganeus is a place situated near the Euripus, upon a -height. It has its name from Salganeus, a Bœotian, who was +height. It has its name from Salganeus, a Bœotian, who was buried there. He was guide to the Persians, when they @@ -47201,15 +47201,15 @@ surnamed Sigelus, (the Silent,) because passers-by keep silence. Some say that G ruins of Tanagra. Pausanias, b. ix. ch. 20, informs us why Tanagra was -called both Poimandria and Graia. Tanagra was the daughter of Æolus +called both Poimandria and Graia. Tanagra was the daughter of Æolus and wife of Poimandrus; she arrived at such an extreme old age, as to receive the title of Graia, the Old. are the same. -The territory of Pœmandris, however, is the same as that of +The territory of Pœmandris, however, is the same as that of -Tanagra. The Tanagræns are also called Gephyræans. The +Tanagra. The Tanagræns are also called Gephyræans. The temple of Amphiaraus was transferred by command of an @@ -47220,7 +47220,7 @@ oracle to this place from the Thebaic Cnopia. lies upon the road from Thebes to Chalcis. It is called in -the Bœotian dialect Mycalettus. Harma, also, an uninhabited +the Bœotian dialect Mycalettus. Harma, also, an uninhabited village in the Tanagrian territory, derives its name from the @@ -47244,7 +47244,7 @@ upon Tanagra. There the proverb originated, -The Pythaïstæ, as they are called, signify, by the order of an +The Pythaïstæ, as they are called, signify, by the order of an oracle, the occurrence of any lightning when they are looking in the direction of Harma, and despatch the sacrifice to @@ -47254,7 +47254,7 @@ for three months, and for three days and nights in each month, at the altar of Jupiter Astrapius, or Dispenser of lightning. -This altar is in the wall, between the Pythium and the Olympium. Respecting the Bœotian Harma, some say, that Amphiaraus fell in battle out of his chariot, [harma,] near the +This altar is in the wall, between the Pythium and the Olympium. Respecting the Bœotian Harma, some say, that Amphiaraus fell in battle out of his chariot, [harma,] near the spot where his temple now stands, and that the chariot was @@ -47279,7 +47279,7 @@ of which they obtained among the Argives the right of citizenship.

On going from Thebes to Argos,We should perhaps read Harma, says Kramer; but in that case -Tanagra of Bœotia would be upon the right hand. The reading Argos is +Tanagra of Bœotia would be upon the right hand. The reading Argos is a manifest error, and the whole passage is corrupt. on the left hand is @@ -47293,15 +47293,15 @@ the scene of the birth of Orion, which Pindar mentions in the dithyrambics. It is situated near Aulis. Some persons say -that Hysiæ is called Hyria, which belongs to Parasopia, situated below Cithæron, near Erythræ, in the inland parts; it is +that Hysiæ is called Hyria, which belongs to Parasopia, situated below Cithæron, near Erythræ, in the inland parts; it is a colony of the Hyrienses, and was founded by Nycteus, the father of Antiope. There is also in the Argive territory a -village, Hysiæ, the inhabitants of which are called Hysiatæ. +village, Hysiæ, the inhabitants of which are called Hysiatæ. -Erythræ in Ionia is a colony of this Erythræ. +Erythræ in Ionia is a colony of this Erythræ. @@ -47316,7 +47316,7 @@ marshes there.

After Salganeus is Anthedon, a city with a harbour, -the last on the Bœotian coast towards Eubœa, as the poet +the last on the Bœotian coast towards Eubœa, as the poet says, @@ -47330,25 +47330,25 @@ says, As we proceed a little farther, there are besides two small -towns, belonging to the Bœotians, Larymna, near which the +towns, belonging to the Bœotians, Larymna, near which the -Cephissus discharges its waters; and farther above, Halæ, of +Cephissus discharges its waters; and farther above, Halæ, of the same name as the Attic demus. Opposite to this coast is -situated, it is said, ÆgæLeake supposes Ægæ to have stood near Limni. Strabo, below, ch. +situated, it is said, ÆgæLeake supposes Ægæ to have stood near Limni. Strabo, below, ch. -vii. § 4, says that probably the Ægæan Sea had its name from this place. in Eubœa, where is the temple of +vii. § 4, says that probably the Ægæan Sea had its name from this place. in Eubœa, where is the temple of -the Ægæan Neptune, of which we have before spoken. There +the Ægæan Neptune, of which we have before spoken. There -is a passage across from Anthedon to Ægæ of 120 stadia, and +is a passage across from Anthedon to Ægæ of 120 stadia, and from the other places much less than this. The temple is -situated upon a lofty hill, where was once a city. Near Ægæ +situated upon a lofty hill, where was once a city. Near Ægæ -was Orobiæ.Of this place, although mentioned by Thucydides, b. iii. ch. 89, very +was Orobiæ.Of this place, although mentioned by Thucydides, b. iii. ch. 89, very little is known, in consequence no doubt of its having almost entirely @@ -47371,7 +47371,7 @@ are situated 1 1/2 mile from Lukisi. Smith,

Near Anthedon is a place called Isus, and esteemed -sacred, belonging to Bœotia; it contains remains of a city, and +sacred, belonging to Bœotia; it contains remains of a city, and the first syllable of Isus is short. Some persons are of opinion, @@ -47399,7 +47399,7 @@ of the metre, instead of Ni=sa/n te zaqe/hn, -for Nisa is not to be found anywhere in Bœotia, as Apollodorus says in his observations on the Catalogue of the Ships; +for Nisa is not to be found anywhere in Bœotia, as Apollodorus says in his observations on the Catalogue of the Ships; @@ -47413,7 +47413,7 @@ Homer meant Isus, for there was a city Nisa, in Megaris, from whence Isus was colonized, situated at the base of -Cithæron, but it exists no longer.This passage is very corrupt. Some however write +Cithæron, but it exists no longer.This passage is very corrupt. Some however write Kreu=sia/n te zaqe/hn, @@ -47427,7 +47427,7 @@ Cithæron, but it exists no longer.This passage is ver meaning the present Creusa, the arsenal of the Thespieans, -situated on the Crisæan Gulf. Others write the passage +situated on the Crisæan Gulf. Others write the passage Fao|a/s te zaqe/as, @@ -47435,11 +47435,11 @@ situated on the Crisæan Gulf. Others write the passage -The sacred Pharæ, +The sacred Pharæ, -Pharæ is one of the four villages, (or Tetracomiæ,) near Tanagra, namely, Heleon, Harma, Mycalessus, Pharæ. Others +Pharæ is one of the four villages, (or Tetracomiæ,) near Tanagra, namely, Heleon, Harma, Mycalessus, Pharæ. Others again write the passage thus, Nu=sa/n tr zaqe/ha @@ -47454,7 +47454,7 @@ again write the passage thus, Nu=sa/n tr zaqe/ha Nysa is a village of Helicon.

Such then is the description of the sea-coast opposite -Eubœa. +Eubœa.

The places next in order, in the inland parts, are @@ -47463,7 +47463,7 @@ hollow plains, surrounded everywhere on the east and west by mountains; on the south by the mountains of Attica, on the -north by those of Phocis: on the west, Cithæron inclines, obliquely, a little above the Crisæan Sea; it begins contiguous +north by those of Phocis: on the west, Cithæron inclines, obliquely, a little above the Crisæan Sea; it begins contiguous to the mountains of Megaris and Attica, and then makes a @@ -47513,9 +47513,9 @@ had a name derived from some accidental local circumstance, but now the site does not correspond with the derivation of -the name. For example, it is probable that Platææ was so +the name. For example, it is probable that Platææ was so -called, from pla/th, or the flat part of the oar, and Platæans +called, from pla/th, or the flat part of the oar, and Platæans from gaining their livelihood by rowing; but at present, @@ -47536,21 +47536,21 @@ in height by a subsequent efflux of its waters; for this is possible. which fills the lake Copais.Lake of Livadhia. When the increase of the water -of that lake was so great, that Copæ was in danger of being +of that lake was so great, that Copæ was in danger of being swallowed up, (the city is mentioned by the poet, and from it the lake had its name,)Kw/ph, an oar. a fissure in the ground, which took -place not far from the lake, and near Copæ, opened a subterraneous channel, of about 30 stadia in length, and received the +place not far from the lake, and near Copæ, opened a subterraneous channel, of about 30 stadia in length, and received the river, which reappeared on the surface, near Upper Larymna in Locris; for, as has been mentioned, there is another Larymna, -in Bœotia, on the sea, surnamed the Upper by the Romans. +in Bœotia, on the sea, surnamed the Upper by the Romans. -The place where the river rises again is called Anchoë, as +The place where the river rises again is called Anchoë, as also the lake near it. It is from this point that the Cephissus @@ -47568,7 +47568,7 @@ already swallowed up. When the outlets were again ob- structed, Crates the Miner, a man of Chalcis, began to clear -away the obstructions, but desisted in consequence of the Bœotians being in a state of insurrection; although, as he himself +away the obstructions, but desisted in consequence of the Bœotians being in a state of insurrection; although, as he himself says, in the letter to Alexander, many places had been already @@ -47578,7 +47578,7 @@ the ancient Orchomenus; others, that of Eleusis, and of Athens on the Triton. These cities are said to have been -founded by Cecrops, when he ruled over Bœotia, then called +founded by Cecrops, when he ruled over Bœotia, then called Ogygia, but that they were afterwards destroyed by inundations. It is said, that there was a fissure in the earth near @@ -47607,7 +47607,7 @@ Haliartus grassy,

These rivers descend from the Phocian mountains, and -among them the Cephissus,There were several rivers of this name. See below, c. iii. § 16. having its source at Lilæa, a +among them the Cephissus,There were several rivers of this name. See below, c. iii. § 16. having its source at Lilæa, a Phocian city, as Homer describes it; @@ -47615,21 +47615,21 @@ Phocian city, as Homer describes it; -And they who occupied Lilæa, at the sources of Cephissus.Il. ii. 523.Il. ii. 523. +And they who occupied Lilæa, at the sources of Cephissus.Il. ii. 523.Il. ii. 523. -It flows through Elateia,See below, ch. iii. § 15. Elateia is represented by the modern village +It flows through Elateia,See below, ch. iii. § 15. Elateia is represented by the modern village of Elefta. the largest of the cities among the Phocians, through the Parapotamii, and the Phanoteis, which -are also Phocian towns; it then goes onwards to Chæroneia +are also Phocian towns; it then goes onwards to Chæroneia -in Bœotia; afterwards, it traverses the districts of Orchomenus and Coroneia, and discharges its waters into the lake +in Bœotia; afterwards, it traverses the districts of Orchomenus and Coroneia, and discharges its waters into the lake -Copais. The Permessus and the OlmeiusSee ch. ii. § 26. descend from Helicon, and uniting their streams, fall into the lake Copais +Copais. The Permessus and the OlmeiusSee ch. ii. § 26. descend from Helicon, and uniting their streams, fall into the lake Copais near Haliartus. The waters of other streams likewise discharge themselves into it. It is a large lake with a circuit of 380 stadia;It is impossible to make any exact statement respecting its extent, @@ -47637,7 +47637,7 @@ since it varied so much at different times of the year and in different seasons. of heights, but on the opposite quarter there is no such natural boundary -to its size. Smith, v. Bœotia, which contains also a useful map from +to its size. Smith, v. Bœotia, which contains also a useful map from Forschamer's Hellenica of the Basin of the Copais. the outlets are nowhere visible, if we @@ -47664,7 +47664,7 @@ marshes. for he did not mean to specify the lake Copais, as some suppose, but that called Hylicus,Makaris. from the neighbouring village, -which is called Hylæ: nor did he mean Hyda, as some write +which is called Hylæ: nor did he mean Hyda, as some write the passage, @@ -47686,7 +47686,7 @@ for there is a place of this name in Lydia, -and another in Bœotia; he therefore adds to +and another in Bœotia; he therefore adds to @@ -47702,7 +47702,7 @@ these words, -near dwelt other Bœotians. +near dwelt other Bœotians. @@ -47776,14 +47776,14 @@ has been omitted by him. He begins from Hyria and Aulis, of which we have already spoken.

-

SchœnusisMorikios. a district of the Theban territory on the +

SchœnusisMorikios. a district of the Theban territory on the road to Anthedon, distant from Thebes about 50 stadia. A -river of the name of Schœnus flows through it. +river of the name of Schœnus flows through it.

-

ScolusKalyvi. is a village belonging to the district of Parasopia situated at the foot of Cithæron; it is a rugged place, and +

ScolusKalyvi. is a village belonging to the district of Parasopia situated at the foot of Cithæron; it is a rugged place, and scarcely habitable, hence the proverbial saying, @@ -47818,11 +47818,11 @@ Thebais,] for the Asopus and the Ismenus flow through the plain in front of Thebes. There is the fountain Dirce, and -also Potniæ, where is laid the fable of Glaucus of Potniæ, +also Potniæ, where is laid the fable of Glaucus of Potniæ, who was torn in pieces near the city by Potnian mares. The -CithæronMount Elatea. terminates not far from Thebes. The Asopus +CithæronMount Elatea. terminates not far from Thebes. The Asopus flows by it, and washes the foot of the mountain, and occasions the Parasopii to be distributed among several settle- @@ -47836,9 +47836,9 @@ ments, but all of these bodies of people are subject to the Thebans. (Other writers say, that Scolus, Eteonus, and -Erythræ, are in the district of Platææ, for the Asopus flows +Erythræ, are in the district of Platææ, for the Asopus flows -past Platææ, and discharges its waters into the sea near Tanagra.) In the Theban territory are Therapnæ and Teumessus, +past Platææ, and discharges its waters into the sea near Tanagra.) In the Theban territory are Therapnæ and Teumessus, which Antimachus has extolled in a long poem, enumerating excellencies which it had not; @@ -47853,7 +47853,7 @@ which Antimachus has extolled in a long poem, enumerating excellencies which it but the lines are well known.

-

He calls the present place ThespiæThere is some doubt respecting the modern name of Thespiæ; the +

He calls the present place ThespiæThere is some doubt respecting the modern name of Thespiæ; the Austrian map places the ruins near Erimokastro. by the name of @@ -47867,7 +47867,7 @@ or the other only. It is a city close to Helicon, lying more to the south. The city itself and Helicon are situated on the -Crisæan Gulf. Thespiæ has an arsenal Creusa, or, as it is +Crisæan Gulf. Thespiæ has an arsenal Creusa, or, as it is also named, Creusia. In the Thespian territory, in the part @@ -47889,7 +47889,7 @@ Thespians. Pans. b. ix. c. 31. In the time of Pausanias the Grove of the Muses contained a larger number of statues than any other place ill -Bœotia, and this writer has given an account of many of them. The +Bœotia, and this writer has given an account of many of them. The statues of the Muses were removed by Constantine from this place to his @@ -47897,11 +47897,11 @@ new capital, where they were destroyed by fire, in A. D. 404

Helicon, not far distant from Parnassus, rivals it in heightThis is a mistake, since the loftiest summit of Helicon is barely 5000 @@ -47975,19 +47975,19 @@ Thracians were called Pieres, and since their expulsion, the Macedonians possess these places.

It has been remarked, that the Thracians, (having expelled -the Bœotians by force,) and the Pelasgi, and other barbarous +the Bœotians by force,) and the Pelasgi, and other barbarous -people, settled in this part of Bœotia. -

Thespiæ was formerly celebrated for a statue of Cupid by +people, settled in this part of Bœotia. +

Thespiæ was formerly celebrated for a statue of Cupid by -Praxiteles. Glycera the courtesan, a native of Thespiæ, received it as a present from the artist, and dedicated it as a +Praxiteles. Glycera the courtesan, a native of Thespiæ, received it as a present from the artist, and dedicated it as a public offering to her fellow-citizens.

Persons formerly used to repair thither to see the Cupid, where there was nothing else worth seeing. This city, and -Tanagra, alone of the Bœotian cities exist at present, while of +Tanagra, alone of the Bœotian cities exist at present, while of others there remain nothing but ruins and names. @@ -47998,14 +47998,14 @@ others there remain nothing but ruins and names.

-

After Thespiæ the poet enumerates Graia and Mycalessus, of which we have before spoken. +

After Thespiæ the poet enumerates Graia and Mycalessus, of which we have before spoken.

He proceeds as before, -They who lived near Harma, Eilesium, and Erythræ, +They who lived near Harma, Eilesium, and Erythræ, And they who occupied Eleon, Hyle, and Peteon.Il. ii. 499.Il. ii. 499. @@ -48034,31 +48034,31 @@ described by Strabo as flowing from Helicon, and after their union entering the Alalcomeneis in Homer. The temple of the goddess stood at a little distance from the town, on the Triton, a small stream flowing into the Lake -Copais. The modern village Sulinari is the site of Alalcomenæ. Smith. it is +Copais. The modern village Sulinari is the site of Alalcomenæ. Smith. it is distant from each 30 stadia. A small river of the same name -flows by it. Medeon, belonging to Phocis, is on the Crisæan +flows by it. Medeon, belonging to Phocis, is on the Crisæan -Gulf, distant from Bœotia 160 stadia. The Medeon of Bœotia has its name from that in Phocis. It is near Onchestus, +Gulf, distant from Bœotia 160 stadia. The Medeon of Bœotia has its name from that in Phocis. It is near Onchestus, -under the mountain Phœnicium,Phœnicium, or Sphingium, now called Faga, the mountain between +under the mountain Phœnicium,Phœnicium, or Sphingium, now called Faga, the mountain between the Lakes Copais and Hylica, connecting Mount Ptoum with the range of -Helicon. Forchamer supposes that Phœnicium and Sphingium are the +Helicon. Forchamer supposes that Phœnicium and Sphingium are the names of two different mountains, separated from one another by the small -plain of the stream Daulos; but the name of Phœnicium rests only on the +plain of the stream Daulos; but the name of Phœnicium rests only on the authority of Strabo, and it is probably a corruption of Phicium. Fi/c is -the Æolic form of Sfi/c, (Hes. Theog. 326,) and therefore there can be +the Æolic form of Sfi/c, (Hes. Theog. 326,) and therefore there can be no doubt that Phicium and Sphingium are two different forms of the same -name. Smith. whence it has the appellation of Phœnicis. This mountain is likewise assigned to the +name. Smith. whence it has the appellation of Phœnicis. This mountain is likewise assigned to the Theban district, but by others to the territories of Haliartus, @@ -48071,7 +48071,7 @@ as also Medeon and Ocalea. -Copæ, and Eutresis, and Thisbe, abounding with doves.Il. ii. 502.Il. ii. 502. +Copæ, and Eutresis, and Thisbe, abounding with doves.Il. ii. 502.Il. ii. 502. @@ -48079,49 +48079,49 @@ as also Medeon and Ocalea. -We have spoken of Copæ. It lies towards the north on the +We have spoken of Copæ. It lies towards the north on the -lake Copais. The other cities around are, Acræphiæ, Phœnicis, Onchestus, Haliartus, Ocalea, Alalcomenæ, Tilphusium, +lake Copais. The other cities around are, Acræphiæ, Phœnicis, Onchestus, Haliartus, Ocalea, Alalcomenæ, Tilphusium, Coroneia. Formerly, the lake had no one general name, but derived its appellation from every settlement on its banks, as -Copais from Copæ,It was still in existence in the time of Pausanias; the modern village +Copais from Copæ,It was still in existence in the time of Pausanias; the modern village Topolia occupies the site. Haliartis from Haliartus, and other names from other places, but latterly the whole has been called -Copaïs, for the lake is remarkable for forming at Copæ the +Copaïs, for the lake is remarkable for forming at Copæ the deepest hollow. Pindar calls it Cephissis, and places near it, -not far from Haliartus and Alalcomenæ, the fountain Tilphossa, which flows at the foot of Mount Tilphossius. At the +not far from Haliartus and Alalcomenæ, the fountain Tilphossa, which flows at the foot of Mount Tilphossius. At the fountain is the monument of Teiresias, and in the same place the temple of the Tilphossian Apollo.

-

After Copæ, the poet mentions Eutresis, a small village +

After Copæ, the poet mentions Eutresis, a small village of the Thespians.Leake conjectures that there is an error in the text, and that for qespiw=n we ought to read qisbw=n, since there is only one spot in the ten -miles between Platæa and Thespie where any town is likely to have +miles between Platæa and Thespie where any town is likely to have stood, and that was occupied by Leuctra. See Smith. Here Zethus and Amphion lived before they became kings of Thebes. -

Thisbē is now called Thisbē. The place is situated a little +

Thisbē is now called Thisbē. The place is situated a little above the sea-coast on the confines of the Thespienses, and the territory of Coroneia; on the south it lies at the foot of -Cithæron. It has an arsenal in a rocky situation abounding +Cithæron. It has an arsenal in a rocky situation abounding with doves, whence the poet terms it @@ -48138,16 +48138,16 @@ Thence to Sicyon is a voyage of 160 stadia.

He next recites the names of Coroneia, Haliartus, Pla- -tææ, and Glissas. +tææ, and Glissas.

CoroneiaIt was here that the Athenians under Tolmides were defeated by the -Bœotians in B. C. 447; in consequence of which defeat the Athenians lost +Bœotians in B. C. 447; in consequence of which defeat the Athenians lost -the sovereignty which they had for some years exercised over Bœotia. +the sovereignty which they had for some years exercised over Bœotia. The plain of Coroneia was also the scene of the victory gained by Agesilaus over the Thebans and their allies in B. C. 394. is situated upon an eminence, near Helicon. The -Bœotians took possession of it on their return from the Thessalian Arne, after the Trojan war, when they also occupied +Bœotians took possession of it on their return from the Thessalian Arne, after the Trojan war, when they also occupied Orchomenus. Having become masters of Coroneia, they built @@ -48163,7 +48163,7 @@ of the same name as that in Thessaly, and called the river flowing by it, Cuarius, the name of the Thessalian river. -Alcæus, however, calls it Coralius in these words, +Alcæus, however, calls it Coralius in these words, @@ -48173,9 +48173,9 @@ temple, on the banks of Coralius. -The festival Pambœotia was here celebrated. Hades is associated with Minerva, in the dedication of the temple, for some +The festival Pambœotia was here celebrated. Hades is associated with Minerva, in the dedication of the temple, for some -mystical reason. The inhabitants of the Bœotian Coroneia +mystical reason. The inhabitants of the Bœotian Coroneia are called Coronii, those of the Messenian Coroneia, Coronenses. @@ -48193,15 +48193,15 @@ lake Copais, near the Permessus, the Olmeius, and the marsh that produces the flute-reed.

-

Platææ, which the poet uses in the singular number, +

Platææ, which the poet uses in the singular number, -lies at the foot of Cithæron, between this mountain and Thebes, +lies at the foot of Cithæron, between this mountain and Thebes, on the road to Athens and Megara; it is on the borders of -Attica and Bœotia, for Eleutheræ is near, which some say belongs to Attica, others to Bœotia. We have said that the +Attica and Bœotia, for Eleutheræ is near, which some say belongs to Attica, others to Bœotia. We have said that the -Asopus flows beside Plateæ. There the army of the Greeks +Asopus flows beside Plateæ. There the army of the Greeks entirely destroyed Mardonius and three hundred thousand @@ -48213,13 +48213,13 @@ public expense, in honour of those who died in the battle, are to be seen there. In the Sicyonian district is a demus called -Platææ, where the poet Mnasalces was born: +Platææ, where the poet Mnasalces was born: -the monument of Mnasalces of Platææ. +the monument of Mnasalces of Platææ. @@ -48249,7 +48249,7 @@ Pausanias, b. ix. ch. 19, makes mention of a tumulus covered with trees, near the ruins of Glisas or Glissas, which was the burial-place of -Ægialus and his companions, and also of other tumuli. These were probably the gew/loqa dri/a, woody hillocks. The obscurity, however, still +Ægialus and his companions, and also of other tumuli. These were probably the gew/loqa dri/a, woody hillocks. The obscurity, however, still remains. @@ -48271,7 +48271,7 @@ remains. some understand a small town, called Under-Thebes, others -Potniæ, for Thebes was abandoned after the expedition of the +Potniæ, for Thebes was abandoned after the expedition of the Epigoni, and took no part in the Trojan war. Others say @@ -48306,7 +48306,7 @@ and overthrew the foundations of the sacred groves or temples. -As Alcæus is mistaken in the altering the name of the river +As Alcæus is mistaken in the altering the name of the river Cuarius, so he makes a great error in placing Onchestus at @@ -48343,7 +48343,7 @@ soil on which it stands. "The Ptoum is situated above the Teneric plain, and the lake -Copaïs, near Acræphium. +Copaïs, near Acræphium. @@ -48359,16 +48359,16 @@ Leake, who identifies it with Arne, and supposes, with much probability, that the name Arne may have been disused by the Thessalian conquerors, -because it was of Bœotian origin, and that the new appellation may have +because it was of Bœotian origin, and that the new appellation may have been taken from the neighboring river Curalius or Cuarius. itself is situated upon a height. This, it is said, is the place called Arne by the poet, having the same -name as the Thessalian Arnē. +name as the Thessalian Arnē.

-

Some say that Arnē and Mideia were swallowed up by +

Some say that Arnē and Mideia were swallowed up by the lake. Zenodotus, however, when he writes the verse thus, @@ -48398,26 +48398,26 @@ could any one believe that such a place could have been described by the poet as Neither are those persons in the right, who substitute in this -passage Tarnē for Arnē, for there is not a place of the name +passage Tarnē for Arnē, for there is not a place of the name -of Tarne to be found in Bœotia, although there is in Lydia. +of Tarne to be found in Bœotia, although there is in Lydia. Homer mentions it, -Idomeneus then slew Phæstus, the son of Borus, the artificer, who came +Idomeneus then slew Phæstus, the son of Borus, the artificer, who came from the fruitful soil of Tarn.Il. v. 43. -Besides Alalcomenæ and Tilphossium, which are near the +Besides Alalcomenæ and Tilphossium, which are near the -lake, Chæroneia, Lebadia, and Leuctra, are worthy of notice. +lake, Chæroneia, Lebadia, and Leuctra, are worthy of notice.

-

The poet mentions Alalcomenæ,Sulinari. but not in the Cata +

The poet mentions Alalcomenæ,Sulinari. but not in the Cata logue;. @@ -48425,7 +48425,7 @@ logue;. -the Argive Juno and Minerva of Alalcomenæ.Il. iv. 8.Il. iv. 8. +the Argive Juno and Minerva of Alalcomenæ.Il. iv. 8.Il. iv. 8. @@ -48458,7 +48458,7 @@ the Tilphossium.Petra. Below Tilphossium is the foun the retreat.

-

ChæroneiaKapurna. is near Orchomenus,Scripu. where Philip, the son +

ChæroneiaKapurna. is near Orchomenus,Scripu. where Philip, the son of Amyntas, after having overcome, in a great battle,On the 7th of August, B. C. 338. Of the details of this battle we have @@ -48472,7 +48472,7 @@ mound of earth was excavated and a colossal lion discovered, deeply im- bedded in its interior. See Smith. the -Athenians, Bœotians, and Corinthians, became the master of +Athenians, Bœotians, and Corinthians, became the master of Greece. There are seen the sepulchres erected at the public @@ -48481,14 +48481,14 @@ charge of the persons who fell in that battle.

At LebadeiaLivadhia. is the oracle of Jupiter Trophonius, -having a descent through an opening, which leads underground. The person himself, who consults the oracle, descends into it. It is situated between Helicon and Chæroneia, +having a descent through an opening, which leads underground. The person himself, who consults the oracle, descends into it. It is situated between Helicon and Chæroneia, near Coroneia.

LeuctraLefka. is the place where Epaminondas overcame the -Lacedæmonians in a great battle, and first weakened their +Lacedæmonians in a great battle, and first weakened their power; for after that time they were never able to regain the @@ -48504,18 +48504,18 @@ and were always respected by that people on account of the excellency of their form of government. The field of battle -is shown on the road which leads from Platææ to Thespiæ. +is shown on the road which leads from Platææ to Thespiæ.

-

The poet next mentions the Orchomenians in the Catalogue, and distinguishes them from the Bœotian nation. He +

The poet next mentions the Orchomenians in the Catalogue, and distinguishes them from the Bœotian nation. He gives to Orchomenus the epithet Minyeian from the nation of -the Minyæ. They say that a colony of the Minyeians went +the Minyæ. They say that a colony of the Minyeians went -hence to Iolcus,See below, ch. v. § 15. and from this circumstance the Argonauts +hence to Iolcus,See below, ch. v. § 15. and from this circumstance the Argonauts -were called Minyæ. It appears that, anciently, it was a rich +were called Minyæ. It appears that, anciently, it was a rich @@ -48529,7 +48529,7 @@ for in his enumeration of places of great opulence, he says, -Not all that is brought to Orchomenus, or to Ægyptian Thebes.Il. ix. 381. +Not all that is brought to Orchomenus, or to Ægyptian Thebes.Il. ix. 381. @@ -48573,7 +48573,7 @@ be said of power. For independently of the common saying, That money is the thing most highly valued, -And has the greatest influence in human affairs,Euripides, Phœn. 422.Euripides, Phœn. 422 +And has the greatest influence in human affairs,Euripides, Phœn. 422.Euripides, Phœn. 422 we may examine the subject more in detail. We say, for example, that kings have the greatest power, (ma/lista du/nsqsi,) @@ -48600,7 +48600,7 @@ can confer the greatest benefits.Probably an interpolation< -The spot which the present lake Copaïs occupies, was formerly, it is said, dry ground, and was cultivated in various +The spot which the present lake Copaïs occupies, was formerly, it is said, dry ground, and was cultivated in various ways by the Orchomenians, who lived near it; and this is alleged as a proof of wealth. @@ -48637,7 +48637,7 @@ overflowed, the settlers removed to the mountain Acontium, which extends 60 stadia in length, as far as Parapotamii in -Phocis. It is said, that those people, who are called Achæi in +Phocis. It is said, that those people, who are called Achæi in Pontus, are colonists from the Orchomenians, who, after the @@ -48653,9 +48653,9 @@ design of this work. CHAPTER III. -

NEXT to Bœotia and Orchomenus is Phocis, lying along +

NEXT to Bœotia and Orchomenus is Phocis, lying along -the side of Bœotia to the north, and, anciently, nearly from sea +the side of Bœotia to the north, and, anciently, nearly from sea @@ -48669,14 +48669,14 @@ Locris into two parts, and situated midway between the Opuntian Gulf and the sea however, the district belongs to the Locri; but the town is in -ruins, so that Phocis no longer extends to the sea opposite Eubœa; but it is close to the Crisæan Gulf. For Crisa itself belongs to Phocis, and is situated immediately upon the sea. +ruins, so that Phocis no longer extends to the sea opposite Eubœa; but it is close to the Crisæan Gulf. For Crisa itself belongs to Phocis, and is situated immediately upon the sea. Cirrha, Anticyra,Aspra-Spitia. and the places above them, in the interior near Parnassus in continuous succession, namely, Delphi,Kastri. Cirphis, and Daulis,Daulia. belong to Phocis, so also Parnassus itself, which is the boundary of the western side. -

In the same manner as Phocis lies along the side of Bœotia, +

In the same manner as Phocis lies along the side of Bœotia, so are both the divisions of Locris situated with respect to @@ -48684,35 +48684,35 @@ Phocis, for Locris is composed of two parts, being divided by Parnassus. The western part lies along the side of Parnassus, -occupies a portion of it, and extends to the Crisæan Gulf; the +occupies a portion of it, and extends to the Crisæan Gulf; the -eastern part terminates at the sea near Eubœa. The inhabitants of the former are called Locri Hesperii, or Locri Ozolæs, and +eastern part terminates at the sea near Eubœa. The inhabitants of the former are called Locri Hesperii, or Locri Ozolæs, and have engraven on their public seal the star Hesperus. The rest are again divided into two bodies: one, the Opuntii, who have -their name from the chief city, and border upon the Phocæans and Bœotians; the other, the Epicnemidii, who have their +their name from the chief city, and border upon the Phocæans and Bœotians; the other, the Epicnemidii, who have their -name from the mountain Cnemis;It is a continuation of the ridge of Œta. and adjoin the Œtæi, +name from the mountain Cnemis;It is a continuation of the ridge of Œta. and adjoin the Œtæi, and the Malienses. In the midst of the Hesperii, and the other Locri, is Parnassus, lying lengthwise towards the northern part, and extending from the neighbourhood of Delphi to -the junction of the Œtæn, and the Ætolian mountains, and +the junction of the Œtæn, and the Ætolian mountains, and to the Dorians, who are situated between them. For as both divisions of Locris extend along the side of Phocis, so also the -region of Æta with Ætolia, and some of the places situated in +region of Æta with Ætolia, and some of the places situated in the Doric Tetrapolis, extend along the sides of the two Locri, Parnassus and the Dorians. Immediately above these are -situated the Thessalians, the northern Ætolians, the Acarnanians, and some of the Epirotic and Macedonian nations, as I +situated the Thessalians, the northern Ætolians, the Acarnanians, and some of the Epirotic and Macedonian nations, as I observed before, the above-mentioned tracts of country may @@ -48731,7 +48731,7 @@ caves, and other places, which are regarded with honour and reverence. Of these the most celebrated and the most beautiful is Corycium, a cave of the nymphs, having the same -name as that in Cilicia. Of the sides of Parnassus, the western is occupied by the Locri Ozolæ, and by some of the Dorians, and by the Ætoli, situated near Corax, an Ætolian +name as that in Cilicia. Of the sides of Parnassus, the western is occupied by the Locri Ozolæ, and by some of the Dorians, and by the Ætoli, situated near Corax, an Ætolian mountain. The eastern side is occupied by Phocians and by @@ -48745,9 +48745,9 @@ side being northern, and the other southern. The western sides, however, are not parallel to the eastern, for the sea-coast -from the Crisæan Gulf to ActiumLa Punta. is not parallel to the coast +from the Crisæan Gulf to ActiumLa Punta. is not parallel to the coast -opposite Eubœa, and extending to Thessalonica. It is on +opposite Eubœa, and extending to Thessalonica. It is on these shores the above-mentioned nations terminate. For the @@ -48774,7 +48774,7 @@ Pythian Apollo, and the antiquity of its oracle; since Agamemnon is said by the contended together, and Agamemnon king of men was pleased, for so -Phœbus Apollo had foretold by the oracle in the illustrious Pytho.Od. viii. 75. +Phœbus Apollo had foretold by the oracle in the illustrious Pytho.Od. viii. 75. @@ -48786,7 +48786,7 @@ for its very convenient position upon the straits; for he, who is the master of this city, commands the entrances into Phocis -and Bœotia. First, there are the Œtæan mountains, next the +and Bœotia. First, there are the Œtæan mountains, next the mountains of the Locri, and the Phocians; they are not every @@ -48815,7 +48815,7 @@ and we shall begin from thence. the western boundaries of Phocis. The western side of this -mountain is occupied by the Locri Ozolæ; on the southern is +mountain is occupied by the Locri Ozolæ; on the southern is Delphi, a rocky spot, resembling in shape a theatre; on its @@ -48835,13 +48835,13 @@ is Cirrha, an ancient city, from which there is an ascent to Delphi of about 80 stadia. It is situated opposite to Sicyon. -Adjoining to Cirrha is the fertile Crisæan plain. Again, +Adjoining to Cirrha is the fertile Crisæan plain. Again, next in order follows another city Crisa, from which the -Crissæan Gulf has its name; then Anticyra,Aspra Spitia. of the same name +Crissæan Gulf has its name; then Anticyra,Aspra Spitia. of the same name -as the city, on the Maliac Gulf, and near Æta. The best +as the city, on the Maliac Gulf, and near Æta. The best hellebore is said to grow in the Maliac Anticyra,At the mouth of the Spercheius. but here @@ -48851,16 +48851,16 @@ persons resort hither for the purpose of experiencing its purgative qualities, and of being cured of their maladies. In -the Phocian territory there is found a medicinal plant, resembling Sesamum, (Sesamoides,) with which the Œtæan hellebore is prepared. +the Phocian territory there is found a medicinal plant, resembling Sesamum, (Sesamoides,) with which the Œtæan hellebore is prepared.

Anticyra still remains, but Cirrha and CrisaThe ruins are near Chryso. are in ruins; Cirrha was destroyed by the Criseeans; and Crisa, -afterwards, by Eurylochus the Thessalian, in the Crisæan +afterwards, by Eurylochus the Thessalian, in the Crisæan -war; for the Crisæi enriched themselves by duties levied on +war; for the Crisæi enriched themselves by duties levied on merchandise brought from Sicily and Italy, and laid grievous @@ -48868,7 +48868,7 @@ imposts on those who resorted to the temple, contrary to the decrees of the Amphictyons. The same was the case with the -Amphissenses, who belong to the Locri Ozolæ. This people +Amphissenses, who belong to the Locri Ozolæ. This people made an irruption into the country, and took possession of @@ -48882,7 +48882,7 @@ Crisa, and restored it. The plain, which had been consecrated by the Amphictyons, was diligently cultivated, but strangers -were more harshly treated than by the Crisæans before them. +were more harshly treated than by the Crisæans before them. The Amphictyons punished them and restored the territory to @@ -48913,7 +48913,7 @@ gives the prophetic response in verse or prose. The prose is adapted to measure by poets who are in the service of the -temple. Phemonoë is said to have been the first Pythian prophetess, and both the prophetess and the city obtained their +temple. Phemonoë is said to have been the first Pythian prophetess, and both the prophetess and the city obtained their appellation from the word Pythesthai, to inquire, (puqe/sqai). @@ -48998,7 +48998,7 @@ questions which might arise between the different cities, which were to be submitted to the decision of the Amphictyonic tribunal; and subsequently many other regulations were -made, but this body, like that of the Achæans, was finally +made, but this body, like that of the Achæans, was finally dissolved.

At first twelve cities are said to have assembled, each of @@ -49009,14 +49009,14 @@ year, in spring and autumn. But latterly a greater number of cities assembled. They called both the vernal and the -autumnal convention Pylæan, because it was held at Pyle, +autumnal convention Pylæan, because it was held at Pyle, -which has the name also of Thermopylæ. The Pylagoræ +which has the name also of Thermopylæ. The Pylagoræ sacrificed to Ceres.

In the beginning, the persons in the neighbourhood only assembled, or consulted the oracle, but afterwards people repaired thither from a distance for this purpose, sent gifts, and -constructed treasuries, as Crœsus, and his father Alyattes, +constructed treasuries, as Crœsus, and his father Alyattes, some of the Italians also, and the Siceli (Sicilians). @@ -49041,7 +49041,7 @@ opulent, as Homer testifies; -Nor all the wealth, which the marble threshold of Phœbus Apollo, the +Nor all the wealth, which the marble threshold of Phœbus Apollo, the Archer, (Aphetor,)a)fh/two|. contains in the rocky Pytho.Il. ix. 404. @@ -49061,9 +49061,9 @@ that referred to by the poet. For there were once deposited in the treasuries, offerings from spoils, bearing inscriptions -with the names of the donors, as of Gyges, of Crœsus, of the +with the names of the donors, as of Gyges, of Crœsus, of the -Sybaritæ, of the Spinetæ on the Adriatic, and of others also. +Sybaritæ, of the Spinetæ on the Adriatic, and of others also. It would be unbecoming to supposeA conjecture by Kramer. that modern and ancient @@ -49105,20 +49105,20 @@ x. c. 5. was built by the Amphictyons. A tomb of Neoptolemus is shown in to the injunction of an oracle. Neoptolemus was killed by -Machæreus, a Delphian, when, as the fable goes, he was seeking redress from the god for the murder of his father, but, +Machæreus, a Delphian, when, as the fable goes, he was seeking redress from the god for the murder of his father, but, probably, he was preparing to pillage the temple. Branchus, who presided over the temple at Didyma, is said to have been -a descendant of Machæreus. +a descendant of Machæreus.

There was anciently a contest held at Delphi, of players -on the cithara, who executed a pæan in honour of the god. It +on the cithara, who executed a pæan in honour of the god. It -was instituted by Delphians. But after the Crisæan war the +was instituted by Delphians. But after the Crisæan war the Amphictyons, in the time of Eurylochus, established contests @@ -49226,7 +49226,7 @@ shouted, Hie Paian;Probably, says Palmer, strike, or i(/e pai=, O youth. whence has been transmitted the custom -of singing the Pæan before the onset of a battle; that after the +of singing the Pæan before the onset of a battle; that after the death of the Python the Delphians burnt even his tent, as they @@ -49244,7 +49244,7 @@ Themis a woman, and the fabulous dragon a man, unless he intended to confound the provinces of history and fable. -His account of the Ætolians is similar to this. After having +His account of the Ætolians is similar to this. After having @@ -49256,13 +49256,13 @@ asserted that their country was never ravaged at any period, -he says, that at one time it was inhabited by Ætolians, who +he says, that at one time it was inhabited by Ætolians, who -had expelled the Barbarians; that at another time, Ætolus, +had expelled the Barbarians; that at another time, Ætolus, -together with the Epeii from Elis, inhabited it; [that Ætolus +together with the Epeii from Elis, inhabited it; [that Ætolus -was overthrown by the Epeii,] and these again by Alcmæon +was overthrown by the Epeii,] and these again by Alcmæon and Diomedes.

I now return to the Phocians. @@ -49279,19 +49279,19 @@ Pharygium, which has a shelter for vessels; then the harbour at the farthest end, called Mychus,The bay of Metochi d'Hagia. from the accident of its situation between HeliconZagora. and Ascra. -

Nor is Abæ,This place is represented in the Austrian map by ruins near Exarcho. +

Nor is Abæ,This place is represented in the Austrian map by ruins near Exarcho. -But how does Strabo place not far from the Crisæan Gulf, Abæ, +But how does Strabo place not far from the Crisæan Gulf, Abæ, which was certainly near Hyampolis, on the borders of the Locri Epicne- midii? It is on the authority of this passage only that geographers have -placed a second Abæ behind Ambrysus, at the foot of Parnassus. the seat of an oracle, far from these places, +placed a second Abæ behind Ambrysus, at the foot of Parnassus. the seat of an oracle, far from these places, nor Ambrysus,Distomo? nor Medeon, of the same name as a city in -Bœotia. +Bœotia.

In the inland parts, next after Delphi, towards the east is Daulis,Il. ii. 519. a small town, where, it is said, Tereus, the Thracian, @@ -49325,7 +49325,7 @@ a village situated below the Lycoreian territory. is on the confines of the district of Lebadeia. Here the fable -places the abode of Tityus. But Homer says, that the Phæacians conducted Rhadamanthus to Eubœa, +places the abode of Tityus. But Homer says, that the Phæacians conducted Rhadamanthus to Eubœa, @@ -49346,7 +49346,7 @@ the mother of Tityus, and an Heroum of Tityus, and some kind of honours are spoken of, which are paid to him.

Near Lebadeia is Trachin, having the same name as that -in Œtæ; it is a small Phocian town. The inhabitants are +in Œtæ; it is a small Phocian town. The inhabitants are called Trachinii. @@ -49359,7 +49359,7 @@ a place called Catopterius,The Look-out. a precipito from Parnassus. It was a boundary between Delphi and the -Phocians, when the Lacedæmonians made the Delphians +Phocians, when the Lacedæmonians made the Delphians separate themselves from the common body of the Phocians,457, B. C. @@ -49368,7 +49368,7 @@ and permitted them to form an independent state. others Hyampolis,This place was destroyed in the Persian war; no remains existed in -the time of Pausanias. (and also Hya,) whither we said the Hyintes were banished from Bœotia. It is situated quite in the +the time of Pausanias. (and also Hya,) whither we said the Hyintes were banished from Bœotia. It is situated quite in the interior, near Parapotamii, and is a different place from Hyampea on Parnassus.

ElateiaThe ruins are situated on the east of Turkochorio, made a free state @@ -49377,7 +49377,7 @@ by the Romans. Pausanias, b. x. ch. 34. is the largest of the Phocian cit not acquainted with it, for it is later than his times. It is -conveniently situated to repel incursions on the side of Thessaly. DemosthenesDemos. pro Coronâ. B. C. 338. points out the advantage of its position, in speaking of the confusion which suddenly arose, when +conveniently situated to repel incursions on the side of Thessaly. DemosthenesDemos. pro Coronâ. B. C. 338. points out the advantage of its position, in speaking of the confusion which suddenly arose, when a messenger arrived to inform the Prytaneis of the capture of @@ -49386,15 +49386,15 @@ Elateia.

Parapotamii is a settlement on the Cephissus, in the -neighbourhood of Phanoteus, Chæroneia, and Elateia. This +neighbourhood of Phanoteus, Chæroneia, and Elateia. This -place, according to Theopompus, is distant from Chæroneia +place, according to Theopompus, is distant from Chæroneia about 40 stadia, and is the boundary between the Ambryseis, Panopeis, and Daulieis. It is situated at the entrance from -Bœotia to the Phocians, upon an eminence of moderate +Bœotia to the Phocians, upon an eminence of moderate height, between Parnassus and the mountain [Hadylium, @@ -49414,7 +49414,7 @@ Homer testifies; -they who occupied Lilæa, near the source of the Cephissus;Il. ii. 523.Il. ii. 523. +they who occupied Lilæa, near the source of the Cephissus;Il. ii. 523.Il. ii. 523. @@ -49457,11 +49457,11 @@ near the Gymnasium a spring, which is called Cephissus. Neochorio. is at present in ruins. It was at one time a -city of Phocis, and lay close to the Eubœan Sea; it divided +city of Phocis, and lay close to the Eubœan Sea; it divided the Locri Epicnemidii into two bodies, namely, the Locri on -the side of Bœotia,From hence to the close of the paragraph the text is very corrupt; +the side of Bœotia,From hence to the close of the paragraph the text is very corrupt; the restorations are due to the conjectures of Du Theil, Groskurd, and @@ -49494,19 +49494,19 @@ Opuntii from touching upon each other in any part. In aftertimes Daphnus was inc order.

It is divided into two parts, one of which is occupied by the -Locri opposite Eubœa, and, as we have already said, formerly consisted of two bodies, situated one on each side of +Locri opposite Eubœa, and, as we have already said, formerly consisted of two bodies, situated one on each side of Daphnus. The Locri Opuntii had their surname from Opus,The ruins of Opus are indicated as existing between Talanti and the sea. -the capital; the Epicnemidii from a mountain called Cnemis.A portion of the ridge of Œta, on the north-west of Talanti, now +the capital; the Epicnemidii from a mountain called Cnemis.A portion of the ridge of Œta, on the north-west of Talanti, now Chlomos. The rest are the Locri Hesperii, who are called also Locri -Ozolæ. These are separated from the Locri Opuntii and +Ozolæ. These are separated from the Locri Opuntii and Epicnemidii by Parnassus, which lies between them, and by @@ -49515,11 +49515,11 @@ the Tetrapolis of the Dorians. We shall first speak of the Opuntii.

-

Immediately after Halæ, where the Bœotian coast opposite Eubœa terminates, is the Opuntian bay. Opus is the +

Immediately after Halæ, where the Bœotian coast opposite Eubœa terminates, is the Opuntian bay. Opus is the capital, as the inscription intimates, which is engraved on the -first of the five pillars at Thermopylæ, near the Polyandrium:A monument, or cenotaph, common to many persons. +first of the five pillars at Thermopylæ, near the Polyandrium:A monument, or cenotaph, common to many persons. Opoeis, the capital of the Locri, hides in its bosom those who died in @@ -49535,7 +49535,7 @@ forms the boundary of the Opuntian bay. The latter is 40 stadia in extent. Between Opus and Cynus is a fertile plain, -opposite to Ædepsus in Eubœa, where are the warm bathsMentioned by Athenæus, b. iii. Hot springs were generally sacred +opposite to Ædepsus in Eubœa, where are the warm bathsMentioned by Athenæus, b. iii. Hot springs were generally sacred to Hercules. @@ -49571,26 +49571,26 @@ Locri Opuntii. HomerIl. xxiii. 85. says that Patrocl and that having committed murder undesignedly, he fled to -Peleus, but that the father Menœtius remained in his native +Peleus, but that the father Menœtius remained in his native -country; for it is to Opus that Achilles promised Menœtius +country; for it is to Opus that Achilles promised Menœtius that he would bring back Patroclus on his return from the -Trojan expedition.Il. xviii. 326. Not that Menœtius was king of the +Trojan expedition.Il. xviii. 326. Not that Menœtius was king of the Opuntii, but Ajax the Locrian, who, according to report, was -born at Narycus. The name of the person killed by Patroclus was Æanes; a grove, called after him Æaneium, and a +born at Narycus. The name of the person killed by Patroclus was Æanes; a grove, called after him Æaneium, and a -fountain, Æanis, are shown. +fountain, Æanis, are shown.

-

Next after Cynus is AlopēThe ruins have been discovered by Gell on an insulated hill, near the +

Next after Cynus is AlopēThe ruins have been discovered by Gell on an insulated hill, near the sea-shore. and Daphnus, which last, -we have said, is in ruins. At Alopē is a harbour, distant +we have said, is in ruins. At Alopē is a harbour, distant from Cynus about 90 stadia, and 120 from Elateia, in the @@ -49601,9 +49601,9 @@ which is continuous with the Opuntian Gulf.

Next to Daphnus, at the distance of about 20 stadia by -sea, is Cnemides, a strong place, opposite to which in Eubœa +sea, is Cnemides, a strong place, opposite to which in Eubœa -is Cenæum, a promontory, looking towards the west and the +is Cenæum, a promontory, looking towards the west and the Maliac Gulf, and separated by a strait of nearly 20 stadia.

At Cnemides we are in the territory of the Locri Epicnemidii. Here are the Lichades, as they are called, three islands, @@ -49634,7 +49634,7 @@ in width. from the sea, and of 30 from Thronium, but at a little [less -from its harbour.]A conjecture by Groskurd. Next are Nicæa and Thermopylæ. +from its harbour.]A conjecture by Groskurd. Next are Nicæa and Thermopylæ.

It is not worth while to speak of any of the other cities. @@ -49647,11 +49647,11 @@ quality, for it abounds with woods. xw/o|an e)/xousi Skarf It ought to be written with a double s, for it has its name from -Bessa, a wooded valley, like Napē,bh=ssai and na/ph, wooded hollows. in the plain of Methymna,In the island of Lesbos. +Bessa, a wooded valley, like Napē,bh=ssai and na/ph, wooded hollows. in the plain of Methymna,In the island of Lesbos. -which Hellanicus, through ignorance of the local circumstances, improperly calls Lapē; but the demus in Attica, from +which Hellanicus, through ignorance of the local circumstances, improperly calls Lapē; but the demus in Attica, from -which the burghers are called Besæenses, is written with a +which the burghers are called Besæenses, is written with a single s. @@ -49662,9 +49662,9 @@ stadia from [Thronium]. It has a territory, productive and well wooded; for this place also has its name from its being -thickly wooded. It is now called Pharygæ. A temple of Juno +thickly wooded. It is now called Pharygæ. A temple of Juno -Pharygæa is there, called so from the Argive Juno at Pharygæ; +Pharygæa is there, called so from the Argive Juno at Pharygæ; and the inhabitants assert that they are of Argive origin. @@ -49679,22 +49679,22 @@ the people of whom we have spoken; -Locri, who dwell beyond the sacred Eubœa;Il. ii. 535.Il. ii. 535. +Locri, who dwell beyond the sacred Eubœa;Il. ii. 535.Il. ii. 535. as if there were other Locri. They occupied the cities AmphissaSalona, or Lampeni. and Naupactus.Lepanto. The latter still subsists near Antirrhium.Castel de Roumeli. It has its name from the ships that were built there, -either because the Heraclidæ constructed their fleet at this +either because the Heraclidæ constructed their fleet at this place, or because the Locri, as Ephorus states, had built vessels there long before that time. At present it belongs to the -Ætolians, by a decree of Philip. +Ætolians, by a decree of Philip.

There also is Chalcis, mentioned by the poetIl. ii. 640. in the -Ætolian Catalogue. It is below Calydon. There also is the +Ætolian Catalogue. It is below Calydon. There also is the hill Taphiassus, on which is the monument of Nessus, and of @@ -49702,7 +49702,7 @@ the other Centaurs. From the putrefaction of the bodies of these people there flows, it is said, from beneath the foot of -that hill a stream of water, which exhales a fœtid odour, and +that hill a stream of water, which exhales a fœtid odour, and @@ -49712,43 +49712,43 @@ that hill a stream of water, which exhales a fœtid odour, and contains clots of blood. Hence also the nation had the name -of Ozolæ.From o)zei=n, to smell. +of Ozolæ.From o)zei=n, to smell. -Opposite Antirrhium is Molycreia,Maurolimne. a small Ætolian city. -

Amphissa is situated at the extremity of the Crissæan plain. +Opposite Antirrhium is Molycreia,Maurolimne. a small Ætolian city. +

Amphissa is situated at the extremity of the Crissæan plain. It was razed, as we have said before, by the Amphictyons. -Œanthia and Eupalium belong to the Locri. The whole voyage along the coast of the Locri is a little more than 200 stadia. +Œanthia and Eupalium belong to the Locri. The whole voyage along the coast of the Locri is a little more than 200 stadia.

-

There is an AlopēThe site is unknown. both here among the Locri Ozole, as +

There is an AlopēThe site is unknown. both here among the Locri Ozole, as also among the Epicnemidii, and in the Phthiotis. These are a colony of the Epicnemidii, and the Epizephyrii a colony of -the Ozolæ. +the Ozolæ.

-

Ætolians are continuous with the Locri Hesperii, and +

Ætolians are continuous with the Locri Hesperii, and -the Ænianes, who occupy Œta with the Epicnemidii, and between them Dorians. These last are the people who inhabited the Tetrapolis, which is called the capital of all the +the Ænianes, who occupy Œta with the Epicnemidii, and between them Dorians. These last are the people who inhabited the Tetrapolis, which is called the capital of all the -Dorians. They possessed the cities Erineus, Bœum, Pindus, +Dorians. They possessed the cities Erineus, Bœum, Pindus, Cytinium. Pindus is situated above Erineus. A river of the -same name flows beside it, and empties itself into the Cephissus, not far from Lilæa. Some writers call Pindus, Acyphas. -

Ægimius, king of these Dorians, when an exile from his +same name flows beside it, and empties itself into the Cephissus, not far from Lilæa. Some writers call Pindus, Acyphas. +

Ægimius, king of these Dorians, when an exile from his -kingdom, was restored, as they relate, by Hercules. He requited this favour after the death of Hercules at Œta by +kingdom, was restored, as they relate, by Hercules. He requited this favour after the death of Hercules at Œta by adopting Hyllus, the eldest of the sons of Hercules, and both he and his descendants succeeded him in the kingdom. It was -from this place that the Heracleidæ set out on their return to +from this place that the Heracleidæ set out on their return to Peloponnesus. @@ -49757,20 +49757,20 @@ Peloponnesus. they were small, and their territory not fruitful. They were -afterwards neglected. After what they suffered in the Phocian war and under the dominion of the Macedonians, Ætolians, and Athamanes, it is surprising that even a vestige of +afterwards neglected. After what they suffered in the Phocian war and under the dominion of the Macedonians, Ætolians, and Athamanes, it is surprising that even a vestige of them should have remained to the time of the Romans. -

It was the same with the Ænianes, who were exterminated +

It was the same with the Ænianes, who were exterminated -by Ætolians and Athamanes. The Ætolians were a very +by Ætolians and Athamanes. The Ætolians were a very -powerful people, and carried on war together with the Acarnanians. The Athamanes were the last of the Epeirotæ, who +powerful people, and carried on war together with the Acarnanians. The Athamanes were the last of the Epeirotæ, who attained distinction when the rest were declining, and acquired power by the assistance of their king Amynander. The -Ænianes, however, kept possession of Œta. +Ænianes, however, kept possession of Œta. @@ -49778,17 +49778,17 @@ power by the assistance of their king Amynander. The -12. This mountain extends from Thermopylæ and the east, to +12. This mountain extends from Thermopylæ and the east, to the Ambracian Gulf and the west; it may be said to cut at right angles the mountainous tract, extending from Parnassus as far -as Pindus, and to the Barbarians who live beyond. The portion of this mountain verging towards ThermopylæNear Dervend-Elapha. is called +as Pindus, and to the Barbarians who live beyond. The portion of this mountain verging towards ThermopylæNear Dervend-Elapha. is called -Œta; it is 200 stadia in length, rocky and elevated, but the +Œta; it is 200 stadia in length, rocky and elevated, but the -highest part is at Thermopylæ, for there it forms a peak, and +highest part is at Thermopylæ, for there it forms a peak, and terminates with acute and abrupt rocks, continued to the sea. @@ -49797,7 +49797,7 @@ It leaves a narrow passage for those who are going from Thessaly to Locris.

-

This passage is called Pylæ, or gates, straits, and Thermopylæ, because near the straits are hot springs, which are +

This passage is called Pylæ, or gates, straits, and Thermopylæ, because near the straits are hot springs, which are held in honour as sacred to Hercules. The mountain above @@ -49805,12 +49805,12 @@ is called Callidromus; but some writers call by the name of Callidromus the remaining part of the range extending -through Ætolia and Acarnania to the Ambracian Gulf. -

At Thermopylæ within the straits are strongholds, as +through Ætolia and Acarnania to the Ambracian Gulf. +

At Thermopylæ within the straits are strongholds, as -Nicæa, on the sea of the Locri, Teichius and Heracleia above +Nicæa, on the sea of the Locri, Teichius and Heracleia above -it, formerly called Trachin, founded by the Lacedæmonians. +it, formerly called Trachin, founded by the Lacedæmonians. Heracleia is distant from the ancient Trachin about 6 stadia. @@ -49831,13 +49831,13 @@ fissure, through which the Asopus, (which has the same name as other rivers that we have mentioned,) empties itself into -the sea without the Pylæ, having received the river Phoenix +the sea without the Pylæ, having received the river Phoenix which flows from the south, and unites with it. The latter river bears the name of the hero, whose tomb is shown near it. -From the Asopus (Phoenix?) to Thermopylæ are 15 stadia. +From the Asopus (Phoenix?) to Thermopylæ are 15 stadia.

These places were of the greatest celebrity when they @@ -49887,35 +49887,35 @@ narrow paths, surrounded and cut them to pieces. Their place of burial, the Polyandrium, is still to be seen there, and the -celebrated inscription sculptured on the Lacedæmonian pillar; +celebrated inscription sculptured on the Lacedæmonian pillar; -Stranger, go tell Lacedæmon that we lie here in obedience +Stranger, go tell Lacedæmon that we lie here in obedience to her laws.

There is also a large harbour here and a temple of -Ceres, in which the Amphictyons at the time of every Pylæan +Ceres, in which the Amphictyons at the time of every Pylæan -assembly offered sacrifice. From the harbour to the Heracleian Trachin are 40 stadia by land, but by sea to CenæumC. Lithada. +assembly offered sacrifice. From the harbour to the Heracleian Trachin are 40 stadia by land, but by sea to CenæumC. Lithada. it is 70 stadia. The Spercheius empties itself immediately -without the Pylæ. To Pylæ from the Euripus are 530 stadia. +without the Pylæ. To Pylæ from the Euripus are 530 stadia. -And here Locris terminates. The parts without the Pylæ towards the east, and the Maliac Gulf, belong to the Thessalians; those towards the west, to the Ætolians and Acarnanians. The Athamanes are extinct. +And here Locris terminates. The parts without the Pylæ towards the east, and the Maliac Gulf, belong to the Thessalians; those towards the west, to the Ætolians and Acarnanians. The Athamanes are extinct.

The Thessalians form the largest and most ancient community. One part of them has been mentioned by Homer, -and the rest by many other writers. Homer constantly mentions the Ætolians under one name; he places cities, and not +and the rest by many other writers. Homer constantly mentions the Ætolians under one name; he places cities, and not nations dependent upon them, if we except the Curetes, whom -we must place in the division of Ætolians. +we must place in the division of Ætolians.

We must begin our account with the Thessalians, omitting very ancient and fabulous stories, and what is not generally @@ -49933,13 +49933,13 @@ to mention what appears suited to our purpose. CHAPTER V. -

THE sea-coast, extending from Thermopylæ to the +

THE sea-coast, extending from Thermopylæ to the mouths of the Peneius,The Salambria. and the extremities of Pelion, looking -towards the east, and the northern extremities of Eubœa, is +towards the east, and the northern extremities of Eubœa, is -that of Thessaly. The parts opposite Eubœa and Thermopylæ are occupied by Malienses, and by Achæan Phthiotæ; +that of Thessaly. The parts opposite Eubœa and Thermopylæ are occupied by Malienses, and by Achæan Phthiotæ; those towards Pelion by the Magnetes. This may be called @@ -49947,9 +49947,9 @@ the eastern and maritime side of Thessaly. From either side from Pelion, and the Peneius, towards the inland parts are -Macedonians, who extend as far as Pæonia, (Pindus?) and the +Macedonians, who extend as far as Pæonia, (Pindus?) and the -Epeirotic nations. From Thermopylæ, the Ætæan and Ætolian mountains, which approach close to the Dorians, and +Epeirotic nations. From Thermopylæ, the Ætæan and Ætolian mountains, which approach close to the Dorians, and Parnassus, are parallel to the Macedonians. The side towards @@ -49957,11 +49957,11 @@ the Macedonians may be called the northern side; the other, the southern. There remains the western side, enclosed by -Ætolians and Acarnanians, by Amphilochians and Athamanes, +Ætolians and Acarnanians, by Amphilochians and Athamanes, -who are Epirotæ; by the territory of the Molotti, formerly +who are Epirotæ; by the territory of the Molotti, formerly -said to be that of the Æthices, and, in short, by the country +said to be that of the Æthices, and, in short, by the country about Pindus. Thessaly,This paragraph is translated as proposed by Meineke, who has fol- @@ -49998,7 +49998,7 @@ from Olympus, the Peneius flowed out through it to the sea, and drained this tract of country. Still there remained the -large lake Nessonis, and the lake Bœbeis; which is of less +large lake Nessonis, and the lake Bœbeis; which is of less extent than the Nessonis, and nearer to the sea-coast. @@ -50010,19 +50010,19 @@ extent than the Nessonis, and nearer to the sea-coast. 3. Such then is Thessaly, which is divided into four parts, -Phthiotis, Hestiæotis, Thessaliotis, and Pelasgiotis. +Phthiotis, Hestiæotis, Thessaliotis, and Pelasgiotis.

Phthiotis comprises the southern parts, extending along -Œta from the Maliac and (or) Pylaïc GulfG. of Zeitun. as far as Dolopia +Œta from the Maliac and (or) Pylaïc GulfG. of Zeitun. as far as Dolopia and Pindus, increasing in breadth to Pharsalia and the Thessalian plains. -

Hestiæotis comprises the western parts and those between +

Hestiæotis comprises the western parts and those between Pindus and Upper Macedonia; the rest is occupied by the -inhabitants of the plains below Hestiæotis, who are called +inhabitants of the plains below Hestiæotis, who are called -Pelasgiotæ, and approach close to the Lower Macedonians; by +Pelasgiotæ, and approach close to the Lower Macedonians; by the [Thessalians] also, who possess the country next in @@ -50040,13 +50040,13 @@ of all Larisa, preserve their ancient importance. we call Thessaly, into tenThe ten states or dynasties mentioned by Homer were those of, 1. -Achilles. 2. Protesilaüs. 3. Eumelus. 4. Philoctetes. 5. Podalirius +Achilles. 2. Protesilaüs. 3. Eumelus. 4. Philoctetes. 5. Podalirius -and Machaon. 6. Eurypylus. 7. Polypcetes. 8. Guneus. 9. Prothoüs. These are named in the Catalogue in the 2nd Book of the Iliad; +and Machaon. 6. Eurypylus. 7. Polypcetes. 8. Guneus. 9. Prothoüs. These are named in the Catalogue in the 2nd Book of the Iliad; the 10th, Dolopia, of which Phoenix was chief, in Il. xvi. 196. parts and dynasties, and having -taken in addition some portion of the Œtæan and Locrian territory, and of that also which is now assigned to the Macedonians, shows (what commonly happened to every country) the +taken in addition some portion of the Œtæan and Locrian territory, and of that also which is now assigned to the Macedonians, shows (what commonly happened to every country) the changes which, entirely or in part, they undergo according to @@ -50055,7 +50055,7 @@ the power possessed by their respective governors.

The poet first enumerates the Thessalians subject to -Achilles, who occupied the southern side, and adjoined Œta, +Achilles, who occupied the southern side, and adjoined Œta, and the Locri Epicnemidii; @@ -50063,7 +50063,7 @@ and the Locri Epicnemidii; All who dwelt in Pelasgic Argos; they who occupied Alus, Alope, and -Trachin; they who possessed Phthia, and Hellas, abounding with beautiful women, were called Myrmidones, Hellenes, and Achæi.Il. ii. 681. +Trachin; they who possessed Phthia, and Hellas, abounding with beautiful women, were called Myrmidones, Hellenes, and Achæi.Il. ii. 681. @@ -50119,7 +50119,7 @@ and if so, a counsellor. The verses seem to imply this meaning, for they are to To be an eloquent speaker, and to achieve great deeds.Il, ix. 443.

From this it appears that Homer considered the forces -under Achilles and Phœnix as constituting one body; but the +under Achilles and Phœnix as constituting one body; but the places mentioned as being under the authority of Achilles, are @@ -50163,7 +50163,7 @@ and, -There are many Achæan women in Hellas and Phthia.Il. ix. 395.Il. ix. 395. +There are many Achæan women in Hellas and Phthia.Il. ix. 395.Il. ix. 395. @@ -50173,7 +50173,7 @@ cities or countries he does not expressly say. Some of the later writers, who affirm that it is a country, suppose it to -have extended from Palæpharsalus to Thebæ Phthiotides. +have extended from Palæpharsalus to Thebæ Phthiotides. In this country also is Thetidium, near both the ancient and @@ -50195,7 +50195,7 @@ stadia from their own city, a city in ruins, which they believe to be Hellas, and two springs near it, Messeis and Hypereia. -But the Melitæenses say, that at the distance of about 10 +But the Melitæenses say, that at the distance of about 10 stadia from their city, was situated Hellas on the other side @@ -50245,7 +50245,7 @@ general terms; -there were Bœoti and Iaones wearing long robes, Locri, Phthii, and +there were Bœoti and Iaones wearing long robes, Locri, Phthii, and illustrious Epeii.Il. xiii. 685. @@ -50257,7 +50257,7 @@ But here he particularizes them; at the head of the Phthii fought Medon and Podarces, firm in battle. -These armed with breastplates fought together with Bœoti, at the head of +These armed with breastplates fought together with Bœoti, at the head of the magnanimous Phthii, keeping away the enemy from the ships.Il. xiii. 693, 699. @@ -50284,7 +50284,7 @@ Dolopia and Pindus to the sea of Magnesia; but as far as the city Antron, (now written in the plural number,) which was -subject to Protesilaus, beginning from Trachinia and Œta, is +subject to Protesilaus, beginning from Trachinia and Œta, is the width of the territory belonging to Peleus and Achilles. @@ -50297,7 +50297,7 @@ whether Homer means the places which are now comprised in the Phthiotic government, or those among the Locri, since -the dominion of Achilles extended hither as well as to Trachin and the Œtæan territory. For Halus and Halius, as +the dominion of Achilles extended hither as well as to Trachin and the Œtæan territory. For Halus and Halius, as well as Alope, are on the coast of the Locri. But some substitute Halius for Alope, and write the verse in this manner; @@ -50313,7 +50313,7 @@ But the Phthiotic Halus lies under the extremity of the mountain Othrys, which l upon the mountain Typhrestus and the Dolopians, and -thence stretches along to the country near the Maliæ Gulf. +thence stretches along to the country near the Maliæ Gulf. Halus,o( Alos, or h( (/Alos. either masculine or feminine, for it is used in both @@ -50325,7 +50325,7 @@ the Pharsalii]. It is situated above the Crocian plain, and the river AmphrysusHence Virgil, Geor. 3, calls Apollo, Pastor ab Amphryso. flows by its walls. Below the Crocian plain -lies Thebæ Phthiotides; Halus likewise, which is in Achaia, +lies Thebæ Phthiotides; Halus likewise, which is in Achaia, is called Phthiotis; this, as well as the foot of Mount Othrys, @@ -50335,7 +50335,7 @@ under the command of Protesilaus, so Halus also belongs to Phthiotis, which adjoins to the Malienses. Halus is distant from -Thebes about 100 stadia, and lies in the middle between Pharsalus and Thebæ Phthiotides. Philip, however, took it from +Thebes about 100 stadia, and lies in the middle between Pharsalus and Thebæ Phthiotides. Philip, however, took it from the latter, and assigned it to the Pharsalii. Thus it happens, @@ -50366,11 +50366,11 @@ of the place. The poet mentions it by name.

As Homer frequently mentions the Spercheius as a river -of the country, having its source in the Typhrestus, a Dryopian mountain, formerly called [Tymphrestus], and emptying itself near Thermopylæ, between Trachin and Lamia,Isdin or Zeitun. he +of the country, having its source in the Typhrestus, a Dryopian mountain, formerly called [Tymphrestus], and emptying itself near Thermopylæ, between Trachin and Lamia,Isdin or Zeitun. he might imply that whatever parts of the Maliac Gulf were -either within or without the Pylæ, were subject to Achilles. +either within or without the Pylæ, were subject to Achilles.

The Spercheius is distant about 30 stadia from Lamia, which lies above a plain, extending to the Maliac Gulf. That @@ -50384,37 +50384,37 @@ to be the son of Spercheius and the sister of Achilles. Achilles and Patroclus, and who had accompanied Peleus in -his banishment from Ægina, had the name of Myrmidons, +his banishment from Ægina, had the name of Myrmidons, -but all the Phthiotæ were called Achæcans. +but all the Phthiotæ were called Achæcans.

They reckon in the Phthiotic district, which was subject to Achilles, beginning from the Malienses, a considerable -number of towns, and among them Thebæ Phthiotides, Echinus, Lamia, near which the war was carried on between the +number of towns, and among them Thebæ Phthiotides, Echinus, Lamia, near which the war was carried on between the Macedonians and Antipater, against the Athenians. In this war Leosthenes, the Athenian general, was killed, [and Leonnatus,] one of the companions of Alexander the king. Besides the above-mentioned towns, we must add [Narthac]ium, -Erineus, Coroneia, of the same name as the town in Bœotia, +Erineus, Coroneia, of the same name as the town in Bœotia, -Melitæa, Thaumaci, Proerna, Pharsalus, Eretria, of the same +Melitæa, Thaumaci, Proerna, Pharsalus, Eretria, of the same -name as the Euboic town, Paracheloïtæ, of the same name +name as the Euboic town, Paracheloïtæ, of the same name -as those in Ætolia; for here also, near Lamia, is a river Achelous, on the banks of which live the Paracheloïtæ. -

This district, lying to the north, extended to the northwestern territory of the Asclepiadæ, and to the territory of +as those in Ætolia; for here also, near Lamia, is a river Achelous, on the banks of which live the Paracheloïtæ. +

This district, lying to the north, extended to the northwestern territory of the Asclepiadæ, and to the territory of Eurypylus and Protesilaus, inclining to the east; on the south -it adjoined the Œtæan territory, which was divided into fourteen demi, and contained Heracleia and Dryopis, which was +it adjoined the Œtæan territory, which was divided into fourteen demi, and contained Heracleia and Dryopis, which was once a community of four cities, (a Tetrapolis,) like Doris, and accounted the capital of the Dryopes in Peloponnesus. -To the Œtæan district belong also the Acyphas, Parasopias, +To the Œtæan district belong also the Acyphas, Parasopias, @@ -50422,7 +50422,7 @@ To the Œtæan district belong also the Acyphas, Parasopias, -$Oeneiadæ, and Anticyra, of the same name as the town among +$Oeneiadæ, and Anticyra, of the same name as the town among the Locri Hesperii. I do not mean that these divisions always continued the same, for they underwent various changes. @@ -50433,7 +50433,7 @@ The most remarkable, however, are worthy of notice. of the Dolopes, as at the extremity of Phthia, and says that -both they and the Phthiotæ were under the command of the +both they and the Phthiotæ were under the command of the same chief, Peleus; @@ -50450,22 +50450,22 @@ Peleus, however, had conferred on him the authority. of which belong to the Thessalians. For in consequence of -the renown and ascendency of the Thessalians and Macedonians, those Epeirotæ, who bordered nearest upon them, became, some voluntarily, others by force, incorporated among +the renown and ascendency of the Thessalians and Macedonians, those Epeirotæ, who bordered nearest upon them, became, some voluntarily, others by force, incorporated among -the Macedonians and Thessalians. In this manner the Athamanes, Æthices, and Talares were joined to the Thessalians, +the Macedonians and Thessalians. In this manner the Athamanes, Æthices, and Talares were joined to the Thessalians, -and the Orestæ, Pelagones, and Elimiotæ to the Macedonians. +and the Orestæ, Pelagones, and Elimiotæ to the Macedonians.

-

Pindus is a large mountain, having on the north Macedonia, on the west Perrhæbi, settlers from another country, +

Pindus is a large mountain, having on the north Macedonia, on the west Perrhæbi, settlers from another country, -on the south Dolopes, [and on the east Hestiæotis] which +on the south Dolopes, [and on the east Hestiæotis] which belongs to Thessaly. Close upon Pindus dwelt Talares, a tribe of Molotti, detached from the Molotti about Mount -Tomarus, and Æthices, among whom the poet says the Centaurs took refuge when expelled by Peirithous.Il. ii. 744. They +Tomarus, and Æthices, among whom the poet says the Centaurs took refuge when expelled by Peirithous.Il. ii. 744. They are at present, it is said, extinct. But this extinction is to @@ -50484,12 +50484,12 @@ it has any just pretensions to notice, it is necessary to remark the change which it has undergone.

-

It remains for us to describe the tract of sea-coast subject to Achilles: we begin from Thermopylæ, for we have +

It remains for us to describe the tract of sea-coast subject to Achilles: we begin from Thermopylæ, for we have spoken of the coast of Locris, and of the interior. -

Thermopylæ is separated from the Cenæum by a strait 70 +

Thermopylæ is separated from the Cenæum by a strait 70 -stadia across. Coasting beyond the Pylæ, it is at a distance +stadia across. Coasting beyond the Pylæ, it is at a distance from the Spercheius of about 10, (60?) and thence to Phalara @@ -50533,7 +50533,7 @@ under the command of Protesilaus, is determined by its being situated without the Maliac Gulf, yet still in Phthiotis, though not within Phthiotis subject to Achilles. -

PhylacēAbove S. Theodoro. is near Thebæ Phthiotides, which was subject to +

PhylacēAbove S. Theodoro. is near Thebæ Phthiotides, which was subject to Protesilaus, as were also Halus, Larisa Cremaste, and Demetrium, all of which lie to the east of Mount Othrys.

The Demetrium he speaks ofIl. ii. 695. as an enclosure sacred to Ceres, @@ -50542,29 +50542,29 @@ and calls it Pyrasus. Pyrasus was a city with a good harbour, having at the distance of 2 stadia from it a grove, and a temple -consecrated to Ceres. It is distant from Thebæ 20 stadia. +consecrated to Ceres. It is distant from Thebæ 20 stadia. -The latter is situated above Pyrasus. Above Thebæ in the +The latter is situated above Pyrasus. Above Thebæ in the inland parts is the Crocian plain at the extremity of the mountain Othrys. Through this plain flows the river Amphrysus. Above it is the Itonus, where is the temple of the Itonian -Minerva, from which that in Bœotia has its name, also the +Minerva, from which that in Bœotia has its name, also the -river Cuarius. [Of this river and] of Arnē we have spoken +river Cuarius. [Of this river and] of Arnē we have spoken -in our account of Bœotia. +in our account of Bœotia.

These places are in Thessaliotis, one of the four divisions of all Thessaly, in which were the possessions of Eurypylus. -Phyllus, where is a temple of the Phyllæan Apollo, Ichnæ, +Phyllus, where is a temple of the Phyllæan Apollo, Ichnæ, -where the Ichnæan Themis is worshipped, Cierus, and [all +where the Ichnæan Themis is worshipped, Cierus, and [all the places as far as] Athamania, are included in Thessaliotis. -

At Antron, in the strait near Eubœa, is a sunk rock, called +

At Antron, in the strait near Eubœa, is a sunk rock, called @@ -50574,7 +50574,7 @@ the places as far as] Athamania, are included in Thessaliotis. the Ass of Antron. Next are Pteleum and Halus; next -the temple of Ceres, and Pyrasus in ruins; above these, Thebæ; +the temple of Ceres, and Pyrasus in ruins; above these, Thebæ; then Pyrrha, a promontory, and two small islands near, one of @@ -50588,17 +50588,17 @@ here ends the territory of Phthiotis. the continuous tract of coast which now belongs to Magnesia, and the Pelasgiotis. -

Pheræ is the termination of the Pelasgic plains towards +

Pheræ is the termination of the Pelasgic plains towards Magnesia, which plains extend as far as Pelion, a distance of -160 stadia. Pagasæ is the naval arsenal of Pheræ, from which +160 stadia. Pagasæ is the naval arsenal of Pheræ, from which it is distant 90 stadia, and 20 from Iolcus. Iolcus has been razed from ancient times. It was from this place that Pelias -despatched Jason and the ship Argo. Pagasæ had its name,ph/gnumi, to fasten. +despatched Jason and the ship Argo. Pagasæ had its name,ph/gnumi, to fasten. according to mythologists, from the building of the ship Argo @@ -50606,7 +50606,7 @@ at this place. Others, with more probability, suppose that the name of the place was derived from the springs, (phgai/,) which -are very numerous and copious. Near it is Aphetæ, (so +are very numerous and copious. Near it is Aphetæ, (so named) as the starting-placea)feth/rion, a starting-place. from which the Argonauts set @@ -50616,7 +50616,7 @@ the sea. Demetrias was founded by Demetrius Poliorcetes, who called it after his own name. It is situated between -Nelia and Pagasæ on the sea. He collected there the inhabitants of the neighbouring small cities, Nelia, Pagasæ, Ormenium, and besides these, Rhizus, Sepias, Olizon, Bœbe, and +Nelia and Pagasæ on the sea. He collected there the inhabitants of the neighbouring small cities, Nelia, Pagasæ, Ormenium, and besides these, Rhizus, Sepias, Olizon, Bœbe, and Iolcus, which are at present villages belonging to Demetrias. @@ -50627,15 +50627,15 @@ the Macedonian kings. It had the command of Tempe, and of both the mountains Pelion and Ossa. At present its extent of power is diminished, yet it still surpasses all the cities in Magnesia. -

The lake BœbeisKarlas. is near Pheræ,Veler<*>. and approaches close to +

The lake BœbeisKarlas. is near Pheræ,Veler<*>. and approaches close to -the extremities of Pelion and Magnesia. Bœbe is a small +the extremities of Pelion and Magnesia. Bœbe is a small place situated on the lake.

As civil dissensions and usurpations reduced the flourishing condition of Iolcus, formerly so powerful, so they affected -Pheræ in the same manner, which was raised to prosperity, +Pheræ in the same manner, which was raised to prosperity, and was destroyed by tyrants.

Near Demetrias flows the Anaurus. The continuous line @@ -50649,7 +50649,7 @@ and was destroyed by tyrants. of coast is called also Iolcus. Here was held the Pylaic (Peliac?) assembly and festival. -

Artemidorus places the Gulf of Pagasæ farther from Demetrias, near the places subject to Philoctetes. In the gulf he says +

Artemidorus places the Gulf of Pagasæ farther from Demetrias, near the places subject to Philoctetes. In the gulf he says is the island Cicynethus,Trikeri. and a small town of the same name. @@ -50663,7 +50663,7 @@ others in the Peloponnesus have undergone. Other places enumerated as subject to Philoctetes, are Thaumacia, Olizon, -and Melibœa, all along the shore next adjacent. +and Melibœa, all along the shore next adjacent.

In front of the Magnetes lie clusters of islands; the most celebrated are Sciathus,Sciathos. Peparethus,Scopelo? Icus,Selidromi? Halonnesus, and @@ -50697,7 +50697,7 @@ subject of warlike contention, and brought them into notice. goats, and the quarries of variegated marble, such as the -Carystian, the Deucallian, (Docimæan?) the Synnadic, and +Carystian, the Deucallian, (Docimæan?) the Synnadic, and the Hierapolitic kinds. For there may be seen at Rome @@ -50729,20 +50729,20 @@ Phthiotis to Lower Thessaly. -These places belong to Histiæotis, which was formerly called +These places belong to Histiæotis, which was formerly called -Doris. When it was in the possession of the Perrhæbi, who destroyed Histiæotis in Eubœa, and had removed the inhabitants +Doris. When it was in the possession of the Perrhæbi, who destroyed Histiæotis in Eubœa, and had removed the inhabitants by force to the continent, they gave the country the name of -Histiæotis, on account of the great numbers of Histiæans among +Histiæotis, on account of the great numbers of Histiæans among the settlers. This country and Dolopia are called Upper Thessaly, which is in a straight line with Upper Macedonia, as Lower Thessaly is in a straight line with Lower Macedonia.

Tricca,Tricala. where there is a very ancient and famous temple of -Æsculapius, borders upon the Dolopes, and the parts about +Æsculapius, borders upon the Dolopes, and the parts about Pindus.

Ithome, which has the same name as the Messenian Ithome, @@ -50753,11 +50753,11 @@ should be pronounced without the first syllable, Thome, for this was its former name. At present, it is changed to -[Thumæum]. It is a spot strong by nature, and in reality +[Thumæum]. It is a spot strong by nature, and in reality rocky. It lies between four strong-holds, which form a square, -Tricca, Metropolis, Pelinnæum, and Gomphi.The ruins are pointed out to the south of Stagus Kalabak. Ithome belongs to the district of the Metropolitæ. Metropolis was +Tricca, Metropolis, Pelinnæum, and Gomphi.The ruins are pointed out to the south of Stagus Kalabak. Ithome belongs to the district of the Metropolitæ. Metropolis was formed at first out of three small obscure cities, and afterwards more were included, and among these Ithome. Callimachus says in his Iambics, @@ -50789,29 +50789,29 @@ form that settlement. -Pharcadon also is situated in the Hestiœotis. The Peneius +Pharcadon also is situated in the Hestiœotis. The Peneius and the Curalius flow through it. The Curalius, after flowing beside the temple of the Itonian Minerva, empties itself into the Peneius.

The Peneius itself rises in Mount Pindus, as I have before -said. It leaves Tricca, Pelinnæum, and Pharcadon on the +said. It leaves Tricca, Pelinnæum, and Pharcadon on the left hand, and takes its course beside Atrax and Larisa. After having received the rivers of the Thessaliotis it flows onwards through Tempe, and it empties itself into the sea. -

Historians speak of Œchalia, the city of Eurytus, as existing in these parts, in Eubœa also, and in Arcadia; but some +

Historians speak of Œchalia, the city of Eurytus, as existing in these parts, in Eubœa also, and in Arcadia; but some give it one name, others another, as I have said in the description of Peloponnesus.

They inquire particularly, which of these was the city taken by Hercules, and which was the city intended by the -author of the poem, The Capture of Œchalia? -

The places, however, were subject to the Asclepiadæ. +author of the poem, The Capture of Œchalia? +

The places, however, were subject to the Asclepiadæ.

The poet next mentions the country which was under @@ -50829,7 +50829,7 @@ the dominion of Eurypylus;

Ormenium is now called Orminium. It is a village situated below Pelion, near the Pagasitic Gulf, but was one of the cities which contributed to form the settlement of Demetrias, as I have before said. -

The lake Bœbeis must be near, because both Bœbe and +

The lake Bœbeis must be near, because both Bœbe and Ormenium belonged to the cities lying around Demetrias.

Ormenium is distant by land 27 stadia from Demetrias. @@ -50843,11 +50843,11 @@ the son of Ormenus, to Phthia, to king Peleus. For this place was founded by Ormenus, the son of Cercaphus, the son of -Æolus. The sons of Ormenus were Amyntor and Eumæmon; +Æolus. The sons of Ormenus were Amyntor and Eumæmon; -the son of the former was Phœnix, and of the latter, Eurypylus. The succession to his possessions was preserved secure +the son of the former was Phœnix, and of the latter, Eurypylus. The succession to his possessions was preserved secure -for Eurypylus, after the departure of Phœnix from his home, +for Eurypylus, after the departure of Phœnix from his home, and we ought to write the verse of the poet in this manner: @@ -50872,7 +50872,7 @@ instead of left Hellas, abounding with beautiful women. -

But Crates makes Phœnix a Phocæan, conjecturing this +

But Crates makes Phœnix a Phocæan, conjecturing this from the helmet of Meges, which Ulysses wore on the night @@ -50887,7 +50887,7 @@ the son of Ormenus, having broken through the thick walls.ti/tanos, chalk. had its name from the accident of its colour, for -the soil of the country near Arne and [Aphe]tæ is white, and +the soil of the country near Arne and [Aphe]tæ is white, and Asterium is not far from these places.

-

Continuous with this portion of Thessaly are the people subject to Polypœtes. +

Continuous with this portion of Thessaly are the people subject to Polypœtes. @@ -50939,7 +50939,7 @@ Asterium is not far from these places. Il. ii. 738 -This country was formerly inhabited by Perrhœbi, who +This country was formerly inhabited by Perrhœbi, who @@ -50951,7 +50951,7 @@ possessed the part towards the sea and the Peneius, as far asThe words after Perrhœbi, ei)s th\n e)n mesogai/a( potami/an, into the +its mouth and the city Gyrton, belonging to the district Perrhæbis. Afterwards the Lapithæ, Ixion and his son Peirithous, having reduced the Perrhæbi,The words after Perrhœbi, ei)s th\n e)n mesogai/a( potami/an, into the country in the interior lying along the river, are omitted, as suggested @@ -50965,38 +50965,38 @@ it. These -he drove from Pelion to the neighbourhood of the Æthices,Il. ii. 744.Il. ii. 744. +he drove from Pelion to the neighbourhood of the Æthices,Il. ii. 744.Il. ii. 744. -but he delivered up the plains to the Lapithæ. The Perrhæbi +but he delivered up the plains to the Lapithæ. The Perrhæbi kept possession of some of these parts, those, namely, towards Olympus, and in some places they lived intermixed altogether -with the Lapithæ. +with the Lapithæ.

Argissa, the present Argura, is situated upon the banks of the Peneius. Atrax lies above it at the distance of 40 stadia, close to the river. The intermediate country along the side -of the river was occupied by Perrhæbi. -

Some call Orthe the citadel of the Phalannæi. Phalanna +of the river was occupied by Perrhæbi. +

Some call Orthe the citadel of the Phalannæi. Phalanna -is a Perrhæbic city on the Peneius, near Tempe. -

The Perrhæbi, oppressed by the Lapithæ, retreated in great +is a Perrhæbic city on the Peneius, near Tempe. +

The Perrhæbi, oppressed by the Lapithæ, retreated in great numbers to the mountainous country about Pindus, and to the -Athamanes and Dolopes; but the Larisæi became masters of +Athamanes and Dolopes; but the Larisæi became masters of -the country and of the Perrhæbi who remained there. The +the country and of the Perrhæbi who remained there. The -Larisæi lived near the Peneius, but in the neighbourhood of +Larisæi lived near the Peneius, but in the neighbourhood of -the Perrhæbi. They occupied the most fertile portion of the +the Perrhæbi. They occupied the most fertile portion of the plains, except some of the very deep valleys near the lake @@ -51004,8 +51004,8 @@ Nessonis, into which the river, when it overflowed, usually carried away a portion of the arable ground belonging to the -Larisæ, who afterwards remedied this by making embankments. -

These people were in possession of Perrhæbia, and levied +Larisæ, who afterwards remedied this by making embankments. +

These people were in possession of Perrhæbia, and levied imposts until Philip became master of the country.

Larisa is a place situated on Ossa, and there is Larisa @@ -51030,7 +51030,7 @@ Eleia from Dyme. Theopompus mentions a city Larisa, situated on the immediate co Larisa Phriconis near Cume, and another Larisa near Hamaxitus, in the Troad. There is also an Ephesian Larisa, and a -Larisa in Syria. At 50 stadia from Mitylene are the Larisæn rocks, on the road to Methymne. There is a Larisa in +Larisa in Syria. At 50 stadia from Mitylene are the Larisæn rocks, on the road to Methymne. There is a Larisa in Attica; and a village of this name at the distance of 30 stadia @@ -51044,16 +51044,16 @@ possesses similar advantages to those of Larisa Cremaste; for it has abundance of water and vineyards. Perhaps Jupiter -had the appellation of Larisæus from this place. There is +had the appellation of Larisæus from this place. There is also on the left side of the Pontus (Euxine) a village called -Larisa, near the extremities of Mount Hæmus, between Naulochus [and Odessus].Groskurd suggests the insertion here of Messembria or Odessus. +Larisa, near the extremities of Mount Hæmus, between Naulochus [and Odessus].Groskurd suggests the insertion here of Messembria or Odessus. Kramer is inclined to adopt the latter.

Oloosson, called the White, from its chalky soil, Elone, and -Gonnus are Perrhæbic cities. The name of Elone was changed +Gonnus are Perrhæbic cities. The name of Elone was changed to that of Leimone. It is now in ruins. Both lie at the foot @@ -51062,30 +51062,30 @@ of Olympus, not very far from the river Eurotas, which the poet calls Titaresius.

-

The poet speaks both of this river and of the Perrhæbi in the subsequent verses, when he says, +

The poet speaks both of this river and of the Perrhæbi in the subsequent verses, when he says, Guneus brought from Cyphus two and twenty vessels. His followers -were Enienes and Peræbi, firm in battle. They dwelt near the wintry +were Enienes and Peræbi, firm in battle. They dwelt near the wintry Dodona, and tilled the fields about the lovely Titaresius.Il. ii. 748. -

He mentions therefore these places as belonging to the Perrhæbi, which comprised a part of the Hestiæotis.Or Pelasgiotis. Groskurd. They were +

He mentions therefore these places as belonging to the Perrhæbi, which comprised a part of the Hestiæotis.Or Pelasgiotis. Groskurd. They were -in part Perrhæbic towns, which were subject to Polypcetes. +in part Perrhæbic towns, which were subject to Polypcetes. -He assigned them however to the Lapithæ, because these +He assigned them however to the Lapithæ, because these -people and the Perrhæbi lived intermixed together, and the +people and the Perrhæbi lived intermixed together, and the -Lapithæ occupied the plains. The country, which belonged +Lapithæ occupied the plains. The country, which belonged -to the Perrhæbi, was, for the most part, subject to the Lapithæ, but the Perrhæbi possessed the more mountainous +to the Perrhæbi, was, for the most part, subject to the Lapithæ, but the Perrhæbi possessed the more mountainous -tracts towards Olympus and Tempe, such as Cyphus, Dodonē, +tracts towards Olympus and Tempe, such as Cyphus, Dodonē, and the country about the river Titaresius. This river rises @@ -51097,7 +51097,7 @@ and the country about the river Titaresius. This river rises in the mountain Titarius, which is part of Olympus. It flows -into the plain near Tempe belonging to Perrhæbia, and somewhere there enters the Peneius. +into the plain near Tempe belonging to Perrhæbia, and somewhere there enters the Peneius.

The water of the Peneius is clear, that of the Titaresius is unctuous; a property arising from some matter, which @@ -51111,13 +51111,13 @@ prevents the streams mingling with each other, but runs over the surface like oil.Il. ii. 754Il. ii. 754 -

Because the Perrhæbi and Lapithæ lived intermingled together, Simonides calls all those people Pelasgiotæ, who occupy the eastern parts about Gyrton and the mouths of the +

Because the Perrhæbi and Lapithæ lived intermingled together, Simonides calls all those people Pelasgiotæ, who occupy the eastern parts about Gyrton and the mouths of the Peneius, Ossa, Pelion, and the country about Demetrias, and the places in the plain, Larisa, Crannon, Scotussa, Mopsium, -Atrax, and the parts near the lakes Nessonis and Bœbeis. +Atrax, and the parts near the lakes Nessonis and Bœbeis. The poet mentions a few only of these places, either because @@ -51127,7 +51127,7 @@ of the inundations which had happened at various times. For the poet does not mention even the lake Nessonis, but the -Bœbeis only, which is much smaller, for its water remained +Bœbeis only, which is much smaller, for its water remained constant, and this alone remains, while the former probably @@ -51138,9 +51138,9 @@ contained no water. and of the oracle, in Thessaly, when we observed that it was -near Scotussa. Near Scotussa is a tract called Cynoscephalæ. +near Scotussa. Near Scotussa is a tract called Cynoscephalæ. -It was here that the Romans with their allies the Ætolians, and +It was here that the Romans with their allies the Ætolians, and their general Titus Quintius, defeated in a great battle Philip, @@ -51184,7 +51184,7 @@ ment to another, alterations in the forms of government, and intermixture of races, seem to confound both names and nations, which sometimes perplexes persons in these times, as is first to be observed in the instances of Crannon and Gyrton. -

Formerly they called the Gyrtonians Phlegyæ, from +

Formerly they called the Gyrtonians Phlegyæ, from Phlegyas, the brother of Ixion; and the Crannonii, Ephyri, so @@ -51194,24 +51194,24 @@ that there is a doubt, when the poet says, These two from Thrace appeared with breastplates armed against -Ephyri, or haughty Phlegyæ,Il. xiii. 301 +Ephyri, or haughty Phlegyæ,Il. xiii. 301 what people he meant.

-

The same is the case with the Perrhæbi and Ænianes, +

The same is the case with the Perrhæbi and Ænianes, for Homer joins them together, as if they dwelt near each other; and it is said by later writers, that, for a long period, -the settlement of the Ænianes was in the Dotian plain. Now +the settlement of the Ænianes was in the Dotian plain. Now -this plain is near Perrhæbia, which we have just mentioned, +this plain is near Perrhæbia, which we have just mentioned, -Ossa, and the lake Bœbeis: it is situated about the middle of +Ossa, and the lake Bœbeis: it is situated about the middle of Thessaly, but enclosed by itself within hills. Hesiod speaks of @@ -51223,21 +51223,21 @@ it in this manner; comes to the Dotian plain, in front of Amyrus, abounding with vines, to -bathe her feet in the lake Bœbias. +bathe her feet in the lake Bœbias. -The greater part of the Ænianes were expelled by the Lapithæ, +The greater part of the Ænianes were expelled by the Lapithæ, -and took refuge in Œta, where they established their power, +and took refuge in Œta, where they established their power, having deprived the Dorians and the Malienses of some portions of country, extending as far as Heracleia and Echinus. -Some of them however remained about Cyphus, a Perrhæbic +Some of them however remained about Cyphus, a Perrhæbic mountain, where is a settlement of the same name. As to the -Perrhæbi, some of them collected about the western parts of +Perrhæbi, some of them collected about the western parts of Olympus and settled there, on the borders of the Macedonians. @@ -51250,10 +51250,10 @@ of them are to be found. catalogue of the poet, must be understood to be those situated -within Tempe, extending from the Peneius and Ossa to Pelion, and bordering upon the Pieriotæ in Macedonia, who occupy the country on the other side the Peneius as far as +within Tempe, extending from the Peneius and Ossa to Pelion, and bordering upon the Pieriotæ in Macedonia, who occupy the country on the other side the Peneius as far as the sea. -

Homolium, or Homolē, (for both words are in use,) must +

Homolium, or Homolē, (for both words are in use,) must @@ -51270,7 +51270,7 @@ of the course which the Peneius takes through Tempe. which is very near Homolium, there is reason for assigning to -them Rhizus, and Erymnæ, which lies on the sea-coast in the +them Rhizus, and Erymnæ, which lies on the sea-coast in the tract subject to Philoctetes and Eumelus. Let this however @@ -51287,7 +51287,7 @@ is mentioned by tragic writers, and was chaunted in songs on account of the destruction of the Persian fleet. It consists of a chain of rocks. -

Between Sepias and Casthanæa, a village situated below +

Between Sepias and Casthanæa, a village situated below Pelion, is the sea-shore, where the fleet of Xerxes was lying, @@ -51295,13 +51295,13 @@ when an east wind began to blow violently; some of the vessels were forced on sh others were driven on Hipnus, a rocky spot near Pelion, -others were lost at Melibœa, others at Casthanæa. +others were lost at Melibœa, others at Casthanæa.

The whole of the coasting voyage along Pelion, to the extent of about 80 stadia, is among rocks. That along Ossa is of the same kind and to the same extent.

Between them is a bay of more than 200 stadia in extent, -upon which is situated Melibœa. +upon which is situated Melibœa.

The whole voyage from Demetrias, including the winding of the bays, to the Peneius is more than 1000 stadia, from the @@ -51313,13 +51313,13 @@ stadia. country in Thessaly and Magnesia, and says, that it was inhabited by Pelasgi, but that these people were driven into -Italy by Lapithæ, and that the present Pelasgic plain is that +Italy by Lapithæ, and that the present Pelasgic plain is that -in which are situated Larisa, Gyrton, Pheræ, Mopsium, Bœbeis, Ossa, Homole, Pelion, and Magnetis. Mopsium has not +in which are situated Larisa, Gyrton, Pheræ, Mopsium, Bœbeis, Ossa, Homole, Pelion, and Magnetis. Mopsium has not its name from Mopsus, the son of Manto the daughter of -Teiresias, but from Mopsus, one of the Lapithæ, who sailed +Teiresias, but from Mopsus, one of the Lapithæ, who sailed with the Argonauts. Mopsopus, from whom Attica is called @@ -51335,23 +51335,23 @@ saly. -

In general we say, that it was formerly called Pyrrhæa, +

In general we say, that it was formerly called Pyrrhæa, -from Pyrrha, the wife of Deucalion; Hæmonia, from Hæmon; +from Pyrrha, the wife of Deucalion; Hæmonia, from Hæmon; -and Thettalia, from Thettalus, the son of Hæmon. But some +and Thettalia, from Thettalus, the son of Hæmon. But some writers, after dividing it into two portions, say, that Deucalion obtained by lot the southern part, and called it Pandora, from -his mother; that the other fell to the share of Hæmon, from +his mother; that the other fell to the share of Hæmon, from -whom it was called Hæmonia; that the name of one part was +whom it was called Hæmonia; that the name of one part was changed to Hellas, from Hellen, the son of Deucalion, and of -the other to Thettalia, from Thettalus, the son of Hæmon. +the other to Thettalia, from Thettalus, the son of Hæmon. But, according to some writers, it was the descendants of Antiphus and Pheidippus, sons of Thettalus, descended from @@ -51374,13 +51374,13 @@ Thettalus.

SUMMARY.

-

The Tenth Book contains Ætolia and the neighbouring islands; also the +

The Tenth Book contains Ætolia and the neighbouring islands; also the whole of Crete, on which the author dwells some time in narrating the institutions of the islanders and of the Curetes. He describes at length -the origin of the Idæan Dactyli in Crete, their customs and religious +the origin of the Idæan Dactyli in Crete, their customs and religious rites. Strabo mentions the connexion of his own family with Crete. The @@ -51392,11 +51392,11 @@ the Sporades and some of the Cyclades.

CHAPTER I. -

SINCE EubœaIn the middle ages Eubœa was called Egripo, a corruption of Euripus, the name of the town built upon the ruins of Chalcis. The Venetians, who obtained possession of the island upon the dismemberment of the +

SINCE EubœaIn the middle ages Eubœa was called Egripo, a corruption of Euripus, the name of the town built upon the ruins of Chalcis. The Venetians, who obtained possession of the island upon the dismemberment of the Byzantine empire by the Latins, called it Negropont, probably a corruption of Egripo and Ponte, a bridge. Smith. stretches along the whole of this coast -from Sunium to Thessaly, except the extremity on each side,This expression is obscure; probably it may mean that Eubœa is +from Sunium to Thessaly, except the extremity on each side,This expression is obscure; probably it may mean that Eubœa is not equal in length to the coast comprehended between Sunium and the @@ -51404,7 +51404,7 @@ southern limits of Thessaly. it may be convenient to connect the description of this island -with that of Thessaly. We shall then pass on to Ætolia and +with that of Thessaly. We shall then pass on to Ætolia and Acarnania, parts of Europe of which it remains to give an @@ -51413,13 +51413,13 @@ account.

The island is oblong, and extends nearly 1200 stadia -from CenæumC. Lithada. The mountain Lithada above the cape, rises to the +from CenæumC. Lithada. The mountain Lithada above the cape, rises to the -height of 2837 feet above the sea. to Geræstus.C. Mantelo. Its greatest breadth is about +height of 2837 feet above the sea. to Geræstus.C. Mantelo. Its greatest breadth is about 150 stadia, but it is irregular.The real length of the island from N. to S. is about 90 miles, its extreme breadth is 30 miles, but in one part it is not more than 4 miles -across. See Smith art. Eubœa. +across. See Smith art. Eubœa. @@ -51427,27 +51427,27 @@ across. See Smith art. Eubœa. -Cenæum is opposite to Thermopylæ, and in a small decree +Cenæum is opposite to Thermopylæ, and in a small decree -to the parts beyond Thermopylæ: GeræstusCape Mantelo. and PetaliaStrabo is the only ancient author who describes a place of this name +to the parts beyond Thermopylæ: GeræstusCape Mantelo. and PetaliaStrabo is the only ancient author who describes a place of this name -as existing in Eubœa. Kiepert and the Austrian map agree in giving the +as existing in Eubœa. Kiepert and the Austrian map agree in giving the -name Petaliæ, which may here be meant, to the Spili islands. are +name Petaliæ, which may here be meant, to the Spili islands. are opposite to Sunium. -

Eubœa then frontsa)nti/poo|qmos. Attica, Bœotia, Locris, and the Malienses. From its narrowness, and its length, which we have +

Eubœa then frontsa)nti/poo|qmos. Attica, Bœotia, Locris, and the Malienses. From its narrowness, and its length, which we have -mentioned, it was called by the ancients Macris.Eubœa has various names. Formerly (says Pliny, b. iv. c. 12) it +mentioned, it was called by the ancients Macris.Eubœa has various names. Formerly (says Pliny, b. iv. c. 12) it was called Chalcedontis or Macris, according to Dionysius and Ephorus; -Aacra, according to Aristides; Chalcis, from brass being there first discovered, according to Callidemus; Abantias, according to Menæchmus; +Aacra, according to Aristides; Chalcis, from brass being there first discovered, according to Callidemus; Abantias, according to Menæchmus; and Asopis by the poets in general. -

It approaches nearest to the continent at Chalcis. It projects with a convex bend towards the places in Bœotia near +

It approaches nearest to the continent at Chalcis. It projects with a convex bend towards the places in Bœotia near Aulis, and forms the Euripus,The narrow channel between the island and the mainland. of which we have before @@ -51460,16 +51460,16 @@ across the strait, both on the continent and on the island. If anything is omitted we shall now give a further explanation.

And first, the parts lying between Aulis (Chalcis?) and -the places about Geræstus are called the Hollows of Eubœa, +the places about Geræstus are called the Hollows of Eubœa, for the sea-coast swells into bays, and, as it approaches Chalcis, juts out again towards the continent.

The island had the name not of Macris only, but of -Abantis also. The poet in speaking of Eubœa never calls the +Abantis also. The poet in speaking of Eubœa never calls the -inhabitants from the name of the island, Eubœans, but always +inhabitants from the name of the island, Eubœans, but always Abantes; @@ -51477,7 +51477,7 @@ Abantes; -they who possessed Eubœa, the resolute Abantes;Il. ii. 536,542. +they who possessed Eubœa, the resolute Abantes;Il. ii. 536,542. in his train Abantes were following. @@ -51488,7 +51488,7 @@ Aba, the Phocian city, settled with the other inhabitants in the island, and gave the name of Abantes to those who already occupied it; other writers say that they had their name -from a hero,From Abas, great grandson of Erectheus. as that of Eubœa was derived from a heroine.From Eubœa, daughter of the river Asopus and mistress of Neptune +from a hero,From Abas, great grandson of Erectheus. as that of Eubœa was derived from a heroine.From Eubœa, daughter of the river Asopus and mistress of Neptune But perhaps as a certain cave on the sea-coast fronting the @@ -51498,25 +51498,25 @@ But perhaps as a certain cave on the sea-coast fronting the -Ægean Sea is called Boos-Aule, (or the Cow's Stall.) where +Ægean Sea is called Boos-Aule, (or the Cow's Stall.) where lo is said to have brought forth Epaphus, so the island may -have had the name EubœaFrom eu/( well, and bou=s, a cow. The ancient coins of the island +have had the name EubœaFrom eu/( well, and bou=s, a cow. The ancient coins of the island bear the head of an ox. on this account. -

It was also called Oché, which is the name of one of the +

It was also called Oché, which is the name of one of the largest mountainsMount St. Elias, 4748 feet above the level of the sea. Bochart derives the name from an eastern word signifying narrow. there.

It had the name of Ellopia, from Ellops, the son of Ion; -according to others, he was the brother of Æclus, and Cothus, who is said to have founded Ellopia,At the base of Ploko Vuno. a small place +according to others, he was the brother of Æclus, and Cothus, who is said to have founded Ellopia,At the base of Ploko Vuno. a small place -situated in the district called Oria of the Histiæotis, near the +situated in the district called Oria of the Histiæotis, near the -mountain Telethrius.Mount Galzades, celebrated for producing medicinal plants. Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. b. ix. c. 15 and 20. He also possessed Histiæa, Perias, +mountain Telethrius.Mount Galzades, celebrated for producing medicinal plants. Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. b. ix. c. 15 and 20. He also possessed Histiæa, Perias, -Cerinthus, Ædepsus,Dipso, according to Kiepert. and Orobie, where was an oracle very +Cerinthus, Ædepsus,Dipso, according to Kiepert. and Orobie, where was an oracle very free from deception. There also was an oracle of Apollo @@ -51529,15 +51529,15 @@ augmented the number of its inhabitants. DemosthenesPhilipp says that Philistides was appointed by Philip tyrant of the -Oreitæ also, for afterwards the Histiæans had that name, and +Oreitæ also, for afterwards the Histiæans had that name, and -the city, instead of Histiæa, was called Oreus. According to +the city, instead of Histiæa, was called Oreus. According to -some writers, Histiæa was colonized by Athenians from the +some writers, Histiæa was colonized by Athenians from the -demus of the Histiæeis, as Eretria was from the demus of the +demus of the Histiæeis, as Eretria was from the demus of the -Eretrieis. But Theopompus says, that when Pericles had reduced Eubœa, the Histiæans agreed to remove into Macedonia, and that two thousand Athenians, who formerly composed the demus of the Histiæans, came, and founded Oreus.Not the town named Histiæa-Oreus, which was on the sea-coast. +Eretrieis. But Theopompus says, that when Pericles had reduced Eubœa, the Histiæans agreed to remove into Macedonia, and that two thousand Athenians, who formerly composed the demus of the Histiæans, came, and founded Oreus.Not the town named Histiæa-Oreus, which was on the sea-coast.

It is situated below Mount Telethrius, at a place called @@ -51550,7 +51550,7 @@ mountain tribe,dia\ to\ o)rei/ous ei/ was brought up there, seems to have had his name from the -place. But according to some writers, the Oreitæ, who had a +place. But according to some writers, the Oreitæ, who had a @@ -51560,25 +51560,25 @@ place. But according to some writers, the Oreitæ, who had a city of their own, being attacked by the Ellopians, migrated, -and settled with the Histiæans, and although it was a single +and settled with the Histiæans, and although it was a single -city it had both appellations, as Lacedæmon and Sparta were +city it had both appellations, as Lacedæmon and Sparta were -the same city. We have said, that the Histiæotis in Thessaly had its name from the people who were carried away +the same city. We have said, that the Histiæotis in Thessaly had its name from the people who were carried away -from this country by the Perrhæbi. +from this country by the Perrhæbi.

As Ellopia induced us to commence our description -with Histiæa and Oreus, we shall proceed with the places continuous with these. -

The promontory Cenæum is near Oreus, and on the promontory is situated Dium,Kiepert accordingly places Dium near the modern Jaitra, but the +with Histiæa and Oreus, we shall proceed with the places continuous with these. +

The promontory Cenæum is near Oreus, and on the promontory is situated Dium,Kiepert accordingly places Dium near the modern Jaitra, but the -Austrian map places it to the N. E. of Ploko Vuno. and Athenæ Diades, a town +Austrian map places it to the N. E. of Ploko Vuno. and Athenæ Diades, a town founded by Athenians, and overlooks the passage across the -strait to Cynus. Canæ in Æolia received colonists from +strait to Cynus. Canæ in Æolia received colonists from Dium. These places are situated near Histiea, and besides @@ -51593,7 +51593,7 @@ on the side of Attica, Datis and Artaphernes, B. C. 490. Herod. b. vi. c. 99. lies at the foot of the mountain Oche, and -near it are StyraSturæ. and Marmarium,The ruins are indicated as existing opposite the Spili islands. where is a quarry, from +near it are StyraSturæ. and Marmarium,The ruins are indicated as existing opposite the Spili islands. where is a quarry, from which are obtained the Carystian columns. It has a temple @@ -51607,16 +51607,16 @@ thrown into the fire, and cleaned, as in the washing of linen.

-

GeræstusC. Mantelo. is not mentioned by Homer in the Catalogue +

GeræstusC. Mantelo. is not mentioned by Homer in the Catalogue of the Ships; it is however mentioned by him elsewhere; @@ -51628,7 +51628,7 @@ of the Ships; it is however mentioned by him elsewhere; -The vessels came to Geræstus by night;Od. iii. 177.Od. iii. 177. +The vessels came to Geræstus by night;Od. iii. 177.Od. iii. 177. @@ -51639,9 +51639,9 @@ temple of Neptune the most remarkable of any in that quarter, and a considerable number of inhabitants.

-

Next to Geræstus is Eretria, which, after Chalcis, is the +

Next to Geræstus is Eretria, which, after Chalcis, is the -largest city in Eubœa. Next follows Chalcis, the capital as +largest city in Eubœa. Next follows Chalcis, the capital as it were of the island, situated immediately on the Euripus. @@ -51649,11 +51649,11 @@ Both these cities are said to have been founded by Athenians before the Trojan war; [but it is also said that] after the -Trojan war, Æclus and Cothus took their departure from +Trojan war, Æclus and Cothus took their departure from Athens; the former to found Eretria, and Cothus, Chalcis. -A body of Æolians who belonged to the expedition of Penthilus remained in the island. Anciently, even ArabiansAs this statement is unsupported by any other authority, Meineke +A body of Æolians who belonged to the expedition of Penthilus remained in the island. Anciently, even ArabiansAs this statement is unsupported by any other authority, Meineke suggests that the word Arabians ()/Arabes oi\) is an error for Aradii @@ -51672,7 +51672,7 @@ Sicily, founded by Chalcidians. These colonies were sent out, according to Aristotle,Repub. b. iv. c. 3. when the government of the -Hippobatæ, (or Knights,) as it is called, was established; it +Hippobatæ, (or Knights,) as it is called, was established; it was an aristocratical government, the heads of which held @@ -51682,7 +51682,7 @@ the time that Alexander passed over into Asia, they enlarged the compass of the walls of their city, including within them -Canethus,According to the Scholiast in Apollon. Rhod. Argon. b i. v. 7, Canethus was a mountain on the Bœotian side of the Euripus. and the Euripus, and erected towers upon the +Canethus,According to the Scholiast in Apollon. Rhod. Argon. b i. v. 7, Canethus was a mountain on the Bœotian side of the Euripus. and the Euripus, and erected towers upon the bridge, a wall, and gates. @@ -51703,26 +51703,26 @@ found elsewhere. At present, however, both are exhausted. -The whole of Eubœa is subject to earthquakes, especially +The whole of Eubœa is subject to earthquakes, especially -the part near the strait. It is also exposed to violent subterraneous blasts, like Bœotia, and other places of which I have +the part near the strait. It is also exposed to violent subterraneous blasts, like Bœotia, and other places of which I have -before spoken at length.B. i. c. iii. § 16. The city of the same name as the +before spoken at length.B. i. c. iii. § 16. The city of the same name as the -island is said to have been swallowed up by an earthquake.B. ix. c. ii. § 13. +island is said to have been swallowed up by an earthquake.B. ix. c. ii. § 13. -It is mentioned by Æschylus in his tragedy of Glaucus +It is mentioned by Æschylus in his tragedy of Glaucus Pontius; -Euboïs near the bending shore of Jupiter Cenæus, close to the tomb of +Euboïs near the bending shore of Jupiter Cenæus, close to the tomb of the wretched Lichas. -

There is also in Ætolia a town of the name of Chalcis, +

There is also in Ætolia a town of the name of Chalcis, @@ -51753,14 +51753,14 @@ that they came from Eretria, in Attica, where now a market is held. There is an Eretria also near Pharsalus. In -the Eretrian district there was a city, Tamynæ, sacred to +the Eretrian district there was a city, Tamynæ, sacred to Apollo. The temple (which was near the strait) is said to have been built by Admetus, whom the god, according to report, served a yeare)niauto/n for au)ton. Meineke. for hire. -

Eretria,Near Palæo-castro. formerly, had the names of Melaneïs and Arotria. +

Eretria,Near Palæo-castro. formerly, had the names of Melaneïs and Arotria. The village Amarynthus, at the distance of 7 stadia from the @@ -51798,7 +51798,7 @@ at the end, but in the middle of words, which exposed them to the raillery of comic writers. -Œchalia,B. viii. c. iii. § a village, the remains of a city destroyed by +Œchalia,B. viii. c. iii. § a village, the remains of a city destroyed by Hercules, belongs to the district of Eretria. It has the same @@ -51806,7 +51806,7 @@ name as that in Trachinia, as that near Tricca,In Thessaly. Arcadia, (which later writers call Andania,) and as that in -Ætolia near the Eurytanes. +Ætolia near the Eurytanes.

At present ChalcisNegropont. It was one of the three cities which Philip of Macedon @@ -51815,7 +51815,7 @@ called the chains of Greece. Brass (xalko\s) was found there. is allowed, without dispute, to hold -the first rank, and is called the capital of the Eubœans. +the first rank, and is called the capital of the Eubœans. Eretria holds the second place. Even in former times these @@ -51863,7 +51863,7 @@ sarissa and the hyssus are similarly made use of.]

-The Eubœans excelled in standingma/xhn th\n staid/an. fight, which was +The Eubœans excelled in standingma/xhn th\n staid/an. fight, which was also called close fight,susta/dhn and fight hand to hand.e)k xeio|o/s They used @@ -51909,7 +51909,7 @@ in the hand, as the poet describes it, -He represents the Eubœans as fighting in this manner; but +He represents the Eubœans as fighting in this manner; but he describes the Locrian mode as contrary to this; @@ -51921,11 +51921,11 @@ to Ilium with their bows, clothed in the pliant fleece of the sheep.a Thessalian horse, a Lacedæmonian woman, and the men who drink +a Thessalian horse, a Lacedæmonian woman, and the men who drink the water of the sacred Arethusa, @@ -51936,7 +51936,7 @@ meaning the Chalcideans as superior to all other people, for Arethusa belongs to them.

-

At present the rivers of Eubœa are the Cereus and +

At present the rivers of Eubœa are the Cereus and Neleus. The cattle which drink of the water of the former @@ -51944,10 +51944,10 @@ become white, and those that drink of the water of the latter become black. We have said that a similar effect is produced -by the water of the Crathis.B. vi. c. i. § 13. +by the water of the Crathis.B. vi. c. i. § 13.

-

As some of the Eubœans, on their return from Troy, +

As some of the Eubœans, on their return from Troy, were driven out of their course among the Illyrians; pursued @@ -51963,16 +51963,16 @@ war, who had received them hospitably; they founded a city, -Eubœa. There was a Eubœa in Sicily, founded by the +Eubœa. There was a Eubœa in Sicily, founded by the Chalcideans, who were settled there. It was destroyed by -Gelon, and became a strong-hold of the Syracusans. In Corcyra also, and at Lemnus, there was a place called Eubœa, and +Gelon, and became a strong-hold of the Syracusans. In Corcyra also, and at Lemnus, there was a place called Eubœa, and a hill of this name in the Argive territory.

-

We have said, that Ætolians, Acarnanians, and Athamanes are situated to the west of the Thessalians and Œtæans, if indeed we must call the Athamanes,B. viii. c. vii. § 1. Greeks. It remains, in order that we may complete the description of +

We have said, that Ætolians, Acarnanians, and Athamanes are situated to the west of the Thessalians and Œtæans, if indeed we must call the Athamanes,B. viii. c. vii. § 1. Greeks. It remains, in order that we may complete the description of Greece, to give some account of these people, of the islands @@ -51985,42 +51985,42 @@ which we have not yet mentioned. CHAPTER II. -

ÆTOLIANS and Acarnanians border on one another, +

ÆTOLIANS and Acarnanians border on one another, having between them the river Achelous,The Aspropotamo. which flows from the north, and from Pindus towards the south, through the -country of the Agræi, an Ætolian tribe, and of the Amphilochians. +country of the Agræi, an Ætolian tribe, and of the Amphilochians.

Acarnanians occupy the western side of the river as far as the Ambracian Gulf,G. of Arta. opposite to the Amphilochians, and the -temple of Apollo Actius. Ætolians occupy the part towards +temple of Apollo Actius. Ætolians occupy the part towards -the east as far as the Locri Ozolæ, Parnassus, and the Œtæans. +the east as far as the Locri Ozolæ, Parnassus, and the Œtæans.

Amphilochians are situated above the Acarnanians in the interior towards the north; above the Amphilochians are -situated Dolopes, and Mount Pindus; above the Ætolians +situated Dolopes, and Mount Pindus; above the Ætolians -are Perrhæbi, Athamanes, and a body of the Ænianes who +are Perrhæbi, Athamanes, and a body of the Ænianes who -occupy Œta. -

The southern side, as well the Acarnanian as the Ætolian, +occupy Œta. +

The southern side, as well the Acarnanian as the Ætolian, is washed by the sea, forming the Corinthian Gulf, into which the Achelous empties itself. This river (at its mouth) is the -boundary of the Ætolian and the Acarnanian coast. The +boundary of the Ætolian and the Acarnanian coast. The Achelous was formerly called Thoas. There is a river of -this name near Dyme,B. vi .iii. c. § iii. 11. as we have said, and another near +this name near Dyme,B. vi .iii. c. § iii. 11. as we have said, and another near -Lamia.B. ix. c. v. § 10. We have also said,B. viii. c. ii. § 3. that the mouth of this river is +Lamia.B. ix. c. v. § 10. We have also said,B. viii. c. ii. § 3. that the mouth of this river is @@ -52041,16 +52041,16 @@ which has been built in our time; Stratus,Near Lepenu.Correction by Groskurd. Trigardon is given in the Austrian map as +$OeniadæCorrection by Groskurd. Trigardon is given in the Austrian map as -the ancient site of $Oeniadæ, but this position does not agree with the text. is also on the banks of the river. The ancient +the ancient site of $Oeniadæ, but this position does not agree with the text. is also on the banks of the river. The ancient city is not inhabited, and lies at an equal distance from the sea and from Stratus. The present city is at the distance of 70 stadia above the mouth of the river. -

There are also other cities, Palærus,Porto-fico according to D'Anville. Alyzia,Kandili, opposite the island Kalamo. Leucas,Santa Maura. the +

There are also other cities, Palærus,Porto-fico according to D'Anville. Alyzia,Kandili, opposite the island Kalamo. Leucas,Santa Maura. the Amphilochian Argos,Neochori. and Ambracia:Arta, but the Austrian map gives Rogus as the site. most of these, if not @@ -52062,7 +52062,7 @@ Kramer proposes to follow Tzschucke, and to exchange the positions of the words Stratus and Alyzia in the text.

-

To the Ætolians belong both CalydonThere has been some dispute respecting the site of Calydon. Leake +

To the Ætolians belong both CalydonThere has been some dispute respecting the site of Calydon. Leake supposes the ruins which he discovered at Kurtaga, or Kortaga, to the @@ -52071,7 +52071,7 @@ west of the Evenus, (Fidari,) to be those of Calydon. and Pleuron, which at present are in a reduced condition, but, anciently, these settlements were an ornament to Greece. -

Ætolia was divided into two portions, one called the +

Ætolia was divided into two portions, one called the Old, the other the Epictetus (the Acquired). The Old comprised the sea-coast from the Achelous as far as Calydon, extending far into the inland parts, which are fertile, and consist @@ -52089,25 +52089,25 @@ island Trissonia. -is a rugged and sterile tract, extending as far as Œtæa, to +is a rugged and sterile tract, extending as far as Œtæa, to the territory of the Athamanes, and the mountains and nations following next in order, and which lie around towards the north.

-

There is in Ætolia a very large mountain, the Corax,M. Coraca. +

There is in Ætolia a very large mountain, the Corax,M. Coraca. -which is contiguous to Œta. Among the other mountains, +which is contiguous to Œta. Among the other mountains, more in the middle of the country, is the Aracynthus,M. Zigos. near which the founders built the modern Pleuron, having abandoned the ancient city situated near Calydon, which was in -a fertile plain country, when Demetrius, surnamed Ætolicus, +a fertile plain country, when Demetrius, surnamed Ætolicus, laid waste the district. -

Above MolycreiaXerotimæ. are TaphiassusKaki-scala. and Chalcis,Varassova mountains of considerable height, on which are situated the small +

Above MolycreiaXerotimæ. are TaphiassusKaki-scala. and Chalcis,Varassova mountains of considerable height, on which are situated the small cities, Macynia and Chalcis, (having the same name as the @@ -52120,9 +52120,9 @@ Pleuronii had the appellation of Curetes.

The river Evenus rises in the country of the Bomianses, -a nation situated among the Ophienses, and an Ætolian tribe +a nation situated among the Ophienses, and an Ætolian tribe -like the Eurytanes, Agræi, Curetes, and others. It does not +like the Eurytanes, Agræi, Curetes, and others. It does not flow, at its commencement, through the territory of the Curetes, which is the same as Pleuronia, but through the country more towards the east along Chalcis and Calydon; it then @@ -52137,11 +52137,11 @@ to have been killed by Hercules for having attempted to force Deianeira while he was conveying her across the river.

-

The poet calls Olenus and Pylene Ætolian cities, the +

The poet calls Olenus and Pylene Ætolian cities, the -former of which, of the same name as the Achæan city, was +former of which, of the same name as the Achæan city, was -razed by the Æolians. It is near the new city Pleuron. +razed by the Æolians. It is near the new city Pleuron. The Acarnanians disputed the possession of the territory. @@ -52151,7 +52151,7 @@ its name to Proschium. Hellanicus was not at all acquainted with the history of these cities, but speaks of them as still existing in their ancient condition, but Macynia and Molycria, -which were built subsequent to the return of the Heracleidæ, +which were built subsequent to the return of the Heracleidæ, @@ -52166,7 +52166,7 @@ carelessness in almost every part of his work.

This, then, is the general account of the country of the -Acarnanians and Ætolians. We must annex to this some +Acarnanians and Ætolians. We must annex to this some description of the sea-coast and of the islands lying in front @@ -52202,7 +52202,7 @@ that by the words of the poet, we must understand the coast of Acarnania. -

To Leucas also belonged Neritus, which Lærtes said he +

To Leucas also belonged Neritus, which Lærtes said he took- @@ -52218,7 +52218,7 @@ and the cities which he mentions in the Catalogue, -and they who inhabited Crocyleia, and the rugged Ægilips.Il. ii. 633.Il. ii. 633. +and they who inhabited Crocyleia, and the rugged Ægilips.Il. ii. 633.Il. ii. 633. @@ -52266,7 +52266,7 @@ leap, but persons better acquainted with ancient accounts assert that it was Cep son of Deioneus.Du Theil says, Strabo should have said a daughter of Pterelas who -was in love with Cephalus. See below, § 14. It was also a custom of the country among +was in love with Cephalus. See below, § 14. It was also a custom of the country among the Leucadians at the annual sacrifice performed in honour of @@ -52282,7 +52282,7 @@ to receive, and to preserve his life, if possible, and to carry him beyond the boundaries of the country. The author of -the Alcmæonis says that Icarius, the father of Penelope, had +the Alcmæonis says that Icarius, the father of Penelope, had two sons, Alyzeus, and Leucadius, who reigned after their @@ -52331,11 +52331,11 @@ when Buprasium is situated in Elis; and so, -they who inhabited Eubœa, Chalcis, and Eretria,Il. ii. 536.Il. ii. 536. +they who inhabited Eubœa, Chalcis, and Eretria,Il. ii. 536.Il. ii. 536. -when the latter places are in Eubœa; so again, +when the latter places are in Eubœa; so again, @@ -52355,7 +52355,7 @@ he says, -and they who inhabited Crocyleia and rocky Ægilips, Zacynthus, Samos, Epirus, and the country opposite to these islands;Il. ii. 633. +and they who inhabited Crocyleia and rocky Ægilips, Zacynthus, Samos, Epirus, and the country opposite to these islands;Il. ii. 633. @@ -52439,7 +52439,7 @@ and not and evidently supposes that the city is called by either name, -Samos or Samé, but the island by that of Samos only. That +Samos or Samé, but the island by that of Samos only. That the city is called Same is evident from the enumeration of @@ -52449,7 +52449,7 @@ the suitors from each city, where the poet says, -there are four and twenty from Samé,Od. xvi. 249.Od. xvi. 249. +there are four and twenty from Samé,Od. xvi. 249.Od. xvi. 249. @@ -52463,7 +52463,7 @@ and from what is said about Ctimene, -they afterwards gave her in marriage at Samé.Od. xv. 366.Od. xv. 366. +they afterwards gave her in marriage at Samé.Od. xv. 366.Od. xv. 366.

There is reason in this. For the poet does not express @@ -52511,7 +52511,7 @@ Any one would understand these words in their proper sense to mean the city, as we speak of Athens, Lycabettus, Rhodes, -Atabyris, Lacedæmon, and Taygetus, but in a poetical sense +Atabyris, Lacedæmon, and Taygetus, but in a poetical sense the contrary is implied.

In the verses, @@ -52563,7 +52563,7 @@ for xqamalh\ is low, and depressed, but i(pph/latos, adapted for horses, and thus translated by Horace, Epist. lib. -I. vii. 41, Non est aptus equis Ithacæ locus. and +I. vii. 41, Non est aptus equis Ithacæ locus. and with good pastures, least of all Ithaca.Od. iv. 607. @@ -52642,7 +52642,7 @@ where sets nor where rises the sun which brings light to man.For the explanation of climate, see book ii. ch. i. § 20, but in this +We may here understand the four climates,For the explanation of climate, see book ii. ch. i. § 20, but in this passage the word has a different sense, and implies the division of the @@ -52704,11 +52704,11 @@ concerning Ithaca. four cities, by its present name, nor any of the cities except -one, either Samé or Samos, which no longer exists, but traces +one, either Samé or Samos, which no longer exists, but traces of it are shown in the middle of the Strait near Ithaca. The -inhabitants have the name of Samæ. The rest still exist at +inhabitants have the name of Samæ. The rest still exist at present, they are small cities, Paleis, Pronesus, and Cranii. @@ -52729,7 +52729,7 @@ and Dulichium are the same; others identify it with Taphos, and the Cephallenians with Taphians, and these again with -Teleboæ. They assert that Amphitryon, with the aid of Cephalus, the son of Deioneus, an exile from Athens, undertook +Teleboæ. They assert that Amphitryon, with the aid of Cephalus, the son of Deioneus, an exile from Athens, undertook an expedition against the island, and having got possession of @@ -52737,7 +52737,7 @@ it, delivered it up to Cephalus; hence this city bore his name, and the rest those of his children. But this is not in accordance with Homer, for the Cephallenians were subject to -Ulysses and Lærtes, and Taphos to Mentes; +Ulysses and Lærtes, and Taphos to Mentes; @@ -52779,7 +52779,7 @@ that Cephallenia and Dulichium are the same contradicts most strongly the account of Homer; for as fifty-two of the -suitors came from Dulichium, and twenty-four from Samé, +suitors came from Dulichium, and twenty-four from Samé, would he not say, that from the whole island came such a @@ -52787,7 +52787,7 @@ number of suitors, and from a single city of the four came half the number within two? If any one should admit this, -we shall inquire what the Samé could be, which is mentioned +we shall inquire what the Samé could be, which is mentioned in this line, @@ -52795,7 +52795,7 @@ in this line, -Dulichium and Samé, and the woody Zacynthus.Od. i. 246.Od. i. 246. +Dulichium and Samé, and the woody Zacynthus.Od. i. 246.Od. i. 246. @@ -52806,13 +52806,13 @@ stadia, and from ChelonatasC. Tornese. of about 80 s stadia (1300?) in circumference. It extends in length towards -the south-east (Eurus). It is mountainous; the largest mountain in it is the Ænus,Monte Nero. on which is the temple of Jupiter +the south-east (Eurus). It is mountainous; the largest mountain in it is the Ænus,Monte Nero. on which is the temple of Jupiter -Ænesius. Here is the narrowest part of the island, which forms +Ænesius. Here is the narrowest part of the island, which forms a low isthmus, that is frequently overflowed from sea to sea.We may hence conjecture that Cephallenia in the time of Homer -was divided into two parts, Dulichium and Samé. It may explain at +was divided into two parts, Dulichium and Samé. It may explain at least the uncertainty of the ancients respecting the position of Dulichium. @@ -52843,14 +52843,14 @@ described by the poet, -But Apollodorus says that it exists even at present, and mentions a small city in it, Alalcomenæ, situated quite upon the +But Apollodorus says that it exists even at present, and mentions a small city in it, Alalcomenæ, situated quite upon the isthmus.

The poet also gives the name of Samos to Thracia, -which we now call Samothracé. He was probably acquainted +which we now call Samothracé. He was probably acquainted with the Ionian island, for he seems to have been acquainted @@ -52900,7 +52900,7 @@ then Parthenia, from the river Parthenius, the name of which was changed to Imbrasus. Since then both Cephallenia and -Samothracé were called SamosIn the Valle d' Alessandro, in Cephalonia, there is still a place called +Samothracé were called SamosIn the Valle d' Alessandro, in Cephalonia, there is still a place called Samo. at the time of the Trojan @@ -52920,7 +52920,7 @@ colonists came from Samos after the Ionian migration, and the arrival of Tembrion, and gave the name of Samos to -Samothracé. The Samians invented this story out of vanity. +Samothracé. The Samians invented this story out of vanity. Those are more entitled to credit, who say, that heights are @@ -52946,7 +52946,7 @@ But according to some writers, Samos had its name from the Saii, a Thracian tribe, who formerly inhabited it, and who occupied also the adjoining continent, whether they were the -same people as the Sapæ, or the Sinti, whom the poet calls +same people as the Sapæ, or the Sinti, whom the poet calls Sinties, or a different nation. Archilochus mentions the @@ -52967,15 +52967,15 @@ described Zacynthus.Zante. It verges a little more t It is 160 stadia in circumference, and distant from Cephallenia -about 60 stadia. It is woody, but fertile, and has a considerable city of the same name. Thence to the Hesperides belonging to Africa are 33003600 stadia? see b. xvii. c. iii. § 20. stadia. +about 60 stadia. It is woody, but fertile, and has a considerable city of the same name. Thence to the Hesperides belonging to Africa are 33003600 stadia? see b. xvii. c. iii. § 20. stadia.

To the east of this island, and of Cephallenia, are situated the EchinadesCurzolari, Oxia, Petala, &c. islands; among which is Dulichium, at -present called Dolicha, and the islands called Oxeiæ, to which +present called Dolicha, and the islands called Oxeiæ, to which -the poet gives the name of Thoæ.Od. xv. 298. -

Dolicha is situated opposite to the Œniadæ, and the mouth +the poet gives the name of Thoæ.Od. xv. 298. +

Dolicha is situated opposite to the Œniadæ, and the mouth of the Achelous: it is distant from Araxus,C. Papa. the promontory @@ -52995,7 +52995,7 @@ accumulation of soil anciently formed the tract Paracheloitis, which the river overflows, a subject of contention, as it was -continually confounding boundaries, which had been determined by the Acarnanians and the Ætolians. For want of +continually confounding boundaries, which had been determined by the Acarnanians and the Ætolians. For want of arbitrators they decided their dispute by arms. The most @@ -53011,7 +53011,7 @@ how Hercules overcame the Achelous in fight, and received in marriage as the prize of his victory, Deianeira, daughter of -Œneus. Sophocles introduces her, saying, +Œneus. Sophocles introduces her, saying, @@ -53021,7 +53021,7 @@ father under three forms; one while coming as a bull of perfect form, another time as a spotted writhing serpent, at another with the body of a -man and the forehead of a bull.Sophocles, Trachiniæ, v. 9. +man and the forehead of a bull.Sophocles, Trachiniæ, v. 9. @@ -53029,7 +53029,7 @@ Some writers add, that this was the horn of Amaltheia, which Hercules broke off from the Achelous, and presented to -Œneus as a bridal gift. Others, conjecturing the truth included in this story, say, that Achelous is reported to have +Œneus as a bridal gift. Others, conjecturing the truth included in this story, say, that Achelous is reported to have resembled a bull, like other rivers, in the roar of their waters, @@ -53041,14 +53041,14 @@ Hercules, who, on other occasions, was disposed to perform acts of kindness for the public benefit, so particularly, when he -was desirous of contracting an alliance with Œneus, performed +was desirous of contracting an alliance with Œneus, performed for him these services; he prevented the river from overflowing its banks, by constructing mounds and by diverting its streams by canals, and by draining a large tract of the Paracheloitis, which had been injured by the river; and this is the horn of Amaltheia. -

Homer says, that in the time of the Trojan war the Echinades, and the Oxeiæ were subject to Meges, +

Homer says, that in the time of the Trojan war the Echinades, and the Oxeiæ were subject to Meges, @@ -53065,11 +53065,11 @@ Epeii. The Epeii then, who possessed these islands, were those who had migrated to Dulichium with Phyleus.

-

The islands of the Taphii, and formerly of the Teleboæ, among which was Taphus, now called Taphius, were +

The islands of the Taphii, and formerly of the Teleboæ, among which was Taphus, now called Taphius, were distinct from the Echinades, not separated by distance, (for -they lie near one another,) but because they were ranged under different chiefs, Taphii and Teleboæ. In earlier times +they lie near one another,) but because they were ranged under different chiefs, Taphii and Teleboæ. In earlier times Amphitryon, in conjunction with Cephalus, the son of Deioneus, an exile from Athens, attacked, and then delivered them @@ -53083,7 +53083,7 @@ up to the government of Cephalus. But the poet says that Mentes was their chief, and calls them robbers, which was -the character of all the Teleboæ. +the character of all the Teleboæ.

So much then concerning the islands off Acarnania.

@@ -53114,9 +53114,9 @@ city of the same name as that in the Thracian Chersonesus. All the coast between these places has good harbours. Then -follows $Oeniadæ, and the Achelous; then a lake belonging to +follows $Oeniadæ, and the Achelous; then a lake belonging to -the $Oeniadæ, called Melite, 30 stadia in length, and in breadth +the $Oeniadæ, called Melite, 30 stadia in length, and in breadth 20; then another Cynia, of double the breadth and length of @@ -53140,7 +53140,7 @@ to the beginning of the paragraph. then the mountain Taphiassus; then Macynia, a city; then -Molycria, and near it Antirrhium, the boundary of Ætolia +Molycria, and near it Antirrhium, the boundary of Ætolia and of Locris. To Antirrhium from the Evenus are about @@ -53164,29 +53164,29 @@ Are we then to place one mountain of the name of Chalcia near Pleuron, and another of the name of Chalcis near Molycria? -

Near Calydon is a large lake, abounding with fish. It belongs to the Romans of Patræ. +

Near Calydon is a large lake, abounding with fish. It belongs to the Romans of Patræ.

Apollodorus says, that there is in the inland parts of -Acarnania, a tribe of Erysichæi, mentioned by Aleman, +Acarnania, a tribe of Erysichæi, mentioned by Aleman, -not an Erysichæan, nor a shepherd; but I came from the extremities +not an Erysichæan, nor a shepherd; but I came from the extremities of Sardis. -Olenus belonged to Ætolia; Homer mentions it in the Ætolian Catalogue,Il. ii. 639. but traces alone remain of it near Pleuron +Olenus belonged to Ætolia; Homer mentions it in the Ætolian Catalogue,Il. ii. 639. but traces alone remain of it near Pleuron below Aracynthus.M. Zigos. -

Lysimachia also was near Olenus. This place has disappeared. It was situated upon the lake, the present Lysimachia, formerly Hydra, between Pleuron and the city Arsinoë,Angelo Castron. +

Lysimachia also was near Olenus. This place has disappeared. It was situated upon the lake, the present Lysimachia, formerly Hydra, between Pleuron and the city Arsinoë,Angelo Castron. formerly a village of the name of Conopa. It was founded by -Arsinoë, wife and also sister of the second Ptolemy. It is +Arsinoë, wife and also sister of the second Ptolemy. It is conveniently situated above the passage across the Achelous.

Pylene has experienced nearly the same fate as Olenus. @@ -53194,16 +53194,16 @@ conveniently situated above the passage across the Achelous. must understand these epithets as relating to the character of -the country. For we have said before, that when they divided the country into two parts, they assigned the mountainous portion and the EpictetusSee c. ii. § 3, Epictetus. to Calydon, and the tract of +the country. For we have said before, that when they divided the country into two parts, they assigned the mountainous portion and the EpictetusSee c. ii. § 3, Epictetus. to Calydon, and the tract of plains to Pleuron.

-

The Acarnanians, and the Ætolians, like many other +

The Acarnanians, and the Ætolians, like many other nations, are at present worn out, and exhausted by continual -wars. The Ætolians however, in conjunction with the Acarnanians, during a long period withstood the Macedonians and +wars. The Ætolians however, in conjunction with the Acarnanians, during a long period withstood the Macedonians and the other Greeks, and lastly the Romans, in their contest for @@ -53229,10 +53229,10 @@ a beginning, or with an occasion of inquiring into what is controverted.

-

First then with respect to Acarnania. We have already said, that it was occupied by Lærtes and the Cephallenians; but as many writers have advanced statements respecting the first occupants in terms sufficiently clear, indeed, but +

First then with respect to Acarnania. We have already said, that it was occupied by Lærtes and the Cephallenians; but as many writers have advanced statements respecting the first occupants in terms sufficiently clear, indeed, but contradictory, the inquiry and discussion are left open to us. -

They say, that the Taphii and Teleboæ, as they are called, +

They say, that the Taphii and Teleboæ, as they are called, were the first inhabitants of Acarnania, and that their chief, @@ -53246,12 +53246,12 @@ took the reputed leap from Leucatas. But the poet does not say, that the Taphii inhabited Acarnania before the arrival of -the Cephallenians and Lærtes, but that they were friends of +the Cephallenians and Lærtes, but that they were friends of the Ithacenses; consequently, in his time, either they had not the entire command of these places, or had voluntarily retired, or had even become joint settlers. -

A colony of certain from Lacedæmon seems to have settled +

A colony of certain from Lacedæmon seems to have settled in Acarnania, who were followers of Icarius, father of Penelope, for the poet in the Odyssey represents him and the @@ -53273,7 +53273,7 @@ to marry Eurymachus.Od. xv. 16. -Nor is it probable that they were living at Lacedæmon, for +Nor is it probable that they were living at Lacedæmon, for Telemachus would not, in that case, have been the guest of @@ -53293,7 +53293,7 @@ espoused Leda the daughter of Thestius, returned home; that Icarius continued there in possession of a portion of Acarnania, and had Penelope and her brothers by his wife Poly- -casta, daughter of Lygæus. +casta, daughter of Lygæus. @@ -53307,7 +53307,7 @@ that the Acarnanians were enumerated among the people who took part in the war of Troy; and among these are reckoned -the inhabitants of the Acté, and besides these, +the inhabitants of the Acté, and besides these, @@ -53317,10 +53317,10 @@ the inhabitants of the Acté, and besides these, -But Epirus was never called Acarnania, nor Acté, Leucas. +But Epirus was never called Acarnania, nor Acté, Leucas.

-

Ephorus does not say that they took part in the expedition against Troy; but he says that Alcmæon, the son of +

Ephorus does not say that they took part in the expedition against Troy; but he says that Alcmæon, the son of Amphiaraus, who was the companion of Diomede, and the @@ -53328,7 +53328,7 @@ other Epigoni in their expedition, having brought the war against the Thebans to a successful issue, went with Diomede -to assist in punishing the enemies of Œneus, and having delivered up Ætolia to Diomede, he himself passed over into +to assist in punishing the enemies of Œneus, and having delivered up Ætolia to Diomede, he himself passed over into Acarnania, which country also he subdued. In the mean @@ -53352,7 +53352,7 @@ he invited them to unite in the recovery of Argos, and to take part in the war. Diomede consented to take part in the -expedition, but Alcmæon was indignant and refused; whence +expedition, but Alcmæon was indignant and refused; whence the Acarnanians were the only people who did not participate in the expedition with the Greeks. The Acarnanians, @@ -53360,7 +53360,7 @@ probably by following this account, are said to have imposed upon the Romans, and to have obtained from them the privilege of an independent state, because they alone had not -taken part in the expedition against the ancestors of the Romans, for their names are neither in the Ætolian Catalogue, +taken part in the expedition against the ancestors of the Romans, for their names are neither in the Ætolian Catalogue, nor are they mentioned by themselves, nor is their name @@ -53391,9 +53391,9 @@ it by succeeding to the dominions of his brother; others represent it differentl affairs where they are intermixed in common with those of -the Ætolians, and we shall then relate as much of the history +the Ætolians, and we shall then relate as much of the history -of the Ætolians as we proposed to add to our former account +of the Ætolians as we proposed to add to our former account of this people. @@ -53402,13 +53402,13 @@ of this people. CHAPTER III. -

SOME writers reckon the Curetes among the Acarnanians, others among the Ætolians; some allege that they came +

SOME writers reckon the Curetes among the Acarnanians, others among the Ætolians; some allege that they came -from Crete, others that they came from Eubœa. Since, +from Crete, others that they came from Eubœa. Since, however, they are mentioned by Homer, we must first examine his account of them. It is thought that he does not -mean the Acarnanians, but the Ætolians, in the following +mean the Acarnanians, but the Ætolians, in the following verses, for the sons of Porthaon were, @@ -53416,18 +53416,18 @@ verses, for the sons of Porthaon were, -Agrius, Melas, and the hero Œneus, +Agrius, Melas, and the hero Œneus, These dwelt at Pleuron, and the lofty Calydon,Il. xiv. 116.Il. xiv. 116. -both of which are Ætolian cities, and are mentioned in the +both of which are Ætolian cities, and are mentioned in the -Ætolian Catalogue; wherefore since those who inhabited +Ætolian Catalogue; wherefore since those who inhabited Pleuron appear to be, according to Homer, Curetes, they -might be Ætolians. The opponents of this conclusion are +might be Ætolians. The opponents of this conclusion are misled by the mode of expression in these verses, @@ -53435,7 +53435,7 @@ misled by the mode of expression in these verses, -Curetes and Ætolians, firm in battle, were fighting for the city Calydon,Il. ix. 525.Il. ix. 525. +Curetes and Ætolians, firm in battle, were fighting for the city Calydon,Il. ix. 525.Il. ix. 525. @@ -53447,7 +53447,7 @@ said, -Bœotians and Thebans were contending against each other, +Bœotians and Thebans were contending against each other, @@ -53467,7 +53467,7 @@ mode of expression is usual with Homer, and even trite among other poets. This objection then is easily answered. But -let the objectors explain, how, if these people were not Æto- +let the objectors explain, how, if these people were not Æto- @@ -53475,14 +53475,14 @@ let the objectors explain, how, if these people were not Æto- -lians, the poet came to reckon the Pleuronii among the Æto +lians, the poet came to reckon the Pleuronii among the Æto lians.

Ephorus, after having asserted that the nation of the -Ætolians were never in subjection to any other people, but, +Ætolians were never in subjection to any other people, but, from all times of which any memorial remains, their country @@ -53492,31 +53492,31 @@ its local obstacles and their own experience in warfare, says, that from the beginning Curetes were in possession of the -whole country, but on the arrival of Ætōlus, the son of Endy- +whole country, but on the arrival of Ætōlus, the son of Endy- nion, from Elis, who defeated them in various battles, the -Curetes retreated to the present Acarnania, and the Ætolians +Curetes retreated to the present Acarnania, and the Ætolians returned with a body of Epeii, and founded ten of the most -ancient cities in Ætolia; and in the tenth generation afterwards Elis was founded, in conjunction with that people, by +ancient cities in Ætolia; and in the tenth generation afterwards Elis was founded, in conjunction with that people, by -Oxylus, the son of Hæmon, who had passed over from Ætolia. +Oxylus, the son of Hæmon, who had passed over from Ætolia. They produce, as proofs of these facts, inscriptions, one -sculptured on the base of the statue of Ætolus at Therma in +sculptured on the base of the statue of Ætolus at Therma in -Ætolia, where, according to the custom of the country, they +Ætolia, where, according to the custom of the country, they assemble to elect their magistrates; -this statue of Ætolus, son of Endymion, brought up near the streams of +this statue of Ætolus, son of Endymion, brought up near the streams of -the Alpheius, and in the neighbourhood of the stadia of Olympia, Ætolians +the Alpheius, and in the neighbourhood of the stadia of Olympia, Ætolians dedicated as a public monument of his merits. @@ -53528,11 +53528,11 @@ market-place of Elis; -Ætolus, having formerly abandoned the original inhabitants of this +Ætolus, having formerly abandoned the original inhabitants of this country, won by the toils of war the land of the Curetes. But Oxylus, -the son of Hæmon, the tenth scion of that race, founded this ancient +the son of Hæmon, the tenth scion of that race, founded this ancient city. @@ -53547,11 +53547,11 @@ also that their founders had established settlers in each other's country. Whence he clearly convicts those of falsehood who -assert, that the Eleii were a colony of Ætolians, and that the +assert, that the Eleii were a colony of Ætolians, and that the -Ætolians were not a colony of Eleii. But he seems to exhibit the same inconsistency in his positions here, that we +Ætolians were not a colony of Eleii. But he seems to exhibit the same inconsistency in his positions here, that we -proved with regard to the oracle at Delphi. For after asserting that Ætolia had never been ravaged by war from all +proved with regard to the oracle at Delphi. For after asserting that Ætolia had never been ravaged by war from all time of which there was any memorial, and saying, that from @@ -53559,7 +53559,7 @@ the first the Curetes were in possession of this country, he -B. ix. c. iii. § ll. +B. ix. c. iii. § ll. @@ -53569,13 +53569,13 @@ the first the Curetes were in possession of this country, he ought to have inferred from such premises, that the Curetes -continued to occupy the country of Ætolia to his days. For +continued to occupy the country of Ætolia to his days. For in this manner it might be understood never to have been devastated, nor in subjection to any other nation. But forgetting his position, he does not infer this, but the contrary, -that Ætolus came from Elis, and having defeated the Curetes +that Ætolus came from Elis, and having defeated the Curetes in various battles, these people retreated into Acarnania. @@ -53583,7 +53583,7 @@ What else then is there peculiar to the devastation of a country than the defeat of the inhabitants in war and their abandonment of their land, which is evinced by the inscription among -the Eleii; for speaking of Ætolus the words are, +the Eleii; for speaking of Ætolus the words are, @@ -53594,19 +53594,19 @@ toils of war.

-

But perhaps some person may say, that he means Ætolia +

But perhaps some person may say, that he means Ætolia was not laid waste, reckoning from the time that it had this -name after the arrival of Ætolus; but he takes away the +name after the arrival of Ætolus; but he takes away the ground of this supposition, by saying afterwards, that the -greatest part of the people, that remained among the Ætolians, +greatest part of the people, that remained among the Ætolians, -were those called Epeii, with whom Ætolians were afterwards intermingled, who had been expelled from Thessaly +were those called Epeii, with whom Ætolians were afterwards intermingled, who had been expelled from Thessaly -together with Bœotians, and possessed the country in common +together with Bœotians, and possessed the country in common with these people. But is it probable that, without any hostilities, they invaded the country of another nation and @@ -53618,7 +53618,7 @@ not probable, is it to be believed that the victors agreed to an equal division of the territory? What else then is devastation -of a country, but the conquest of it by arms? Besides, Apollodorus says that, according to history, the Hyantes abandoned Bœotia and came and settled among the Ætolians, and +of a country, but the conquest of it by arms? Besides, Apollodorus says that, according to history, the Hyantes abandoned Bœotia and came and settled among the Ætolians, and concludes as confident that his opinion is right by saying it is @@ -53647,7 +53647,7 @@ leaders of colonies, in these words, but I shall explain present state of places, both as to position and distances; for -this is the peculiar province of chorography.As distinguished from geography. See b. i. c. i. § 16, note1. +this is the peculiar province of chorography.As distinguished from geography. See b. i. c. i. § 16, note1.

But you, Polybius, who introduce popular hearsay, and rumours on the subject of distances, not only of places beyond @@ -53671,26 +53671,26 @@ supply what they omitted through want of information. which belong more immediately, some more remotely, to the -history of the Ætolians and Acarnanians. The facts more +history of the Ætolians and Acarnanians. The facts more immediately relating to them, are those which have been mentioned before, as that the Curetes were living in the -country which is now called Ætolia, and that a body of +country which is now called Ætolia, and that a body of -Ætolians under the command of Ætolus came there, and drove +Ætolians under the command of Ætolus came there, and drove -them into Acarnania; and these facts besides, that Æolians +them into Acarnania; and these facts besides, that Æolians invaded Pleuronia, which was inhabited by Curetes, and called Curetis, took away their territory, and expelled the possessors. -

But ArchemachusThe author of a work in several books on Eubœa. Athenæus, b. vi. +

But ArchemachusThe author of a work in several books on Eubœa. Athenæus, b. vi. -c. 18. of Eubœa says that the Curetes had +c. 18. of Eubœa says that the Curetes had their settlement at Chalcis, but being continually at war about @@ -53704,14 +53704,14 @@ had the name of Curetes, (or the shorn,) from eura, (kouo| or the tonsure which they had undergone; that they removed -to Ætolia, and occupied the places about Pleuron; that +to Ætolia, and occupied the places about Pleuron; that others, who lived on the other side of the Achelous, because they kept their heads unshorn, were called Acarnanians.The unshorn.

But according to some writers each tribe derived its name -from some hero;From Acarnan, son of Alcmæon. Thucyd. b. ii. c. 102. But the hero +from some hero;From Acarnan, son of Alcmæon. Thucyd. b. ii. c. 102. But the hero from whom the Curetes obtained their name is not mentioned. according to others, that they had the @@ -53723,24 +53723,24 @@ from whom the Curetes obtained their name is not mentioned. according to name of Curetes from the mountain Curium,The position of this mountain is not determined. which is situated -above Pleuron, and that this is an Ætolian tribe, like the +above Pleuron, and that this is an Ætolian tribe, like the -Ophieis, Agræi, Eurytanes, and many others. -

But, as we have before said, when Ætolia was divided into +Ophieis, Agræi, Eurytanes, and many others. +

But, as we have before said, when Ætolia was divided into two parts, the country about Calydon was said to be in the -possession of Œneus; and a portion of Pleuronia in that of +possession of Œneus; and a portion of Pleuronia in that of -the Porthaonidæ of the branch of Agrius,Œneus and his children were themselves Porthaonidæ. Œneus had +the Porthaonidæ of the branch of Agrius,Œneus and his children were themselves Porthaonidæ. Œneus had possession only of Calydon, his brother Agrius and his children had a -part of Pleuronia. Thestius, cousin-german of Œneus and of Agrius, received as his portion the remainder of Pleuronia and transmitted it to his +part of Pleuronia. Thestius, cousin-german of Œneus and of Agrius, received as his portion the remainder of Pleuronia and transmitted it to his -children, (the Thestiadæ,) who probably succeeded in gaining possession +children, (the Thestiadæ,) who probably succeeded in gaining possession -of the whole country. The Porthaonidæ of the branch of Agrius, were +of the whole country. The Porthaonidæ of the branch of Agrius, were Thersites, Onchestus, Prothous, Celeulor, Lycopeiis, and Melanippus. @@ -53754,11 +53754,11 @@ Thersites, Onchestus, Prothous, Celeulor, Lycopeiis, and Melanippus. -Thestius however, father-in-law of Œneus, and father of +Thestius however, father-in-law of Œneus, and father of Althea, chief of the Curetes, was master of Pleuronia. But -when war broke out between the Thestiadæ, Œneus, and +when war broke out between the Thestiadæ, Œneus, and Meleager about a boar's head and skin, according to the poet,Il. ix. 544. @@ -53772,7 +53772,7 @@ words are these, -Curetes and Ætolians, firm in battle, fought against one another.Il. ix. 525.Il. ix. 525. +Curetes and Ætolians, firm in battle, fought against one another.Il. ix. 525.Il. ix. 525. @@ -53781,9 +53781,9 @@ These then are the facts more immediately connected (with geography).

-

There"Cette digression est curieuse, sans doute * * * * Plusieurs critiques ont fait de ce morceau l'objet de leur Étude; néanmoins il demeure +

There"Cette digression est curieuse, sans doute * * * * Plusieurs critiques ont fait de ce morceau l'objet de leur Étude; néanmoins il demeure -hérissé de difficultiés, et dernièrement M. Heyne (quel juge!) a prononcé que tout y restait à éclaircir. Du Theil. +hérissé de difficultiés, et dernièrement M. Heyne (quel juge!) a prononcé que tout y restait à éclaircir. Du Theil.

The myths relating to the Curetes abound with different statements @@ -53797,7 +53797,7 @@ authors and expositors of certain religious rites, which they celebrated with dances. According to mythology they played a part at the birth of -Jupiter. They were sometimes called Idæan Dactyli. Hence their +Jupiter. They were sometimes called Idæan Dactyli. Hence their name was given to the ministers of the worship of the Great Mother @@ -53809,17 +53809,17 @@ confusion between the religious rites observed in Crete, Phrygia, and Samothrace. Again, on the other hand, the Curetes have been mistaken -for an Ætolian people, bearing the same name. Heyne, Not. ad Virgil. +for an Ætolian people, bearing the same name. Heyne, Not. ad Virgil. -Æn. iii. 130. Religion. et Sacror. cum furore peract. Orig. Comm. Soc. +Æn. iii. 130. Religion. et Sacror. cum furore peract. Orig. Comm. Soc. R. Scient. Gotting. vol. viii. Dupuis, origin de tous les cultes, tom. 2. -Sainte Croix Mém. pour servir a la religion Secrète, &c., Job. Guberleth. +Sainte Croix Mém. pour servir a la religion Secrète, &c., Job. Guberleth. -Diss. philol. de Myster. deorum Cabir. 1703. Frèret. Recher. pour servir +Diss. philol. de Myster. deorum Cabir. 1703. Frèret. Recher. pour servir -à l'histoire des Cyclopes, &c. Acad. des Inscript. &c., vol. xxiii. His. +à l'histoire des Cyclopes, &c. Acad. des Inscript. &c., vol. xxiii. His. pag. 27. 1749.

are others more remote from the subject of this @@ -53837,13 +53837,13 @@ the Curetes have been considered as identical with accounts concerning the people (of the same name) who inhabited -Ætolia and Acarnania. But the former differ from the +Ætolia and Acarnania. But the former differ from the latter, and resemble rather the accounts which we have of -Satyri and Silenes, Bacchæ and Tityri; for the Curetes are +Satyri and Silenes, Bacchæ and Tityri; for the Curetes are -represented as certain dæmons, or ministers of the gods, by +represented as certain dæmons, or ministers of the gods, by those who have handed down the traditions respecting Cretan @@ -53855,7 +53855,7 @@ of the mother of the gods, in Phrygia, and in the neighbourhood of the Trojan Id varietytosau/th poikili/a, will bear also to be translated, id tantum varietatis, -this difference only, as Groskurd observes. in these accounts. According to some, the Corybantes, Cabeiri, Idæan Dactyli, and Telchines are repre- +this difference only, as Groskurd observes. in these accounts. According to some, the Corybantes, Cabeiri, Idæan Dactyli, and Telchines are repre- sented as the same persons as the Curetes; according to @@ -53875,7 +53875,7 @@ same as those that are performed among the Samothracians in Lemnus, and in many other places; since the ministers of -the god are said to be the same.M. de Saint Croix (Recherches sur les Mystères, &c. sect. 2, page +the god are said to be the same.M. de Saint Croix (Recherches sur les Mystères, &c. sect. 2, page 25) is mistaken in asserting that Strabo clearly refutes the statements @@ -53914,7 +53914,7 @@ their hair, tonsure, &c. Some writers however endeavour to reconcile they have some degree of probability in their favour. They -say, for instance, that the people about Ætolia have the name +say, for instance, that the people about Ætolia have the name of Curetes from wearing long dresses like girls, (ko/rai,) and @@ -53948,7 +53948,7 @@ were called Curetes, afforded a pretence for men more warlike than others, and who passed their lives in arms, to be themselves called by the same name of Curetes, I mean those in -Eubœa, Ætolia, and Acarnania. Homer also gives this name +Eubœa, Ætolia, and Acarnania. Homer also gives this name to the young soldiers; @@ -54028,7 +54028,7 @@ of art. For it has been justly said, that men resemble the gods chiefly in doing good, but it may be said more properly, -when they are happy; and this happiness consists in rejoicing, in festivals, in philosophy, and in music.Quam præclare philosophatus sit Strabo, me non monente, unusquisque assequitur; præclarius, utique, quam illi, qui ex nostro ritu religioso +when they are happy; and this happiness consists in rejoicing, in festivals, in philosophy, and in music.Quam præclare philosophatus sit Strabo, me non monente, unusquisque assequitur; præclarius, utique, quam illi, qui ex nostro ritu religioso omnnem hilaritatem exulare voluere. Heyne, Virg. iii. 130. For let not @@ -54074,7 +54074,7 @@ with orgies and Bacchanalian rites, dances, and the mysteries attended upon initiation. They call also Bacchus, Dionysus, -and the chief Dæmon of the mysteries of Ceres.Following the reading suggested by Groskurd. The carrying about of branches of trees, dances, and initiations are +and the chief Dæmon of the mysteries of Ceres.Following the reading suggested by Groskurd. The carrying about of branches of trees, dances, and initiations are common to the worship of these gods. But with respect to @@ -54086,11 +54086,11 @@ those who have cultivated music, are ministers of the Muses; these and also all who are engaged in divination are ministers -of Apollo. Those of Ceres, are the Mystæ, torch-bearers +of Apollo. Those of Ceres, are the Mystæ, torch-bearers -and Hierophants; of Dionysus, Seileni, Satyri, Tityri, Bacchæ +and Hierophants; of Dionysus, Seileni, Satyri, Tityri, Bacchæ -Lenæ, Thyiæ, Mimallones, Naïdes, and Nymphæ, as they are +Lenæ, Thyiæ, Mimallones, Naïdes, and Nymphæ, as they are called. @@ -54150,7 +54150,7 @@ themselves also worship Rhea, and perform orgies in her honour; they call her mother of gods, Agdistis, and Phrygia,This word appears here misplaced. -the Great Goddess; from the places also where she is worshipped, Idæa, and Dindymene,The chain of mountains extending from the sources of the Sagaris +the Great Goddess; from the places also where she is worshipped, Idæa, and Dindymene,The chain of mountains extending from the sources of the Sagaris (the Zagari) to the Propontis was called Dindymene. Sipylene,Sipuli Dagh. Pessinuntis,Possene. and @@ -54201,7 +54201,7 @@ among the Greeks in honour of Dionysus with those performed among the Phrygians -gods. Euripides, in the Bacchæ, does the same thing, con +gods. Euripides, in the Bacchæ, does the same thing, con joining, from the proximity of the countries,dia\ to\ o(\moo|on, for dia/ te (/Omhron. Meineke. Lydian and @@ -54262,7 +54262,7 @@ great liberty is taken with the original. He his head with ivy shading, His light spear wreath'd with ivy twine, To Bacchus holds the rites divine. -Haste then, ye Bacchæ, haste. +Haste then, ye Bacchæ, haste. Attend your god, the son of heaven's high king. From Phrygia's mountains wild and waste To beauteous-structur'd Greece your Bacchus bring @@ -54281,7 +54281,7 @@ great liberty is taken with the original. Their voices to respondence meet, And placed in Rhea's hands. The frantic satyrs to the rites advance, -The Bacchæ join the festive bands, +The Bacchæ join the festive bands, And raptur'd lead the Trieteric dance. @@ -54324,7 +54324,7 @@ Minerva. He introduces Menelaus as saying, -But do thou remain there on the Idæan land, +But do thou remain there on the Idæan land, Collect the flocks on Olympus, and offer sacrifice.Od. iii. 144.Od. iii. 144. @@ -54365,13 +54365,13 @@ festival called Bendideia. celebrated among the Thracians, resemble these. The Orphic ceremonies -had their origin among these people. Æschylus mentions the +had their origin among these people. Æschylus mentions the goddess Cotys, and the instruments used in her worship -among the Edoni.Athenæus, b. xi. c. 8. Æschylus in the Edoni (a fragment) calls +among the Edoni.Athenæus, b. xi. c. 8. Æschylus in the Edoni (a fragment) calls -cymbals cotylæ. For after saying, +cymbals cotylæ. For after saying, @@ -54387,7 +54387,7 @@ cymbals cotylæ. For after saying, fingers makes the loud notes resound, exciting frenzy; another makes -the brass-bound cotylæ to re-echo. +the brass-bound cotylæ to re-echo. @@ -54424,7 +54424,7 @@ places, and mountains, belonging to the Thracians, but at present they are in the possession of the Macedonians. The -Thracians, who were settled in Bœotia, dedicated Helicon to +Thracians, who were settled in Bœotia, dedicated Helicon to the Muses, and consecrated the cave of the Nymphs, Leibethriades. The cultivators of ancient music are said to have @@ -54448,7 +54448,7 @@ cithara; another calls the pipes Berecynthian and Phry- gian. Some of the instruments also have barbarous names, -as Nablas, Sambyce,Nablas and Sambyce are Syriac words. Atheneus, b. iv. c. 24. Barbitus,The invention of Anacreon, according to Neanthus Cyzicenus. Magadis,Athenæus, b. xiv. c. 8, 9. and many others. +as Nablas, Sambyce,Nablas and Sambyce are Syriac words. Atheneus, b. iv. c. 24. Barbitus,The invention of Anacreon, according to Neanthus Cyzicenus. Magadis,Athenæus, b. xiv. c. 8, 9. and many others.

As in other things the Athenians always showed @@ -54463,7 +54463,7 @@ which they were ridiculed in comedies. Plato mentions the Bendidean, and Demosthenes the Phrygian rites, where he -is exposing Æschines and his mother to the scorn of the +is exposing Æschines and his mother to the scorn of the people; the former for having been present when his mother @@ -54474,7 +54474,7 @@ Saboi, Hyes Attes, and Attes Hyes, for these cries belong to the rites of Sabazius and the Great Mother.

-

But there may be discovered respecting these dæmons, +

But there may be discovered respecting these dæmons, and the variety of their names, that they were not called ministers only of the gods, but themselves were called gods. For @@ -54496,9 +54496,9 @@ The author of the Phoronis calls the Curetes, players upon the pipe, and Phrygians; others call them earth-born, and -wearing brazen shields. Another author terms the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, Phrygians, and the Curetes, Cretans. Brazen shields were first worn in Eubœa, whence the +wearing brazen shields. Another author terms the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, Phrygians, and the Curetes, Cretans. Brazen shields were first worn in Eubœa, whence the -people had the name of Chalcidenses.See above, ch. iii. § 1, 6, 8. Others say, that the +people had the name of Chalcidenses.See above, ch. iii. § 1, 6, 8. Others say, that the Corybantes who came from Bactriana, or, according to some @@ -54524,7 +54524,7 @@ their party, was the founder of Hierapytna, and furnished the PrasiansWho were the Prasians of Rhodes I confess I cannot say. Palmer. in Rhodes with the pretext for saying that Cory -bantes were certain dæmons, children of Minerva and the sun. +bantes were certain dæmons, children of Minerva and the sun. By others, the Corybantes are represented to be the children @@ -54623,7 +54623,7 @@ near Sminthium;Probably a temple of Apollo Smintheus.Corybissa, Eureis, and Æthaloeïs are unknown. +the winter torrent Æthaloeïs.Corybissa, Eureis, and Æthaloeïs are unknown.

The Scepsian says, that it is probable that the Curetes and Corybantes are the same persons, who as youths and boys @@ -54644,7 +54644,7 @@ by the poet they were called bhta/pmones, Come hither, you who are the best skilled Betarmones among the -Phæacians.Od. viii. 250. +Phæacians.Od. viii. 250. @@ -54655,7 +54655,7 @@ those persons by this name whose movements are furious.

Some writers say that the first inhabitants of the -country at the foot of Mount Ida were called Idæan Dac- +country at the foot of Mount Ida were called Idæan Dac- @@ -54667,10 +54667,10 @@ tyli, for the country below mountains is called the foot, and the summits of mountains their heads; so the separate extremities of Ida (and all are sacred to the mother of the gods) -are called Idæan Dactyli.i. e. toes. +are called Idæan Dactyli.i. e. toes.

But SophoclesIn a lost play, The Deaf Satyrs. supposes, that the first five were males, -who discovered and forged iron,In hoc quoque dissentio, sapientes fuisse, qui ferri metalla et æris +who discovered and forged iron,In hoc quoque dissentio, sapientes fuisse, qui ferri metalla et æris invenerunt, cum incendio silvarum adusta tellus, in summo venas jacentes @@ -54700,13 +54700,13 @@ lived in Phrygia about Mount Ida. They call the Troad Phrygia, because, after the devastation of Troy, the neighbouring Phrygians became masters of the country. It is also -supposed that the Curetes and the Corybantes were descendants of the Idæan Dactyli, and that they gave the name of +supposed that the Curetes and the Corybantes were descendants of the Idæan Dactyli, and that they gave the name of -Idæan Dactyli to the first hundred persons who were born in +Idæan Dactyli to the first hundred persons who were born in Crete; that from these descended nine Curetes, each of whom -had ten children, who were called Idæan Dactyli.Groskurd proposes Corybantes for these latter Idæan Dactyli. +had ten children, who were called Idæan Dactyli.Groskurd proposes Corybantes for these latter Idæan Dactyli.

Although we are not fond of fabulous stories, yet we @@ -54781,21 +54781,21 @@ parallel in its length from W. to E. of these two points. The words me/xri Lakwnikh=s may be understood either of Malea or Tenarum; it is -probable that this geographer extended Crete as far as Tænarum, as from +probable that this geographer extended Crete as far as Tænarum, as from -other passages in his work (ii. c. v. § 20; viii. c. v. § 1) it would appear +other passages in his work (ii. c. v. § 20; viii. c. v. § 1) it would appear that he considered it and the W. points of Crete as under the same meridian. It is still more difficult to understand the position assigned to -Crete with regard to Cyrenaica (xvii. c. iii. § 22). Strabo is far nearer +Crete with regard to Cyrenaica (xvii. c. iii. § 22). Strabo is far nearer the truth, though contradicting his former statements, where he makes Cimarus, the N. W. promontory of Crete, 700 stadia from Malea, and Cape -Sammonium 1000 stadia rom Rhodes, (ii. c. iv. § 3,) which was one of +Sammonium 1000 stadia rom Rhodes, (ii. c. iv. § 3,) which was one of the best ascertained points of ancient geography. Smith, v. Crete. @@ -54814,7 +54814,7 @@ Some of these are worthy of notice, others are inconsiderable. -According to Eudoxus, it is situated in the Ægæan sea, +According to Eudoxus, it is situated in the Ægæan sea, but he ought not to have described its situation in that manner, but have said, that it lies between Cyrenaica and the @@ -54832,7 +54832,7 @@ plan, is a proof that the author consulted different histories, and different maps, in which the distances were laid down in stadia differing in length. that it is washed on the north by -the Ægæan and Cretan seas, and on the south by the African, +the Ægæan and Cretan seas, and on the south by the African, which joins the Egyptian sea.

The western extremity of the island is near Phalasarna;The ruins are indicated as existing a little to the north of Hagios @@ -54845,15 +54845,15 @@ Ram's head,) and that on the north, Cimarus.Cimarus is give that the promontory Cimarus is mentioned by no other author. Corycus -on the other hand is placed by Strabo below, § 5, in these parts, although +on the other hand is placed by Strabo below, § 5, in these parts, although -the reading is suspicious, and in b. viii. c. v. § 1, and in b. xvii. c. iii. +the reading is suspicious, and in b. viii. c. v. § 1, and in b. xvii. c. iii. -§ 22; but the reading again in this last reference is doubtful. Cape +§ 22; but the reading again in this last reference is doubtful. Cape Cimarus is now C. Buso or Grabusa. The eastern -promontory is Samonium,In b. ii. c. iv. § 3, it is written Salmonium, (c. Salamoni,) in which +promontory is Samonium,In b. ii. c. iv. § 3, it is written Salmonium, (c. Salamoni,) in which passage Kramer has retained the spelling of the name, on the ground @@ -54896,7 +54896,7 @@ text, but probably something to this effect, a)po\ tw=n e( ai/qnidi/ws stenoxwrei= the island suddenly narrows. Then there is an isthmus of about 100 stadia, -on the northern shore of which is a settlement, called Amphimalla;On the bay of Armiro. on the southern shore is Phœnix,Castel Franco. Acts of Apostles, xxvii. 12. belonging to the +on the northern shore of which is a settlement, called Amphimalla;On the bay of Armiro. on the southern shore is Phœnix,Castel Franco. Acts of Apostles, xxvii. 12. belonging to the Lampeis.

The greatest breadth is in the middle of the island. @@ -54906,7 +54906,7 @@ narrower than the former, of about 60 stadia in extent, reckoning from Minoa,By the islands of the Rhodians are meant Caso, Nisari, Scarpanto, &c. +looking towards Ægypt and the islands of the Rhodians.By the islands of the Rhodians are meant Caso, Nisari, Scarpanto, &c.

The island is mountainous and woody, but has fertile @@ -54931,13 +54931,13 @@ other mountains equal in height to the White Mountains, some of which terminate on the south, others towards the east.

-

From the CyrenæanFrom what point in the Cyrenaiïca is not said. From b. viii. c. iii. +

From the CyrenæanFrom what point in the Cyrenaiïca is not said. From b. viii. c. iii. -§ 1, it would appear to be Phycus, (Ras al Sem,) but from b. xvii. c. iii. +§ 1, it would appear to be Phycus, (Ras al Sem,) but from b. xvii. c. iii. -§ 20, it would seem to be Apollonias, (Marsa-susa,) the maritime arsenal +§ 20, it would seem to be Apollonias, (Marsa-susa,) the maritime arsenal -of the Cyrenæans, situated at about 170 stadia to the east of Phycus, and +of the Cyrenæans, situated at about 170 stadia to the east of Phycus, and 80 stadia to the west of Cyrene. territory to Criu-metoponC. Crio is a @@ -54951,7 +54951,7 @@ voyage of two days and nights. From Cimarus [to Malea] are 700 stadia.Of 700 stadia to a degree. Gossellin. In the midway is Cythera.Cerigo. From the promontory SamoniumThe distance from Samonium (Cape Salamone) to Alexandria, in a -straight line, is about 5500 stadia of 111 1/9 to the degree. Gossellin. to Ægypt a ship sails in four days and +straight line, is about 5500 stadia of 111 1/9 to the degree. Gossellin. to Ægypt a ship sails in four days and nights, but, according to other writers, in three. Some say @@ -54970,7 +54970,7 @@ there are in Crete, -Achæi, the brave Eteocretans, Cydones, Dorians divided into three +Achæi, the brave Eteocretans, Cydones, Dorians divided into three bands,triza/i+kes and the divine Pelasgi.Od. xix. 175. @@ -54982,7 +54982,7 @@ eastern parts of the island, Cydonians the western, Eteocretans the southern, to whom Prasus, a small town, belonged, where -is the temple of the Dictæan Jupiter; the other nations, being +is the temple of the Dictæan Jupiter; the other nations, being more powerful, inhabited the plains. It is probable that the @@ -54990,15 +54990,15 @@ EteocretansSo also Diod. Sic. b. v. and Cydonians we that the others were foreigners, who Andron says came from -Thessaly, formerly called Doris, but now Hestiæotis, from +Thessaly, formerly called Doris, but now Hestiæotis, from which country he says the Dorians, who were settled about -Parnassus, migrated, and founded Erineum, Bœum, and Cytinium, whence they are called by the poet Trichaïces, or tripartite. But the account of Andron is not generally admitted, +Parnassus, migrated, and founded Erineum, Bœum, and Cytinium, whence they are called by the poet Trichaïces, or tripartite. But the account of Andron is not generally admitted, who represents the Tetrapolis Doris as composed of three -cities, and the metropolis of the Dorians as a colony of Thessalians. The epithet Trichaïcestrilofi/as. is understood to be derived +cities, and the metropolis of the Dorians as a colony of Thessalians. The epithet Trichaïcestrilofi/as. is understood to be derived either from their wearing a triple crest,trilofi/as. or from having crests @@ -55045,7 +55045,7 @@ arsenal, Heracleium. a temple of Eileithyia. Cnossus formerly had the name of -Cæratus, which is the name of the river which runs beside it. +Cæratus, which is the name of the river which runs beside it. Minos is regarded as an excellent legislator, and the first @@ -55090,7 +55090,7 @@ hand give a different account, and say that he was tyrannical and violent, and an exactor of tribute, and speak in the strain -of tragedy about the Minotaur, the Labyrinth, and the adventures of Theseus and Dædalus. +of tragedy about the Minotaur, the Labyrinth, and the adventures of Theseus and Dædalus.

It is difficult to determine which is right. There is @@ -55112,7 +55112,7 @@ opinion, when he says, that wisest of the Greeks to imitate its form of government, and -particularly the Lacedæmonians, as Plato shows in his Laws, +particularly the Lacedæmonians, as Plato shows in his Laws, and Ephorus has described in his work Europe. Afterwards there was a change in the government, and for the @@ -55159,7 +55159,7 @@ the Romans were in possession of the island. A great multitude of mercenary sold even the bands of pirates were recruited. During the stay -of Dorylaüs in the island, a war happened to break out between the Cnossians and the Gortynians. He was appointed +of Dorylaüs in the island, a war happened to break out between the Cnossians and the Gortynians. He was appointed general by the Cnossians, and having finished the war speed- @@ -55177,9 +55177,9 @@ children, he abandoned everything there, remained at Cnossus, and married a Mace daughter. Of the two sons of Euergetes, he who was surnamed Eupator succeeded to the throne when he was eleven -years of age; Dorylaüs, the son of Philetærus, was his foster brother. Philetærus was the brother of Dorylaüs the Tactician. The king had been so much pleased with his intimacy +years of age; Dorylaüs, the son of Philetærus, was his foster brother. Philetærus was the brother of Dorylaüs the Tactician. The king had been so much pleased with his intimacy -with Dorylaüs when they lived together as children, that on +with Dorylaüs when they lived together as children, that on attaining manhood he not only promoted Dorylaiis to the highest honours, but extended his regard to his relations and @@ -55244,7 +55244,7 @@ occupied a considerable compass, extending nearly 50 stadia It is distant from the African sea, and from Leben its mart, -90 stadia. It has also another arsenal, Matalum.Letima or Matala, Cape Theodosia. It is distant from that 130 stadia. The river LethæusThe Maloniti or Messara. flows through +90 stadia. It has also another arsenal, Matalum.Letima or Matala, Cape Theodosia. It is distant from that 130 stadia. The river LethæusThe Maloniti or Messara. flows through the whole of the city. @@ -55281,9 +55281,9 @@ the Lebenii at the distance of 60 stadia from the sea, and from Gortyn 180. We have said that Prasus was subject to -the Eteocretans, and that the temple of the Dictæan Jupiter +the Eteocretans, and that the temple of the Dictæan Jupiter -was there. For DicteM. Sitia. is near; not, as AratusPhæn. 33. alleges, near +was there. For DicteM. Sitia. is near; not, as AratusPhæn. 33. alleges, near Ida; since Dicte is distant 1000 stadia from Mount Ida, and @@ -55301,7 +55301,7 @@ violence offered by Minos,leaped from Dicte among the nets of the fishermen (di/ktua), and that hence she had the name of -Dictynna from the Cydoniatæ, and the mountain that of +Dictynna from the Cydoniatæ, and the mountain that of @@ -55313,7 +55313,7 @@ Dicte. For Cydonia is not at all situated in the neighbour hood of these places, but lies at the western extremity of the -island. The mountain TityrusTityrus is the ridge of mountains which terminates in Cape Spada. belongs to the Cydonian territory; upon it is situated a temple, not called Dictæan, but +island. The mountain TityrusTityrus is the ridge of mountains which terminates in Cape Spada. belongs to the Cydonian territory; upon it is situated a temple, not called Dictæan, but Dictynnsean. @@ -55326,15 +55326,15 @@ stadia, and from Aptera 80, and from the sea in this quarter 40 stadia. CisamusKisamos. is the naval arsenal of Aptera.See Pashley, Travels in Crete, vol. i. c. 4, who places Aptera at -Palæocastron, on the south of the bay of Siedh and Polyrrhenia, at the +Palæocastron, on the south of the bay of Siedh and Polyrrhenia, at the -Palæocastron, to the south of the Gulf of Kisamos. The +Palæocastron, to the south of the Gulf of Kisamos. The -Polyrrhenii border upon the Cydoniatæ towards the west; in +Polyrrhenii border upon the Cydoniatæ towards the west; in their territory is the temple of Dictynna. They are at the -distance of about 30 stadia from the sea, and 60 from Phalasarna. Formerly they lived in villages; then Achæans and +distance of about 30 stadia from the sea, and 60 from Phalasarna. Formerly they lived in villages; then Achæans and Laconians settled there together, and fortified with a wall a @@ -55343,13 +55343,13 @@ strong site fronting the south.

Of the three cities founded by Minos, the last, which -was Phæstus,Hodyitra. was razed by the Gortynians; it was at the +was Phæstus,Hodyitra. was razed by the Gortynians; it was at the distance of 60 stadia from Gortyn, 20 from the sea, and from Matalum, the arsenal, 40 stadia. They who razed the city -possess the territory. Rhytium also together with Phæstus +possess the territory. Rhytium also together with Phæstus belongs to the Gortynians, @@ -55357,15 +55357,15 @@ belongs to the Gortynians, -both Phæstus and Rhytium.Il. ii. 648.Il. ii. 648. +both Phæstus and Rhytium.Il. ii. 648.Il. ii. 648. Epimenides, who performed lustrations by the means of his -poetry, is said to have been a native of Phæstus. Olyssa +poetry, is said to have been a native of Phæstus. Olyssa -(Lisses?) also belonged to the territory of Phæstus. +(Lisses?) also belonged to the territory of Phæstus.

Cherrhonesus,Episcopiano. as it is called, is the arsenal of Lyttus or (Lyctus), which we have before mentioned; on the former is @@ -55392,7 +55392,7 @@ were founded in later times after the Trojan war by the Dori- -ans, who accompanied Alhæmenes the Argive, and that +ans, who accompanied Alhæmenes the Argive, and that hence Ulysses speaks of its ninety cities. This account is @@ -55474,7 +55474,7 @@ considered dishonourable. Polybius, b. vi. are removed. Now where all live temperately and frugally, neither envy, nor injuries, nor hatred have place among equals. -Whence the young were enjoined to repair to the Agelæ, and +Whence the young were enjoined to repair to the Agelæ, and those of mature age to assemble at the Syssitia, or common @@ -55504,7 +55504,7 @@ their songs; the tones of these measures are extremely loud; they were invented by Thales, to whom are ascribed the -pæans and other native songs and many of their usages. +pæans and other native songs and many of their usages. They adopted a military dress also, and shoes, and considered @@ -55513,7 +55513,7 @@ armour as the most valuable of all presents.

Some, he says, alleged that many of the institutions -supposed to be Cretan were of Lacedæmonian origin; but the +supposed to be Cretan were of Lacedæmonian origin; but the truth is, they were invented by the former, but perfected by the @@ -55558,7 +55558,7 @@ colonists, and yet have the same usages as those that have received colonies.

Lycurgus, the Spartan legislator, he says, was five -generations later than Althæmenes, who conducted the colony +generations later than Althæmenes, who conducted the colony into Crete. He is said by historians to have been the son of @@ -55570,9 +55570,9 @@ generally admitted that Lycurgus was the sixth in descent from Procles.There is, however, diversity of opinions on the subject. Copies do not precede the models, nor modern precede ancient things. The usual kind of dancing -practised among the Lacedæmonians, the measures, and the +practised among the Lacedæmonians, the measures, and the -pæans sung according to a certain mood, and many other +pæans sung according to a certain mood, and many other usages, are called among them Cretan, as if they came from @@ -55582,7 +55582,7 @@ administration of the state have the same designations as in Crete,Aristotle, Politics, b. ii. c. 10, where he compares the Cretan with -the Lacedæmonian constitution. as the council of Gerontestw=v gero/ntwn. and that of the Knights,i(ppe(wn. +the Lacedæmonian constitution. as the council of Gerontestw=v gero/ntwn. and that of the Knights,i(ppe(wn. except that in Crete the knights had horses; whence it is @@ -55639,7 +55639,7 @@ Thales, the lyric poet and legislator. He learnt from this person the plan adopt afterwards by Minos in promulgating their laws, so as to procure a belief that they proceeded from Jupiter. He was also -in Ægypt, and obtained information respecting the laws and +in Ægypt, and obtained information respecting the laws and customs of that country.According to Plutarch, with the poems of Homer. According to some writers, he met @@ -55688,7 +55688,7 @@ over each Andreion. As they grow older they are formed into -()Age/lai) or troops of youths. The most illustrious and powerful of the youths form Agelæ, each individual assembling together as many as he can collect. The governor of the troop +()Age/lai) or troops of youths. The most illustrious and powerful of the youths form Agelæ, each individual assembling together as many as he can collect. The governor of the troop is generally the father of the youth who has assembled them @@ -55816,9 +55816,9 @@ provinces. Irene, to whom it was dedicated. the capital of the -Cyrenæans, and a colony of the Lacedæmonians; and near +Cyrenæans, and a colony of the Lacedæmonians; and near -Thera is Anaphe,Nanphio, or Anafi. in which is the temple of Apollo Ægletes. +Thera is Anaphe,Nanphio, or Anafi. in which is the temple of Apollo Ægletes. Callimachus speaks of it in one place, thus, @@ -55830,7 +55830,7 @@ Callimachus speaks of it in one place, thus, -And Æglete Anaphe, close to the Lacedæmonian Thera; +And Æglete Anaphe, close to the Lacedæmonian Thera; @@ -55845,11 +55845,11 @@ are Anaphe and Therasia.Therasia, on the west of Santorino. from the latter about 100 stadia. Here according to some -authors the poet Homer was buried.According to Herodotus, in the Life of Homer. In going from Ios towards the west are SicenusSikino, anciently Œnoë. Pliny iv. 12. and Lagusa,Cardiodissa, or Cardiana. and Pholegandrus,Policandro. +authors the poet Homer was buried.According to Herodotus, in the Life of Homer. In going from Ios towards the west are SicenusSikino, anciently Œnoë. Pliny iv. 12. and Lagusa,Cardiodissa, or Cardiana. and Pholegandrus,Policandro. which Aratus calls the iron island, on account of its rocks. -Near these islands is Cimolus,Argentiere. Cretæ plura genera. Ex iis Cimoliæ duo ad medicos +Near these islands is Cimolus,Argentiere. Cretæ plura genera. Ex iis Cimoliæ duo ad medicos pertinentia, candidum et ad purpurissimum inclinans. Pliny, b. v. c. 17. @@ -55869,9 +55869,9 @@ island is applied the proverb, a Siphnian bone (astragal on account of its insignificance. Still nearer, both to Cimolus and Crete, is Melos,Milo. more considerable than these. It is -distant from the Hermionic promontory, the Scyllæum,Cape Skylli. 700 +distant from the Hermionic promontory, the Scyllæum,Cape Skylli. 700 -stadia, and nearly as many from the Dictynnæan promontory. +stadia, and nearly as many from the Dictynnæan promontory. The Athenians formerly despatched an army to Melos,Thucyd. b. v. c. 115, 116. and @@ -55880,7 +55880,7 @@ put to death the inhabitants from youth upwards. Cyclades about it, and the Sporades adjacent to these, belong -rather to the Ægœan sea. To the Sporades also are to be referred the islands about Crete, which I have already mentioned. +rather to the Ægœan sea. To the Sporades also are to be referred the islands about Crete, which I have already mentioned.

The city of Delos is in a plain. Delos contains the temple of Apollo, and the Latoum, or temple of Latona. The @@ -55893,7 +55893,7 @@ Cynthus,Thermia. Hence Apollo Cynthius. a naked and -The Inopus,Mentioned in b. vi. c. ii. § 4, as connected with the Nile. Bryant, +The Inopus,Mentioned in b. vi. c. ii. § 4, as connected with the Nile. Bryant, Mytho. v. i. p. 206, derives the name from Ain Opus, The fountain of @@ -55915,7 +55915,7 @@ and Diana. waves, and by winds blowing from every quarter, but when the daughter -of Cœus set her foot upon it, who was then suffering the sharp pangs of +of Cœus set her foot upon it, who was then suffering the sharp pangs of approaching child-birth, at that instant four upright columns, resting on @@ -55966,7 +55966,7 @@ at Corinth on his way to celebrate his triumph after the victory at Actium.

Aratus,The title (which has been much questioned by critics) of this lost work of Aratus appears to have been, from this passage, Ta/ kata\ lepto/n, @@ -56010,13 +56010,13 @@ Athenians, after having taken the island, paid equal attention to the affairs both of religion and of commerce. But the -generalsArchelaüs and Metrophanes. of Mithridates, and the tyrant,Aristion, B. C. 87. who had occasioned +generalsArchelaüs and Metrophanes. of Mithridates, and the tyrant,Aristion, B. C. 87. who had occasioned the detection of (Athens from the Romans), ravaged it entirely. The Romans received the island in a desolate state on the departure of the king to his own country; and it has -continued in an impoverished condition to the present time.Pausanias, viii. 33, § 2, (writing in the time of Hadrian,) says of +continued in an impoverished condition to the present time.Pausanias, viii. 33, § 2, (writing in the time of Hadrian,) says of Delos, that with the exception of the persons who came from Athens, @@ -56044,20 +56044,20 @@ is not permitted to bury the dead in Delos, nor to burn a dead body there. It is not permitted even to keep a dog in Delos. -

Formerly it had the name of Ortygia.Virg. Æn. iii. 124. Linquimus Ortygis portus pelagoque volamus. +

Formerly it had the name of Ortygia.Virg. Æn. iii. 124. Linquimus Ortygis portus pelagoque volamus.

CeosZia. -Pinguia Cææ, +Pinguia Cææ, Ter centum nivei tondent dumeta juvenci. Virg. Geor. i. 14, 15. once contained four cities. Two remain, Iulis -and Carthæ, to which the inhabitants of the others were +and Carthæ, to which the inhabitants of the others were -transferred; those of Poæëssa to Carthæ, and those of Coressia to Iulis. Simonides the lyric poet, and Bacchylides his +transferred; those of Poæëssa to Carthæ, and those of Coressia to Iulis. Simonides the lyric poet, and Bacchylides his nephew, and after their times Erasistratus the physician, and @@ -56093,9 +56093,9 @@ about 25 stadia. Its arsenal is the place on which Coressia was built, which does not contain the population even of a -village. Near the Coressian territory and Pœëessa is a temple of Apollo Sminthius. But between the temple and the +village. Near the Coressian territory and Pœëessa is a temple of Apollo Sminthius. But between the temple and the -ruins of Pœëessa is the temple of Minerva Nedusia, built by +ruins of Pœëessa is the temple of Minerva Nedusia, built by Nestor, on his return from Troy. The river Elixus runs @@ -56122,7 +56122,7 @@ In Paros is obtained the Parian marble, the best adapted for statuary work.The marble was taken from Mt. Marpessus. Pliny xxxvi. 5; Virg -Æn. 6, Marpesia cautes. +Æn. 6, Marpesia cautes.

Here also is Syros, (the first syllable is long,) where @@ -56165,11 +56165,11 @@ did not croak in this island (Sirpho); hence the proverb, a Seriphian frog, fable of Dictys, who drew to land in his net the chest in -which were enclosed Perseus and his mother Danaë, who +which were enclosed Perseus and his mother Danaë, who were thrown into the sea by order of Acrisius, the father -of Danaë. There it is said Perseus was brought up, and +of Danaë. There it is said Perseus was brought up, and to this island he brought the head of the Gorgon; he exhibited it to the Seriphians, and turned them all into stone. @@ -56218,7 +56218,7 @@ a Lerian; for the Lerians are reputed to have bad dispositions.

-

Near these islands are Patmos,Patmo. and the Corassia,The Furni; called in b. xiv. c. i. § 13, Corsiæ. +

Near these islands are Patmos,Patmo. and the Corassia,The Furni; called in b. xiv. c. i. § 13, Corsiæ. islands, situated to the west of Icaria,Nicaria. as the latter is with @@ -56237,7 +56237,7 @@ comprehended in the Icarian sea, it appears that in his opinion none of the islands situated to the north of Cos belonged to the Carpathian sea; -for according to his own statement, which immediately follows, the Carpathian sea to the north was bounded by the Icarian sea. the Corassiæ, Patmos, and LerosAll the manuscripts and all editions give Le/ros. Is the island spoken +for according to his own statement, which immediately follows, the Carpathian sea to the north was bounded by the Icarian sea. the Corassiæ, Patmos, and LerosAll the manuscripts and all editions give Le/ros. Is the island spoken of in this passage the same as the one mentioned just above by the name @@ -56247,15 +56247,15 @@ with two islands bearing the name of Leros. One, from the position he assigns to it, appears to be the one Strabo above speaks of under the -name of Leria; but the second Leros of Pliny, b. v. § 36, must be placed +name of Leria; but the second Leros of Pliny, b. v. § 36, must be placed on the coast of Caria. Strabo appears to have entertained nearly the -same ideas, for we shall hereafter (b. xiv. c. i. § 6) see him give the name +same ideas, for we shall hereafter (b. xiv. c. i. § 6) see him give the name of Leros to an island situated in the neighbourhood of Icaria; and below -(§ 19) he cites also a Leros, which would seem to have been in the neighbourhood of the southern extremity of Caria. [in Samos is the +(§ 19) he cites also a Leros, which would seem to have been in the neighbourhood of the southern extremity of Caria. [in Samos is the mountain the Cerceteus, more celebrated than the Ampelus, @@ -56263,14 +56263,14 @@ which overhangs the city of the Samians].Probably interpola the Icarian sea, towards the south, is the Carpathian sea, and -the Ægyptian sea to this; to the west are the Cretan and +the Ægyptian sea to this; to the west are the Cretan and African seas.

In the Carpathian sea, between Cos, Rhodes, and Crete, -are situated many of the Sporades, as Astypalæa,Istanpolia, or Stanpalia. Telos,Tino. +are situated many of the Sporades, as Astypalæa,Istanpolia, or Stanpalia. Telos,Tino. Chalcia,Carchi. and those mentioned by Homer in the Catalogue. @@ -56279,7 +56279,7 @@ Chalcia,Carchi. and those mentioned by Homer in the They who occupied Nisyrus, Crapathus, Casus, and Cos, -The city of Eurypylus, and the Calydnæ islands.Il. ii. 676.Il. ii. 676. +The city of Eurypylus, and the Calydnæ islands.Il. ii. 676.Il. ii. 676. @@ -56307,7 +56307,7 @@ Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. At present we are to describe the remaining islands of the Sporades, which deserve mention.

-

Astypalæa lies far out at sea, and contains a city. +

Astypalæa lies far out at sea, and contains a city.

Telos, which is long, high, and narrow, in circumference about 140 stadia, with a shelter for vessels, extends along the @@ -56315,7 +56315,7 @@ about 140 stadia, with a shelter for vessels, extends along the Cnidian territory.

Chalcia is distant from Telos 80, from Carpathus 400 stadia, -and about double this number from Astypalæa. It has a settlement of the same name, a temple of Apollo, and a harbour. +and about double this number from Astypalæa. It has a settlement of the same name, a temple of Apollo, and a harbour.

Nisyrus lies to the north of Telos, at the distance of @@ -56363,7 +56363,7 @@ circumference. It contains a city of the same name; and many islands, called the islands of the Casii, lie about it.

-

They say that the poet calls the Sporades, Calydnæ, +

They say that the poet calls the Sporades, Calydnæ, @@ -56379,15 +56379,15 @@ the Nisyrii and Casii, so those that lie around Calymna had their name from that island, which was then perhaps called -Calydna. Some say that the Calydnœ islands are two, Leros +Calydna. Some say that the Calydnœ islands are two, Leros and Calymna, and that the poet means these. But the Scepsian says, that the name of the island was used in the plural -number, Calymnæ, like Athenæ, Thebæ, and that the words +number, Calymnæ, like Athenæ, Thebæ, and that the words -of the poet must be understood according to the figure hyperbaton, or inversion, for he does not say, the islands Calydnæ, +of the poet must be understood according to the figure hyperbaton, or inversion, for he does not say, the islands Calydnæ, but, @@ -56395,12 +56395,12 @@ but, they who occupied the islands Nisyrus, Crapathus, Casus, and Cos, the -city of Eurypylus, and Calydnæ. +city of Eurypylus, and Calydnæ.

All the honey of the islands is, for the most part, excellent, -and rivals that of Attica; but the honey of these islands surpasses it, particularly that of Calymna.Fæcundaque melle Calydna (v. L. Calumne). Ovid. Met. b. viii. ver. +and rivals that of Attica; but the honey of these islands surpasses it, particularly that of Calymna.Fæcundaque melle Calydna (v. L. Calumne). Ovid. Met. b. viii. ver. 222. @@ -56425,13 +56425,13 @@ the nations situated in Asia near its sources on the east and south, and the barbarous Asiatic nations who occupy the neighbourhood of Mount -Caucasus, among whom are the Amazones, Massagetæ, Scythians, Albani, Iberes, Bactriani, Caspii, Medes, Persians, and the two Armenias, +Caucasus, among whom are the Amazones, Massagetæ, Scythians, Albani, Iberes, Bactriani, Caspii, Medes, Persians, and the two Armenias, -extending to Mesopotamia. Among these nations are included the Troglodytæ, Heniochi, Sceptuchi, Soanes, Assyrians, Polyphagi, Nabiani, +extending to Mesopotamia. Among these nations are included the Troglodytæ, Heniochi, Sceptuchi, Soanes, Assyrians, Polyphagi, Nabiani, Siraci, and Tapyri. Mention is made of Jason and Medea, and of the -cities founded by them:—of Xerxes, Mithridates, and Alexander, son of +cities founded by them:—of Xerxes, Mithridates, and Alexander, son of Philip.

@@ -56441,7 +56441,7 @@ Philip.

ASIA is contiguous to Europe, approaching close to it -at the Tanaïs or Don. +at the Tanaïs or Don.

I am to describe this country next, after dividing it, for the sake of perspicuity, by certain natural boundaries. What @@ -56457,7 +56457,7 @@ middle of this continent, like a girdle, leaving one portion to the north, another to the south. The Greeks call the former -Asia Within the Taurus,B. ii. c. v. § 31. the latter, Asia Without the +Asia Within the Taurus,B. ii. c. v. § 31. the latter, Asia Without the Taurus. We have said this before, but it is repeated now to @@ -56473,7 +56473,7 @@ stadia; its length equals that of Asia, namely 45,000 stadia,From the Caspian Gates to the sources of the Indus14,000 From the Indus to the mouth of the Ganges13.500 From thence to Thin2,500 -—— +—— 45,000 @@ -56496,7 +56496,7 @@ various names. nations some of which are little known, and others with -whom we are well acquainted, as Parthians,Strabo calls the Parthians, Parthyæi; and Parthia, Pathyæa. Medes, Armenians, some of the Cappadocians, Cilicians, and Pisidians; +whom we are well acquainted, as Parthians,Strabo calls the Parthians, Parthyæi; and Parthia, Pathyæa. Medes, Armenians, some of the Cappadocians, Cilicians, and Pisidians; those which approach near the northern parts must be assigned to the north, (northern Asia,) those approximating @@ -56525,13 +56525,13 @@ both.

In passing in our geographical description from Europe to Asia, the first parts of the country which present themselves are those in the northern division, and we shall therefore begin with these. -

Of these parts the first are those about the Tanaïs, (or +

Of these parts the first are those about the Tanaïs, (or Don,) which we have assumed as the boundary of Europe and Asia. These have a kind of peninsular form, for they are -surrounded on the west by the river Tanaïs (or Don) and +surrounded on the west by the river Tanaïs (or Don) and the Palus MaotisThe Sea of Azoff. as far as the Cimmerian Bosporus,The Straits of Kertch or Zabache. and @@ -56559,7 +56559,7 @@ the Cyrus as far as Colchis, and comprising about 3000 stadia from sea to sea, across the territory of the Albani, and -Iberes,See b. ii. c. v. § 31. so as to represent an isthmus.To understand how this part of Asia formed a peninsula, according to +Iberes,See b. ii. c. v. § 31. so as to represent an isthmus.To understand how this part of Asia formed a peninsula, according to the ideas of our author, we must bear in mind, that (1) he supposed the @@ -56586,7 +56586,7 @@ Posidonius the isthmus is 1500 stadia in extent, that large as the isthmus from Pelusium to the Red Sea. And I -think, says he, that the isthmus between the Palus Mæotis +think, says he, that the isthmus between the Palus Mæotis and the Ocean is not very different from this in extent. @@ -56657,44 +56657,44 @@ order to the isthmus and the Caspian Gates,A narrow pass le provinces of Persia. Their exact position was at the division of Parthia -from Media, about a day's journey from the Median town of Rhagæ. +from Media, about a day's journey from the Median town of Rhagæ. (Arrian. iii. 19.) According to Isodorus Charax, they were immediately below Mt. Caspius. As in the case of the people called Caspii, there -seem to have been two mountains Caspius, one near the Armenian frontier, the other near the Parthian. It was through the pass of the Caspiæ +seem to have been two mountains Caspius, one near the Armenian frontier, the other near the Parthian. It was through the pass of the Caspiæ Pyle that Alexander the Great pursued Darius. (Arrian. Anab. iii. 19; Curt. vi. 14; Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6.) It was one of the most important -places in ancient geography, and from it many of the meridians were measured. The exact place corresponding with the Caspie Pylæ is probably a +places in ancient geography, and from it many of the meridians were measured. The exact place corresponding with the Caspie Pylæ is probably a spot between Hark-a-Koh, and Siah-Koh, about 6 parasangs from Rey, the -name of the entrance of which is called Dereh. Smith, art. Caspiæ Pylæ. and approaching +name of the entrance of which is called Dereh. Smith, art. Caspiæ Pylæ. and approaching nearest the parts within the Taurus, and to Europe; these are Media, Armenia, Cappadocia, and the intervening country.Du Theil justly remarks on the obscurity of this passage. His -translation or paraphrase is as follows: "La troisième contiendra ce qui +translation or paraphrase is as follows: "La troisième contiendra ce qui -touche à l' isthme dont nous avons parlé; et, par suite, ceux des pays +touche à l' isthme dont nous avons parlé; et, par suite, ceux des pays -qui, au sud de cet isthme et des Pyles Caspiennes, mais toujours en decà, +qui, au sud de cet isthme et des Pyles Caspiennes, mais toujours en decà, -on, au moins, dans le sein même du Taurus, se succédant de l' est à l' +on, au moins, dans le sein même du Taurus, se succédant de l' est à l' -ouest, se rapprochent le plus de l' Europe. In B. ii. c. v. § 31, Strabo +ouest, se rapprochent le plus de l' Europe. In B. ii. c. v. § 31, Strabo assigns Colchis to the third portion, but in this book to the first.

The fourth portion consists of the tract within the Halys,The Kizil Ermak. and the parts upon and without the Taurus, which coincide -with the peninsula formed by the isthmus,B. i. c. iii. § 2. which separates +with the peninsula formed by the isthmus,B. i. c. iii. § 2. which separates the Euxine and the Cilician Seas. Among the other countries beyond the Taurus we place Indica and Ariana,A district of wide extent in Central Asia, comprehending nearly the @@ -56712,7 +56712,7 @@ been often confounded (as in Pliny, b. vi. c. 23, 25) with the small province of Arachosia, Paropamisus mountains, Aria, Parthia, and Carmania. Smith, -art. Ariana. See b. xv. c. ii. § 7, 8. as far +art. Ariana. See b. xv. c. ii. § 7, 8. as far @@ -56722,7 +56722,7 @@ art. Ariana. See b. xv. c. ii. § 7, 8. as far as the nations which extend to the Persian Sea, the Arabian -Gulf, and the Nile, and to the Ægyptian and the Issic seas. +Gulf, and the Nile, and to the Ægyptian and the Issic seas.

@@ -56731,7 +56731,7 @@ Gulf, and the Nile, and to the Ægyptian and the Issic seas.

ACCORDING to this disposition, the first portion towards -the north and the Ocean is inhabited by certain tribes of Scythians, shepherds, (nomades,) and Hamaxœci (or those who +the north and the Ocean is inhabited by certain tribes of Scythians, shepherds, (nomades,) and Hamaxœci (or those who live in waggon-houses). Within these tribes live Sarmatians, @@ -56739,7 +56739,7 @@ who also are Scythians, Aorsi,The Aorsi and Siraci occupied the Don, the Volga, the Caspian Sea, and the Terek. May not the Aorsi, -says Gossellin, be the same as the Thyrsagetæ, Agathursi, Utidorsi, +says Gossellin, be the same as the Thyrsagetæ, Agathursi, Utidorsi, Adorsi, Alanorsi of other writers, but whose real name is Thyrsi? The @@ -56747,27 +56747,27 @@ Siraci do not appear to differ from the Soraci or Seraci of Tacitus, (Ann. xii. 15, &c.,) and may be the same as )Iuo|kes, afterwards called -Turcæ. and Siraci, extending as far as +Turcæ. and Siraci, extending as far as the Caucasian Mountains towards the south. Some of these -are Nomades, or shepherd tribes, others Scenitæ, (or dwellers +are Nomades, or shepherd tribes, others Scenitæ, (or dwellers in tents,) and Georgi, or tillers of the ground. About the -lake Mæotis live the Mœotæ. Close to the sea is the Asiatic +lake Mæotis live the Mœotæ. Close to the sea is the Asiatic portion of the Bosporus and Sindica.The country to the N. and N. E. of Anapa. By Bosporus we are to -understand the territory on each side of the Straits of Kertch. Next follow Achæi, +understand the territory on each side of the Straits of Kertch. Next follow Achæi, -Zygi, Heniochi,B. ii. c.v. § 31. Cercetæ, and Macropogones (or the longbeards). Above these people are situated the passes of the +Zygi, Heniochi,B. ii. c.v. § 31. Cercetæ, and Macropogones (or the longbeards). Above these people are situated the passes of the Phtheirophagi (or Lice-eaters). After the Heniochi is Colchis, lying at the foot of the Caucasian and Moschic mountains. -Having assumed the Tanaïs as the boundary of Europe and +Having assumed the Tanaïs as the boundary of Europe and Asia, we must begin our description in detail from this river. @@ -56777,7 +56777,7 @@ Asia, we must begin our description in detail from this river. -2. The Tanaïs or Don flows from the northern parts. It does +2. The Tanaïs or Don flows from the northern parts. It does not however flow in a direction diametrically opposite to the @@ -56791,7 +56791,7 @@ of access, and its stream is navigable to a great distance from its mouth. We are acquainted with the mouths of the Don, -(there are two in the most northerly parts of the Mæotis, distant 60 stadia from each other,) but a small part only of the +(there are two in the most northerly parts of the Mæotis, distant 60 stadia from each other,) but a small part only of the tract above the mouths is explored, on account of the severity of the cold, and the destitute state of the country; the @@ -56813,7 +56813,7 @@ mountains, that, after flowing in a full stream towards the north, it then makes a bend, and discharges itself into the -Mæotis. TheophanesCn. Pompeius Theophanes was one of the more intimate friends of +Mæotis. TheophanesCn. Pompeius Theophanes was one of the more intimate friends of Pompey, by whom he was presented with the Roman franchise in the @@ -56832,7 +56832,7 @@ think it impossible for it to rise at no great distance and in the north.

-

Upon the river, and on the lake, stands a city Tanaïs, +

Upon the river, and on the lake, stands a city Tanaïs, founded by the Greeks, who possess the Bosporus; but @@ -56858,7 +56858,7 @@ land Alopecia, a settlement of a mixed people. There are other small islands not far off in the lake. -The city Tanaïs,If there ever did exist such a city as Tanaïs I should expect to +The city Tanaïs,If there ever did exist such a city as Tanaïs I should expect to find it at the extremity of that northern embouchure of the Don, which @@ -56866,7 +56866,7 @@ I have before mentioned as bearing the very name the Greeks gave to the city, with the slightest variation of orthography, in the appellation -Tdanæts or Danætz. Clarke's Travels in Russia, chap. 14. to those who sail in a direct line towards the north, is distant from the mouth of the Mæotis +Tdanæts or Danætz. Clarke's Travels in Russia, chap. 14. to those who sail in a direct line towards the north, is distant from the mouth of the Mæotis 2200 stadia, nor is the distance much greater in sailing along @@ -56877,7 +56877,7 @@ the coast (on the east). presents itself to those who have proceeded to the distance of -800 stadia from the Tanaïs, is the Great Rhombites, as it is +800 stadia from the Tanaïs, is the Great Rhombites, as it is called, where large quantities of fish are captured for the purpose of being salted. Then at the distance of 800 stadia @@ -56885,11 +56885,11 @@ more is the Lesser Rhombites,Strabo makes the distance too smaller fisheries. The [nomades] at the former have small -islands as stations for their vessels, those at the Lesser Rhombites are the Mæotæ who cultivate the ground. For along +islands as stations for their vessels, those at the Lesser Rhombites are the Mæotæ who cultivate the ground. For along -the whole of this coasting voyage live Mæotæ, who are husbandmen, but not less addicted to war than the nomades. +the whole of this coasting voyage live Mæotæ, who are husbandmen, but not less addicted to war than the nomades. -They are divided into several tribes; those near the Tanaïs +They are divided into several tribes; those near the Tanaïs are more savage, those contiguous to the Bosporus are more @@ -56917,7 +56917,7 @@ the inland parts, on the right of the Euxine, as far as Ionia. They were dislodged from these places by Scythians, and the -Scythians by Greeks, who founded Panticapæum,Kertch. and the +Scythians by Greeks, who founded Panticapæum,Kertch. and the other cities on the Bosporus. @@ -56935,15 +56935,15 @@ the ancient Parthenium on the point Tchochekha-Bournou (the pig's head). But perhaps the ancients placed Achilleum near the entrance of -the Euxine into the Palus Mæotis. Is not the fort of Achou, which is 8 +the Euxine into the Palus Mæotis. Is not the fort of Achou, which is 8 -leagues more to the east on the Palus Mæotis, the true Achilleum, the +leagues more to the east on the Palus Mæotis, the true Achilleum, the name being corrupted and abridged by the Tartars? where is the temple of Achilles, are 20 stadia. Here is the narrowest passage, 20 -stadia or more, across the mouth of the Mæotis; on the opposite continent is Myrmecium, a village. Near are Heracleium and Parthenium. +stadia or more, across the mouth of the Mæotis; on the opposite continent is Myrmecium, a village. Near are Heracleium and Parthenium.

Thence to the monument of Satyrus are 90 stadia; this @@ -56953,17 +56953,17 @@ is a mound raised on a promontory,The point Rubanova.

-

Near it is Patræus,Ada. a village, from which to Corocondame,Taman. a village, are 130 stadia. This is the termination of +

Near it is Patræus,Ada. a village, from which to Corocondame,Taman. a village, are 130 stadia. This is the termination of -the Cimmerian Bosporus, as it is called. The narrow passage at the mouth of the Mœotis derives its name from the +the Cimmerian Bosporus, as it is called. The narrow passage at the mouth of the Mœotis derives its name from the straits opposite the Achilleium, and the Myrmecium; it extends as far as Corocondame and a small village opposite to -it in the territory of the Panticapæans, called Acra,C. Takli. and +it in the territory of the Panticapæans, called Acra,C. Takli. and separated by a channel of 70 stadia in width. The ice -reaches even to this place, for the Mæotis is frozen during +reaches even to this place, for the Mæotis is frozen during severe frost so as to become passable on foot. The whole of @@ -56980,7 +56980,7 @@ of the river Anticeites empties itself into the lake, and forms an island, which is surrounded by the waters of the lake, of -the Mæotis, and of the river. Some persons give this river +the Mæotis, and of the river. Some persons give this river the name of Hypanis,The Kuban, anciently also the Vardanus. as well as to thatThe Bog. near the Borysthenes.The Dnieper. @@ -57011,7 +57011,7 @@ the right hand in Sindica beyond the Hypanis. There is Gorgipia,e)/sti de\ kai\ Goo|gipi/a. Some word or words appear to be wanting -here. Kiepert assigns a place to this name, but it seems doubtful whether a place or a district is to be understood. Below, § 14, the Sindic +here. Kiepert assigns a place to this name, but it seems doubtful whether a place or a district is to be understood. Below, § 14, the Sindic harbour and city are mentioned, which may have been situated at @@ -57024,7 +57024,7 @@ maps. but the royal seat of the Sindi is in Sindica near the sea, and Aborace.

All those who are subject to the princes of the Bosporus -are called Bosporani. The capital of the European Bosporani is Panticapæum, and of the Asian Bosporani, the city of +are called Bosporani. The capital of the European Bosporani is Panticapæum, and of the Asian Bosporani, the city of Phanagorium,The modern town Phanagoria does not seem to occupy the site of @@ -57032,7 +57032,7 @@ the ancient city. for this is the name given to it. Phanagoria seems to be the mart for those commodities which are -brought down from the Mæotis, and from the barbarous country lying above it; and Panticapæum, the mart for the commodities which are transported thither from the sea. There +brought down from the Mæotis, and from the barbarous country lying above it; and Panticapæum, the mart for the commodities which are transported thither from the sea. There is also in Phanagoria a magnificent temple of Venus Apatura, the Deceitful. This epithet of the goddess is derived @@ -57047,13 +57047,13 @@ her presence, and delivered them over to Hercules, thus craftilye)c a)pa/ths. to be put to death.

-

The Sindi, Dandarii, Toreatæ, Agri, Arrhechi, and +

The Sindi, Dandarii, Toreatæ, Agri, Arrhechi, and besides these, the Tarpetes, Obidiaceni, Sittaceni, Dosci, and -many others, belong to the Mæotæ; to this people belong the +many others, belong to the Mæotæ; to this people belong the -Aspurgiani also, who live between Phanagoria and Gorgipia, at the distance of 500 stadia [from the Mæotis?]. Polemon, the king, entered the country of these people under a +Aspurgiani also, who live between Phanagoria and Gorgipia, at the distance of 500 stadia [from the Mæotis?]. Polemon, the king, entered the country of these people under a @@ -57066,15 +57066,15 @@ show of friendship, but his design was discovered, and they on their part attacked him unawares. He was taken prisoner, and put to death. -

With respect to the Asian Mæotæ in general, some of +

With respect to the Asian Mæotæ in general, some of them were the subjects of those who possessed the mart on -the Tanaïs; others, of the Bosporani; and different bodies +the Tanaïs; others, of the Bosporani; and different bodies have revolted at different times. The princes of the Bosporani were frequently masters of the country as far as the -Tanaïs, and particularly the last princes, Pharnaces, Asander, +Tanaïs, and particularly the last princes, Pharnaces, Asander, and Polemon.

Pharnaces is said to have once brought even the river @@ -57086,7 +57086,7 @@ ancient canal, which he had caused to be cleared, and inundated the country.

Next to Sindica, and Gorgipia upon the sea, is the -sea-coast inhabited by the Achæi, Zygi, and Heniochi. It +sea-coast inhabited by the Achæi, Zygi, and Heniochi. It is for the most part without harbours and mountainous, being @@ -57094,11 +57094,11 @@ a portion of the Caucasus.

These people subsist by piracy.

Their boats are slender, narrow, light, and capable of holding about five and twenty men, and rarely thirty. The -Greeks call them camaræ. They say, that at the time of +Greeks call them camaræ. They say, that at the time of -the expedition of Jason the Achæi Phthio$tæ founded the +the expedition of Jason the Achæi Phthio$tæ founded the -Achaia there, and the Lacedæmonians, Heniochia. Their +Achaia there, and the Lacedæmonians, Heniochia. Their leaders were Rhecas, and Amphistratus, the charioteersh(ni/oxoi. of @@ -57106,7 +57106,7 @@ the Dioscuri; it is probable that the Heniochi had their name from these persons. They equip fleets consisting of -these camaræ, and being masters of the sea sometimes attack vessels of burden, or invade a territory, or even a city. +these camaræ, and being masters of the sea sometimes attack vessels of burden, or invade a territory, or even a city. Sometimes even those who occupy the Bosporus assist them, @@ -57116,7 +57116,7 @@ them with provision and means for the disposal of their booty. When they return to their own country, not having -places suitable for mooring their vessels, they put their camaræ +places suitable for mooring their vessels, they put their camaræ on their shoulders, and carry them up into the forests, among @@ -57128,7 +57128,7 @@ to the coast. Their habits are the same even in a foreign country, for they are acquainted with wooded tracts, in which, -after concealing their camaræ, they wander about on foot day +after concealing their camaræ, they wander about on foot day @@ -57148,7 +57148,7 @@ is a regular government, the injured find means of repelling them. For, frequently, the pirates are attacked in return, and -are carried off together with their camaræ. But the country +are carried off together with their camaræ. But the country subject to the Romans is not so well protected, in conse- @@ -57169,7 +57169,7 @@ avoided that of the Zygi on account of its ruggedness, and the savage character of the people. He proceeded with difficulty along the sea-coast, frequently embarking in vessels, -till he came to the country of the Achæi, by whom he was +till he came to the country of the Achæi, by whom he was hospitably received. He had then completed a journey from @@ -57185,22 +57185,22 @@ stadia is Bata,Pschate. as it is called, a village w at this place that Sinope on the south seems to be directly opposite to this coast, as CarambisKeremp. has been said to be opposite to Criu-Metopon.C. Aia. -

Next to Bata Artemidorus places the coast of the Cercetæ, +

Next to Bata Artemidorus places the coast of the Cercetæ, which has places of shelter for vessels, and villages along an extent of about 850 stadia; then at 500 stadia more the -coast of the Achæi, then that of the Heniochi, at 1000 stadia, +coast of the Achæi, then that of the Heniochi, at 1000 stadia, then the Great Pityus, from which to Dioscurias are 360 stadia.

The authors most worthy of credit who have written the -history of the Mithridatic wars, enumerate the Achæi first, +history of the Mithridatic wars, enumerate the Achæi first, -then Zygi, then Heniochi, then Cercetæ, Moschi, Colchi, and +then Zygi, then Heniochi, then Cercetæ, Moschi, Colchi, and above these the Phtheirophagi, Soanes, and other smaller @@ -57231,7 +57231,7 @@ the coast, having made a considerable turn, then extends nearly in a straight line, and forms the side on the right hand of the Euxine, looking to the north. -

The whole of the coast of the Achæi, and of the other +

The whole of the coast of the Achæi, and of the other nations, as far as Dioscurias, and the inland places lying in a @@ -57277,7 +57277,7 @@ stadia from Trapezus (Trebizond). (Pliny, vi. 5; Arrian, Perip. pp. 10, 18.) Upon or near the spot to which the twin sons of Leda gave their -name, (Mela, i. 19, § 5; comp. Am. Marc. xxii. 8, § 24,) the Romans +name, (Mela, i. 19, § 5; comp. Am. Marc. xxii. 8, § 24,) the Romans built SEBASTOPOLIS, (Steph. B.; Procop. B. G. iv. 4,) which was deserted @@ -57377,7 +57377,7 @@ hemp, wax, and pitch, in great abundance. Its linen manufacture is celebrated, f and those who wish to establish an affinity of race between -the Colchians and the Ægyptians, advance this as a proof of it. +the Colchians and the Ægyptians, advance this as a proof of it.

Above the rivers which I have mentioned in the Moschic territory is the temple of Leucothea,According to Heyne, this was an Assyrian goddess worshipped under @@ -57396,13 +57396,13 @@ rich, but was plundered in our time by Pharnaces, and a little afterwards by Mithridates of Pergamus.The son of Menodotus by a daughter o Adobogion, a descendant of -the tetrarchs of Galatia. He was the personal friend of Cæsar, who at +the tetrarchs of Galatia. He was the personal friend of Cæsar, who at the commencement of the Alexandrian war (B. C. 48) sent him into Syria and Cilicia to raise auxiliary forces. Smith, art. Mithridates, and -see B. xiii. c. iv. § 3. For when a country is devastated, in the words of Euripides, +see B. xiii. c. iv. § 3. For when a country is devastated, in the words of Euripides, @@ -57454,7 +57454,7 @@ by Colchians, another by Iberians, and the third by Armenians. There is in Iberi city, the city of Phrixus, the present Idessa, a place of -strength. The river CharisCasaubon would read Corax.—The Sukum. flows near Dioscurias. +strength. The river CharisCasaubon would read Corax.—The Sukum. flows near Dioscurias.

Among the nations that assemble at Dioscurias are @@ -57533,7 +57533,7 @@ having received several rivers, and among these the Alazonius,Strabo mentions the Gelæ again, c. vii. § 1, but in a manner which +Gelæ and Legæ,Strabo mentions the Gelæ again, c. vii. § 1, but in a manner which does not agree with what he here says of their position. We must perhaps suppose that this people, in part at least, have changed their place of residence, and that now the greater part of their descendants are to be -found in Ghilan, under the name of Gelæ, or Gelaki. The name of +found in Ghilan, under the name of Gelæ, or Gelaki. The name of -Leges, or Legæ, who have continued to occupy these regions, is recognised in that of Legi, Leski. Gossellin. Scythian tribes, live between the Amazons +Leges, or Legæ, who have continued to occupy these regions, is recognised in that of Legi, Leski. Gossellin. Scythian tribes, live between the Amazons and the Albanians, and that the river MermadalisThe Mermadalis seems to be the same river called below by Strabo @@ -57993,11 +57993,11 @@ the contrary. mountains through the country of the Amazons, the Siracene, -and the intervening desert, discharges itself into the Mæotis.This sentence has been supposed by some critics to be an interpolation. Strabo above, c. ii. § 1, has already spoken of the Siraci, who +and the intervening desert, discharges itself into the Mæotis.This sentence has been supposed by some critics to be an interpolation. Strabo above, c. ii. § 1, has already spoken of the Siraci, who would seem to have been the inhabitants of Siracena, and may sometimes -have been called Siraceni. In c. ii. § 11, he speaks of the Sittaceni, and +have been called Siraceni. In c. ii. § 11, he speaks of the Sittaceni, and assigns them a position which would indicate them as a different people @@ -58008,7 +58008,7 @@ Amazons from Themiscyra to these places, that they then separated, and with the assistance of some Thracians and -Eubœans, who had wandered as far as this country, made war +Eubœans, who had wandered as far as this country, made war against the Amazons, and at length, upon its termination, entered into a compact on the conditions above mentioned, namely, @@ -58181,7 +58181,7 @@ heights the climate is more northerly, but milder, for the land below the heights joins the plains of the Siraces. There -are some tribes of Troglodytæ who inhabit caves on account +are some tribes of Troglodytæ who inhabit caves on account @@ -58192,7 +58192,7 @@ are some tribes of Troglodytæ who inhabit caves on account of the cold. There is plentyGroskurd reads a)pori/a, want, instead of eu)pori/a, plenty. of grain to be had in the country. -

Next to the Troglodytee are Chamæcœt,Xamaikai=tai. People who lie on the ground. and a tribe called +

Next to the Troglodytee are Chamæcœt,Xamaikai=tai. People who lie on the ground. and a tribe called Polyphagi (the voracious), and the villages of the Eisadici, @@ -58203,7 +58203,7 @@ altogether exposed to the north.

Immediately afterwards follow shepherd tribes, situated -between the Mæotis and the Caspian Sea, Nabiani, Pangani,Panxani, Paxani, Penzani. +between the Mæotis and the Caspian Sea, Nabiani, Pangani,Panxani, Paxani, Penzani. the tribes also of the Siraces and Aorsi.

The Aorsi and Siraces seem to be a fugitive people from @@ -58226,11 +58226,11 @@ camels the merchandise of India and Babylonia, receiving it from Armenians and Medes. They wore gold also in their dress in consequence of their wealth. -

The Aorsi live on the banks of the Tanaïs, and the Siraces +

The Aorsi live on the banks of the Tanaïs, and the Siraces on those of Achardeus, which rises in Caucasus, and dis- -charges itself into the Mæotis. +charges itself into the Mæotis.

@@ -58265,7 +58265,7 @@ the Albanians and CadusiiThe country occupied by the Cadusi appears to have been the Ghilan, a name probably derived from the -Gelæ, who are constantly associated with the Cadusii. comprised 5400 stadia; and the +Gelæ, who are constantly associated with the Cadusii. comprised 5400 stadia; and the part along the country of the Anariaci, Mardi, [or Amardi,] @@ -58281,7 +58281,7 @@ literal a sense, particularly with regard to distances.

Upon sailing into the Caspian, on the right hand, contiguous to the Europeans, Scythians and Sarmatians occupy -the country between the Tanaïs and this sea; they are chiefly +the country between the Tanaïs and this sea; they are chiefly Normades, or shepherd tribes, of whom I have already spoken. @@ -58296,17 +58296,17 @@ thians. Writers still more ancient than these called the nations living above the Euxine, Danube, and Adriatic, Hyperboreans, -Sauromatæ, and Arimaspi.i. e. the Hyperboreans above the Adriatic, the Sauromatæ above the +Sauromatæ, and Arimaspi.i. e. the Hyperboreans above the Adriatic, the Sauromatæ above the Danube, and the Arimaspi above the Euxine. But in speaking of the nations -on the other side the Caspian Sea, they called some Sacæ,The name Sacæ is to be traced in Sakita, a district on the confines of +on the other side the Caspian Sea, they called some Sacæ,The name Sacæ is to be traced in Sakita, a district on the confines of those of Vash and Gil, situated on the north of the Gihon or Oxus, conequently in ancient Sogdiana. D'Anville -others Massagetæ. They were unable to give any exact account of them, although they relate the history of the war of +others Massagetæ. They were unable to give any exact account of them, although they relate the history of the war of -Cyrus with the Massagetæ. Concerning these nations no one +Cyrus with the Massagetæ. Concerning these nations no one has ascertained the truth, and the ancient histories of Persia, @@ -58361,13 +58361,13 @@ for they had better opportunities of personal observation. side of the coast on entering the Caspian Sea, are called by -the moderns Dahæ, and surnamed Parni.C. viii. § 2. Then there intervenes a desert tract, which is followed by Hyrcania; here the +the moderns Dahæ, and surnamed Parni.C. viii. § 2. Then there intervenes a desert tract, which is followed by Hyrcania; here the Caspian spreads like a deep sea till it approaches the Median and Armenian mountains. The shape of these hills at the -foot is lunated.At ubi cœpit in latitudinem pandi lunatis obliquatur cornibus Pliny, +foot is lunated.At ubi cœpit in latitudinem pandi lunatis obliquatur cornibus Pliny, N. H. Their extremities terminate at the sea, and @@ -58376,7 +58376,7 @@ form the recess of the bay. as far as the heights, if we reckon from the sea, is inhabited by -some tribes of Albanians and Armenians, but the greater portion by Gelæ, Cadusii, Amardi, Vitii, and Anariacæ. It is said, +some tribes of Albanians and Armenians, but the greater portion by Gelæ, Cadusii, Amardi, Vitii, and Anariacæ. It is said, that some Parrhasii were settled together with the Anariace, @@ -58390,9 +58390,9 @@ built a wailed city in the territory of the Vitii, which city is -now called Æniana (Ænia). Grecian armour, brazen vessels, +now called Æniana (Ænia). Grecian armour, brazen vessels, -and sepulchres are shown there. There also is a city Anariacæ, in which it is said an oracle is shown, where the +and sepulchres are shown there. There also is a city Anariacæ, in which it is said an oracle is shown, where the answer is given to those who consult it, during sleep, [and @@ -58407,7 +58407,7 @@ part of the coast at the foot of the mountainous region is occupied by Cadusii, in size. These countries are sterile.

-

HyrcaniaSee b. ii. c. i. § 14. is very fertile, and extensive, consisting for +

HyrcaniaSee b. ii. c. i. § 14. is very fertile, and extensive, consisting for the most part of plains, and has considerable cities dispersed @@ -58465,11 +58465,11 @@ possessions. Aristobulus says that Hyrcania has forests and produces the oak, but not the pitch pine,peu/kh. nor the fir,e)la/th. nor the pine,pi/tus. but that India abounds with these trees. -

NesæaThe country here spoken of appears to be that celebrated from the +

NesæaThe country here spoken of appears to be that celebrated from the -earliest times for its breed of horses to which the epithet Nesæan was +earliest times for its breed of horses to which the epithet Nesæan was -applied by ancient writers. See c. xiii. § 7. belongs to Hyrcania, but some writers make it an +applied by ancient writers. See c. xiii. § 7. belongs to Hyrcania, but some writers make it an independent district. @@ -58478,7 +58478,7 @@ independent district. far as their entrance into the sea. The Ochus flows through -Nesæa, but some writers say that the Ochus empties itself +Nesæa, but some writers say that the Ochus empties itself into the Oxus.

Aristobulus avers that the Oxus was the largest river, except those in India, which he had seen in Asia. He says @@ -58504,11 +58504,11 @@ this sea, to flatter the ambition of Alexander and his love of glory; for, as it was generally acknowledged that the river -Tanaïs separated Europe from Asia throughout its whole +Tanaïs separated Europe from Asia throughout its whole course, and that a large part of Asia, lying between this sea -and the Tanaïs, had never been subjected to the power of the +and the Tanaïs, had never been subjected to the power of the Macedonians, it was resolved to invent an expedition, in order @@ -58516,7 +58516,7 @@ that, according to fame at least, Alexander might seem to have conquered those countries. They therefore made the -lake Mæotis, which receives the Tanaïs, and the Caspian Sea, +lake Mæotis, which receives the Tanaïs, and the Caspian Sea, which also they call a lake, one body of water, affirming that @@ -58538,7 +58538,7 @@ pursuit of Mithridates. That it was not a dif- -stance of the Tanaïs discharging itself into it. From the +stance of the Tanaïs discharging itself into it. From the same mountains in India, where the Ochus and the Oxus rise, @@ -58546,9 +58546,9 @@ many other rivers take their course, and among these the laxartes, which like the former empties itself into the Caspian Sea, although it is the most northerly of them all. This -river then they called Tanaïs, and alleged, as a proof that it +river then they called Tanaïs, and alleged, as a proof that it -was the Tanaïs mentioned by Polycleitus, that the country on +was the Tanaïs mentioned by Polycleitus, that the country on the other side of the river produced the fir-tree, and that the @@ -58616,7 +58616,7 @@ a continuous line, bearing different names in different places. -The northern partsau)tou= in this passage, as Kramer remarks, is singular. of this range are occupied first by Gelæ, +The northern partsau)tou= in this passage, as Kramer remarks, is singular. of this range are occupied first by Gelæ, Cadusii, and Amardi, as we have said, and by some tribes of @@ -58639,7 +58639,7 @@ mountains which follow after Ariana,There is some confusion amend as follows: "But among the barbarians the heights of Ariana, -and the northern mountains of India, are separately called Emoda, &c. but among the barbarians the heights and the northern parts of the Parapomisus were called Emoda, and Mount Imaus;B. xv. c. i. § 11. The name is derived from the Sanscrit himavat, +and the northern mountains of India, are separately called Emoda, &c. but among the barbarians the heights and the northern parts of the Parapomisus were called Emoda, and Mount Imaus;B. xv. c. i. § 11. The name is derived from the Sanscrit himavat, which is preserved in the Latin hiems, winter, and in the modern name @@ -58656,9 +58656,9 @@ the Scythian and nomadic nations, occupying the whole of the northern side. Most of the Scythians, beginning from -the Caspian Sea, are called Dahæ Scythæ, and those situated +the Caspian Sea, are called Dahæ Scythæ, and those situated -more towards the east Massagetæ and Sacæ; the rest have +more towards the east Massagetæ and Sacæ; the rest have the common appellation of Scythians, but each separate tribe @@ -58670,13 +58670,13 @@ the Greeks of Bactriana, the Asii, Pasiani, (Asiani?) Tochari, and Sacarauli, who came from the country on the other side -of the Iaxartes,The Syr-Daria. opposite the Sacæ and Sogdiani, and which +of the Iaxartes,The Syr-Daria. opposite the Sacæ and Sogdiani, and which -country was also occupied by Sacæ; some tribes of the +country was also occupied by Sacæ; some tribes of the -Dahæ are surnamed Aparni, some Xanthii, others Pissuri.Aparni, Xanthii, and Pissuri, in this passage, seem to be the same as +Dahæ are surnamed Aparni, some Xanthii, others Pissuri.Aparni, Xanthii, and Pissuri, in this passage, seem to be the same as -Parni, Xandii, and Parii, in c. ix. § 3, if we may understand in the present passage these people to be referred to only by name, but not as +Parni, Xandii, and Parii, in c. ix. § 3, if we may understand in the present passage these people to be referred to only by name, but not as living in the country here described. @@ -58697,7 +58697,7 @@ as the country opposite to Aria. Aria lies a vast and arid desert, which they crossed by long -journeys, and overran Hyrcania, the Nesæan country, and +journeys, and overran Hyrcania, the Nesæan country, and the plains of Parthia. These people agreed to pay a tribute @@ -58714,7 +58714,7 @@ was renewed. Such is the kind of life which the other Nomades also lead, continu then making peace with them.

-

The Sacæ had made incursions similar to those of the +

The Sacæ had made incursions similar to those of the Cimmerians and Treres, some near their own country, others @@ -58736,15 +58736,15 @@ were then stationed in that quarter, and were utterly exterminated. The Persians of a hill over a rock in the plain, (where this occurred,) and -fortified it. They erected there a temple to Anaïtis and tile +fortified it. They erected there a temple to Anaïtis and tile gods Omanus and Anadatus, Persian deities who have a common altar.These gods, otherwise unknown, are mentioned again in b. xv. c. iii. -§ 15. They also instituted an annual festival, (in +§ 15. They also instituted an annual festival, (in -memory of the event,) the Sacæa, which the occupiers of Zela, +memory of the event,) the Sacæa, which the occupiers of Zela, for this is the name of the place, celebrate to this day. It is @@ -58755,7 +58755,7 @@ Pompey added to it a considerable tract of territory, the inhabitants of which h of the cities which he settled after the overthrow of Mithridates.

-

Such is the account which is given of the Sacæ by some +

Such is the account which is given of the Sacæ by some writers. Others say, that Cyrus in an expedition against the @@ -58765,7 +58765,7 @@ writers. Others say, that Cyrus in an expedition against the -Sacæ was defeated, and fled. He advanced with his army to +Sacæ was defeated, and fled. He advanced with his army to the spot where he had left his stores, consisting of large supplies of every kind, particularly of wine; he stopped a short @@ -58773,15 +58773,15 @@ time to refresh his army, and set out in the evening, as though he continued his flight, the tents being left full of provisions. He proceeded as far as he thought requisite, and -then halted. The Sacæ pursued, who, finding the camp abandoned and full of the means of gratifying their appetites, indulged themselves without restraint. Cyrus then returned +then halted. The Sacæ pursued, who, finding the camp abandoned and full of the means of gratifying their appetites, indulged themselves without restraint. Cyrus then returned and found them drunk and frantic; some were killed, stretched on the ground drowsy or asleep; others, dancing and maddened with wine, fell defenceless on the weapons of their enemies. Nearly all of them perished. Cyrus ascribed -this success to the gods; lie consecrated the day to the goddess worshipped in his own country, and called it Sacæ. +this success to the gods; lie consecrated the day to the goddess worshipped in his own country, and called it Sacæ. -Wherever there is a temple of this goddess, there the Sacœan +Wherever there is a temple of this goddess, there the Sacœan festival, a sort of Bacchanalian feast, is celebrated, in which @@ -58790,7 +58790,7 @@ both men and women, dressed in the Scythian habit, pass day and night in drinking and wanton play.

-

The Massagetæ signalized their bravery in the war with +

The Massagetæ signalized their bravery in the war with Cyrus, of which many writers have published accounts; we @@ -58810,7 +58810,7 @@ branches and discharges itself by many mouths into the other seaThe Northern Ocean. towards the north, but by one only into the Hyrcanian -Gulf. The Massagetæ regard no other deity than the sun, and +Gulf. The Massagetæ regard no other deity than the sun, and to his honour they sacrifice a horse. Each man marries only @@ -58877,28 +58877,28 @@ manners are alike, and their whole manner of living is independent, but rude, sa

The Attasii (Augasii?) and the Chorasmii belong to -the Massagetæ and Sacæ, to whom Spitamenes directed his +the Massagetæ and Sacæ, to whom Spitamenes directed his flight from Bactria and Sogdiana. He was one of the Persians who, like Bessus, made his escape from Alexander by flight, as Arsaces afterwards fled from Seleucus Callinicus, -and retreated among the Aspasiacæ. +and retreated among the Aspasiacæ.

Eratosthenes says, that the Bactrians lie along the Arachoti -and Massagetæ on the west near the Oxus, and that Sacæ and +and Massagetæ on the west near the Oxus, and that Sacæ and Sogdiani, through the whole extent of their territory,toi=s o(/lois e\da/fesin. are opposite to India, but the Bactrii in part only, for the greater part of their country lies parallel to the Parapomisus; that the -Sacæ and Sogdiani are separated by the Iaxartes, and the +Sacæ and Sogdiani are separated by the Iaxartes, and the Sogdiani and Bactriani by the Oxus; that Tapyri occupy the country between Hyrcani and Arii; that around the -shores of the sea, next to the Hyrcani, are Amardi, Anariacæ, +shores of the sea, next to the Hyrcani, are Amardi, Anariacæ, Cadusii, Albani, Caspii, Vitii, and perhaps other tribes extending as far as the Scythians; that on the other side of the @@ -58923,9 +58923,9 @@ the Medes and Matiani below the Parachoathras. Thence to Alexandreia in the territory of the Arii6400 Thence to the city Bactra, which is called also Zariaspa3870 Thence to the river Iaxartes, which Alexander reached, about5000 -——— +——— Making a total of22,670 -——— +———

He also assigns the following distances from the Caspian @@ -58941,27 +58941,27 @@ ancient writers not corresponding accurately with known ruins. It has been supposed that Damgham corresponds best with this place; but -Damgham is too near the Pylee Caspiæ: on the whole it is probable that +Damgham is too near the Pylee Caspiæ: on the whole it is probable that any remains of Hecatompylos ought to be sought in the neighbourhood of a place now called Jah Jirm. Smith, art. Hecatompylos.1960 To AlexandreiaNow Herat, the capital of Khorassan. See Smith, art. Aria Civitas. in the country of the Arii (Ariana)4530 Thence to ProphthasiaZarang. in DrangaSigistan. (or according to others 1500)1600 -Thence to the city ArachotiUlan Robât, but see Smith, art. Arachotus.4120 +Thence to the city ArachotiUlan Robât, but see Smith, art. Arachotus.4120 Thence to Ortospana on the three roads from BactraBalkh. See Smith.2000 Thence to the confines of India1000 -——— +——— Which together amount to15,300The sum total is 15,210 stadia, and not 15,300 stadia. This latter -sum total is to be found again in b. xv. c. ii. § 8, but the passage there +sum total is to be found again in b. xv. c. ii. § 8, but the passage there referred to has served to correct a still greater error in the reading of this chapter, viz. 15,500. Corrections of the text have been proposed, but their value is doubtful. -——— +——— @@ -58974,7 +58974,7 @@ We must regard as continuous with this distance, in a straight line, the length of India, reckoned from the Indus to the, Eastern Sea. -

Thus much then respecting the Sacæ. +

Thus much then respecting the Sacæ.

@@ -58993,14 +58993,14 @@ country, which is unable to furnish subsistence for such numbers even for a shor extent. ComiseneIts present name is said to be Comis. and Chorene are parts of Parthiene, and -perhaps also the country as far as the Caspian Gates, Rhagæ, +perhaps also the country as far as the Caspian Gates, Rhagæ, and the Tapyri, which formerly belonged to Media. Apameia -and Heracleia are cities in the neighbourhood of Rhagæ. -

From the Caspian Gates to Rhagæ are 500 stadia according to Apollodorus, and to Hecatompylos, the royal seat of +and Heracleia are cities in the neighbourhood of Rhagæ. +

From the Caspian Gates to Rhagæ are 500 stadia according to Apollodorus, and to Hecatompylos, the royal seat of -the Parthians, 1260 stadia. RhagæThe Rents. is said to have had its +the Parthians, 1260 stadia. RhagæThe Rents. is said to have had its name from the earthquakes which occurred in that country, by @@ -59037,7 +59037,7 @@ then Euthydemus and his party the revolt of all the country near that province. Afterwards Arsaces, a Scythian, (with -the Parni, called nomades, a tribe of the Dahæ, who live on +the Parni, called nomades, a tribe of the Dahæ, who live on the banks of the Ochus,) invaded Parthia, and made himself @@ -59064,11 +59064,11 @@ which have indeed much of the barbarous and Scythian character, but are very wel and for insuring success in war.

-

They say that the Dahæ Parni were an emigrant tribe +

They say that the Dahæ Parni were an emigrant tribe -from the Dahæ above the Mæotis, who are called Xandii +from the Dahæ above the Mæotis, who are called Xandii -and Parii. But it is not generally acknowledged that Dahæ +and Parii. But it is not generally acknowledged that Dahæ are to be found among the Scythians above the Meotis, yet @@ -59104,7 +59104,7 @@ portion of Asia, are partly composed of valleys enclosed by -mountains, and partly of inhabited plains. Some tribes of Seenitæ (dwellers in tents) occupy the mountains; the plains are +mountains, and partly of inhabited plains. Some tribes of Seenitæ (dwellers in tents) occupy the mountains; the plains are watered by the rivers Arius and by the Margus.

Aria borders upon Bactriana, and the mountainThe Parapomisus. Kramer's proposed correction is adopted. which has @@ -59124,7 +59124,7 @@ some tracts however approach the northern side opposite Aria. distant; it lies at the foot of the southern side of the mountains, and extends to the river Indus.

The length of Aria is about 2000 stadia, and the breadth -of the plain 300 stadia. Its cities are Artacaëna, Alexandreia, +of the plain 300 stadia. Its cities are Artacaëna, Alexandreia, and Achaia, which are called after the names of their founders.

The soil produces excellent wines, which may be kept for @@ -59166,7 +59166,7 @@ Isamus,)For Isamus in the text, Imaus is adopted by Groskur passage, but Mannert, (Geogr. v. p. 295,) finding in Pliny (N. H. vi. 21, -§ 17) the river Iomanes, proposes to read in this passage )Ioma/nou, in +§ 17) the river Iomanes, proposes to read in this passage )Ioma/nou, in which he recognises the Jumna conquered more nations than Alexander. These @@ -59193,7 +59193,7 @@ as the Seres and Phryni. (a river of the same name flows through it, and empties itself -into the Oxus,) and Darapsa,Adraspa. B. xv. c. ii. § 10. and many others. Among +into the Oxus,) and Darapsa,Adraspa. B. xv. c. ii. § 10. and many others. Among these was Eucratidia, which had its name from Eucratidas, @@ -59240,7 +59240,7 @@ years, confine them, and let them die of hunger. This custom, although Scythian that of the Bactrians, and is similar to the domestic law of -the Cei;B. x. c. v. § 6. the custom however of the Bactrians is much more +the Cei;B. x. c. v. § 6. the custom however of the Bactrians is much more according to Scythian manners. We may be justly at a loss @@ -59261,7 +59261,7 @@ princes who preceded them.

Alexander, it is said, founded eight cities in Bactriana -and Sogdiana; some he razed, among which were Cariatæ in +and Sogdiana; some he razed, among which were Cariatæ in Bactriana, where Callisthenes was seized and imprisoned; @@ -59288,7 +59288,7 @@ Roxana the daughter of Oxyartes. The height of the fortress in Sogdiana is double the height of this. It was near these -places that he destroyed the city of the Branchidæ, whom +places that he destroyed the city of the Branchidæ, whom Xerxes settled there, and who had voluntarily accompanied him @@ -59344,9 +59344,9 @@ Their mouths, according to Patrocles, are about 80 parasangs distant from each other. The Persian parasang some say contains 60, others 30 or 40, stadia. -

When I was sailing up the Nile, schœni of different measures were used in passing from one city to another, so that +

When I was sailing up the Nile, schœni of different measures were used in passing from one city to another, so that -the same number of schœni gave in some places a longer, in +the same number of schœni gave in some places a longer, in others a shorter, length to the voyage. This mode of computation has been handed down from an early period, and is @@ -59396,7 +59396,7 @@ so as to shorten on the East the portion of Asia we are now describing, comprehended between the Taurus and the Northern Ocean, which forms the Caspian Sea.

The greatest length of this portion, reckoned from the Hyrcanian Sea to the (Eastern) Ocean opposite Imaus, is about -30,000 stadia,That is, from the Caspian Gates to Thinæ. Gossellin. the route being along the mountainous tract of +30,000 stadia,That is, from the Caspian Gates to Thinæ. Gossellin. the route being along the mountainous tract of Taurus; the breadth is less than 10,000 stadia.Strabo does not here determine either the parallel from which we are @@ -59446,7 +59446,7 @@ with a proof that its greatest breadth is not more, as he says, than 10,000. But in what follows there is nothing advanced on this point; all that he -says is to develope another proposition, viz. that the extent of the Hyrcanian—Caspian Sea is at the utmost 6000 stadia. +says is to develope another proposition, viz. that the extent of the Hyrcanian—Caspian Sea is at the utmost 6000 stadia.

The arguments contained in this paragraph on the whole appear to me @@ -59488,7 +59488,7 @@ drawn from the mouth of the Hyrcanian Sea to the Northern Ocean, and prolonged in another direction through the mouth of the Persian Gulf -to the sea called Erythræan, would pass through the city Artemita. Consequently it is on the meridian of Artemita that we must look for the +to the sea called Erythræan, would pass through the city Artemita. Consequently it is on the meridian of Artemita that we must look for the greatest breadth of the Habitable Earth. @@ -59536,11 +59536,11 @@ to the mouth of the Persian Sea 8000, and again 8000, or a little short of that number, to the places on the same parallel -with the extremities of Æthiopia, there would remain, to +with the extremities of Æthiopia, there would remain, to complete the breadth as I have described it, of the habitable -earth, the number of stadiaNamely 6000. B. ii. c. i. § 17. which I have mentioned, reckoning from the recess of the Hyrcanian Sea to its mouth. This +earth, the number of stadiaNamely 6000. B. ii. c. i. § 17. which I have mentioned, reckoning from the recess of the Hyrcanian Sea to its mouth. This segment of the earth being truncated towards the eastern @@ -59639,13 +59639,13 @@ these, ill-fated. which are called also the parts within the Taurus, I propose to speak first of these. -

They are situated either entirely,—or chiefly, among the +

They are situated either entirely,—or chiefly, among the mountains. Those to the east of the Caspian Gates admit of a shorter description on account of the rude state of the people, nor is there much difference whether they are referred to -one climatei. e. To northern or southern Asia. B. ii. c. I. § 20. or the other. All the western countries furnish +one climatei. e. To northern or southern Asia. B. ii. c. I. § 20. or the other. All the western countries furnish abundant matter for description. We must therefore proceed @@ -59665,11 +59665,11 @@ but does not exhibit there either considerable breadth or height. It first appears to have a great altitude opposite the -Chelidoneæ,There are five islands off the Hiera Acta, which is now Cape Khelidonia The Greeks still call them Cheledoniæ, of which the Italians +Chelidoneæ,There are five islands off the Hiera Acta, which is now Cape Khelidonia The Greeks still call them Cheledoniæ, of which the Italians make Celidoni; and the Turks have adopted the Italian name, and call -them Shelidan. Smith, art. Chelidoniæ Insulæ. which are islands situated in front of the commencement of the Pamphylian coast. It extends towards +them Shelidan. Smith, art. Chelidoniæ Insulæ. which are islands situated in front of the commencement of the Pamphylian coast. It extends towards the east, and includes the long valleys of Cilicia. Then on @@ -59777,15 +59777,15 @@ towards the north. extending towards the east from Cappadocia and Commagene,Camasch. The country situated N. W. of the Euphrates in about -38° lat. +38° lat. at their commencement have the name of Taurus, which -separates Sophene and the rest of Armenia from Mesopotamia, but some writers call them the Gordyæan mountains.The range of Kurdistan on the E. of the Tigris. +separates Sophene and the rest of Armenia from Mesopotamia, but some writers call them the Gordyæan mountains.The range of Kurdistan on the E. of the Tigris. -Among these is Mount Masius,The range lying between the Euphrates and the Tigris, between 37° +Among these is Mount Masius,The range lying between the Euphrates and the Tigris, between 37° -and 38° lat. which is situated above Nisibis,Nisibin or Netzid. and Tigranocerta.Meja-Farkin, by above these cities, would appear to mean overhanging them both, as it is situated between them. It then becomes more elevated, and +and 38° lat. which is situated above Nisibis,Nisibin or Netzid. and Tigranocerta.Meja-Farkin, by above these cities, would appear to mean overhanging them both, as it is situated between them. It then becomes more elevated, and is called Niphates.Nepat-Learn. Somewhere in this part on the southern @@ -59797,9 +59797,9 @@ Niphates forms the mountain Zagrius, which separates Media and Babylonia. After the Zagrius follows above Babylonia -the mountainous range of the Elymæi and Parætaceni, and +the mountainous range of the Elymæi and Parætaceni, and -above Media that of the Cossæi. +above Media that of the Cossæi.

In the middle of these branches are situated Media and Armenia, which comprise many mountains, and many mountain plains, as well as plains and large valleys. Numerous @@ -59816,7 +59816,7 @@ which belong the Caspian Gates. Eratosthenes, having divided Asia into southern and northern -portions, and what he calls seals, (or sections,)B. ii. c. i. § 22. designating +portions, and what he calls seals, (or sections,)B. ii. c. i. § 22. designating some as northern, others as southern, makes the Caspian @@ -59915,7 +59915,7 @@ recovered SymbaceIt is uncertain whether this is a place, o by the Romans, and they themselves became the friends of -Cæsar. They at the same time endeavour to conciliate the +Cæsar. They at the same time endeavour to conciliate the Parthians. @@ -60005,23 +60005,23 @@ Parthia.

Media is bounded on the east by Parthia, and by the -mountains of the Cossæi, a predatory tribe. They once furnished the Elymæi, whose allies they were in the war against +mountains of the Cossæi, a predatory tribe. They once furnished the Elymæi, whose allies they were in the war against the Susii and Babylonians, with 13,000 archers. Nearchus says that there were four robber tribes; the Mardi, who were -contiguous to the Persians; the Uxii and Elymæi, who were +contiguous to the Persians; the Uxii and Elymæi, who were -on the borders of the Persians and Susii; and the Cossæi, on +on the borders of the Persians and Susii; and the Cossæi, on those of the Medes; that all of them exacted tribute from the -kings; that the Cossæi received presents, when the king, having passed his summer at Ecbatana went down to Babylonia; +kings; that the Cossæi received presents, when the king, having passed his summer at Ecbatana went down to Babylonia; that Alexander attacked them in the winter time, and repressed their excessive insolence. Media is bounded on the -east by these nations, and by the Parætaceni, who are contiguous to the Persians, and are mountaineers, and robbers; +east by these nations, and by the Parætaceni, who are contiguous to the Persians, and are mountaineers, and robbers; on the north by the Cadusii, who live above the Hyrcanian @@ -60031,10 +60031,10 @@ on the south by the Apolloniatis, which the ancients called Sitacene, and by the Zagrus, along which lies Massabatica, -which belongs to Media, but according to others, to Elymæa; +which belongs to Media, but according to others, to Elymæa; on the west by the Atropatii, and by some tribes of the Armenians. -

There are also Grecian cities in Media, founded by Macedonians, as Laodiceia, Apameia, Heracleia near Rhagæ, and +

There are also Grecian cities in Media, founded by Macedonians, as Laodiceia, Apameia, Heracleia near Rhagæ, and Rhaga itself, founded by Nicator, who called it Europus, and @@ -60047,7 +60047,7 @@ of the Caspian Gates, according to Apollodorus of Artemita. cold; such are the mountains above Ecbatana, and the places -about Rhagæ and the Caspian Gates, and the northern parts +about Rhagæ and the Caspian Gates, and the northern parts in general extending thence as far as Matiane and Armenia. @@ -60069,7 +60069,7 @@ for breeding horses. There is a meadow tract called Hippobotus, which is travers Persia and Babylonia to the Caspian Gates. Here, it is said, -fifty thousand mares were pastured in the time of the Persians, and were the king's stud. The Nesæan horses, the +fifty thousand mares were pastured in the time of the Persians, and were the king's stud. The Nesæan horses, the best and largest in the king's province, were of this breed, @@ -60137,7 +60137,7 @@ and horsemanship, the court paid to their kings, their attire, and veneration fitting for gods paid by the subjects to the -prince,—these the Persians derived from the Medes. That +prince,—these the Persians derived from the Medes. That this is the fact appears chiefly from their dress. A tiara, a @@ -60348,7 +60348,7 @@ which borders upon Albania, and the river Cyrus; then Gogarene. All this district abounds with products of the soil, cultivated fruit trees and evergreens. It bears also the olive. -

There is Phauene, (Phanenæ, Phasiana?) a province of Armenia, Comisene, and Orchistene, which furnishes large bodies of cavalry. +

There is Phauene, (Phanenæ, Phasiana?) a province of Armenia, Comisene, and Orchistene, which furnishes large bodies of cavalry. @@ -60402,13 +60402,13 @@ Medes they took the Caspiana, Phaunitis, and Basoropeda; from the Iberians, the country at the foot of the Paryadres, the Chorzene, and Gogarene, which is on the other -side of the Cyrus; from the Chalybes, and the Mosynœci, +side of the Cyrus; from the Chalybes, and the Mosynœci, Carenitis and Xerxene, which border upon the Lesser Armenia, or are even parts of it; from the Cataones, Acilisene,Melitene. Groskurd. and the country about the Anti-Taurus; from the Syrians, -Taronitis;It corresponds, Kramer observes, with Táron, a province of Armenia, +Taronitis;It corresponds, Kramer observes, with Táron, a province of Armenia, which is called by Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 24, Taraunitium (not Taranitium) region. hence they all speak the same language. @@ -60440,7 +60440,7 @@ Olane. There were others also upon the Euphrates. Ador, (Addon?) the governor of the fortress, occasioned the revolt -of Artageræ, but the generals of Cæsar retook it after a +of Artageræ, but the generals of Cæsar retook it after a long siege, and destroyed the walls. @@ -60460,9 +60460,9 @@ the Armenian language, in which no such word is to be found bearing this sense. As Kapoit in the Armenian tongue signifies blue, this explanation of Strabo's appears to refer to the lake Spauta or Kapauta, -above, c. xiii. § 2. Kramer. which word translated signifies Cyane, or Blue, the +above, c. xiii. § 2. Kramer. which word translated signifies Cyane, or Blue, the -largest salt-water lake, it is said, after the Palus Mæotis, extending as far as (Media-) Atropatia. It has salt pans for +largest salt-water lake, it is said, after the Palus Mæotis, extending as far as (Media-) Atropatia. It has salt pans for the concretion of salt.

The next is Arsene,The lake Arsissa, Thospitis or Van. which is also called Thopitis. Its @@ -60495,7 +60495,7 @@ in the earth. After pursuing a long course under-ground, it re-appears in the Chalonitis; thence it goes to Opis, and to -the wall of Semiramis, as it is called, leaving the GordyæiThe Kurds. +the wall of Semiramis, as it is called, leaving the GordyæiThe Kurds. and the whole of Mesopotamia on the right hand. The Euphrates, on the contrary, has the same country on the left. @@ -60545,14 +60545,14 @@ father of Artavasdes, the payment of 6000 talents of silver, he immediately distributed the money among the Roman army, -to each soldier 50 drachmæ, 1000 to a centurion, and a talent +to each soldier 50 drachmæ, 1000 to a centurion, and a talent to a Hipparch and a Chiliarch.

Theophanes represents this as the size of the country; -its breadth to be 100 schœni, and its length double this number, reckoning the schœnus at 40 stadia; but this computation exceeds the truth. It is nearer the truth to take the +its breadth to be 100 schœni, and its length double this number, reckoning the schœnus at 40 stadia; but this computation exceeds the truth. It is nearer the truth to take the @@ -60570,13 +60570,13 @@ power.

There exists an ancient account of the origin of this -nation to the following effect. Armenus of Armenium, a Thessalian city, which lies between Pheræ and Larisa on the lake +nation to the following effect. Armenus of Armenium, a Thessalian city, which lies between Pheræ and Larisa on the lake -Bœbe, accompanied Jason, as we have already said, in his expedition into Armenia, and from Armenus the country had +Bœbe, accompanied Jason, as we have already said, in his expedition into Armenia, and from Armenus the country had its name, according to Cyrsilus the Pharsalian and Medius -the Larisæan, persons who had accompanied the army of +the Larisæan, persons who had accompanied the army of Alexander. Some of the followers of Armenus settled in @@ -60644,7 +60644,7 @@ For he says that, after flowing out of the country of the Matiani, it is divided from the Bactrians. Callisthenes has followed Herodotus.

-

Some tribes of Ænianes are mentioned, some of whom +

Some tribes of Ænianes are mentioned, some of whom settled in Vitia, others above the Armenians beyond the Abus @@ -60653,13 +60653,13 @@ and the Nibarus. These latter are branches of Taurus; the Abus is near the road which leads to Ecbatana by the temple of Baris (Zaris?). -

Some tribes of Thracians, surnamed Saraparæ, or decapitators, are said to live above Armenia, near the Gouranii and +

Some tribes of Thracians, surnamed Saraparæ, or decapitators, are said to live above Armenia, near the Gouranii and Medes. They are a savage people, intractable mountaineers, and scalp and decapitate strangers; for such is the meaning -of the term Saraparæ. +of the term Saraparæ.

I have spoken of Medeia in the account of Media, and it is conjectured from all the circumstances that the Medes and @@ -60714,11 +60714,11 @@ Parthians, the territory about Ninus, and that about Arbela.That this is an error is manifest. Falconer proposes Armenia; Groskurd, Assyria; but what name is to be supplied is altogether uncertain. +Syria and Phœnicia. Having attained this height of prosperity, he even founded near Iberia,That this is an error is manifest. Falconer proposes Armenia; Groskurd, Assyria; but what name is to be supplied is altogether uncertain. The name of the city is also wanting, according to Kramer, who proposes @@ -60732,7 +60732,7 @@ cities, which he had depopulated. But Lucullus, who had commanded in the war against Mithridates, surprised him, -thus engaged, and dismissed the inhabitants to their respective homes. The buildings which were half finished he demolished, and left a small village remaining. He drove Tigranes both out of Syria and Phœnicia. +thus engaged, and dismissed the inhabitants to their respective homes. The buildings which were half finished he demolished, and left a small village remaining. He drove Tigranes both out of Syria and Phœnicia.

Artavasdes, his successor, prospered as long as he continued a friend of the Romans. But having betrayed Antony to the Parthians in the war with that people, he suffered punishment for his treachery. He was carried in chains to @@ -60745,7 +60745,7 @@ out of the Actiac war he was then put to death. Many kings reigned after Artavasdes, who were dependent upon -Cæsar and the Romans. The country is still governed in +Cæsar and the Romans. The country is still governed in the same manner. @@ -60801,7 +60801,7 @@ prefer those of a rank equal to their own.

The Twelfth Book contains the remainder of Pontus, viz. Cappadocia, Gala -tia, Bithynia, Mysia, Phrygia, and Mæonia: the cities, Sinope in Pontus, +tia, Bithynia, Mysia, Phrygia, and Mæonia: the cities, Sinope in Pontus, Heracleia, and Amaseia, and likewise Isauria, Lycia, Pamphylia, and @@ -60888,7 +60888,7 @@ Sinope and the coast of the Tibareni. tract lying to the west of the Cappadocians, to which HerodotusHerod. i. 6, 28. gives the name of the country within the Halys. This -is the country the whole of which was the kingdom of Crœsus. +is the country the whole of which was the kingdom of Crœsus. Herodotus calls him king of the nations on this side the river @@ -60897,7 +60897,7 @@ Halys. But writers of the present time give the name of Asia, which is the appellation of the whole continent, to the country within the Taurus. -

This Asia comprises, first, the nations on the east, Paphlagonians, Phrygians, and Lycaonians; then Bithynians, Mysians, and the Epictetus; besides these, Troas, and Hellespontia; next to these, and situated on the sea, are the Æolians +

This Asia comprises, first, the nations on the east, Paphlagonians, Phrygians, and Lycaonians; then Bithynians, Mysians, and the Epictetus; besides these, Troas, and Hellespontia; next to these, and situated on the sea, are the Æolians and Ionians, who are Greeks; the inhabitants of the remaining portions are Carians and Lycians, and in the inland parts @@ -60930,7 +60930,7 @@ Pontus. was at first distributed; upon the death of Archelaus the -king, Cæsar and the senate decreed that it should be a Roman province. But when the country was divided in the +king, Cæsar and the senate decreed that it should be a Roman province. But when the country was divided in the time of Archelaus and of preceding kings into ten provinces, they reckoned five near the Taurus, Melitene, Cataonia, @@ -60940,7 +60940,7 @@ Laviansene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene, Morimene. The Romans afterwards assigned to the predecessors of Archelaus an eleventh province formed out of Cilicia, consisting of the country about Castabala and Cybistra,Eregli near the lake Al-gol. extending -to Derbe, belonging to Antipater, the robber. Cilicia Trachea about Elæussa was assigned to Archelaus, and all the +to Derbe, belonging to Antipater, the robber. Cilicia Trachea about Elæussa was assigned to Archelaus, and all the country which served as the haunts of pirates. @@ -61115,7 +61115,7 @@ Dacian, mention being made of a temple of Asbamean Jove in Amm. Marcell. xxiii. 6. Kramer also suggests the transposition of this sentence -to the end of § 6. in rank is the Dacian priesthood of Jupiter, +to the end of § 6. in rank is the Dacian priesthood of Jupiter, inferior to this, but still of importance.] There is at this @@ -61203,7 +61203,7 @@ the city Tyana. But with these I do not reckon the cities that were afterwards added, Castabala, and Cybistra, and -those in Cilicia Tracheia, to which belongs Elæussa, a small +those in Cilicia Tracheia, to which belongs Elæussa, a small @@ -61218,7 +61218,7 @@ buildings, where he passed the greater part of his time. capital of the nation. It is also called Eusebeia, with the -addition at the Argæus, for it is situated at the foot of the +addition at the Argæus, for it is situated at the foot of the Argeus,Edsehise-Dagh, the highest peak, has been estimated at 13,000 feet @@ -61251,7 +61251,7 @@ distance. What seems to be a peculiar advantage (abundance of wood) is a source of danger. For though nearly the whole -of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argæus is surrounded +of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argæus is surrounded by a forest, so that wood may be procured near at hand, yet @@ -61357,7 +61357,7 @@ the middle of the route, and is distant from Cybistra 300 stadia. The Mazaceni adopt the laws of Charondas, and elect -a Nomōdist, (or Chanter of the Laws,) who, like the Jurisconsults of the Romans, is the interpreter of their laws. Tigranes the Armenian, when he overran Cappadocia, treated +a Nomōdist, (or Chanter of the Laws,) who, like the Jurisconsults of the Romans, is the interpreter of their laws. Tigranes the Armenian, when he overran Cappadocia, treated them with great severity. He forced them to abandon their @@ -61504,7 +61504,7 @@ them to Bithynia, so that out of both there was formed one province. Some people in the inland parts he subjected to the -kings descended from Pylæmenes, in the same manner as he +kings descended from Pylæmenes, in the same manner as he delivered over the Galatians to be governed by tetrarchs of @@ -61579,11 +61579,11 @@ that the sea-shore, near ApolloniaSizeboli, south of the Gu Thynias. The Bebryces, who preceded them as settlers in -Mysia, were, as I conjecture, Thracians. We have saidB. vii. c. iii. § 2. that +Mysia, were, as I conjecture, Thracians. We have saidB. vii. c. iii. § 2. that the Mysians themselves were a colony of those Thracians who -are now called Mæsi. +are now called Mæsi.

Such is the account given of these people.

@@ -61618,7 +61618,7 @@ but not beyond the boundaries of their country. For they were sold on the same conditions as the class of persons called -Mnoans, who were slaves to the Cretans, and the Penestæ,Atbenæus, b. vi. c. 85, vol. i. p. 414, Bohn's Class. Library. +Mnoans, who were slaves to the Cretans, and the Penestæ,Atbenæus, b. vi. c. 85, vol. i. p. 414, Bohn's Class. Library. who were slaves of the Thessalians. @@ -61639,7 +61639,7 @@ are said by some writers to be Scythians, by others a tribe of Macedonians, and by others a tribe of Pelasgi. We have -already spoken of these people elsewhere.B. viii. c. iii. § 17. Callisthenes in +already spoken of these people elsewhere.B. viii. c. iii. § 17. Callisthenes in his comment upon the enumeration of the ships inserts after @@ -61649,7 +61649,7 @@ this verse, -Cromna, Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini,Il. ii. 855.Il. ii. 855. +Cromna, Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini,Il. ii. 855.Il. ii. 855. @@ -61675,7 +61675,7 @@ Caucones are living about the Parthenius.

Heracleia is a city with a good harbour, and of importance in other respects. It has sent out colonies, among which -are the Cherronesus,On the bay of the modern Sebastopol, b. vii. c. iv. § 2. and the Callatis.Mangalia. It was once independent, afterwards for some time it was under the power of +are the Cherronesus,On the bay of the modern Sebastopol, b. vii. c. iv. § 2. and the Callatis.Mangalia. It was once independent, afterwards for some time it was under the power of tyrants; it again recovered its freedom; but at last, when @@ -61683,7 +61683,7 @@ subject to the Romans, it was governed by kings. It received a colony of Romans, the city, and of its territory. A little before the battle of Actium, Adiatorix, the son of Domnecleius the tetrarch of Galatia, who had received from Antony that portion of the city of -which the Heracleiotæ were in possession, attacked the Romans by night, and put them to death by the command, as he +which the Heracleiotæ were in possession, attacked the Romans by night, and put them to death by the command, as he said, of Antony; but after the victory at Actium, he was led @@ -61736,7 +61736,7 @@ is the island Thynia.

Tieium is now a small town and has nothing remarkable -belonging to it, except that it was the birth-place of Philetærus, +belonging to it, except that it was the birth-place of Philetærus, the founder of the family of the Attalic kings.

Next is the river Parthenius, flowing through a country @@ -61751,7 +61751,7 @@ means, when he says, -the brave Pylæmenes led the Paphlagonians out of the country of the +the brave Pylæmenes led the Paphlagonians out of the country of the Heneti, where they have a race of wild mules;Il. ii. 851. @@ -61759,7 +61759,7 @@ Heneti, where they have a race of wild mules;Il. ii. 85 for at present, they say, no Heneti are to be found in Paphlagonia. Others say that it is a village on the shore distant -ten schœni from Amastris. But Zenodotus writes the verse +ten schœni from Amastris. But Zenodotus writes the verse in this manner, From Heneta, and says that it means the @@ -61771,7 +61771,7 @@ Adria. But the account most generally received is, that the Heneti were the most considerable tribe of the Paphlagonians; -that Pylæmenes was descended from it; that a large body of +that Pylæmenes was descended from it; that a large body of this people accompanied him to the Trojan war; that when @@ -61788,7 +61788,7 @@ arrived at the present Henetic territory. -gulf of Adria, as we have said in the description of Italy.B. v. c. i. § 4. It +gulf of Adria, as we have said in the description of Italy.B. v. c. i. § 4. It is probable that this was the cause of the extinction of the @@ -61881,7 +61881,7 @@ son of Phrixus, according to Ephorus. Box-wood of the best quality grows in great abundance in the territory of Amastris, and particularly about Cytorum. -

Ægialus is a line of sea-coast, in length more than 100 stadia. +

Ægialus is a line of sea-coast, in length more than 100 stadia. On it is a village of the same name,Kara-Aghatsch. which the poet mentions @@ -61891,7 +61891,7 @@ in these lines, -Cromna, and Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini;Il. i. 855.Il. i. 855. +Cromna, and Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini;Il. i. 855.Il. i. 855. @@ -61908,13 +61908,13 @@ but some authors write, The Erythini are said to be the present Erythrini, and to have their name from their (red) colour. They are two rocks.Between C. Tchakras and Delike-Tschili. -

Next to Ægialus is Carambis, a large promontory stretching +

Next to Ægialus is Carambis, a large promontory stretching towards the north, and the Scythian Chersonesus. We have frequently mentioned this promontory, and the Criu-metopon -opposite it, which divides the Euxine into two seas.B. vii. c. iv. § 3. +opposite it, which divides the Euxine into two seas.B. vii. c. iv. § 3.

Next to Carambis is Cinolis,Kinoli. and Anti-Cinolis, and Aboniteichos,Ineboli, near the mouth of the Daurikan-Irmak. a small city, and Armene,Ak-Liman. which gave rise to the common proverb; @@ -61960,7 +61960,7 @@ has received advantages from nature which have been improved by art. It is built each side of the isthmus are harbours, stations for vessels, and -fisheries worthy of admiration for the capture of the pelamydes. Of these fisheries we have saidB. vii. c. vi. § 2. that the people of +fisheries worthy of admiration for the capture of the pelamydes. Of these fisheries we have saidB. vii. c. vi. § 2. that the people of Sinope have the second, and the Byzantines the third, in @@ -61969,7 +61969,7 @@ point of excellence. surrounded by a chain of rocks, and in some parts there are -cavities, like rocky pits, which are called Chœnicides. These +cavities, like rocky pits, which are called Chœnicides. These are filled when the sea is high. For the above reason, the @@ -62015,7 +62015,7 @@ making a gallant defence, and from offering terms for a capitulation. The city w the Sphere of Billarus,Probably a celestial globe constructed by Billarus, or on the principles of Billarus, a person otherwise unknown. Strabo mentions, b. ii. -c. v. § 10, the Sphere of Crates, Cicero the Sphere of Archimedes and of +c. v. § 10, the Sphere of Crates, Cicero the Sphere of Archimedes and of Posidonius. History speaks of several of these spheres, among others @@ -62061,7 +62061,7 @@ among philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic, and Timotheus surnamed Patrion; among po among historians, Baton,He was also the author of a History of the Tyrants of Ephesus. -Athenœus, b. vi. c. 59, p. 395, Bohn's Class. Library. who wrote the history of Persia. +Athenœus, b. vi. c. 59, p. 395, Bohn's Class. Library. who wrote the history of Persia.

Proceeding thence, next in order is the mouth of the @@ -62074,7 +62074,7 @@ in a large stream towards the west, then turning to the north through the country of the Galatians and Paphlagonians, forms -the boundary of their territory, and of that of the Leuco—Syrians. +the boundary of their territory, and of that of the Leuco—Syrians. The tract of land belonging to Sinope and all the mountainous @@ -62095,11 +62095,11 @@ Sinope produces the maple, and the mountain nut tree, from which wood for tables is cut. The whole country is planted with the olive, and cultivation begins a little above the seacoast.

-

Next to the mouth of the Halys is Gadilónitis, extending +

Next to the mouth of the Halys is Gadilónitis, extending as far as the Saramene; it is a fertile country, wholly consisting of plains, and produces every kind of fruit. It affords -also pasture for flocks of sheep which are coveredB. iv. c. iv. § 3. with skins, +also pasture for flocks of sheep which are coveredB. iv. c. iv. § 3. with skins, and produce a soft wool; very little of this wool is to be found @@ -62108,7 +62108,7 @@ throughout Cappadocia and Pontus. There are also deer,

The Amiseni possess one part of this country. Pompey -gave another to Deïotarus, as well as the tract about Pharnacia and Trapezus as far as Colchis and the Lesser Armenia. +gave another to Deïotarus, as well as the tract about Pharnacia and Trapezus as far as Colchis and the Lesser Armenia. Pompey appointed him king of these people and countries: he @@ -62131,7 +62131,7 @@ Cappadocians; in the third place it received a colony of Atlenians under the conduct of Athenocles, and its name was -changed to Piræus. +changed to Piræus.

This city also was in the possession of the kings. Mithridates Eupator embellished it with temples, and added a part to it. Lucullus, and afterwards Pharnaces, who came from @@ -62140,9 +62140,9 @@ across the Bosporus, besieged it. Antony surrendered it to the kings of Pontus, after it had been declared free by Divus -Cæsar. Then the Tyrant Strato oppressed the inhabitants, +Cæsar. Then the Tyrant Strato oppressed the inhabitants, -who again recovered their liberty under Cæsar Augustus after +who again recovered their liberty under Cæsar Augustus after the battle of Actium. They are now in a prosperous condition. Among other fertile spots is Themiscyra,The tract of country between the Iris and the Thermodon. the abode of @@ -62167,7 +62167,7 @@ among the mountains. A river, named Thermodon, which receives the water of all these rivers traverses the plain.

Another river very similar to this, of the name of Iris,Jeschil Irmak. -flowing from a place called Phanarœa,Tasch Owa. traverses the same plain. +flowing from a place called Phanarœa,Tasch Owa. traverses the same plain. It has its sources in Pontus. Flowing westward through the @@ -62181,7 +62181,7 @@ the east, where, uniting with the ScylaxTschoterlek Irmak.< and taking its course beside the walls of my native place, -Amaseia,Amasija. a very strongly fortified city, proceeds to Phanarœa. +Amaseia,Amasija. a very strongly fortified city, proceeds to Phanarœa. There when joined by the Lycus,Germeili Tschai. which rises in Armenia, it @@ -62264,20 +62264,20 @@ situated Cerasus, and Hermonassa,Platana. small sett Hermonassa is Trapezus, then Colchis. Somewhere about this place is a settlement called Zygopolis. -

I have already spoken of Colchis, and of the sea-coast beyond.B. xi. c. ii. § 12. +

I have already spoken of Colchis, and of the sea-coast beyond.B. xi. c. ii. § 12.

Above Trapezus and Pharnacia are situated Tibareni, -Chaldæi, Sanni, (who were formerly called Macrones,Probably the same as the Macropogones and Macrocephali.) and +Chaldæi, Sanni, (who were formerly called Macrones,Probably the same as the Macropogones and Macrocephali.) and -the Lesser Armenia. The Appaitæ also, formerly called +the Lesser Armenia. The Appaitæ also, formerly called -Cercitæ, are not far from these places. Through the country belonging to these people stretches the Scydises,Aggi-dagh. a very rugged +Cercitæ, are not far from these places. Through the country belonging to these people stretches the Scydises,Aggi-dagh. a very rugged mountain, contiguous to the Moschic mountainsThe mountains above Erzeroum. above Colchis. -The heights of the Scydises are occupied by the Heptacometæ.The inhabitants of the Seven Villages. +The heights of the Scydises are occupied by the Heptacometæ.The inhabitants of the Seven Villages. This country is likewise traversed by the Paryadres,Iildiz-dagh. which @@ -62293,17 +62293,17 @@ the Lesser Armenia, and forms the eastern side of the Pontus. All the inhabitants of these mountains are quite savage, -but the Heptacometæ are more so than all the others. Some +but the Heptacometæ are more so than all the others. Some of them live among trees, or in small towers, whence the ancients called them Mosynceci,Dwellers in towers. because the towers were -called mos&ymacr;nes. Their food consists of the flesh of wild animals and the fruits of trees. They attack travellers, leaping +called mosȳnes. Their food consists of the flesh of wild animals and the fruits of trees. They attack travellers, leaping down from the floors of their dwellings among the trees. The -Heptacometæ cut off three of Pompey's cohorts, as they were +Heptacometæ cut off three of Pompey's cohorts, as they were passing through the mountains, by placing on their road @@ -62316,7 +62316,7 @@ and lost their senses were attacked and easily despatched. Some of these barbarians were called Byzeres.

-

The present Chaldæi were anciently called Chalybes. +

The present Chaldæi were anciently called Chalybes. It is in their territory chiefly that Pharnacia is situated. On @@ -62368,7 +62368,7 @@ or whether the people were formerly called Alybes instead of Chalybes. We cannot at present say that it is possible that -Chaldæi should be read for Chalybes, but it cannot be maintained that formerly Chalybes could not be read for Alybes, espe- +Chaldæi should be read for Chalybes, but it cannot be maintained that formerly Chalybes could not be read for Alybes, espe- @@ -62390,11 +62390,11 @@ country Archilochus is said to have thrown away his shield: -This same people have now the name of Sapæi. For all +This same people have now the name of Sapæi. For all these people were settled about Abdera, they also held Lemnos and the islands about Lemnos. Thus also Brygi, Briges, -and Phryges are the same people; and Mysi, Mæones, and +and Phryges are the same people; and Mysi, Mæones, and Meones are the same people. But it is unnecessary to multiply instances of this kind.

The Scepsian (Demetrius) throws some doubt on the alteration of the name from Alybes to Chalybes, but not understanding what follows, nor what accords with it, nor, in particular, why the poet calls the Chalybes Alizoni, he rejects @@ -62410,7 +62410,7 @@ hypotheses entertained by others. Amazons, and Alybe to Alope, or Alobe, calling -the Scythians above the Borysthenes Alazones and Callipidæ, +the Scythians above the Borysthenes Alazones and Callipidæ, and by other names, about which Hellanicus, Herodotus, and @@ -62420,7 +62420,7 @@ Cyme, which is the opinion also of Ephorus, who was a native of the latter place. And this opinion may not be unreasonable, for he may mean the country which in later times was -inhabited by the Æolians and Ionians, but formerly by Amazons. There are some cities, it is said, which have their +inhabited by the Æolians and Ionians, but formerly by Amazons. There are some cities, it is said, which have their names from the Amazons; as Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, and @@ -62473,7 +62473,7 @@ He much approves of the opinion of Hecateus the Milesian, and of Menecrates of Elea, disciples of Xenocrates, and that -of Palæphatus. The first of these says in his work entitled +of Palæphatus. The first of these says in his work entitled the Circuit of the Earth, near the city Alazia is the river @@ -62497,7 +62497,7 @@ mountain tract occupied by the nation of the Halizoni. The name, he says, ought to be written with two l's, Hallizoni, but the poet uses one only on account of the metre. -

Palæphatus says that Odius and Epistrophus levied their +

Palæphatus says that Odius and Epistrophus levied their army from among the Amazons then living in Alope, but at @@ -62548,7 +62548,7 @@ and -His name was Arnæus, given to him by his honoured mother,Od. xviii. 5.Od. xviii. 5. +His name was Arnæus, given to him by his honoured mother,Od. xviii. 5.Od. xviii. 5. @@ -62592,20 +62592,20 @@ in Italy, or of the wealth of Thebes in Egypt, reach his ears, although Egyptian Thebes was situated almost at double the -distance of the Chaldæi. +distance of the Chaldæi.

But Demetrius does not altogether agree with those whose opinions he espouses. For when he is describing the neighbourhood of Scepsis his own birth-place, he mentions Enea, a -village, Argyria, and Alazonia, as near Scepsis, and the Æsepus;In Kiepert's map it is without a name. Leake calls it Boklu. It +village, Argyria, and Alazonia, as near Scepsis, and the Æsepus;In Kiepert's map it is without a name. Leake calls it Boklu. It falls into the sea to the west of Cyzicus. but if these places exist at all, they must be near the sources of -the Æsepus. Hecatæus places them beyond the mouths of that +the Æsepus. Hecatæus places them beyond the mouths of that -river. Palsæphatus, who says that the Amazons formerly occupied Alope, and at present Zeleia, does not advance anything in agreement with these statements. But if Menecrates +river. Palsæphatus, who says that the Amazons formerly occupied Alope, and at present Zeleia, does not advance anything in agreement with these statements. But if Menecrates agrees with Demetrius, neither does Menecrates say what this @@ -62626,7 +62626,7 @@ in his discourse on the array of the Trojan forces, we have said much before in reply to him, and we must now speak of -him again.B. vii. c. iii. § 6. B. i. c. ii. § 23. He is of opinion that we ought not to understand +him again.B. vii. c. iii. § 6. B. i. c. ii. § 23. He is of opinion that we ought not to understand the Halizoni without the Halys, for no auxiliaries came to @@ -62685,7 +62685,7 @@ ancients agree that no people from the country beyond the Halys took part in the Trojan war. Testimony may be -found to the contrary. Mæandrius at least says that Heneti +found to the contrary. Mæandrius at least says that Heneti came from the country of the Leuco-Syrians to assist the Tro- @@ -62709,7 +62709,7 @@ and that their language abounds with Paphlagonian names, as -Bagas, Biasas, Æniates, Rhatotes, Zardoces, Tibius, Gasys, +Bagas, Biasas, Æniates, Rhatotes, Zardoces, Tibius, Gasys, Oligasys, and Manes. For these names are frequently to be @@ -62727,7 +62727,7 @@ himself quotes the words of Homer, altered by Zenodotus; -and says, that Hecatæus the Milesian understands Henete to +and says, that Hecatæus the Milesian understands Henete to mean Amisus. But we have shown that Amisus belongs to @@ -62767,13 +62767,13 @@ have mentioned their names. This may be admitted with respect to some very remarkable nations and rivers, as the -Scythians, the Palus Mæotis, and the Danube. For he would +Scythians, the Palus Mæotis, and the Danube. For he would not have described the Nomades, by characteristic signs, as living on milk, Abii, a people without certain means of subsistence, most just and renowned Hippemolgi, (milkers -of mares,) and not distinguished them as Scythians, or Sauromatæ, or Sarmatæ, if, indeed, they had these names among +of mares,) and not distinguished them as Scythians, or Sauromatæ, or Sarmatæ, if, indeed, they had these names among the Greeks (at that time). Nor in mentioning the Thracians @@ -62787,7 +62787,7 @@ mark the boundaries of places by rivers; nor in speaking of the Cimmerians would he have omitted the Bosporus, or the -Mæotis. +Mæotis. @@ -62843,7 +62843,7 @@ his argument is absurd, for he has not mentioned by name even the river Meles, which runs by Smyrna, his birth-place according to many writers, while he has mentioned the rivers -Hermus and Hyllus by name, but yet not the Pactolus,B. xiii. c. iv. § 5, it joins the Hyllus, called Phrygius in the time of +Hermus and Hyllus by name, but yet not the Pactolus,B. xiii. c. iv. § 5, it joins the Hyllus, called Phrygius in the time of Strabo. The Phrygius takes its rise in the mountains north of Thyatira, @@ -62855,11 +62855,11 @@ rises in the mountain Tmolus.Bos Dagh. He does not m Smyrna itself, or the other cities of the Ionians, or most of those -of the Æolians, although he specifies Miletus, Samos, Lesbos, +of the Æolians, although he specifies Miletus, Samos, Lesbos, -and Tenedos. He does not mention the Lethæus, which flows +and Tenedos. He does not mention the Lethæus, which flows -beside Magnesia,Manisa. nor the Marsyas, which rivers empty themselves into the Mæander,Bojuk Meinder. which he mentions by name, as well as +beside Magnesia,Manisa. nor the Marsyas, which rivers empty themselves into the Mæander,Bojuk Meinder. which he mentions by name, as well as @@ -62879,7 +62879,7 @@ While he specifies by name many countries and cities, sometimes he makes an enum sometimes he does not do so. He does not mention the rivers -in Ætolia and Attica, nor many others. And if, in mentioning +in Ætolia and Attica, nor many others. And if, in mentioning people that live afar off, he does not mention those who are @@ -62897,7 +62897,7 @@ but not the Mariandyni, nor Thyni, nor Bithynians, nor Bebryces; the Amazons, bu nor Cappadocians, nor Lycaonians, while he frequently speaks -of the Phœnicians, Ægyptians, and Æthiopians. He mentions the Aleian plain, and the Arimi mountains, but not the +of the Phœnicians, Ægyptians, and Æthiopians. He mentions the Aleian plain, and the Arimi mountains, but not the nation among which these are situated.

The argument drawn from this is false; the true argument @@ -62917,14 +62917,14 @@ part of my description which follows next in order.

Above the places about Pharnacia and Trapezus are -the Tibareni, and Chaldæi, extending as far as the Lesser +the Tibareni, and Chaldæi, extending as far as the Lesser Armenia.

The Lesser Armenia is sufficiently fertile. Like Sophene it was always governed by princes who were sometimes in -alliance with the other Armenians, and sometimes acting independently. They held in subjection the Chaldæi and Tibareni. +alliance with the other Armenians, and sometimes acting independently. They held in subjection the Chaldæi and Tibareni. Their dominion extended as far as Trapezus and Pharnacia. @@ -62942,7 +62942,7 @@ most considerable of these were Hydara, Basgedariza, and -B. vii. c. iii. § 6. +B. vii. c. iii. § 6. @@ -62982,7 +62982,7 @@ subsists, and is well inhabited. different persons at different times, according to the pleasure -of the Romans, was at last subject to Archelaus. The Tibareni, however, and Chaldæi, extending as far as Colchis, Pharnacia, and Trapezus, are under the government of Pythodoris, +of the Romans, was at last subject to Archelaus. The Tibareni, however, and Chaldæi, extending as far as Colchis, Pharnacia, and Trapezus, are under the government of Pythodoris, a prudent woman, and capable of presiding over the management of public affairs. She is the daughter of Pythodorus of @@ -62992,7 +62992,7 @@ death, to the throne. He died in the country of the Aspurgiani, a tribe of barba two sons by Polemo, and a daughter who was married to -Cotys the Sapæan. He was treacherously murdered, and she +Cotys the Sapæan. He was treacherously murdered, and she became a widow. She had children by him, the eldest of whom @@ -63013,7 +63013,7 @@ and of others still more beautiful, of which we shall next speak.

Sidene, and Themiseyra are contiguous to Pharnacia. -Above these countries is situated Phanarœa, containing the +Above these countries is situated Phanarœa, containing the best portion of the Pontus, for it produces excellent oil and @@ -63092,7 +63092,7 @@ menials, and having annexed to it a sacred territory, the produce of which is al held this temple in such exceeding veneration, that this was -the Royal oath, by the fortune of the king, and by Mēn of +the Royal oath, by the fortune of the king, and by Mēn of @@ -63104,12 +63104,12 @@ Pharnaces. This is also the temple of the moon, like that among the Albani, and those in Phrygia, namely the temple of -Mēn in a place of the same name, the temple of Ascæus at +Mēn in a place of the same name, the temple of Ascæus at Antioch in Pisidia, and another in the territory of Antioch.

-

Above Phanarœa is ComanaGumenek. in Pontus, of the same +

Above Phanarœa is ComanaGumenek. in Pontus, of the same name as that in the Greater Cappadocia, and dedicated to the @@ -63134,7 +63134,7 @@ chief honours after the king. who was my mother's great grandfather; and another Dorylaus, -who was the nephew of the former, and the son of Philetærus; +who was the nephew of the former, and the son of Philetærus; I said that, although he had obtained from Mithridates the @@ -63215,7 +63215,7 @@ out the senate would not permit him to do so, and he abandoned this, and conceived a greater design.

Ptolemy, the father of Cleopatra, happened at this time to be -ejected from his kingdom by the Ægyptians. His daughter +ejected from his kingdom by the Ægyptians. His daughter however, the elder sister of Cleopatra, was in possession of the @@ -63234,14 +63234,14 @@ battle, in his attempt to restore Ptolemy.

His son however succeeded to the priesthood, and Lycomedes succeeded him, to whom was assigned an additional -district of four schœni (or 120 stadia) in extent. When Lycomedes was dispossessed he was succeeded by Dyteutus, the +district of four schœni (or 120 stadia) in extent. When Lycomedes was dispossessed he was succeeded by Dyteutus, the son of Adiatorix, who still occupies the post, and appears to -have obtained this honour from Cæsar Augustus on account of +have obtained this honour from Cæsar Augustus on account of his good conduct on the following occasion. -

Cæsar, after leading in triumph Adiatorix, with his wife and +

Cæsar, after leading in triumph Adiatorix, with his wife and children, had resolved to put him to death together with the @@ -63267,7 +63267,7 @@ to protect his mother and his remaining brother. The younger was put to death together with his father; the elder was saved, -and obtained this office. When Cæsar was informed of the +and obtained this office. When Cæsar was informed of the execution of these persons, he regretted it, and, considering @@ -63308,8 +63308,8 @@ Such is the character of Comana.

All the country around is subject to Pythodoris, a .d -she possesses also Phanarœa, the Zelitis, and the Megalopolitis. -

We have already spoken of Phanarœa. +she possesses also Phanarœa, the Zelitis, and the Megalopolitis. +

We have already spoken of Phanarœa.

In the district Zelitis is the city Zela,Zileh. built upon the mound of Semiramis. It contains the temple of Anaitis, whom the @@ -63388,7 +63388,7 @@ Erzrum. It owed its name to the circumstance, that when Arzek was taken by the Seljuk Turks, A. D. 1049, the inhabitants of that place, which -from its long subjection to the Romans had received the epithet of Rúm, +from its long subjection to the Romans had received the epithet of Rúm, retired to Theodosiopolis, and gave it the name of their former abode @@ -63426,12 +63426,12 @@ polls.Mersivan. The text is corrupt. Groskurd's emendation in the translation. The northern side of this tract is bounded by the Gazelonitis, and by the country of the Amiseni; the western side -by the Halys; the eastern by Phanarœa; the remainder by +by the Halys; the eastern by Phanarœa; the remainder by the territory of Amasis, my native country, which surpasses all the rest in extent and fertility. -

The part of Phazemonitis towards Phanarœa is occupied by +

The part of Phazemonitis towards Phanarœa is occupied by a lake, sea-like in magnitude, called Stiphane,Ladik-Gol. which abounds @@ -63569,7 +63569,7 @@ gassys is a very lofty mountain, and difficult to be passed. The Paphlagonians have erected temples in every part of this -mountain. The country around, the Blæne, and the Domanitis, through which the river AmniasGok-Irmak, or Kostambul Tschai, flowing between the mountain +mountain. The country around, the Blæne, and the Domanitis, through which the river AmniasGok-Irmak, or Kostambul Tschai, flowing between the mountain ridges. Jeralagoz-Dagh and Sarikawak-Dagh. runs, is sufficiently @@ -63631,7 +63631,7 @@ head-quarters when engaged in the conquest of Pontus, and his successors kept possession of it to the time of Mithridates -Eupator. The last king of Paphlagonia was Deïotarus,Great-grandson of Deïotarus I. son +Eupator. The last king of Paphlagonia was Deïotarus,Great-grandson of Deïotarus I. son of Castor, and surnamed Philadelphus, who possessed Gangra,According to Alexander Polyhistor, the town was built by a goatherd, @@ -63641,14 +63641,14 @@ philological speculation, gangra signifying Smith. +for their apples. Athen. iii.—Smith. containing the palace of Morzeus, a small town, and a fortress.

Eudoxus, without defining the spot, says, that fossil -fishBook iv. c. i. § 6. Athen. b. viii. are found in Paphlagonia in dry ground, and in marshy +fishBook iv. c. i. § 6. Athen. b. viii. are found in Paphlagonia in dry ground, and in marshy ground also about the lake Ascanius,Isnik Gol. which is below Cius, @@ -63694,7 +63694,7 @@ of Hellespontic Phrygia. 2. Here upon the mouth of the Pontus is situated Chal -cedon, founded by the Megareans,B. vii. c. vi. § 2. the village Chrysopolis, and +cedon, founded by the Megareans,B. vii. c. vi. § 2. the village Chrysopolis, and the Chalcedonian temple. In the country a little above the @@ -63711,7 +63711,7 @@ the Bithynian kings by whom it was founded. Many kings however have taken the same name, as the Ptolemies, on account of the fame of the first person who bore it.

On the same bay was Astacus a city founded by Megareans -and Athenians; it was afterwards again colonized by Dœdalsus. The bay had its name from the city. It was razed by +and Athenians; it was afterwards again colonized by Dœdalsus. The bay had its name from the city. It was razed by Lysimachus. The founder of Nicomedia transferred its inhabitants to the latter city. @@ -63772,7 +63772,7 @@ of the Phrygians and the Mysians, is a well-governed city; it was founded by Cyrus,In the text, Prusias. The translation follows the suggestion of -Kramer. who made war against Crœsus. +Kramer. who made war against Crœsus.

It is difficult to define the boundaries of the Bithynians, @@ -63802,7 +63802,7 @@ side, and because they do not differ much from one another.

But as far as we are able to conjecture, we may place -Mysia between Bithynia and the mouth of the Æsepus, contiguous to the sea, and nearly along the whole of Olympus. +Mysia between Bithynia and the mouth of the Æsepus, contiguous to the sea, and nearly along the whole of Olympus. Around it, in the interior, is the Epictetus, nowhere reaching @@ -63819,7 +63819,7 @@ far from Ascania, that is, the Phrygian Ascania; for the other, the Mysian -Ascania, was nearer to the present Nicæa, which he mentions, +Ascania, was nearer to the present Nicæa, which he mentions, when he says, @@ -63845,13 +63845,13 @@ Ascania, for there is much repetition of names derived from rivers, lakes, and places.

-

The poet himself assigns the Æsepus as the boundary of +

The poet himself assigns the Æsepus as the boundary of the Mysians, for after having described the country above Ilium, and lying along the foot of the mountains subject to -Æneas, and which he calls Dardania, he places next towards +Æneas, and which he calls Dardania, he places next towards the north Lycia, which was subject to Pandarus, and where @@ -63861,17 +63861,17 @@ ZeleiaSarakoi. was situated; he says, They who inhabited Zeleia, at the very foot of Ida, Aphneii Trojans, -who drink of the dark stream of Æsepus;Il. ii. 824. +who drink of the dark stream of Æsepus;Il. ii. 824. -below Zeleia, towards the sea, on this side of Æsepus, lies the +below Zeleia, towards the sea, on this side of Æsepus, lies the plain of Adrasteia, and Tereia, Pitya, and in general the present district of Cyzicene near Priapus,Karabogha. which he afterwards describes. He then returns again to the parts towards the east, -and to those lying above, by which he shows that he considered the country as far as the Æsepus the northern and +and to those lying above, by which he shows that he considered the country as far as the Æsepus the northern and eastern boundary of the Troad. Next to the Troad are Mysia and Olympus.Keschisch-Dagh. Ancient tradition then suggests some @@ -63881,7 +63881,7 @@ have produced many differences in consequence of' the continual succession of go Phrygians and Mysians were masters of the country after the -capture of Troy; afterwards the Lydians; then the Æolians +capture of Troy; afterwards the Lydians; then the Æolians and Ionians; next, the Persians and Macedonians; lastly, the @@ -63908,7 +63908,7 @@ above Tieium,Tilijos. and to which belongs the count affording the best pasturage for cattle, whence comes the cheese -of Salon. Nicsæa,Isnik. The Turkish name is a contraction of ei)s Nikaian, as Ismir, +of Salon. Nicsæa,Isnik. The Turkish name is a contraction of ei)s Nikaian, as Ismir, Smyrna, is a contraction of ei)s Smu/o|hn, Istambol, Constantinople, of ei)s @@ -63922,7 +63922,7 @@ first founder was Antigonus, the son of Philip, who called it Antigonia. It was then rebuilt by Lysimachus, who changed -its name to that of his wife Nicæa. She was the daughter of +its name to that of his wife Nicæa. She was the daughter of Antipater. The city is situated in a plain. Its shape is @@ -63930,11 +63930,11 @@ quadrangular, eleven stadia in circuit. It has four gates. Its streets are divided at right angles, so that the four gates may -be seen from a single stone, set up in the middle of the Gymnasium. A little above the Ascanian lake is Otrcæa, a small +be seen from a single stone, set up in the middle of the Gymnasium. A little above the Ascanian lake is Otrcæa, a small town situated just on the borders of Bithynia towards the east. -It is conjectured that Otrcæa was so called from Otreus. +It is conjectured that Otrcæa was so called from Otreus.

That Bithynia was a colony of the Mysians, first Scylax @@ -63959,7 +63959,7 @@ Mysians were Thracians; and Euphorio says, -and thus also Alexander the Ætolian, +and thus also Alexander the Ætolian, @@ -63988,9 +63988,9 @@ Chalcedon. Dionysius the dialectician is probably the same as Dionysius of Heracleia, who abandoned the Stoics to join the sect of Epicurus. -Hipparchus, the first and greatest of Greek astronomers, (B. C. 160–145,) +Hipparchus, the first and greatest of Greek astronomers, (B. C. 160–145,) -was of Nicæa. So also was Diophanes, quoted by Varro and Columella, +was of Nicæa. So also was Diophanes, quoted by Varro and Columella, as the abbreviator of the twenty books on Agriculture by Mago, in the @@ -63998,7 +63998,7 @@ Punic language. Suidas speaks of Theodosius, a distinguished mathematician, who, on Spherics still exists, and was printed in Paris in 1558. Of Cleophanes of Myrleia little is known. Strabo mentions also a grammarian, -Asclepiades of Myrleia, in b. iii. c. iv. § 19. To these great names may be +Asclepiades of Myrleia, in b. iii. c. iv. § 19. To these great names may be added as of Bithynian origin, but subsequent to the time of Strabo, Dion @@ -64055,7 +64055,7 @@ for a long period, and overrunning the country subject to the Attalic and the Bithynian kings, until they received by a -voluntary cession the present Galatia, or Gallo-Græcia, as it is +voluntary cession the present Galatia, or Gallo-Græcia, as it is called. Leonnorius seems to have been the chief leader of these @@ -64100,7 +64100,7 @@ that quarter, where there is a colossal statue of Jupiter in brass, and a grove, which is used as a place of refuge; Mithridatium, -which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, (Deïotarus?) having +which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, (Deïotarus?) having separated it from the kingdom of Pontus; and thirdly, Danala, @@ -64250,7 +64250,7 @@ fortressess is about 120 stadia. are the Isaura, two villages of the same name, one of which is -surnamed Palæa, or the Old, the other [the New], the latter is +surnamed Palæa, or the Old, the other [the New], the latter is well fortified.Meineke's correction. There were many other villages dependent @@ -64271,17 +64271,17 @@ upon the sea. See Smith, art. Derbe. the royal seat of the tyrant Antipater, surnamed -Derbætes, is on the side of the Isaurian territory close upon +Derbætes, is on the side of the Isaurian territory close upon Cappadocia. LarandaCaraman. also belonged to Antipater. In my -time Amyntas attacked and killed Antipater Derbætes, and +time Amyntas attacked and killed Antipater Derbætes, and got possession of the Isaura and of Derbe. The Romans gave him the Isaura where he built a palace for himself, after -having destroyed Isauria Palæa (the Old). He began to build +having destroyed Isauria Palæa (the Old). He began to build in the same place a new wall, but before its completion he was @@ -64411,7 +64411,7 @@ enterprises, nor permit the people on the confines to live in peace, although they occupy the southern parts of the country at the foot of Taurus. -

On the confines of Phrygia and Caria, are Tabæ,Tabas. Sinda, +

On the confines of Phrygia and Caria, are Tabæ,Tabas. Sinda, and Amblada, whence is procured the Amblada wine, which @@ -64427,7 +64427,7 @@ tyrants, and follow like the Cilicians a predatory mode of life. It is said that anciently some of the Leleges, a wandering people, were intermixed with them, and from the similarity of their habits and manners settled there.

SelgeSurk. had the rank of a city from the first when founded by -tle Lacedæmonians, but at a still earlier period by Calchas. +tle Lacedæmonians, but at a still earlier period by Calchas. Latterly it has maintained its condition and flourished in consequence of its excellent constitution and government, so that @@ -64527,7 +64527,7 @@ Phrygia around Olympus, and is also called Epictetus. which is continuous with Bithynia, and with the Epictetus, -(which, Artemidorus says, was inhabited by the Mysians beyond the Danube,) and the part around the Caïcus,Bakyr-Tschai. and the +(which, Artemidorus says, was inhabited by the Mysians beyond the Danube,) and the part around the Caïcus,Bakyr-Tschai. and the PergameneThe district around Bergama. as far as Teuthrania, and the mouths of the river. @@ -64540,7 +64540,7 @@ the district around Sipylus,Sipuli-Dagh. which the a were a part of the Greater or the Lesser Phrygia, from whence -Tantalus, Pelops, and Niobe were called Phrygians. Whatever the explanation may be, the change is certain. For Pergamene and Elaitis,The district between Bergama and the sea. through which country the Caïcus passes, +Tantalus, Pelops, and Niobe were called Phrygians. Whatever the explanation may be, the change is certain. For Pergamene and Elaitis,The district between Bergama and the sea. through which country the Caïcus passes, and empties itself into the sea, and Teuthrania, situated between these two districts, where Teuthras lived, and Telephus was brought up, lies between the Hellespont, and the @@ -64552,12 +64552,12 @@ the mountain, so that, as I have said, it is difficult -To assign the confines of the Mysians and Phryges.— +To assign the confines of the Mysians and Phryges.—

-

The Lydians also, and the Mæones, whom Homer calls +

The Lydians also, and the Mæones, whom Homer calls Meones, are in some way confounded with these people @@ -64565,13 +64565,13 @@ and with one another; some authors say that they are the same, others that they are different, nations. Add to this that -some writers regard the Mysians as Thracians, others as Lydians, according to an ancient tradition, which has been preserved by Xanthus the Lydian, and by Menecrates of Elæa, +some writers regard the Mysians as Thracians, others as Lydians, according to an ancient tradition, which has been preserved by Xanthus the Lydian, and by Menecrates of Elæa, who assign as the origin of the name Mysians, that the Lydians call the beech-tree (Oxya) Mysos, which grows in -great abundance near Olympus, where it is said decimated personsProtheüs, who had led the Magnetes to Troy, upon his return from +great abundance near Olympus, where it is said decimated personsProtheüs, who had led the Magnetes to Troy, upon his return from that expedition, and in compliance with a vow which he had made to @@ -64581,7 +64581,7 @@ These Magnetes, for some reason, abandoned the temple and embarked for Crete; from thence they passed into Asia, accompanied by some -Cretans, and founded Magnesia near the Mæander. B. xiv. c, i. § 11. were exposed, whose descendants are the +Cretans, and founded Magnesia near the Mæander. B. xiv. c, i. § 11. were exposed, whose descendants are the @@ -64603,7 +64603,7 @@ and put to death the chief of Troy and of the country near it, they settled here, but the Mysians established themselves -above the sources of the Caïcus near Lydia. +above the sources of the Caïcus near Lydia.

The confusion which has existed among the nations in @@ -64674,13 +64674,13 @@ of the Cretans. They built Miletus, of which the founder was Sarpedon from Miletus in Crete. They settled the colony -of Termilmæ in the present Lycia, but, according to Herodotus,Herod. i. 173; vii. 92. +of Termilmæ in the present Lycia, but, according to Herodotus,Herod. i. 173; vii. 92. these people were a colony from Crete under the conduct of Sarpedon, brother of Minos and Rhadamanthus, who gave the -name of Termilæ to the people formerly called Milyæ, and +name of Termilæ to the people formerly called Milyæ, and still more anciently Solymi; when, however, Lycus the son of @@ -64776,7 +64776,7 @@ of kings, furnished a motive to the poet and his interpreters, for determining w For the poet calls by the common name of Trojans all their -auxiliaries, as he calls their enemies Danai and Achæi. But +auxiliaries, as he calls their enemies Danai and Achæi. But certainly we should not give the name of Troy to Paphlagonia, or to Caria, or to Lycia, which borders upon it. I @@ -64796,7 +64796,7 @@ and where he speaks of their enemies, -but the Achæi advanced silently, breathing forth warlike ardour,Il. iii. 8.Il. iii. 8. +but the Achæi advanced silently, breathing forth warlike ardour,Il. iii. 8.Il. iii. 8. @@ -64861,9 +64861,9 @@ and thus hindered the preparations which he was making for his defence. In the Actian war he separated himself from -Antony and attached himself to the generals of Cæsar; he +Antony and attached himself to the generals of Cæsar; he -was rewarded above his deserts, for in addition to what he received from Antony he obtained power from Cæsar, and exchanged the character of a freebooter for that of a petty +was rewarded above his deserts, for in addition to what he received from Antony he obtained power from Cæsar, and exchanged the character of a freebooter for that of a petty prince. He was priest of Jupiter Abrettenus, the Mysian @@ -64902,7 +64902,7 @@ there not as a priest, but a polluter of sacred things. it, to the north, live Bithynians, Mygdonians, and Doliones; the rest is occupied by Mysians and Epicteti. The -tribes about CyzicusArtaki from ÆsepusSatal-dere? as far as RhyndacusMualitsch-Tschai. and +tribes about CyzicusArtaki from ÆsepusSatal-dere? as far as RhyndacusMualitsch-Tschai. and the lake Dascylitis,laskili. are called for the most part Doliones; @@ -64995,7 +64995,7 @@ which it has held from the earliest times; the rest was a gift of the Romans. Of the Troad they possess the parts beyond -the Æsepus, namely, those about Zeleia and the plain of Adrasteia; a part of the lake Dascylitis belongs to them, the other part +the Æsepus, namely, those about Zeleia and the plain of Adrasteia; a part of the lake Dascylitis belongs to them, the other part belongs to the Byzantines. They also possess a large district near @@ -65007,7 +65007,7 @@ runs the river Rhyndacus, which has its source in the Azanitis. Having received from Mysia Abrettene, among other rivers, -the Macestus,Simau-Su. which comes from AncyraSimau-Gol. in the Abæitis, +the Macestus,Simau-Su. which comes from AncyraSimau-Gol. in the Abæitis, it empties itself into the Propontis at the island Besbicus.Imrali, or Kalo-limno.

In this island of the Cyziceni is the mountain Artace, well @@ -65021,19 +65021,19 @@ which is met with in coasting from Cyzicus to Priapus.Karab

To Phrygian Epictetus belong the Azani, and the cities -Nacoleia, Cotiæium,Kiutahia. Midiæium, Dorylæum,Eski-Schehr. and Cadi.Gedis. Some +Nacoleia, Cotiæium,Kiutahia. Midiæium, Dorylæum,Eski-Schehr. and Cadi.Gedis. Some persons assign Cadi to Mysia. -

Mysia extends in the inland parts from Olympene to Pergamene, and to the plain of Caïcus, as it is called; so that it lies +

Mysia extends in the inland parts from Olympene to Pergamene, and to the plain of Caïcus, as it is called; so that it lies between Ida and the Catacecaumene, which some place in -Mysia, others in Mæonia. +Mysia, others in Mæonia.

Beyond the Epictetus to the south is the Greater Phrygia, leaving on the left Pessinus, and the parts about Orcaorci, -and Lycaonia, and on the right Mæones, Lydians, and Carians. +and Lycaonia, and on the right Mæones, Lydians, and Carians. In the Epictetus are Phrygia Paroreia, and the country towards Pisidia, and the parts about Amorium,Hergan Kaleh. Eumeneia,Ischekli. and @@ -65041,11 +65041,11 @@ Synnada.Afium-Karahissar. Next are Apameia Cibotus,< largest cities in Phrygia. Around them lie the towns [and -places], Aphrodisias,Geira. Colossæ,Destroyed by an earthquake in the time of Nero, afterwards Konos. Themisonium,Teseni. Sanaus, +places], Aphrodisias,Geira. Colossæ,Destroyed by an earthquake in the time of Nero, afterwards Konos. Themisonium,Teseni. Sanaus, Metropolis,Ballyk. Apollonias, and farther off than these, Pelte, -Tabeæ, Eucarpia, and Lysias. +Tabeæ, Eucarpia, and Lysias.

The ParoreiaSultan Dagh. has a mountainous ridge extending from @@ -65066,13 +65066,13 @@ The former lies entirely in the plain, the other is on a hill, and occupied by a Roman colony. This was founded by the -Magnetes, who live near the Mæander. The Romans liberated +Magnetes, who live near the Mæander. The Romans liberated them from the dominion of the kings, when they delivered up the rest of Asia within the Taurus to Eumenes. In this place -was established a priesthood of Men Arcæus, having attached +was established a priesthood of Men Arcæus, having attached to it a multitude of sacred attendants, and tracts of sacred @@ -65087,7 +65087,7 @@ village, and the quarry of the Synnadic marble. This is the name given to it by the Romans, but the people of the country -call it Docimite and Docimæan. At first the quarry produced +call it Docimite and Docimæan. At first the quarry produced small masses, but at present, through the extravagance of the @@ -65112,7 +65112,7 @@ built upon the mouth of the river Marsyas, which runs through the middle of it, and has its commencement above the city; -being carried down to the suburb with a strong and precipitous current, it enters the Mæander,Mender Tschai. which receives also another river, the Orgas, and traverses a level tract with a gentle +being carried down to the suburb with a strong and precipitous current, it enters the Mæander,Mender Tschai. which receives also another river, the Orgas, and traverses a level tract with a gentle and unruffled stream. Here the Meander becomes a large @@ -65122,13 +65122,13 @@ separates Caria and Lydia at the plain, as it is called, of the Meander, running in a direction excessively tortuous, so that -from the course of this river all windings are called Mæanders. +from the course of this river all windings are called Mæanders. Towards its termination it runs through the part of Caria occupied by the Ionians; the mouths by which it empties itself are between Miletus and Priene.Samsun. It rises in a hill called -Celæmæ, on which was a city of the same name. Antiochus +Celæmæ, on which was a city of the same name. Antiochus @@ -65144,11 +65144,11 @@ of Artabazus. She was given in marriage to Seleucus Nicator. Here is laid the sc Marsyas, and of the contest between Marsyas and Apollo. -Above is situated a lakeThe lake above Celænæ bore the name of Aulocrene or Pipe Fountain, probably from the reeds which grew there. Pliny, b. v. c. 29. on which grows a reed, which is +Above is situated a lakeThe lake above Celænæ bore the name of Aulocrene or Pipe Fountain, probably from the reeds which grew there. Pliny, b. v. c. 29. on which grows a reed, which is suited to the mouth-pieces of pipes. From this lake, it is said, -spring the Marsyas and the Mæander. +spring the Marsyas and the Mæander.

Laodiceia,Urumluk. formerly a small town, has increased in our @@ -65167,7 +65167,7 @@ with many offerings, and bequeathed to the people more than were an ornament and support to it; the latter was thought -by Antony, and afterwards by Augustus Cæsar, worthy even +by Antony, and afterwards by Augustus Cæsar, worthy even of the rank of king in consequence of his valiant and upright @@ -65181,7 +65181,7 @@ the Colosseni do from their flocks, of a colour of the same name.

Here the Caprus and the Lycus, a large river, enter the -Mæander. From the Lycus, a considerable river, Laodiceia has +Mæander. From the Lycus, a considerable river, Laodiceia has the name of Laodiceia on the Lycus. Above the city is the @@ -65210,23 +65210,23 @@ a village, where there are inns for the reception of travellers, and springs of boiling water, some of which rise in the river -Mæander, and others on its banks. There is a story, that a +Mæander, and others on its banks. There is a story, that a pimp had lodgings in the inns for a great company of women, and that during the night he and all the women were overwhelmed by an earthquake and disappeared. Nearly the -whole of the country about the Mæander, as far as the inland +whole of the country about the Mæander, as far as the inland parts, is subject to earthquakes, and is undermined by fire and -water. For all this cavernous condition of the country, beginning from the plains, extends to the Charonia; it exists likewise in Hierapolis, and in Acharaca in the district Nysæis, also +water. For all this cavernous condition of the country, beginning from the plains, extends to the Charonia; it exists likewise in Hierapolis, and in Acharaca in the district Nysæis, also in the plain of Magnesia, and in Myus. The soil is dry and easily reduced to powder, full of salts, and very inflammable. -This perhaps is the reason why the course of the Mæander is +This perhaps is the reason why the course of the Mæander is winding, for the stream is diverted in many places from its @@ -65260,9 +65260,9 @@ arrival, when he saw the overthrow of the city, gave a hundred talents for its r happened in the time of Alexander; for this reason it is probable that Neptune is worshipped there, although they are an -inland people, and that it had the name of Celænæ from Celva- +inland people, and that it had the name of Celænæ from Celva- -nus,The Black. the son of Neptune, by Celæno, one of the Danaides, or +nus,The Black. the son of Neptune, by Celæno, one of the Danaides, or from the black colour of the stones, or from the blackness @@ -65299,13 +65299,13 @@ to the account of Xanthus, who composed a history of Lydian affairs; he relates the changes which had frequently taken place -in this country,—I have mentioned them in a former part of my +in this country,—I have mentioned them in a former part of my -work.B. i. c. iii. § 4. Here is laid the scene of the fable of what befell Typhon; here are placed the Arimi, and this country is said to be +work.B. i. c. iii. § 4. Here is laid the scene of the fable of what befell Typhon; here are placed the Arimi, and this country is said to be the Catacecaumene. Nor do historians hesitate to suppose, that -the places between the Mæander and the Lydians are all of +the places between the Mæander and the Lydians are all of this nature, as well on account of the number of lakes and @@ -65317,7 +65317,7 @@ Apameia, although like a sea, emit a muddy smell, as if they had come through a subterraneous channel. It is said that -actions are brought against the Mæander for transferring land +actions are brought against the Mæander for transferring land from one place to another by sweeping away the angles of the @@ -65326,7 +65326,7 @@ windings, and a fine is levied out of the toll, which is paid at the ferries.

-

Between Laodiceia and Carura is a temple of Mén +

Between Laodiceia and Carura is a temple of Mén Carus, which is held in great veneration. In our time there @@ -65373,7 +65373,7 @@ Aleman says, They speak also of a Cerbesian pit which sends forth destructive exhalations; this however exists, but the people have no -longer the name of Cerbesii. Æschylus in his NiobeThe Niobe, a lost tragedy of Sophocles, is often quoted; this is probaliy here meant. confounds them; Niobe says that she shall remember Tantalus, +longer the name of Cerbesii. Æschylus in his NiobeThe Niobe, a lost tragedy of Sophocles, is often quoted; this is probaliy here meant. confounds them; Niobe says that she shall remember Tantalus, and his story; @@ -65381,7 +65381,7 @@ and his story; -those who have an altar of Jupiter, their paternal god, on the Idæan +those who have an altar of Jupiter, their paternal god, on the Idæan hill, @@ -65393,11 +65393,11 @@ and again; -Sipylus in the Idæan land, +Sipylus in the Idæan land, -—and Tantalus says, +—and Tantalus says, @@ -65432,7 +65432,7 @@ author dwells some time on Troy, though deserted, on account of its distinction,

THESE are the limits of Phrygia. We return again to -the Propontis, and to the sea-coast adjoining the Æsepus,Satal-dere. +the Propontis, and to the sea-coast adjoining the Æsepus,Satal-dere. and shall observe, in our description of places, the same order @@ -65470,7 +65470,7 @@ summary description of the nature of the places.

The coast of the Propontis extends from Cyzicene and -the places about the Æsepus and GranicusKodscha-Tschai. Oustvola. Gossellin. as far as Abydos, +the places about the Æsepus and GranicusKodscha-Tschai. Oustvola. Gossellin. as far as Abydos, @@ -65486,22 +65486,22 @@ about Ilium, and Tenedos and Alexandreia Troas.Eski Stambou all these is the mountain Ida, extending as far as Lectum. -From Lectum to the river CaïcusBakir-Tschai, or Germasti. and the Canæ mountains +From Lectum to the river CaïcusBakir-Tschai, or Germasti. and the Canæ mountains -as they are called is the district comprising Assus,Beiram-koi, or Asso, or Adschane. Adramyttium,Edremid or Adramytti. Atarneus,Dikeli-koi. Pitane,Tschandarlik. and the Elaïtic bay, opposite to all +as they are called is the district comprising Assus,Beiram-koi, or Asso, or Adschane. Adramyttium,Edremid or Adramytti. Atarneus,Dikeli-koi. Pitane,Tschandarlik. and the Elaïtic bay, opposite to all -which places lies the island Lesbos.Mytilene. Next follows the country about CymeLamurt-koi. as far as Hermus,Gedis-Tschai. and Phocæa,Karadscha-Fokia. where +which places lies the island Lesbos.Mytilene. Next follows the country about CymeLamurt-koi. as far as Hermus,Gedis-Tschai. and Phocæa,Karadscha-Fokia. where -Ionia begins, and Æolis terminates. Such then is the nature +Ionia begins, and Æolis terminates. Such then is the nature of the country.

The poet implies that it was the Trojans chiefly who were divided into eight or even nine bodies of people, each forming a petty princedom, who had under their sway the places -about Æsepus, and those about the territory of the present +about Æsepus, and those about the territory of the present -Cyzicene, as far as the river Caïcus. The troops of auxiliaries +Cyzicene, as far as the river Caïcus. The troops of auxiliaries are reckoned among the allies. @@ -65514,15 +65514,15 @@ number of territorial divisions. The Greek colonies were the cause of this; the Ionian migration produced less change, -for it was further distant from the Troad, but the Æolian +for it was further distant from the Troad, but the Æolian colonists occasioned it throughout, for they were dispersed over the whole of the country from Cyzicene as far as -the Caïcus, and occupied besides the district between the +the Caïcus, and occupied besides the district between the -Caïcus and the river Hermus. It is said that the Æolian +Caïcus and the river Hermus. It is said that the Æolian preceded the Ionian migration four generations, but it was attended with delays, and the settlement of the colonies took up @@ -65530,7 +65530,7 @@ a longer time. Orestes was the leader of the colonists, and died in Arcadia. He was preceded by his son Penthilus, -who advanced as far as Thrace, sixty yearsThe return of the Heracleidæ having taken place, according to Thu- +who advanced as far as Thrace, sixty yearsThe return of the Heracleidæ having taken place, according to Thu- cydides and other writers, eighty years after the capture of Troy, some @@ -65540,9 +65540,9 @@ changed from e(ch/konta e)/tesi, sixty years, to Thucydides, in the same chapter, and in the space of a few lines, speaks of -the return of the Bœotians to their own country, as having taken place +the return of the Bœotians to their own country, as having taken place -sixty years after the capture of Troy; and of the return of the Heracleidæ +sixty years after the capture of Troy; and of the return of the Heracleidæ to the Peloponnesus, as having taken place eighty years after the same @@ -65556,9 +65556,9 @@ through inattention, one number for another. after the Trojan -war, about the time of the return of the Heracleidæ to Peloponnesus. Then Archelaus the son of Penthilus conducted +war, about the time of the return of the Heracleidæ to Peloponnesus. Then Archelaus the son of Penthilus conducted -the Æolian colonies across the sea to the present Cyzicene, +the Æolian colonies across the sea to the present Cyzicene, near Dascylium. Gras his youngest son proceeded as far as @@ -65578,14 +65578,14 @@ and the mountain Phricius. At last however they crossed the sea, and founded Cyme, to which they gave the name of Phriconis, from Phricius, the Locrian mountain.

-

The Æolians then were dispersed over the whole country, which we have said the poet calls the Trojan country. +

The Æolians then were dispersed over the whole country, which we have said the poet calls the Trojan country. Later writers give this name to the whole, and others to a part, -of Æolis; and so, with respect to Troja, some writers understand the whole, others only a part, of that country, not entirely agreeing with one another in anything. +of Æolis; and so, with respect to Troja, some writers understand the whole, others only a part, of that country, not entirely agreeing with one another in anything.

According to Homer, the commencement of the Troad is at -the places on the Propontis, reckoning it from the Æsepus. +the places on the Propontis, reckoning it from the Æsepus. According to Eudoxus, it begins from Priapus, and Artace, @@ -65595,7 +65595,7 @@ thus lie contracts the boundaries [of the Troad]. Damastes contracts them still more by reckoning its commencement -from Parium.Kamaræs, or Kemer. (Kamar, Arab. the Moon.) He extends the Troad as far as Lectum. But +from Parium.Kamaræs, or Kemer. (Kamar, Arab. the Moon.) He extends the Troad as far as Lectum. But different writers assign different limits to this country. @@ -65615,7 +65615,7 @@ of Caryanda, at Abydos. There is the same diversity of -opinion respecting the boundaries of Æolis. Ephorus reckons, +opinion respecting the boundaries of Æolis. Ephorus reckons, its extent from Abydos to Cyme, but different writers compute @@ -65632,9 +65632,9 @@ north and towards the northern coast. This latter is the coast of the Propontis, extending from the straits near Abydos to -the Æsepus, and to the territory of Cyzicene. The western +the Æsepus, and to the territory of Cyzicene. The western -sea is the exterior (part of the) Hellespont, and the Ægtæan +sea is the exterior (part of the) Hellespont, and the Ægtæan Sea.

Ida has many projecting parts like feet, and resembles in @@ -65645,7 +65645,7 @@ points, namely, the promontoryNear Mussatsch-Koi. at Cyzicene (to the Cyziceni belongs the present Zeleia), and Lee -tum projects into the Ægæan Sea, and is met with in the coasting voyage from Tenedos to Lesbos. +tum projects into the Ægæan Sea, and is met with in the coasting voyage from Tenedos to Lesbos. @@ -65667,7 +65667,7 @@ Rhesus and Heptaporus cannot be placed in this part of Ida, nor do any of the streams mentioned by Homer in the same passage flow into the -Ægean Sea. [He is exact in the epithet abounding +Ægean Sea. [He is exact in the epithet abounding with springs; for the mountain, especially in that part, has @@ -65710,7 +65710,7 @@ names in both languages. calling it the topIl. xiv. is now in existence in the higher parts of Ida a place, from -which the present Gargara, an Æolian city, has its name. +which the present Gargara, an Æolian city, has its name. Between Zeleia and Lectum, proceeding from the Propontis, are @@ -65721,11 +65721,11 @@ parts below the Propontis, extending as far as Lectum.

On doubling Lectum a large bay opens,The Gulf of Edremid or Jalea, the ancient Elea. formed by -Mount Ida, which recedes from Lectum, and by Canæ, the +Mount Ida, which recedes from Lectum, and by Canæ, the promontory opposite to Lectum on the other side. Some persons call it the Bay of Ida, others the Bay of Adramyttium. -On this bay are situated the cities of the Æolians, extending, as we have said, to the mouths of the Hermus. I have +On this bay are situated the cities of the Æolians, extending, as we have said, to the mouths of the Hermus. I have mentioned also in a former part of my work, that in sailing @@ -65737,7 +65737,7 @@ readers of this work ought to attend to the following observation; although we m must understand the promontories also which form them, -situated on the same meridian.The meridian, according to our author's system, passing through Constantinople, Rhodes, Alexandria, Syene, and Meröe. +situated on the same meridian.The meridian, according to our author's system, passing through Constantinople, Rhodes, Alexandria, Syene, and Meröe.

Those who have paid particular attention to this subject conjecture, from the expressions of the poet, that all @@ -65766,7 +65766,7 @@ By Troja he means the continent which he had ravaged. Among other places which had been plundered, was the -country opposite Lesbos,—that about Thebe, Lyrnessus, and +country opposite Lesbos,—that about Thebe, Lyrnessus, and Pedasus belonging to the Leleges, and the territory also of @@ -65818,7 +65818,7 @@ and, -Briseïs was taken captive at Lyrnessus; +Briseïs was taken captive at Lyrnessus; @@ -65828,7 +65828,7 @@ Briseïs was taken captive at Lyrnessus; -In the capture of this place the poet says, Mynes and Epistrophus were slain, as Briseïs mentions in her lament over Patroclus, +In the capture of this place the poet says, Mynes and Epistrophus were slain, as Briseïs mentions in her lament over Patroclus, @@ -65841,7 +65841,7 @@ for by calling Lyrnessus the city of the divine Mynes,

Chryseïs was carried away from Thebe; +

Chryseïs was carried away from Thebe; @@ -65851,7 +65851,7 @@ fighting in its defence. -and Chryseïs is mentioned among the booty which was carried off from that place. +and Chryseïs is mentioned among the booty which was carried off from that place. @@ -65909,7 +65909,7 @@ by Hector, are called Trojans; -then those under Æneas, +then those under Æneas, @@ -65925,7 +65925,7 @@ and these were Trojans, for the poet says, -Thou, Æneas, that counsellest Trojans;Il. xx. 83.Il. xx. 83. +Thou, Æneas, that counsellest Trojans;Il. xx. 83.Il. xx. 83. @@ -65937,12 +65937,12 @@ Trojans; Aphneian Trojans, who inhabited Zeleia at the farthest extremity of -Ida, who drink of the dark waters of Æsepus, these were led by Pandarus, the illustrious son of Lycaon.Il. ii. 824. +Ida, who drink of the dark waters of Æsepus, these were led by Pandarus, the illustrious son of Lycaon.Il. ii. 824. This is the sixth dynasty. -

The people, also, who lived between the Æsepus and Abydos were Trojans, for the country about Abydos was governed by Asius; +

The people, also, who lived between the Æsepus and Abydos were Trojans, for the country about Abydos was governed by Asius; @@ -65991,17 +65991,17 @@ so that this country also was part of the Troad, and the subsequent tract as far

All therefore were Trojans from Abydos to Adrasteia, divided, however, into two bodies, one governed by Asius, the -other by the Meropidæ, as the country of the Cilicians is divided into the Thebaic and the Lyrnessian Cilicia. To this +other by the Meropidæ, as the country of the Cilicians is divided into the Thebaic and the Lyrnessian Cilicia. To this district may have belonged the country under the sway of Eurypylus, for it follows next to the Lyrnessis, or territory of -Lyrnessus.So that Cilicia was divided into three principalities, as Strabo observes below, c. i. § 70. But perhaps this division was only invented for +Lyrnessus.So that Cilicia was divided into three principalities, as Strabo observes below, c. i. § 70. But perhaps this division was only invented for the purpose of completing the number of the nine principalities, for -Strabo above, c. i. § 2, speaks in a manner to let us suppose that other +Strabo above, c. i. § 2, speaks in a manner to let us suppose that other authors reckoned eight only. However this may be, the following is the @@ -66009,11 +66009,11 @@ number of the dynasties or principalities established by our author. 1. That of Mynes; 2. that of Eetion, both in Cilicia; 3. that of Altes; 4. -that of Hector; 5. that of Æneas; 6. that of Pandarus; 7. that of +that of Hector; 5. that of Æneas; 6. that of Pandarus; 7. that of Asius; 8. that of the son of Merops; 9. that of Eurypylus, also in Cilicia. -Coraÿ. +Coraÿ.

That PriamGranting to Priam the sovereignty of the districts just mentioned by Strabo, his dominion extended over a country about twenty maritime @@ -66034,12 +66034,12 @@ north, extending on both sides of the Hellespont, were the people of Arisbe, Sestos, and Abydos.

The people of Adrasteia occupied the Propontis, as far as the Granicus. -

The Lycians, the country beyond, as far as the Æsepus and Zeleia. -

Strabo mentioned a ninth (c. i. § 2) principality subject to Priam; he +

The Lycians, the country beyond, as far as the Æsepus and Zeleia. +

Strabo mentioned a ninth (c. i. § 2) principality subject to Priam; he does not mention it by name, or rather it is wanting in the text. M. de -Choiseul-Gouffier, (Voyage Pittoresque de la Gréce, vol. ii.,) with much +Choiseul-Gouffier, (Voyage Pittoresque de la Gréce, vol. ii.,) with much probability, thinks that this principality was that of the island of Lesbos. @@ -66074,22 +66074,22 @@ time of both these nations. The next tract of country was occupied by Treres, who were also Thracians; the plain of -Thebe, by Lydians, who were then called Mæonians, and by +Thebe, by Lydians, who were then called Mæonians, and by the survivors of the Mysians, who were formerly governed by Telephus and Teuthoras. -

Since then the poet unites together Æolis and Troja, and +

Since then the poet unites together Æolis and Troja, and -since the Æolians occupied all the country from the Hermus +since the Æolians occupied all the country from the Hermus as far as the sea-coast at Cyzicus, and founded cities, we shall -not do wrong in combining in one description Æolis, properly +not do wrong in combining in one description Æolis, properly so called, (extending from the Hermus to Lectum,) and the -tract which follows, as far as the Æsepus; distinguishing them +tract which follows, as far as the Æsepus; distinguishing them again in speaking of them separately, and comparing what @@ -66098,7 +66098,7 @@ is said of them by Homer and by other writers with their present state.

According to Homer, the Troad begins from the city -Cyzicus and the river Æsepus. He speaks of it in this +Cyzicus and the river Æsepus. He speaks of it in this manner: @@ -66106,7 +66106,7 @@ manner: Aphneian Trojans, who inhabited Zeleia at the farthest extremity of -Ida, who drink the dark waters of Æsepus, these were led by Pandarus, +Ida, who drink the dark waters of Æsepus, these were led by Pandarus, the illustrious son of Lycaon.Il. ii. 824. @@ -66123,18 +66123,18 @@ name of the lake Dascylitis. country lying at the foot of Ida, and is distant 190 stadia -from Cyzicus, and about 80M. Falconer prétend qu' au lieu de 80 stades il faut lire 180.—Nos +from Cyzicus, and about 80M. Falconer prétend qu' au lieu de 80 stades il faut lire 180.—Nos cartes modernes confirment la conjecture de M. Falconer. Gossellin. from the nearest sea, into which -the Æsepus discharges itself. +the Æsepus discharges itself.

The poet then immediately gives in detail the parts of the -sea-coast which follow the Æsepus; +sea-coast which follow the Æsepus; -those who occupied Adrasteia, and the territory of Apæsus, and Pityeia +those who occupied Adrasteia, and the territory of Apæsus, and Pityeia and the lofty mountain Tereia, these were commanded by Adrastus, and @@ -66154,13 +66154,13 @@ runs near Zeleia; it is crossed twenty times on the same road, like the Heptaporus, mentioned by the poet, which is crossed -seven times. The river flowing from Nicomedia to Nicæa is +seven times. The river flowing from Nicomedia to Nicæa is crossed four-and-twenty times; the river which flows from Pholoe to Eleia, several times; [that flowing from * * * * to -Scardon,For Ska/o|qwn in the text—read o( d' e)k. . . . . ei)s Sa/ro|dwna. Meineke, +Scardon,For Ska/o|qwn in the text—read o( d' e)k. . . . . ei)s Sa/ro|dwna. Meineke, who however suspects the whole passage to be an interpolation.] five-and-twenty times; that running from Coscinii @@ -66169,13 +66169,13 @@ to Alabanda, in many places, and the river flowing from Tyana through the Taurus to Soli, is crossed seventy-five times.

-

Above the mouth of the Æsepus about * * stadia is a +

Above the mouth of the Æsepus about * * stadia is a hill on which is seen the sepulchre of Memnon, the son of Tithonus. Near it is the village of Memnon. Between the -Æsepus and Priapus flows the Granicus, but for the most +Æsepus and Priapus flows the Granicus, but for the most part it flows through the plain of Adrasteia, where Alexander @@ -66202,7 +66202,7 @@ founded Abydos and Proconnesus; others, that it was built by Cyziceni. It has its name from Priapus,Peor Apis, or Baal Peor? who is worshipped there; either because his worship was transferred -thither from Orneæ near Corinth, or the inhabitants were +thither from Orneæ near Corinth, or the inhabitants were disposed to worship him because the god was said to be the @@ -66243,7 +66243,7 @@ Adrasteia is situated between Priapus and Parium, with a plain of the same name below it, in which there was an oracle -of the Actæan Apollo and Artemis near the sea-shore.The reading is very doubtful. On +of the Actæan Apollo and Artemis near the sea-shore.The reading is very doubtful. On the demolition of the temple, all the furniture and the stonework were transported to Parium, where an altar, the workmanship of Hermocreon, remarkable for its size and beauty, @@ -66261,7 +66261,7 @@ however, says, from the immortals. Adrastus first raised an altar to her honour on the -banks of the river Æsepus, where she is worshipped under the name of +banks of the river Æsepus, where she is worshipped under the name of Adrasteia. @@ -66299,7 +66299,7 @@ the race for some time. -Parium was founded by Milesians, Erythræans, and Parians. +Parium was founded by Milesians, Erythræans, and Parians.

Pitya is situated in Pityus in the Parian district, and @@ -66355,9 +66355,9 @@ does not exceed 40 stadia.

In the interval between Lampsacus and Parium was -Pæsus, a city, and a river Pæsus.Beiram-dere. The city was razed, and +Pæsus, a city, and a river Pæsus.Beiram-dere. The city was razed, and -the Pæseni, who, as well as the Lampsaceni, were a colony of +the Pæseni, who, as well as the Lampsaceni, were a colony of Milesians, removed to Lampsacus. The poet mentions the @@ -66367,7 +66367,7 @@ city with the addition of the first syllable, -and the country of Apæsus;Il. ii. 328.Il. ii. 328. +and the country of Apæsus;Il. ii. 328.Il. ii. 328. @@ -66377,7 +66377,7 @@ and without it, -a man of great possessions, who lived at Pæsus;Il. v.612.Il. v.612. +a man of great possessions, who lived at Pæsus;Il. v.612.Il. v.612. @@ -66389,19 +66389,19 @@ and this is still the name of the river. -Colonæ also is a colony of Milesians. It is situated above +Colonæ also is a colony of Milesians. It is situated above Lampsacus, in the interior of the territory Lampsacene. -There is another Colonæ situated upon the exterior Hellespontic Sea, at the distance of 140 stadia from Ilium; the +There is another Colonæ situated upon the exterior Hellespontic Sea, at the distance of 140 stadia from Ilium; the birth-place, it is said, of Cycnus. Anaximenes mentions a -Colonæ in the Erythræan territory, in Phocis, and in Thessaly. Iliocolone is in the Parian district. In Lampsacene is +Colonæ in the Erythræan territory, in Phocis, and in Thessaly. Iliocolone is in the Parian district. In Lampsacene is a place well planted with vines, called Gergithium, and there -was a city Gergitha, founded by the Gergithi in the Cymæan +was a city Gergitha, founded by the Gergithi in the Cymæan territory, where formerly was a city called Gergitheis, (used @@ -66409,7 +66409,7 @@ in the plural number, and of the feminine gender,) the birthplace of Cephalon the Gergithian, and even now there exists a -place in the Cymæan territory called Gergithium, near Larissa. +place in the Cymæan territory called Gergithium, near Larissa.

Neoptolemus,Neoptolemus composed a glossary, or dictionary, divided into several books. surnamed the Glossographer, a writer of repute, was of Parium. Charon,Charon was the author of a History of the Persian War, and of the @@ -66422,7 +66422,7 @@ entitled, The Death of Kings. The Rhetoric addressed to now known as The Rhetoric of Aristotle, has been ascribed to him. For -the above see Athænæus. the Rhetorician, and Metrodorus, +the above see Athænæus. the Rhetorician, and Metrodorus, the friend of Epicurus, even Epicurus himself might be said @@ -66460,7 +66460,7 @@ who, he says, -came from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs in a chariot drawn by large +came from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs in a chariot drawn by large and furious coursers; @@ -66527,7 +66527,7 @@ and There was also in Lesbos a city called Arisba, the territory -belonging to which was possessed by the Methymnæans. +belonging to which was possessed by the Methymnæans. There is a river Arisbus in Thrace, as we have said before, @@ -66535,9 +66535,9 @@ near which are situated the Cabrenii Thracians. There are many names common to Thracians and Trojans, as Scei, a -Thracian tribe, a river Sceus, a Scæn wall, and in Troy, +Thracian tribe, a river Sceus, a Scæn wall, and in Troy, -Scæan gates. There are Thracians called Xanthii, and a river +Scæan gates. There are Thracians called Xanthii, and a river Xanthus in Troja; an Arisbus which discharges itself into the @@ -66645,21 +66645,21 @@ this reason, and by its situation above the current, it commands the passage of

In the Troad, above the territory of Abydos is Astyra, -which now belongs to the Abydeni,—a city in ruins, but it +which now belongs to the Abydeni,—a city in ruins, but it was formerly an independent place, and had gold-mines, which are now nearly exhausted, like those in Mount Tmolus near the Pactolus. -

From Abydos to the Æsepus are, it is said, about 700 +

From Abydos to the Æsepus are, it is said, about 700 stadia, but not so much in sailing in a direct line.

Beyond Abydos are the parts about Ilium, the seacoast as far as Lectum, the places in the Trojan plain, and -the country at the foot of Ida, which was subject to Æneas. +the country at the foot of Ida, which was subject to Æneas. The poet names the Dardanii in two ways, speaking of them @@ -66806,7 +66806,7 @@ but it does not seem to be the city meant by the poet. Other writers also relate, that the city had frequently changed its -place, but at last about the time of Cræsus it became station- +place, but at last about the time of Cræsus it became station- @@ -66871,7 +66871,7 @@ neglected that even the roofs were without tiles. HegesianaxAthœneus. +War.—Athœneus. also relates, that the Galatians, who crossed over from Europe, @@ -66889,7 +66889,7 @@ with a wall; afterwards it underwent great reparation and improvement. It was again injured by the Romans under the -command of Fimbrias. They took it by siege in the Mithridatic war. Fimbrias was sent as quæstor, with the consul +command of Fimbrias. They took it by siege in the Mithridatic war. Fimbrias was sent as quæstor, with the consul Valerius Flaccus, who was appointed to carry on the war @@ -66916,7 +66916,7 @@ Mithridates, according to treaty, into his own territory. Sylla conciliated the Ilienses by extensive repairs of their city. In -our time divus Cæsar showed them still more favour, in imitation of Alexander. He was inclined to favour them, for the +our time divus Cæsar showed them still more favour, in imitation of Alexander. He was inclined to favour them, for the purpose of renewing his family connexion with the Ilienses, @@ -66937,20 +66937,20 @@ workmanship which he found among the Persian treasures. On account then of his admiration of the poet and his descent -from the Æacidæ, (who were kings of the Molossi, whose +from the Æacidæ, (who were kings of the Molossi, whose queen they say was Andromache, afterwards the wife of Hector,) Alexander treated the Ilienses with kindness. -

But Cæsar, who admired the character of Alexander, and +

But Cæsar, who admired the character of Alexander, and had strong proofs of his affinity to the Ilienses, had the greatest possible desire to be their benefactor. The proofs of his affinity to the Ilienses were strong, first as being a Roman, -—for the Romans consider Æneas to be the founder of their +—for the Romans consider Æneas to be the founder of their -race,—next he had the name of Julius, from Iulus, one of his +race,—next he had the name of Julius, from Iulus, one of his @@ -66958,7 +66958,7 @@ race,—next he had the name of Julius, from Iulus, one of his -ancestors, a descendant of Æneas. He therefore assigned to +ancestors, a descendant of Æneas. He therefore assigned to them a district, and guaranteed their liberty with exemption @@ -66971,9 +66971,9 @@ must however first describe the places which commence from, the sea-coast, where I made the digression.

-

Next to Abydos is the promontory Dardanis,Called above, § 22, Cape Dardanium (Cape Barber). Pliny gives the +

Next to Abydos is the promontory Dardanis,Called above, § 22, Cape Dardanium (Cape Barber). Pliny gives the -name Dardanium to the town which Herodotus and Strabo call Dardanus, and places it at an equal distance from Rhœteium and Abydos. The +name Dardanium to the town which Herodotus and Strabo call Dardanus, and places it at an equal distance from Rhœteium and Abydos. The modern name Dardanelles is derived from it. which @@ -66993,7 +66993,7 @@ by the Turks Kilid-bahr. which is said to be the sepulchre of Hecuba. According to others, the Rhodius empties itself into the -Æsepus. It is one of the rivers mentioned by the poet, +Æsepus. It is one of the rivers mentioned by the poet, @@ -67007,7 +67007,7 @@ to others, the Rhodius is the torrent which passes by the castle of the Dardanelles in Asia, called by the Turks Sultan-kalessi, and therefore -cannot unite with the Æsepus. +cannot unite with the Æsepus.

Dardanus is an ancient settlement, but so slightly thought @@ -67028,15 +67028,15 @@ dedicated to Hector in a conspicuous situation, and next is Pteleos, a lake.

-

Then follows Rhœteium, a city on a hill, and continuous +

Then follows Rhœteium, a city on a hill, and continuous to it is a shore on a level with the sea, on which is situated a monument and temple of Ajax, and a statue. Antony took -away the latter and carried it to Ægypt, but Augustus Cæsar +away the latter and carried it to Ægypt, but Augustus Cæsar -restored it to tie inhabitants of Rhœteium, as he restored other +restored it to tie inhabitants of Rhœteium, as he restored other @@ -67048,37 +67048,37 @@ statues to other cities. Antony took away the most beautiful offerings from the most celebrated temples to gratify the -Ægyptian queen, but Augustus Cæsar restored them to the +Ægyptian queen, but Augustus Cæsar restored them to the gods.

-

After Rhœteium is Sigeium,Ienischer. a city in ruins, and the +

After Rhœteium is Sigeium,Ienischer. a city in ruins, and the -naval station, the harbour of the Achæans, the Achæan camp, +naval station, the harbour of the Achæans, the Achæan camp, -the Stomalimne, as it is called, and the mouths of the Scamander. The Scamander and the Simoeis, uniting in the plain,The Scamander no longer unites with the Simoïs, and for a considerable length of time has discharged itself into the Archipelago. The ancient mouth of these rivers preserve, however, the name Menderé, which +the Stomalimne, as it is called, and the mouths of the Scamander. The Scamander and the Simoeis, uniting in the plain,The Scamander no longer unites with the Simoïs, and for a considerable length of time has discharged itself into the Archipelago. The ancient mouth of these rivers preserve, however, the name Menderé, which -is an evident alteration of Scamander, and the name Menderé has also +is an evident alteration of Scamander, and the name Menderé has also -become that of the ancient Simoïs. It is to be observed that Demetrius +become that of the ancient Simoïs. It is to be observed that Demetrius of Scepsis, whose opinions on what regards these rivers and the position -of Troy are quoted by Strabo, constantly takes the Simoïs or Mender??é +of Troy are quoted by Strabo, constantly takes the Simoïs or Mender??é for the Scamander of Homer. The researches of M. de Choiseul-Gouf- fier on the Troad appear to me clearly to demonstrate that Demetrius of -Scepsis is mistaken.—Gossellin. +Scepsis is mistaken.—Gossellin. bring down a great quantity of mud, bank up the sea-coast, and form a blind mouth, salt-water lakes, and marshes.

Opposite the Sigeian promontory on the Cherronesus is the -Protesilæium,The temple or tomb of Protesilaus, one of the Greek princes who +Protesilæium,The temple or tomb of Protesilaus, one of the Greek princes who went to the siege of Troy, and the first who was killed on disembarking. @@ -67097,11 +67097,11 @@ description of Thrace.

The extent of this sea-coast as we sail in a direct line -from Rhœteium to Sigeium, and the monument of Achilles, is +from Rhœteium to Sigeium, and the monument of Achilles, is 60 stadia. The whole of the coast lies below the present -Ilium; the part near the port of the Achæans,The port of the Achæans, the spot, that is, where the Greeks disembarked on the coast of the Troad, at the entrance of the Hellespont, appears to have been comprehended between the hillock called the Tomb of +Ilium; the part near the port of the Achæans,The port of the Achæans, the spot, that is, where the Greeks disembarked on the coast of the Troad, at the entrance of the Hellespont, appears to have been comprehended between the hillock called the Tomb of Achilles and the southern base of the heights, on which is situated another @@ -67111,7 +67111,7 @@ about 1500 toises in length, now sand and lagunes, whe Koum Kale and the fortress called the New Castle of Asia stand, and -which spreads across the mouth of the Menderé, once formed a creek, the +which spreads across the mouth of the Menderé, once formed a creek, the bottom of which, from examination on the spot, extended 1200 or 1500 @@ -67133,7 +67133,7 @@ toises from the present shore. It is from the bottom of this marshy creek the 12 stadia must be measured which Strabo reckons from the -Port of the Achæans to New Ilium. These 12 stadia, estimated at 700 to +Port of the Achæans to New Ilium. These 12 stadia, estimated at 700 to a degree, (like the generality of other measures adopted by Strabo in this @@ -67159,7 +67159,7 @@ many modern travellers. But did this town occupy the same ground as the ancient Ilium, as Demetrius of Scepsis believed? Strabo thinks not, -and we shall hereafter see the objections he has to offer against the opinion of Demetrius.—Gossellin.

distant from +and we shall hereafter see the objections he has to offer against the opinion of Demetrius.—Gossellin.

distant from the present Ilium about 12 stadia, and thirty stadia more from @@ -67233,7 +67233,7 @@ ravaged the city From these words it appears that Priam from a small became a great person, and a king of kings, as we have already said. -

A short way from this coast is the Achæïum, situated on +

A short way from this coast is the Achæïum, situated on the continent opposite Tenedos. @@ -67244,19 +67244,19 @@ Above them lies the plain of Troy, extending as far as Ida to the east, a distance of many stadia.This plain, according to Demetrius, was to the east of the present -Menderé, and was enclosed by this river and the mountain Tchiblak. The part at the foot of +Menderé, and was enclosed by this river and the mountain Tchiblak. The part at the foot of the mountain is narrow, extending to the south as far as the places near Scepsis, and towards the north as far as the Lycians about Zeleia. This country Homer places under the -command of Æneas and the Antenoridæ, and calls it Dardania. Below it is Cebrenia, which for the most part consists of plains, and lies nearly parallel to Dardania. There +command of Æneas and the Antenoridæ, and calls it Dardania. Below it is Cebrenia, which for the most part consists of plains, and lies nearly parallel to Dardania. There was also formerly a city Cybrene. Demetrius (of Scepsis) supposes that the tract about Ilium, subject to Hector, extended to this place, from the Naustathmus (or station for -vessels) to Cebrenia, for he says that the sepulchre of Alexander Paris exists there, and of Œnone, who, according to +vessels) to Cebrenia, for he says that the sepulchre of Alexander Paris exists there, and of Œnone, who, according to historians, was the wife of Alexander, before the rape of @@ -67278,11 +67278,11 @@ would have been, according to analogy, Cebrionia; but it would have been better to have supposed the name to have been derived from Cebren, -the more so as this river was supposed to be the father of Œnone the +the more so as this river was supposed to be the father of Œnone the wife of Alexander (Paris). Whatever may be the origin of the name, -the city Cebrene was, according to Ephorus, a colony of Cyme in Æolia.). Cebrenia extends as far as the Scepsian district. The boundary is the +the city Cebrene was, according to Ephorus, a colony of Cyme in Æolia.). Cebrenia extends as far as the Scepsian district. The boundary is the Scamander, which runs through the middle of Cebrenia and @@ -67307,7 +67307,7 @@ inhabitants, but the Scepsians, by the permission of Lysimachus, returned to the two arms, he says, extend to the sea, one in the direction of -Rhœteium, the other of Sigeium, forming a semicircle, and +Rhœteium, the other of Sigeium, forming a semicircle, and terminate in the plain at the same distance from the sea as @@ -67317,7 +67317,7 @@ of the above-mentioned arms, whereas the ancient Ilium was situated at their commencement. This space comprises the -Simoïsian plain through which the Simoeis runs and the +Simoïsian plain through which the Simoeis runs and the Scamandrian plain, watered by the Scamander. This latter @@ -67325,7 +67325,7 @@ plain is properly the plain of Troy, and Homer makes it the scene of the greatest part of his battles, for it is the widest of -the two; and there we see the places named by him, the Erineos, the tomb of Æsyetes,The position of the tomb of Æsyetes is said to be near a village called +the two; and there we see the places named by him, the Erineos, the tomb of Æsyetes,The position of the tomb of Æsyetes is said to be near a village called by the Turks Udjek, who also give the name Udjek-tepe to the tomb itself. The tomb of Ilus, it is presumed, must be in the neighbourhood of @@ -67333,27 +67333,27 @@ the ancient bed of Scamander, and Batieia below the village Bounarbachi. With respect to the Scamander and the Simoeis, the former, -after approaching Sigeium, and the latter Rhœteium, unite +after approaching Sigeium, and the latter Rhœteium, unite their streams a little in front of the present Ilium,This and the following paragraph more especially are at variance -with the conjecture of those who place New Ilium at the village Tchiblak, situated beyond and to the north of the Simoïs. and then +with the conjecture of those who place New Ilium at the village Tchiblak, situated beyond and to the north of the Simoïs. and then empty themselves near Sigeium, and form as it is called the -Stomalimne. Each of the above-mentioned plains is separated from the other by a long ridgeAs there are no mountains on the left bank of the Menderé, at the +Stomalimne. Each of the above-mentioned plains is separated from the other by a long ridgeAs there are no mountains on the left bank of the Menderé, at the distance at which Demetrius places the town of the Ilienses, the long ridge or height of which Strabo speaks can only be referred to the hill of -Tchiblak. In that case the Simoïs of Demetrius must be the stream +Tchiblak. In that case the Simoïs of Demetrius must be the stream Tchiblak, which modern maps represent as very small, but which Major Rennell, on authority as yet uncertain, extends considerably, giving it -the name Shimar, which according to him recalls that of Simoïs.—Gos- +the name Shimar, which according to him recalls that of Simoïs.—Gos- sellin. which is in a straight line @@ -67374,9 +67374,9 @@ a straight line as far as Cebrenia, and forms with the arms on each side the letter y.

The topography of the plain of Troy and its neighbourhood is not yet -sufficiently known to be able to distinguish all the details given by Demetrius. It appears only that he took the Tchiblak for the Simoïs, and +sufficiently known to be able to distinguish all the details given by Demetrius. It appears only that he took the Tchiblak for the Simoïs, and -placed the plain of Troy to the right of the present Menderé, which he +placed the plain of Troy to the right of the present Menderé, which he called the Scamander. This opinion, lately renewed by Major Rennell, @@ -67390,7 +67390,7 @@ reasoned on the hypothesis, much contested in his time, that the town of the Ilienses corresponded with that of ancient Ilium. Observations on -the Topography of the plain of Troy by James Rennell.Gossellin.

the ridge begins at the pre- +the Topography of the plain of Troy by James Rennell.Gossellin.

the ridge begins at the pre- @@ -67462,13 +67462,13 @@ bra,Tumbrek. is near, and the river Thymbrius, which it, discharges itself into the Scamander, near the temple of -Apollo Thymbræus, but is distant 50 stadia from the present +Apollo Thymbræus, but is distant 50 stadia from the present Ilium. The Erineos,Erineos, a wild fig-tree. Homer, it is to be observed, speaks of a single wild fig-tree, whereas Strabo describes a spot planted with them. -This place, or a place near the ancient Ilium, is called by the Turks, according to M. Choiseul-Gouffier, Indgirdagh—i. e. the mountain of fig- +This place, or a place near the ancient Ilium, is called by the Turks, according to M. Choiseul-Gouffier, Indgirdagh—i. e. the mountain of fig- trees, although none were to be found there whether cultivated or wild. a rugged spot abounding with wild @@ -67488,9 +67488,9 @@ but it is very far distant from the present city. The beech-tree was a little lo -When I fought with the Achæans Hector was not disposed to urge the +When I fought with the Achæans Hector was not disposed to urge the -fight away from the wall, but advanced only as far as the Scæan gates, +fight away from the wall, but advanced only as far as the Scæan gates, and the beech-tree.Il. ix. 352. @@ -67503,7 +67503,7 @@ present, is so near the present city that any person may justly be surprised at the imprudence of the Greeks, and the want of -spirit in the Trojans;—imprudence on the part of the Greeks, +spirit in the Trojans;—imprudence on the part of the Greeks, that they should have left the place for so long a time unfortified with a wall, in the neighbourhood of so large a city, and @@ -67511,7 +67511,7 @@ so great a body of men, both inhabitants and auxiliaries; for the wall, Homer says, was constructed at a late period; or perhaps no wall was built and the erection and destruction of it, -as Aristotle says, are due to the invention of the poet;—a want +as Aristotle says, are due to the invention of the poet;—a want of spirit on the part of the Trojans, who, after the wall was @@ -67525,9 +67525,9 @@ not great, for the Naustathmus is near Sigeium. The Scamander discharges itelf n stadia from Ilium.1628 toises. The alluvial deposit has now extended the mouth of the -Menderé 3400 toises from the ruins where the measurement indicated +Menderé 3400 toises from the ruins where the measurement indicated -the position of New Ilium.—Gossellin. If any one shall say that the Naustathmus is the present harbour of the Achæans, he must mean a +the position of New Ilium.—Gossellin. If any one shall say that the Naustathmus is the present harbour of the Achæans, he must mean a place still nearer, distant about twelve stadia from the sea, @@ -67549,7 +67549,7 @@ assisted by the conjectures of Kramer. so that if the interval is 12 stad have been at that period less in extent by one half. The -story framed by Ulysses, which he tells Eumæus, implies a +story framed by Ulysses, which he tells Eumæus, implies a great distance from the Naustathmus to the city; @@ -67589,7 +67589,7 @@ walls, or whether Consider well, my friends, what is to be done, for my advice is to return now to the city, for we are far from the walls.Il. xviii. 254. -

Demetrius (of Scepsis) adds the testimony of HestiæaHestiæa was distinguished for her commentary on Homer somewhat +

Demetrius (of Scepsis) adds the testimony of HestiæaHestiæa was distinguished for her commentary on Homer somewhat in the same manner as Madame Dacier in modern times. of @@ -67612,7 +67612,7 @@ later period. who was the scout of the Trojans, trusting to his swiftness of foot, and -who was on the summit of the tomb of the old Æsyetes,Il. ii. 792. +who was on the summit of the tomb of the old Æsyetes,Il. ii. 792. @@ -67632,7 +67632,7 @@ the citadel, situated nearly at the same distance, nor would his swiftness of foot have been required for the purpose of -security, for the tomb of Æsyetes, which exists at present on +security, for the tomb of Æsyetes, which exists at present on the road to Alexandreia, is distant five stadia from the citadel. @@ -67707,7 +67707,7 @@ circuit. This would not prevent Pergamus from being the citadel of Ilium, but it was separated from it by an esplanade, which served as a -means of communication between the town and the fortress.—Gossellin.

+means of communication between the town and the fortress.—Gossellin.

No trace of the ancient city remains. This might be @@ -67716,7 +67716,7 @@ expected, for the cities around were devastated, but not entirely destroyed, whe foundation all the stones were removed for the reparation of -the other cities. Archæanax of Mitylene is said to have fortified Sigeium with the stones brought from Troy. Sigeium +the other cities. Archæanax of Mitylene is said to have fortified Sigeium with the stones brought from Troy. Sigeium was taken possession of by the Athenians, who sent Phryno, @@ -67738,13 +67738,13 @@ one of the seven wise men, sailed to the Troad against Phryno, the Athenian general, and was defeated in a pitched battle. -(It was at this time that the poet Alcæus, as he himself says, +(It was at this time that the poet Alcæus, as he himself says, when in danger in some battle, threw away his arms and fled. He charged a messenger with injunctions to inform those at -home that Alcæus was safe, but that he did not bring +home that Alcæus was safe, but that he did not bring away his arms. These were dedicated by the Athenians as @@ -67761,7 +67761,7 @@ Periander was chosen arbitrator by both parties, and put an end to it.

-

Demetrius accuses Timæus of falsehood, for saying +

Demetrius accuses Timæus of falsehood, for saying that Periander built a wall round the Achilleium out of the @@ -67769,7 +67769,7 @@ stones brought from Ilium as a protection against the attacks of the Athenians, and with a view to assist Pittacus; whereas -this place was fortified by the Mitylenæans against Sigeium, +this place was fortified by the Mitylenæans against Sigeium, but not with stones from Ilium, nor by Periander. For how @@ -67781,20 +67781,20 @@ Achilles, and is a small settlement. It was destroyed, as also Sigeium, by the Ilienses on account of the refractory disposition of its inhabitants. For all the sea-coast as far as Dardanus was afterwards, and is at present, subject to them.

Anciently the greatest part of these places were subject to -the Æolians, and hence Ephorus does not hesitate to call all +the Æolians, and hence Ephorus does not hesitate to call all -the country from Abydos to Cume by the name of Æolis. +the country from Abydos to Cume by the name of Æolis. But ThucydidesThucyd., b. iii. c. 50, does not use the word Troad, but says all the -towns possessed by the Mitylenæans. says that the Mitylenæans were deprived of +towns possessed by the Mitylenæans. says that the Mitylenæans were deprived of the Troad in the Peloponnesian war by the Athenians under the command of Paches.

-

The present Ilienses affirm that the city was not entirely demolished when it was taken by the Achæans, nor at +

The present Ilienses affirm that the city was not entirely demolished when it was taken by the Achæans, nor at any time deserted. The Locrian virgins began to be sent @@ -67918,7 +67918,7 @@ which is unintelligible. come to no conclusion. Many of the ancient statues of Minerva are found in a sitting posture, as those at -Phocæa, Massalia, Rome, Chios, and many other cities. But +Phocæa, Massalia, Rome, Chios, and many other cities. But modern writers, among whom is Lycurgus the rhetorician, @@ -67947,9 +67947,9 @@ whether Agamemnon, according to an ancient custom, had devoted it to destruction walls. They therefore abandoned that spot and built a city elsewhere. -

The Astypalæans, who were in possession of Rhœteium, +

The Astypalæans, who were in possession of Rhœteium, -were the first persons that founded Polium near the Simoïs, +were the first persons that founded Polium near the Simoïs, now called Polisma, but not in a secure spot, and hence it @@ -67967,7 +67967,7 @@ maintains that the present and the ancient city are the same. But the district on the extinction of the city was divided by -the possessors of Rhœteium and Sigeium, and the other +the possessors of Rhœteium and Sigeium, and the other neighbouring people among themselves. Upon the rebuilding @@ -67995,7 +67995,7 @@ Ida called Cotylus; it is situated about 120 stadia above Scepsis, and from it flow the Scamander, the Granicus, and -the Æsepus;Modern maps place the Cotylus, and consequently the sources of the +the Æsepus;Modern maps place the Cotylus, and consequently the sources of the river which Demetrius calls Scamander, at more than 30,000 toises, or @@ -68009,9 +68009,9 @@ more than 3400 toises, or a league and a quarter, from the sea. There is therefore a manifest contradiction, and it appears, as I have already remarked, that the river called Scamander by Demetrius, is not the river so -called by Homer, but the Simoïs of the poet.—Gossellin. +called by Homer, but the Simoïs of the poet.—Gossellin. -

Modern travellers accuse Demetrius with having confounded the Scamander with the Simoïs. The Simoïs they say rises in Cotylus, (Kasdagh,) as also the Granicus, (Oustrola,) and the Æsepus, (Satal-dere,) +

Modern travellers accuse Demetrius with having confounded the Scamander with the Simoïs. The Simoïs they say rises in Cotylus, (Kasdagh,) as also the Granicus, (Oustrola,) and the Æsepus, (Satal-dere,) but the sources of the Scamander are below, and to the W. of Ida, near @@ -68025,7 +68025,7 @@ had its source in Mount Ida itself. Both probably rested on the authority of Hom not, however, observe that Homer employs the expression a)p' )Idai/wn -o)re/wn in a more extensive sense.—Du Theil.

the two last, being the contributions of many +o)re/wn in a more extensive sense.—Du Theil.

the two last, being the contributions of many smaller sources, fall into the Propontis, but the Scamander, @@ -68035,7 +68035,7 @@ these sources are in the neighbourhood of each other, and are comprised within a circuit of 20 stadia. The termination of -the Æsepus is farthest distant from its commencement, +the Æsepus is farthest distant from its commencement, namely, about 500 stadia.

We may, however, ask why the poet says, @@ -68052,7 +68052,7 @@ that is, hot; he proceeds, however, -around issues vapour as though caused by fire—the other gushes out in +around issues vapour as though caused by fire—the other gushes out in the summer, cold like hail, or frozen as snow, @@ -68072,19 +68072,19 @@ These springs have since been seen by many travellers; they are situated at the foot of a small hill on which is Bounar-bachi, and about 6500 -toises in a straight line from the mouth of the Menderé. The stream which +toises in a straight line from the mouth of the Menderé. The stream which flows from them never fails, and after having run for some time parallel -to the Menderé, it turns suddenly to throw itself into the Archipelago, +to the Menderé, it turns suddenly to throw itself into the Archipelago, near the middle of the interval which separates the ruins of Alexandria- Troas from the cape Koum-kale, but still leaving traces of a bed through -which it formerly flowed to join the Menderé. We are now convinced +which it formerly flowed to join the Menderé. We are now convinced -that this little river is the Scamander of Homer, that the present Menderé is the Simoïs of that poet, and that the ancient Ilium, which was +that this little river is the Scamander of Homer, that the present Menderé is the Simoïs of that poet, and that the ancient Ilium, which was near the sources of the Scamander, must have been situated on the @@ -68094,11 +68094,11 @@ heights of Bounar-bachi. themselves into the sea by the same mouth: but the course of the Scamander has been changed for a long time, since, according to Pliny, (v. -c. 33,)a part of its waters spread themselves over a marsh, and the remainder flowed unto the Ægæan Sea, between Alexandria-Troas and +c. 33,)a part of its waters spread themselves over a marsh, and the remainder flowed unto the Ægæan Sea, between Alexandria-Troas and Sigeum. This ancient author therefore gave to the little river (which -he called Palæscamander, the old Scamander) exactly the same course +he called Palæscamander, the old Scamander) exactly the same course which the stream Bounar-bachi still follows. This change of direction @@ -68106,18 +68106,18 @@ in the course of the river appears to me to have been anterior to the time of Demetrius of Scepsis, for this alone can explain his error. For, no -longer finding a stream which runs on the left of the present Menderé, +longer finding a stream which runs on the left of the present Menderé, and which might represent the Scamander, he thought proper to transfer -this latter name to the Simoïs, and to look for the site of the Ilium of +this latter name to the Simoïs, and to look for the site of the Ilium of Homer, as also of the plain which was the scene of the combats described by the poet, on the right of this river. Thence he is persuaded that the town of the Ilienses occupied the same site as the ancient Ilium, -and that the stream of the Tschiblak was the Simoïs. -

I must remark that the Menderé is a torrent, the waters of which fail +and that the stream of the Tschiblak was the Simoïs. +

I must remark that the Menderé is a torrent, the waters of which fail during a great part of the year, whilst the stream of the Bounar-bachi @@ -68125,18 +68125,18 @@ always continues to flow. This advantage is probably the reason why it preserved the name of Scamander to the sea, although it ran into the bed -of the Simoïs and was far inferior to this torrent in the length of its course. +of the Simoïs and was far inferior to this torrent in the length of its course. Hence it may be perceived how the name of Scamander, now changed -into that of Menderé, has remained attached to this ancient mouth, how +into that of Menderé, has remained attached to this ancient mouth, how -ultimately it was given to the whole course of the Simoïs, and how Demetrius of Scepsis was led into error by the change in the course of the +ultimately it was given to the whole course of the Simoïs, and how Demetrius of Scepsis was led into error by the change in the course of the -true Scamander, and by the transfer of its name to the Simois.—Voyage +true Scamander, and by the transfer of its name to the Simois.—Voyage -Pittorcsque de la Grèce par M. de Choiseul Gouffier. Le Voyage dans la -

Troad, par M. Lechevalier. The Topography of Troy, W. Gell.—Gossellin.

It is probable that the +Pittorcsque de la Grèce par M. de Choiseul Gouffier. Le Voyage dans la +

Troad, par M. Lechevalier. The Topography of Troy, W. Gell.—Gossellin.

It is probable that the @@ -68191,7 +68191,7 @@ the Granicus. seven times in travelling from the places about Cale Peuce (or -the beautiful pitch tree) to the village Melænæ and to the +the beautiful pitch tree) to the village Melænæ and to the Asclepieium, founded by Lysimachus.

Attalus, the first king, gives this account of the beautiful @@ -68205,27 +68205,27 @@ three branches, equally distant from each other; it then contracts into one head of two plethra, and 15 cubits. It is distant from Adramyttium 180 stadia towards the north.

The Caresus flows from Malus, a place situated between -Palæscepsis and Achæïum, in front of the isle of Tenedos, and +Palæscepsis and Achæïum, in front of the isle of Tenedos, and -empties itself into the Æsepus. +empties itself into the Æsepus.

The Rhodius flows from Cleandria and Gordus, which are distant 60 stadia from Cale Peuce, and empties itself into the -Ænius (Æsepus?). +Ænius (Æsepus?).

-

In the valley about the Æsepus, on the left of its +

In the valley about the Æsepus, on the left of its course, the first place we meet with is Polichna, a walled -stronghold; then Palæscepsis, next Alizonium, a place invented for the supposed existence of the Halizoni whom we have +stronghold; then Palæscepsis, next Alizonium, a place invented for the supposed existence of the Halizoni whom we have -mentioned before.B. xii. c. iii. § 21. Then Caresus, a deserted city, and Caresene, and a river of the same name, (Caresus,) which also +mentioned before.B. xii. c. iii. § 21. Then Caresus, a deserted city, and Caresene, and a river of the same name, (Caresus,) which also -forms a considerable valley, but less than that about the Æsepus. Next follow the plains of Zeleia, and the mountain plains, +forms a considerable valley, but less than that about the Æsepus. Next follow the plains of Zeleia, and the mountain plains, -which are well cultivated. On the right of the Æsepus, between Polichna and Palæscepsis is Nea-Come,Below Strabo calls this same place Ænea, and in b. xii. c. iii. § 23, +which are well cultivated. On the right of the Æsepus, between Polichna and Palæscepsis is Nea-Come,Below Strabo calls this same place Ænea, and in b. xii. c. iii. § 23, Enea-Come. Pliny calls it Nea; it is said to be the same place called @@ -68274,21 +68274,21 @@ country, who also had bestowed so much thought and time on this subject as to write thirty books to interpret little more than 60 lines of the catalogue of the Trojan forces. -

Palæscepsis, according to Demetrius, is distant from Ænea +

Palæscepsis, according to Demetrius, is distant from Ænea -50, and from the river Æsepus 30, stadia, and the name of +50, and from the river Æsepus 30, stadia, and the name of -Palæscepsis is applied to many other places.What other places? I do not think that Strabo or Demetrius have +Palæscepsis is applied to many other places.What other places? I do not think that Strabo or Demetrius have -mentioned any other place bearing the name of Palæscepsis.—Du Theil. +mentioned any other place bearing the name of Palæscepsis.—Du Theil.

We return to the sea-coast, from which we have digressed.

After the Sigeian promontory, and the Achilleium, is -the coast opposite to Tenedos, the Achæïum, and Tenedos itself, distant not more than 40 stadia from the continent. It is +the coast opposite to Tenedos, the Achæïum, and Tenedos itself, distant not more than 40 stadia from the continent. It is -about 80 stadia in circumference. It contains an Æolian +about 80 stadia in circumference. It contains an Æolian city, and has two harbours, and a temple of Apollo Smintheus, as the poet testifies; @@ -68300,11 +68300,11 @@ city, and has two harbours, and a temple of Apollo Smintheus, as the poet testif -There are several small islands around it, and two in particular, called Calydne,There are no islands to the south of Tenedos,—that is, between Tenedos and Cape Lectum (Baba). The state of the text might induce us to +There are several small islands around it, and two in particular, called Calydne,There are no islands to the south of Tenedos,—that is, between Tenedos and Cape Lectum (Baba). The state of the text might induce us to suppose that, instead of Lectum, Strabo wrote Sigeum. Then the Calydne islands would answer to the Mauro islands or to the isles des -Lapins.—Gossellin. situated in the course of the voyage to +Lapins.—Gossellin. situated in the course of the voyage to Lectum. There are some writers who call Tenedos Calydna, @@ -68314,11 +68314,11 @@ Lectum. There are some writers who call Tenedos Calydna, -and others Leucophrys.Called also Lyrnessa and Phœnice. The first of these names is the +and others Leucophrys.Called also Lyrnessa and Phœnice. The first of these names is the sane as that of one of the 12 towns on the continent sacked by Achilles. -The name Phœnice was given to it probably by a Phoenician colony. +The name Phœnice was given to it probably by a Phoenician colony. Leucolphrys, (white brows,) from the colour of the coast. There are other small islands around @@ -68328,10 +68328,10 @@ Tennes, from whom the island has its name, and of the story of Cycnus, a Thracian by descent, and father, according to -some writers, of Tennes, and king of Colonæ. +some writers, of Tennes, and king of Colonæ.

-

Continuous with the Achæium are Larisa and Colonæ, +

Continuous with the Achæium are Larisa and Colonæ, formerly belonging to the people of Tenedos, who occupied @@ -68341,7 +68341,7 @@ rocky height above the sea, and Hamaxitus lying below, and close to Lectum. But at present Alexandreia is continuous -with the Achæium; the inhabitants of those small towns, and +with the Achæium; the inhabitants of those small towns, and of many other strongholds, were embodied in Alexandreia. @@ -68354,7 +68354,7 @@ Alexandreia is now situated was called Sigia.

The temple of Apollo Smintheus is in this Chrysa, and -the symbol, a mouse, which shows the etymology of the epithet Smintheus, lying under the foot of the statue.From smi/nqos a rat, in the Æolic dialect. The worship of Apollo +the symbol, a mouse, which shows the etymology of the epithet Smintheus, lying under the foot of the statue.From smi/nqos a rat, in the Æolic dialect. The worship of Apollo Smintheus was not confined to the town of Chrysa alone; it was common @@ -68437,7 +68437,7 @@ and in many places besides. The temple is now called Sminthium.

Separate from the other is the Halesian plain near Lectum, -which is not extensive, and the Tragasæan salt-pan near Ha- +which is not extensive, and the Tragasæan salt-pan near Ha- maxitus,The Turks call the place Fousla, the salt-pans. where the salt spontaneously concretes on the @@ -68451,13 +68451,13 @@ more than 200 stadia. On the other side the parts about Abydos are visible, although Abydos is somewhat nearer.

-

After doubling Lectum, there follow the most considerable cities of the Æolians, the bay of Adramyttium, on which +

After doubling Lectum, there follow the most considerable cities of the Æolians, the bay of Adramyttium, on which Homer seems to have placed the greater part of the Leleges, and the Cilicians, divided into two tribes. There also is the -coast of the Mitylenæans with some villages of the Mitylenæans on the continent. The bay has the name of the Idæan +coast of the Mitylenæans with some villages of the Mitylenæans on the continent. The bay has the name of the Idæan bay, for the ridge extending from Lectum to Ida overhangs @@ -68497,7 +68497,7 @@ city is at present deserted. The poet mentions the river; -Ajax pierced with his spear Satnius, the son of Œnops, whom the beautiful nymph Naïs bore to Œnops, when he tended herds on the banks of +Ajax pierced with his spear Satnius, the son of Œnops, whom the beautiful nymph Naïs bore to Œnops, when he tended herds on the banks of the Satnioeis.Il. xiv. 443. @@ -68507,7 +68507,7 @@ And in another place; -Œnops dwelt on the banks of the smooth-flowing Satnioeis +Œnops dwelt on the banks of the smooth-flowing Satnioeis In lofty Pedasus.Il. vi. 34. @@ -68535,10 +68535,10 @@ Ilium, from which they are distant 130 stadia. Above these people are the Cebrenii, and above the Cebrenii the -Dardanii, extending as far as Palæscepsis, and even to +Dardanii, extending as far as Palæscepsis, and even to Scepsis. -

The poet Alcæus calls Antandrus a city of the Leleges: +

The poet Alcæus calls Antandrus a city of the Leleges: @@ -68606,15 +68606,15 @@ deserted city with a harbour. Above it in the interior is a copper mine, Perperena, Trarium, and other similar settle- ments. -

On this coast after Cisthene are the villages of the Mitylenæans, Coryphantis and Heracleia; next to these is Attea; +

On this coast after Cisthene are the villages of the Mitylenæans, Coryphantis and Heracleia; next to these is Attea; -then Atarneus,Diskeli-koi. Pitane,Tschandarlyk. and the mouths of the Caïcus. These, +then Atarneus,Diskeli-koi. Pitane,Tschandarlyk. and the mouths of the Caïcus. These, however, belong to the Elaitic gulf. On the opposite side of -the Caïcus are Elæ,Ialea. and the remainder of the gulf as far as +the Caïcus are Elæ,Ialea. and the remainder of the gulf as far as -Canæ. +Canæ.

We shall resume our description of each place, lest we should have omitted any one that is remarkable. And first @@ -68658,13 +68658,13 @@ language. Afterwards the inhabitants were transferred to the present Scepsis, 60 stadia lower down, by Scamandrius, -the son of Hector, and by Ascanius, the son of Æneas; these +the son of Hector, and by Ascanius, the son of Æneas; these two families reigned, it is said, a long time at Scepsis. They changed the form of government to an oligarchy; afterwards -the Milesians united with the Scepsians, and formed a democracy.B. xiii. c. i. § 6. The descendants of these families had nevertheless the name of kings, and held certain dignities. Antigonus incorporated the Scepsians with the inhabitants of +the Milesians united with the Scepsians, and formed a democracy.B. xiii. c. i. § 6. The descendants of these families had nevertheless the name of kings, and held certain dignities. Antigonus incorporated the Scepsians with the inhabitants of Alexandreia (Troas); Lysimachus dissolved this union, and @@ -68673,7 +68673,7 @@ they returned to their own country.

The Scepsian (Demetrius) supposes that Scepsis was -the palace of Æneas, situated between the dominion of Æneas +the palace of Æneas, situated between the dominion of Æneas and Lyrnessus, where, it is said, he took refuge when pursued by Achilles. @@ -68684,7 +68684,7 @@ and Lyrnessus, where, it is said, he took refuge when pursued by Achilles. apart from the herds, with swift steps, from the heights of Ida, thence indeed you escaped to Lyrnessus; but I took and destroyed it.Il. xx. 188. -

Present traditions respecting Æneas do not agree with the +

Present traditions respecting Æneas do not agree with the story respecting the first founders of Scepsis. For it is said @@ -68698,7 +68698,7 @@ honour upon him for his valour.Il. xiii. 460.

Sophocles, in his play, The Capture of Troy, says, that a @@ -68715,23 +68715,23 @@ that his house should be spared from plunder. Antenor and his four sons, together with the surviving Heneti, are said to -have escaped into Thrace, and thence into Henetica on the Adriatic;See note4, vol. i. p. 76. but Æneas, with his father Anchises and his son Ascanius, are said to have collected a large body of people, and +have escaped into Thrace, and thence into Henetica on the Adriatic;See note4, vol. i. p. 76. but Æneas, with his father Anchises and his son Ascanius, are said to have collected a large body of people, and to have set sail. Some writers say that he settled about the -Macedonian Olympus; according toothers he founded Capuæ,Some assert that Capys, the father of Anchises, was the founder of +Macedonian Olympus; according toothers he founded Capuæ,Some assert that Capys, the father of Anchises, was the founder of Capua or Capya in Italy. The town in Arcadia was afterwards called -Caphya or Caphyæ. +Caphya or Caphyæ. near Mantineia in Arcadia, and that he took the name of the -city from Capys. There is another account, that he disembarked at ÆgestaSegesta. in Sicily, with Elymus, a Trojan, and +city from Capys. There is another account, that he disembarked at ÆgestaSegesta. in Sicily, with Elymus, a Trojan, and -took possession of EryxTrapani. and Lilybæus,Cape Boë. and called the rivers +took possession of EryxTrapani. and Lilybæus,Cape Boë. and called the rivers -about Ægesta Scamander and Simoïs; that from Sicily he +about Ægesta Scamander and Simoïs; that from Sicily he went to Latium, and settled there in obedience to an oracle @@ -68744,13 +68744,13 @@ of bread which was set down instead of, and for want of, a table, was eaten together with the meat that was laid upon it.

Homer does not agree either with these writers or with -what is said respecting the founders of Scepsis. For he represents Æneas as remaining at Troy, succeeding to the kingdom, and delivering the succession to his children's children +what is said respecting the founders of Scepsis. For he represents Æneas as remaining at Troy, succeeding to the kingdom, and delivering the succession to his children's children after the extinction of the race of Priam: -the son of Saturn hated the family of Priam: henceforward Æneas +the son of Saturn hated the family of Priam: henceforward Æneas shall reign over the Trojans, and his children's children to late generations.Il. xx. 306. @@ -68767,7 +68767,7 @@ verse thus: -The race of Æneas and his children's children, meaning the Romans, +The race of Æneas and his children's children, meaning the Romans, shall rule over all nations." @@ -68804,7 +68804,7 @@ great number of oratorical discourses, historical works, and various treatises of philosophy. was the first person with whom -we are acquainted who made a collection of books, and suggested to the kings of Ægypt the formation of a library. +we are acquainted who made a collection of books, and suggested to the kings of Ægypt the formation of a library. Theophrastus left his library to Neleus, who carried it to @@ -68822,13 +68822,13 @@ sold the books of Aristotle and Theophrastus for a large sum of money to Apellicon of Teos. ApelliconApellicon proclaimed himself a philosopher of the school of Aristotle. -From what Athenæus, b. v., says of him, he appears to have used his +From what Athenæus, b. v., says of him, he appears to have used his great wealth for the purposes of ostentation rather than of employing it for the benefit of others. He was sent by Aristion, (or Athenion, as -Athenæus calls him,) tyrant of Athens, to Delos, at the head of ten thousand soldiers, to remove the treasures of the temple. He was defeated +Athenæus calls him,) tyrant of Athens, to Delos, at the head of ten thousand soldiers, to remove the treasures of the temple. He was defeated by the Romans, and having lost his whole army, escaped with difficulty. was rather a @@ -68885,7 +68885,7 @@ Athens, seized the library of Apellicon. When it was brought to Rome, Tyrannion,Tyrannion was a native of Amisus, whose lectures he attended (b. xii. -c. iii. § 16). He is often quoted among the commentators of Homer. +c. iii. § 16). He is often quoted among the commentators of Homer. It was he also who gave copies of the works of Aristotle to Andronicus @@ -68911,11 +68911,11 @@ by Metrodorus,Metrodorus was not only a fellow-countryman o one of the richest and most distinguished citizens of Scepsis, but also his -contemporary and protegé. A small treatise of Metrodorus is cited, entitled peo|i\ a)leiptikh=s, which may mean on anointing with oil, or +contemporary and protegé. A small treatise of Metrodorus is cited, entitled peo|i\ a)leiptikh=s, which may mean on anointing with oil, or on oil used in the public exercises. It seems however very probable -that the treatise on the Troad, (to|wi+ka\,) which Athenæus attributes to +that the treatise on the Troad, (to|wi+ka\,) which Athenæus attributes to another Metrodorus of Chios, was the work of this Metrodorus of Scepsis. The place of his birth, which was in the Troad, might have suggested, @@ -68987,7 +68987,7 @@ for both causes of his death are stated.

So much then respecting Scepsis.

-

Next to Scepsis are Andeira, Pioniæ, and Gargaris. +

Next to Scepsis are Andeira, Pioniæ, and Gargaris. There is found at Andeira a stone, which when burnt becomes @@ -69049,18 +69049,18 @@ But Memnon of Rhodes, who was at that time general in the service of the Persians, invited to his house Hermeas, under -the mask of friendship, and—on pretence of business. He +the mask of friendship, and—on pretence of business. He seized Hermeas, and sent him to the king, who ordered him to be hanged. The philosophers, avoiding places in possession of the Persians, escaped by flight.

-

Myrsilus says that Assus was founded by Methymnæ- +

Myrsilus says that Assus was founded by Methymnæ- -ans; but according to Hellanicus it was an Æolian city, like +ans; but according to Hellanicus it was an Æolian city, like -Gargara and Lamponia of the Æolians. GargaraGargara is the same town called above by Strabo Gargaris, unless he +Gargara and Lamponia of the Æolians. GargaraGargara is the same town called above by Strabo Gargaris, unless he meant by the latter name the territory of Gargara, a distinction we find @@ -69082,7 +69082,7 @@ came to Gargara from Miletus after the destruction of this latter town by the Persians, how could Demetrius of Scepsis say of the Gargareans -that, Eolians as they were, or instead of Æolians they became semibarbarians? He ought at least to have said, that they became Ionians, for Miletus, a Greek city of Ionia, at the time of its destruction by +that, Eolians as they were, or instead of Æolians they became semibarbarians? He ought at least to have said, that they became Ionians, for Miletus, a Greek city of Ionia, at the time of its destruction by the Persians, was far from being barbarous. But Miletopolis, although @@ -69100,7 +69100,7 @@ of Miletopolis. which they cleared of its in- habitants, so that Demetrius the Scepsian says that, instead of -being Æolians, the people became semi-barbarians. In the +being Æolians, the people became semi-barbarians. In the time of Homer all these places belonged to Leleges, whom some @@ -69108,13 +69108,13 @@ writers represent as Carians, but Homer distinguishes them, -Near the sea are Carians, and Pœonians with curved bows, Leleges, and +Near the sea are Carians, and Pœonians with curved bows, Leleges, and Caucones.Il. x. 428. -The Leleges were therefore a different people from the Carians, and lived between the people subject to Æneas and the +The Leleges were therefore a different people from the Carians, and lived between the people subject to Æneas and the Cilicians, as they are called by the poet. After being plundered by Achilles, they removed to Caria, and occupied the @@ -69158,9 +69158,9 @@ a small town called Pedasum. There are to be seen throughout the whole of Caria was occupied, according to Homer, by Cilicians, but at present -it is occupied by Adramytteni, Atarneitæ, and Pitanæi as far +it is occupied by Adramytteni, Atarneitæ, and Pitanæi as far -as the mouth of the Caïcus. The Cilicians were divided into +as the mouth of the Caïcus. The Cilicians were divided into @@ -69168,7 +69168,7 @@ as the mouth of the Caïcus. The Cilicians were divided into -two dynasties, as we have before said,C. vii. § 49. the head of one was +two dynasties, as we have before said,C. vii. § 49. the head of one was Eetion, the other Mynes. @@ -69201,7 +69201,7 @@ he says, to Thebe, ravaged it, and carried everything away; the sons of the -Achtæans divided the booty among themselves, but selected for Atrides the +Achtæans divided the booty among themselves, but selected for Atrides the beautiful Chryseis. @@ -69236,7 +69236,7 @@ the plain of Thebe, which, on account of its fertility, was a subject of contest among the Mysians and Lydians formerly, -and latterly among the Greeks who had migrated from Æolis +and latterly among the Greeks who had migrated from Æolis and Lesbos. At present Adramytteni possess the greater @@ -69253,19 +69253,19 @@ on the other side. There is at present near Thebe a place called Cilla, in which -is a temple of Apollo Cillæus. Beside it runs a river, which +is a temple of Apollo Cillæus. Beside it runs a river, which comes from Mount Ida. These places are near Antandria. -The Cillæum in Lesbos has its name from this Cilla. There +The Cillæum in Lesbos has its name from this Cilla. There -is also amountain Cillæum between Gargara and Antandrus. +is also amountain Cillæum between Gargara and Antandrus. -Dæs of Colonæ says that the temple of Apollo Cillæus was +Dæs of Colonæ says that the temple of Apollo Cillæus was -founded at Colonæ by the Æolians, who came by sea from +founded at Colonæ by the Æolians, who came by sea from -Greece. At Chrysa also it is said that there is a Cillæan +Greece. At Chrysa also it is said that there is a Cillæan Apollo, but it is uncertain whether it is the same as Apollo @@ -69297,7 +69297,7 @@ says, -but when they entered the deep harbour,— +but when they entered the deep harbour,— Il. i. 432. @@ -69305,7 +69305,7 @@ nor is the temple on the sea-coast, but Homer places it there; -Chryseïs left the ship; then the sage Ulysses, leading her to the altar, +Chryseïs left the ship; then the sage Ulysses, leading her to the altar, placed her in the hands of her beloved father.Il. i. 439. @@ -69316,7 +69316,7 @@ Nor is it near Thebe, but it is near it, according to Homer, for he says, that Chryseis was taken away from thence.

Nor is there any place of the name of Cilla in the district -of the Alexandreia, (Troas,) nor a temple of Apollo Cillæus, +of the Alexandreia, (Troas,) nor a temple of Apollo Cillæus, whereas the poet joins them together: @@ -69344,7 +69344,7 @@ could have performed his sacrifice and have returned to the Naustathmus the same day. There is also a monument of -Cillus, a large mound, near the temple of Apollo Cillæus. +Cillus, a large mound, near the temple of Apollo Cillæus. He is said to have been the charioteer of Pelops, and to @@ -69367,30 +69367,30 @@ the name of Smintheus is derived, (for mice are called Sminthii,) must be transf Writers defend the derivation of titles from insignificant objects by examples of this kind; as from the parnopes, which -the Œtæsans call cornopes, Hercules had a surname, and was +the Œtæsans call cornopes, Hercules had a surname, and was worshipped under the title of Hercules Cornopion, because he -had delivered them from locusts. So the Erythræans, who +had delivered them from locusts. So the Erythræans, who live near the river Melius, worship Hercules Ipoctonus, because he destroyed the ipes, or worms, which are destructive to vines; for this pest is found everywhere except in the -country of the Erythræans. The Rhodians have in the island +country of the Erythræans. The Rhodians have in the island a temple of Apollo Erythibius, so called from erysibe, (mildew,) -and which they call erythibe. Among the Æolians in Asia +and which they call erythibe. Among the Æolians in Asia one of their months is called Pornopion, for this name the -Bœotians give to parnopes, (locusts,) and a sacrifice is performed to Apollo Pornopion. +Bœotians give to parnopes, (locusts,) and a sacrifice is performed to Apollo Pornopion.

The country about Adramyttium is Mysia. It was -once subject to Lydians, and there are now Pylæ Lydiæ (or +once subject to Lydians, and there are now Pylæ Lydiæ (or the Lydian Gates) at Adramyttium, the city having been @@ -69457,7 +69457,7 @@ coast. Below Andeira is a temple dedicated to the Andeirenian Mother of the gods, and a cave with a subterraneous passage -extending to Palæa. Palæa is a settlement distant 130 stadia +extending to Palæa. Palæa is a settlement distant 130 stadia from Andeira. A goat, which fell into the opening, discovered the subterraneous passage. It was found at Andeira @@ -69466,7 +69466,7 @@ the next day, accidentally, by the shepherd, who had gone there to a sacrifice.

AtarneusDikeh-koi. is the royal seat of Hermeas the tyrant. Next is -Pitane, an Æolian city, with two harbours, and the river +Pitane, an Æolian city, with two harbours, and the river Euenus flowing beside it, which supplies the aqueduct of @@ -69476,7 +69476,7 @@ the Adramyttium with water. fellow-disciple of Zeno of Citium in the school of Polemo.

There is a place in Pitane called Atarneus under Pitane, -opposite to the island called Elæussa. +opposite to the island called Elæussa.

It is said that at Pitane bricks float upon the water, as was the case with a small islandFor nhsi\s Meineke reads gh=tis, a certain earth. Pliny, b. ii. c. @@ -69488,11 +69488,11 @@ occurs in volcanic lakes. in Tyrrhenia, for the earth, being lighter than an equal bulk of water, swims upon it. Poseidonius says, that he saw in Spain bricks made of an argillaceous earth (with which silver vessels are cleansed) floating upon water. -

After Pitane the CaïcusAk-su or Bakir. empties itself, at the distance of 30 +

After Pitane the CaïcusAk-su or Bakir. empties itself, at the distance of 30 -stadia from it, into the Elaitic bay. Beyond the Caïcus, at +stadia from it, into the Elaitic bay. Beyond the Caïcus, at -the distance of 12 stadia from the river, is Elsæa, an Æolian city; it is a naval arsenal of Pergamum, and distant from +the distance of 12 stadia from the river, is Elsæa, an Æolian city; it is a naval arsenal of Pergamum, and distant from it 120 stadia. @@ -69507,17 +69507,17 @@ it 120 stadia. which the Elaitic Gulf is a part. Canoe is a small city of the -Locrians who came from Cynus; it is situated in the Canæan +Locrians who came from Cynus; it is situated in the Canæan territory, opposite the most southerly extremities of Lesbos. -This territory extends to the Arginusæ, and the promontory +This territory extends to the Arginusæ, and the promontory -above, which some call Æga, or the goat. The second syllable however must be pronounced long, Aigan, like Actan +above, which some call Æga, or the goat. The second syllable however must be pronounced long, Aigan, like Actan and Archan, for this was the name of the whole mountain, -which at present is called Cane, or Canæ.It is difficult to clear up this passage h(\n AIGA tine\s o)noma/zousin +which at present is called Cane, or Canæ.It is difficult to clear up this passage h(\n AIGA tine\s o)noma/zousin o(mwnu/mws tw=| cw/w dei= mako|w=s th\n deute\ran sullabh\n e)kfeo|ein @@ -69527,23 +69527,23 @@ these words in capitals, to be homonymous with goat, sh is read in the old editions, and in many manuscripts, and not ai)ga=, ai)ga\, -or ai)ga\n, as in others. Ai=\ga is the accusative of Ai+c (Æx,) a goat, +or ai)ga\n, as in others. Ai=\ga is the accusative of Ai+c (Æx,) a goat, which name Artemidorus actually gives to this promontory. But as our language has no termination of cases, the passage requires some explanation. If the Greeks desired to express in the nominative case the position of the promontory with respect to the island of Lesbos, they would -say, according to Artemidorus, The cape Æx (Ai+c) is in front of Lesbos; +say, according to Artemidorus, The cape Æx (Ai+c) is in front of Lesbos; -according to Strabo, The cape Æga (Ai)ga=) is in front of Lesbos. The +according to Strabo, The cape Æga (Ai)ga=) is in front of Lesbos. The -first, Æx, signifies a goat, as Artemidorus intended; the second, Æga, +first, Æx, signifies a goat, as Artemidorus intended; the second, Æga, -in the Doric dialect (for Æge, Ai)gh=) means a goat's skin. If they desired +in the Doric dialect (for Æge, Ai)gh=) means a goat's skin. If they desired -to employ the word in the accusative, they said, according to Artemidorus, We have doubled Cape Æga (Ai=ga); according to Strabo, We have +to employ the word in the accusative, they said, according to Artemidorus, We have doubled Cape Æga (Ai=ga); according to Strabo, We have -doubled Cape Ægan (Ai=ga). The matter is clear thus far, but what follows, dei= de\ mako|ws * * * w(s a)kta=n kai\ a)rxa=n is difficult to explain. +doubled Cape Ægan (Ai=ga). The matter is clear thus far, but what follows, dei= de\ mako|ws * * * w(s a)kta=n kai\ a)rxa=n is difficult to explain. The two last words are Doric genitive plurals, the first for a)ktw=n shores, @@ -69555,7 +69555,7 @@ the difference of accent is here of no importance, for the last syllables of these accusatives are long, as Strabo wishes to make the last syllable -long of Ægan (Ai)ga=n). If he had required examples agreeing with this +long of Ægan (Ai)ga=n). If he had required examples agreeing with this last word in quantity, accent, and case, he might have cited sycan, @@ -69563,19 +69563,19 @@ last word in quantity, accent, and case, he might have cited sycan, and, in the Doric dialect, a)kta=n]; but there still remains a)o|xa=n, unless -we change the word to a)rxta=n a bear's skin.Coraÿ. The sea surrounds the mountain on the south and west; towards the +we change the word to a)rxta=n a bear's skin.Coraÿ. The sea surrounds the mountain on the south and west; towards the -east the plain of Cæcus lies below, and on the north the +east the plain of Cæcus lies below, and on the north the -Elaïtic district. The mountain itself is very much contracted. +Elaïtic district. The mountain itself is very much contracted. -It inclines indeed towards the Ægnæan Sea, from which it has +It inclines indeed towards the Ægnæan Sea, from which it has the name (Ega), but afterwards the promontory itself was -called Æga, the name which Sappho gives it, and then Cane +called Æga, the name which Sappho gives it, and then Cane -and Canæ. +and Canæ. @@ -69583,9 +69583,9 @@ and Canæ. -69. Between Elæa, Pitane, Atarneus, and Pergamum on +69. Between Elæa, Pitane, Atarneus, and Pergamum on -this side the Caïcus, is Teuthrania, distant from none of +this side the Caïcus, is Teuthrania, distant from none of these places above 70 stadia. Teuthras is said to have been @@ -69599,7 +69599,7 @@ discovered that she had been violated by Hercules. By the care of Minerva the chest crossed the sea, and was cast ashore -at the mouth of the Caïcus. Teuthras took up the mother +at the mouth of the Caïcus. Teuthras took up the mother and her son, married the former, and treated the latter as his @@ -69611,7 +69611,7 @@ how her son succeeded to the throne of the Mysians. It is however believed that Teuthras and Telephus governed the -country lying about Teuthrania and the Caïcus, but the +country lying about Teuthrania and the Caïcus, but the poet mentions a few particulars only of this history: @@ -69619,13 +69619,13 @@ poet mentions a few particulars only of this history: as when he slew the son of Telephus, the hero Eurypylns, and many of -his companions, the Ceæi, were killed around him for the sake of the +his companions, the Ceæi, were killed around him for the sake of the gifts of women.Od. xi. 521. -Homer here rather proposes an enigma than a clear meaning. For we do not know who the Cetæi were, nor what people we are to understand by this name, nor what is meant by +Homer here rather proposes an enigma than a clear meaning. For we do not know who the Cetæi were, nor what people we are to understand by this name, nor what is meant by the words, for the sake of the gifts of women.Eurypylus, son of Telephus, being invited by Priam to come to his @@ -69635,7 +69635,7 @@ his mother, Astyoche. Priam by rich presents obtained from her this permission. There are other explanations equally uncertain. Bryant -asserts that the Cetæi were pirates, and exacted young women as tribute +asserts that the Cetæi were pirates, and exacted young women as tribute from the people whom they attacked. Gram- @@ -69648,7 +69648,7 @@ but they indulge in invetion rather than solve the difficulty. is more certain; for instance, according to Homer, Eurypylus -appears to have been king of the places about the Caïcus, so +appears to have been king of the places about the Caïcus, so that perhaps a part of the Cilicians were his subjects, and @@ -69657,7 +69657,7 @@ that there were not only two but three dynasties among that people.

This opinion is supported by the circumstance that in the -Elaïtis there is a small river, like a winter torrent, of the +Elaïtis there is a small river, like a winter torrent, of the name of Ceteium. This falls into another like it, then again @@ -69667,9 +69667,9 @@ name of Ceteium. This falls into another like it, then again -into another, but all discharge themselves into the Caïcus. +into another, but all discharge themselves into the Caïcus. -The Caïcus does not flow from Ida, as Bacchylides says, nor +The Caïcus does not flow from Ida, as Bacchylides says, nor does Euripides say correctly that Marsyas @@ -69677,22 +69677,22 @@ does Euripides say correctly that Marsyas -inhabited the famous Celænæ, at the extremity of Ida, +inhabited the famous Celænæ, at the extremity of Ida, -for Celænæ is at a great distance from Ida, and so are the +for Celænæ is at a great distance from Ida, and so are the -sources of the Caïcus, for they are to be seen in the plain. +sources of the Caïcus, for they are to be seen in the plain.

There is a mountain, Temnum, which separates this and the plain of Asia; it lies in the interior above the plain of Thebe. A river, Mysius, flows from Temnum and enters -the Caïcus below its source. Hence some persons suppose +the Caïcus below its source. Hence some persons suppose -that Æschylus refers to it in the beginning of the prologue +that Æschylus refers to it in the beginning of the prologue to the play of the Myrmidons, @@ -69700,7 +69700,7 @@ to the play of the Myrmidons, -Caïcus, and ye Mysian streams— +Caïcus, and ye Mysian streams— @@ -69717,15 +69717,15 @@ destroying their own stronghold.

SINCE Lesbos, a very remarkable island, lies along and -opposite to the sea-coast, extending from Lectum to Canæ, +opposite to the sea-coast, extending from Lectum to Canæ, and since it is surrounded by small islands, some of which lie beyond it, others in the space between Lesbos and the continent, it is now proper to describe them, because they are -Æolian places, and Lesbos is, as it were, the capital of the +Æolian places, and Lesbos is, as it were, the capital of the -Æolian cities. We shall begin where we set out to describe +Æolian cities. We shall begin where we set out to describe the coast opposite to the island. @@ -69743,7 +69743,7 @@ these. to those who have the island on their right hand, and to -which CanæAdshane. lies directly opposite, are 340 stadia. Thence +which CanæAdshane. lies directly opposite, are 340 stadia. Thence @@ -69761,22 +69761,22 @@ manuscripts in this part of the text. Falconer thinks we ought to read more inclined to deduct 10 stadia from the 210, which is the distance given -between Sigrium and Methymne.—Coraÿ. +between Sigrium and Methymne.—Coraÿ.

Mitylene, the largest city, lies between Methymna and -Malia, at the distance from Malia of 70 stadia, and from Canæ +Malia, at the distance from Malia of 70 stadia, and from Canæ -of 120, and as many from the Arginussæ islands,Arginusi Islands; according to others, Musconisia. which are +of 120, and as many from the Arginussæ islands,Arginusi Islands; according to others, Musconisia. which are three small islands near the continent, and situated near -Canæ. In the interval between Mitylene and Methymna, at +Canæ. In the interval between Mitylene and Methymna, at -a village called Ægeirus in the Methymnæan territory, is the +a village called Ægeirus in the Methymnæan territory, is the narrowest part of the island, having a passage of 20 stadia to -the Pyrrhæan Euripus.The entrance to the Gulf of Caloni. PyrrhaPira. is situated on the western +the Pyrrhæan Euripus.The entrance to the Gulf of Caloni. PyrrhaPira. is situated on the western side of Lesbos, at the distance of 100 stadia from Malia.

Mitylene has two harbours; of which the southern is a @@ -69790,7 +69790,7 @@ city. Mitylene is well provided with everything.

It formerly produced celebrated men, as Pittacus, one of -the Seven Wise Men; Alcæus the poet, and his brother Antimenidas, who, according to Alcæus, when fighting on the side +the Seven Wise Men; Alcæus the poet, and his brother Antimenidas, who, according to Alcæus, when fighting on the side of the Babylonians, achieved a great exploit, and extricated @@ -69807,11 +69807,11 @@ them from their danger by killing Contemporary with these persons flourished Sappho, an extraordinary woman; for at no period within memory has any woman been known at all to be compared to her in poetry. -

At this period Mitylene was ruled by many tyrants, in consequence of the dissensions among the citizens. These dissensions are the subject of the poems of Alcæus called Stasiotica (the Seditions). One of these tyrants was Pittacus: +

At this period Mitylene was ruled by many tyrants, in consequence of the dissensions among the citizens. These dissensions are the subject of the poems of Alcæus called Stasiotica (the Seditions). One of these tyrants was Pittacus: -Alcæus inveighed against him as well as against Myrsilus, +Alcæus inveighed against him as well as against Myrsilus, -Melanchrus the Cleanactidæ, and some others; nor was he +Melanchrus the Cleanactidæ, and some others; nor was he @@ -69834,9 +69834,9 @@ of his friendship. Potamo was professor of rhetoric at Rome, and was the author of the Perfect Orator, the Life of Alexander the Great, the -Praise of Cæsar, the Praise of Brutus, and the Annals of Samos. Pliny +Praise of Cæsar, the Praise of Brutus, and the Annals of Samos. Pliny -mentions a sculptor of the name of Lesbocles, whose name seems to indicate his origin from Lesbos. Athenæus also names a sculptor from +mentions a sculptor of the name of Lesbocles, whose name seems to indicate his origin from Lesbos. Athenæus also names a sculptor from Mitylele called Lesbothemis. Strabo is probably the only person who @@ -69860,14 +69860,14 @@ became an ornament to his country, and rendered himself the most illustrious of all the Grecians. He left a son, Mark -(Macer?) Pompey, whom Augustus Cæsar appointed prefect +(Macer?) Pompey, whom Augustus Cæsar appointed prefect of Asia, and who is now reckoned among the number of the chief friends of Tiberius.

The Athenians were in danger of incurring irremediable -disgrace by passing a decree that all the Mitylenæans who +disgrace by passing a decree that all the Mitylenæans who had attained the age of puberty should be put to death. They, @@ -69904,7 +69904,7 @@ Then follows Methymna, of which place Arion was a native, who, as Herodotus relates the story, after having been thrown -into the sea by pirates, escaped safe to Tænarum on the back of +into the sea by pirates, escaped safe to Tænarum on the back of a dolphin. He played on the cithara and sang to it. Terpander, who practised the same kind of music, was a native of @@ -69921,7 +69921,7 @@ new hymns to resound on a seven-stringed cithara.

The historian Hellanicus, and Callias, who has commented -on Sappho and Alcæus, were Lesbians. +on Sappho and Alcæus, were Lesbians.

Near the strait situated between Asia and Lesbos there @@ -69940,7 +69940,7 @@ the hundred islands, the word being composed not of Hecaton, e(kato\n, a hundred, and nh=soi, islands. for along the whole of this coast, as far as -Tenedos, Apollo is held in the highest veneration, and worshipped under the names of Smintheus, Cillæus, Gryneus, or +Tenedos, Apollo is held in the highest veneration, and worshipped under the names of Smintheus, Cillæus, Gryneus, or other appellations.

Near these islands is Pordoselene, which contains a city of @@ -70010,7 +70010,7 @@ says Andromache, killed my father, and destroyed Thebe, with its lofty gates, the city of -the Cilicians.— +the Cilicians.— I had seven brothers in the palace; all of them went in one day to @@ -70035,7 +70035,7 @@ says, -on the sea-coast are Carians, and Pæonians with curved bows, Leleges, +on the sea-coast are Carians, and Pæonians with curved bows, Leleges, and Caucones.II. x. 428. @@ -70045,7 +70045,7 @@ And in another place, -he killed Satnius with a spear—the son of Enops, whom a beautiful +he killed Satnius with a spear—the son of Enops, whom a beautiful nymph Neis bore to Enops, when he was tending herds near the banks of @@ -70095,7 +70095,7 @@ brother of Hector, says, -my mother Laothoë, daughter of the old Altes, brought me into the +my mother Laothoë, daughter of the old Altes, brought me into the world to live but a short time; of Altes, king of the war-loving Leleges.Il. xxi. 84. @@ -70114,14 +70114,14 @@ between them, namely, the Ceteii, who were under the command of Eurypylus. command of Eurypylus what can be said about them, and that -they are bounded by the country near the Caïcus. +they are bounded by the country near the Caïcus.

It is agreeable to probability to place the Pelasgi next to these people, according to the words of Homer and other histories. Homer says, -Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, who throw the spear, who inhabited the fertile Larisa; their leaders were Hippothous and Pylæus, a +Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, who throw the spear, who inhabited the fertile Larisa; their leaders were Hippothous and Pylæus, a son of Mars, both sons of Lethus the Pelasgian, son of Teutamis.Il. ii. 840. @@ -70164,13 +70164,13 @@ Cyme, for there are about 1000 stadia between them. The third Larisa is a village in the Ephesian district in the plain -of the Caÿster; which, it is said, was formerly a city containing a temple of Apollo Larisæus, and situated nearer to +of the Caÿster; which, it is said, was formerly a city containing a temple of Apollo Larisæus, and situated nearer to Mount Tmolus than to Ephesus. It is distant from Ephesus -180 stadia, so that it might be placed rather under the government of the Mæonians. The Ephesians, having afterwards +180 stadia, so that it might be placed rather under the government of the Mæonians. The Ephesians, having afterwards -acquired more power, deprived the Mæonians, whom we now +acquired more power, deprived the Mæonians, whom we now call Lydians, of a large part of their territory; but not even @@ -70178,14 +70178,14 @@ this, but the other rather, would be the Larisa of the Pelasgi. F o w e have no strong evidence that the Larisa in the plain -of Caÿster was in existence at that time, nor even of the existence of Ephesus. But all the Æolian history, relating to a +of Caÿster was in existence at that time, nor even of the existence of Ephesus. But all the Æolian history, relating to a period a little subsequent to the Trojan times, proves the existence of the Larisa near Cyme.

It is said that the people who set out from Phricium, a -Locrian mountain above Thermopylæ, settled on the spot +Locrian mountain above Thermopylæ, settled on the spot where Cyme is now situated; and finding the Pelasgi, who @@ -70193,7 +70193,7 @@ had been great sufferers in the Trojan war, yet still in possession of Larisa, d defence against them what is at present called Neon-teichos, -(or the New Wall,) 30 stadia from Larisa. They took Larisa,Kramer adopts Coraÿ's correction of e(lo/ntas for e)lqo/ntas, although +(or the New Wall,) 30 stadia from Larisa. They took Larisa,Kramer adopts Coraÿ's correction of e(lo/ntas for e)lqo/ntas, although he at the same time remarks, that we have no other information of Larisa @@ -70206,19 +70206,19 @@ Pelasgi. Cyme is called Cyme Phriconis from the Locrian mountain, and Larisa also (Phriconis): it is now deserted.

That the Pelasgi were a great nation, history, it is said, -furnishes other evidence. For Menecrates of Elæa, in his +furnishes other evidence. For Menecrates of Elæa, in his work on the foundation of cities, says, that the whole of the present Ionian coast, beginning from Mycale and the neighbouring islands, were formerly inhabited by Pelasgi. But -the Lesbians say, that they were commanded by Pylæus, who +the Lesbians say, that they were commanded by Pylæus, who is called by the poet the chief of the Pelasgi, and that it was from him that the mountain in their country had the name of -Pylæmem. +Pylæmem.

The Chians also say, that the Pelasgi from Thessaly were @@ -70233,16 +70233,16 @@ to wander, ready to remove from settlement to settlement, and experienced both a great increase and a sudden diminution of -strength and numbers, particularly at the time of the Æolian +strength and numbers, particularly at the time of the Æolian and Ionian migrations to Asia.

-

Something peculiar took place among the Larisæans in +

Something peculiar took place among the Larisæans in the plain of the Cayster, in the Phriconis, and in Thessaly. All -of them occupied a country, the soil of which has been accumulated by rivers, by the Caÿster,Kara-su, or Kutschuk-Meinder. the Hermus,Sarabat. and the +of them occupied a country, the soil of which has been accumulated by rivers, by the Caÿster,Kara-su, or Kutschuk-Meinder. the Hermus,Sarabat. and the Peneus.Salambria.

At Larisa Phriconis Piasus is said to receive great honours. He was chief of the Pelasgi, and enamoured, it is @@ -70252,14 +70252,14 @@ said, of his daughter Larisa, whom he violated, and was punished for the outrage cask of wine, seized him by his legs, lifted him up, and dropped him down into the vessel. These are ancient accounts.

-

To the present Æolian cities we must add Ægæ and +

To the present Æolian cities we must add Ægæ and Temnus, the birth-place of Hermagoras, who wrote a book on the Art of Rhetoric.

These cities are on the mountainous country which is above -the district of Cyme, and that of the Phocæans and Smyrnæans, +the district of Cyme, and that of the Phocæans and Smyrnæans, beside which flows the Hermus.

Not far from these cities is Magnesia under Sipylus, made @@ -70268,29 +70268,29 @@ a free city by a decree of the Romans. The late earthquakes have injured this place. To the opposite parts, which incline -towards the Caïcus to Cyme from Larisa, in passing to which +towards the Caïcus to Cyme from Larisa, in passing to which the river Hermus is crossed, are 70 stadia; thence to Myrina -40 stadia; thence to Grynium 40 stadia, and thence to Elæa. +40 stadia; thence to Grynium 40 stadia, and thence to Elæa. -But, according to Artemidorus, next to Cyme is Adæ; then, +But, according to Artemidorus, next to Cyme is Adæ; then, at the distance of 40 stadia, a promontory, which is called -Hydra, and forms the Elaïtic Gulf with the opposite promontory Harmatus. The breadth of the entrance is about 80 +Hydra, and forms the Elaïtic Gulf with the opposite promontory Harmatus. The breadth of the entrance is about 80 stadia, including the winding of the bays. Myrina, situated at -60 stadia, is an Æolian city with a harbour, then the harbour +60 stadia, is an Æolian city with a harbour, then the harbour -of Achæans, where are altars of the twelve gods; next is +of Achæans, where are altars of the twelve gods; next is -Grynium, a small city [of the Myrinæans], a temple of Apollo, +Grynium, a small city [of the Myrinæans], a temple of Apollo, an ancient oracle, and a costly fane of white marble. To -Myrina are 40 stadia; then 70 stadia to Elæa, which has a +Myrina are 40 stadia; then 70 stadia to Elæa, which has a harbour and a station for vessels of the Attalic kings, founded @@ -70305,10 +70305,10 @@ by Menestheus and the Athenians who accompanied him in the expedition against Ilium.

The places about Pitane, and Atarneus, and others in this -quarter, which follow Elæa, have been already described. +quarter, which follow Elæa, have been already described.

-

Cyme is the largest and best of the Æolian cities. +

Cyme is the largest and best of the Æolian cities. This and Lesbos may be considered the capitals of the other @@ -70339,23 +70339,23 @@ the crier whenever it rained, that the inhabitants might take shelter under the porticos. As the crier called out, Go -under the porticos, a report prevailed that the Cymæans did +under the porticos, a report prevailed that the Cymæans did not perceive that they were to go under the porticos when it rained unless they had notice from the public crier.In spite of the improbability of these anecdotes, there must have -been something real in the dulness of the Cymæans; for Cymæan was +been something real in the dulness of the Cymæans; for Cymæan was -employed by the Greeks as a word synonymous with stupid. Cæsar, +employed by the Greeks as a word synonymous with stupid. Cæsar, -among the Romans, (Plutarch, Cæsar,) adopted this name in the same +among the Romans, (Plutarch, Cæsar,) adopted this name in the same sense. This stupidity gave occasion to a proverb, o)/nos ei)s kumai/ous, an -ass among the Cymæans, which was founded on the following story. +ass among the Cymæans, which was founded on the following story. -The first time an ass appeared among the Cymæans, the inhabitants, who +The first time an ass appeared among the Cymæans, the inhabitants, who were unacquainted with the beast, deserted the town with such precipitation that it might be said they were escaping from an earthquake.

Ephorus, a man indisputably of high repute, a disciple of @@ -70367,7 +70367,7 @@ historian, and wrote the book on Inventions. of this place, for he himself says, that his father Dius left -Cyme in Æolis and migrated to the Bœotians; +Cyme in Æolis and migrated to the Bœotians; @@ -70404,10 +70404,10 @@ his history, and yet being unwilling to pass them over unnoticed, he exclaims, -at this time the Cymæans were at peace. +at this time the Cymæans were at peace. -

After having described the Trojan and Æolian coasts, we +

After having described the Trojan and Æolian coasts, we ought next to notice cursorily the interior of the country as @@ -70439,7 +70439,7 @@ treasure, which amounted to nine thousand talents. He became an eunuch in childhood by compression, for it happened that a great body of people being assembled to see a -funeral, the nurse who was carrying Philetærus, then an infant, in her arms, was entangled in the crowd, and pressed +funeral, the nurse who was carrying Philetærus, then an infant, in her arms, was entangled in the crowd, and pressed upon to such a degree that the child was mutilated.

He was therefore an eunuch, but having been well educated he was thought worthy of this trust. He continued for @@ -70452,7 +70452,7 @@ upon to such a degree that the child was mutilated. some time well affected to Lysimachus, but upon a disagree -ment with Arsinoë, the wife of Lysimachus, who had falsely +ment with Arsinoë, the wife of Lysimachus, who had falsely accused him, he caused the place to revolt, and suited his @@ -70485,7 +70485,7 @@ sovereign of the places around, so that he overcame in a battle near Sardes

Attalus, the son of Attalus and Antiochis, daughter of -Achæus, succeeded to the kingdom. He was the first person +Achæus, succeeded to the kingdom. He was the first person who was proclaimed king after a victory, which he obtained @@ -70497,9 +70497,9 @@ assisted them in the war against Philip. He died in old age, having reigned forty-three years. He left four sons by -Apollonis, a woman of Cyzicus,—Eumenes, Attalus, Philetærus, +Apollonis, a woman of Cyzicus,—Eumenes, Attalus, Philetærus, -and Athenæus. The younger sons continued in a private +and Athenæus. The younger sons continued in a private station, but Eumenes, the elder, was king. He was an ally @@ -70511,7 +70511,7 @@ the Taurus which had belonged to Antiochus. Before this time there were not under the power of Pergamum many places -which reached to the sea at the Elaïtic and the Adramyttene Gulfs. Eumenes embellished the city, he ornamented +which reached to the sea at the Elaïtic and the Adramyttene Gulfs. Eumenes embellished the city, he ornamented the NicephoriumA building raised in commemoration of a victory. It was destroyed @@ -70548,7 +70548,7 @@ and was the ally of the Romans in the war against the Pseudo-Philip. In an expedition into Thrace he defeated -and took prisoner Diegylis, king of the Cæni.Diegylis, king of the Cæni, a Thracian people, was the father-in-law +and took prisoner Diegylis, king of the Cæni.Diegylis, king of the Cæni, a Thracian people, was the father-in-law of Prusias. He destroyed @@ -70562,14 +70562,14 @@ a natural death. He left the Romans his heirs.Aristonicus, some time contended with the Romans for the possession of this inheritance; but finally he was vanquished and made prisoner by the consul -Perperna, carried to Rome, and there died in prison. B. xiv. c. i. § 38. They made +Perperna, carried to Rome, and there died in prison. B. xiv. c. i. § 38. They made the country a province, and called it Asia by the name of the continent. -

The Caïcus flows past Pergamum through the plain of +

The Caïcus flows past Pergamum through the plain of -Caïcus, as it is called, and traverses a very fertile country, indeed almost the best soil in Mysia. +Caïcus, as it is called, and traverses a very fertile country, indeed almost the best soil in Mysia.

The celebrated men in our times, natives of Pergamum, @@ -70583,7 +70583,7 @@ Adobogion, it is said, had been the concubine of Mithridates the king; the relatives therefore gave to the child the name of Mithridates, pretending that he was the king's son. -

This prince became so great a friend of Divus Cæsar, that he +

This prince became so great a friend of Divus Cæsar, that he was promoted to the honour of Tetrarch (of Galatia) out of @@ -70612,7 +70612,7 @@ opinions have prevailed, the merits of which are beyond our power to decide upon, among which are those of the sects of Apollodorus and Theodorus. -

But the friendship of Augustus Cæsar, whom he instructed +

But the friendship of Augustus Cæsar, whom he instructed in oratory, was the principal cause of the elevation of Apollodorus. He had a celebrated scholar Dionysius, surnamed @@ -70637,7 +70637,7 @@ from Sardes. It has its name from Apollonis of Cyzicus occupied by Mysians; it lies on the right hand of the people -called Abaïtæ, on whose borders is the Epictetus, extending +called Abaïtæ, on whose borders is the Epictetus, extending to Bithynia. @@ -70667,7 +70667,7 @@ to afford a view all round. of white marble, a work of the Persians. There is a view from it of the plains around, particularly of -that of the Caÿster. There dwell about it Lydians, Mysians, and Macedonians.Pliny also places Macedonians, surnamed Cadueni, near Tmolus. B, +that of the Caÿster. There dwell about it Lydians, Mysians, and Macedonians.Pliny also places Macedonians, surnamed Cadueni, near Tmolus. B, v. c. 29. @@ -70681,9 +70681,9 @@ The Pactolus flows from the Tmolus.Bouz-dagh. It anc down a large quantity of gold-dust, whence, it is said, the -proverbial wealth of Crœsus and his ancestors obtained renown. No gold-dust is found at present. The Pactolus descends into the Hermus, into which also the Hyllus, now called +proverbial wealth of Crœsus and his ancestors obtained renown. No gold-dust is found at present. The Pactolus descends into the Hermus, into which also the Hyllus, now called -Phrygius, discharges itself: These three and other less considerable rivers unite in one stream, and, according to Herodotus, empty themselves into the sea at Phocæa. +Phrygius, discharges itself: These three and other less considerable rivers unite in one stream, and, according to Herodotus, empty themselves into the sea at Phocæa.

The Hermus takes its rise in Mysia, descending from the sacred mountain of Dindymene; after traversing the Catacecaumene, it enters the Sardian territory, and passes through @@ -70692,14 +70692,14 @@ the contiguous plains to the sea, mentioned above. Below the city lie the plains of Sardes, of the Cyrus, of the Hermus, -and of the Caÿster, which are contiguous to one another and +and of the Caÿster, which are contiguous to one another and the most fertile anywhere to be found.

At the distance of 40 stadia from the city is the lake -Gygæa, as it is called by the poet.Il. ii. 865. Its name was afterwards +Gygæa, as it is called by the poet.Il. ii. 865. Its name was afterwards -altered to Coloë. Here was a temple of Artemis Coloëne, +altered to Coloë. Here was a temple of Artemis Coloëne, held in the highest veneration. It is said that at the feasts @@ -70714,7 +70714,7 @@ is circulated as a strange story, or as truth. -Mesthles and Antiphus, sons of Talæmenes, born of the lake Gygæa, +Mesthles and Antiphus, sons of Talæmenes, born of the lake Gygæa, were the leaders of the Meones, who live below Tmolus.Il. ii. 864. @@ -70748,7 +70748,7 @@ lightning, and that here also were the dwellings of the Arimi; for to this verse, -Among the Arimi, where they say is the bed of Typhoëus,Il. ii. 783. +Among the Arimi, where they say is the bed of Typhoëus,Il. ii. 783. @@ -70768,7 +70768,7 @@ they add the following, Some lay the scene of the last fable in Cilicia, others in Syria, -others among the Pithecussæ (islands),Pliny does not approve of the word Pithecussæ being derived from +others among the Pithecussæ (islands),Pliny does not approve of the word Pithecussæ being derived from pi/qhkos, a monkey; but from pi/qos, a cask. This latter derivation is @@ -70778,15 +70778,15 @@ not natural, whilst the former is at least conformable to analogy. Hesychius con Arini, (which in Roman letters would be ein Arimis, and which is -translated into Latin by in Arimis,) signifies in the Pithecussæ Islands, according to the opinion of those who placed Typhoëus in Italy. +translated into Latin by in Arimis,) signifies in the Pithecussæ Islands, according to the opinion of those who placed Typhoëus in Italy. But it is remarkable that from the two words ein Arimis of Homer the name Inarimis has been invented; and quoted as Homer's by Pliny (iii. -6): Ænasia ipsa, a statione navium Æneæ, Homero Inarime dicta, +6): Ænasia ipsa, a statione navium Æneæ, Homero Inarime dicta, -Græcis Pithecussa, non a simiarum multitudine, ut aliqui existimavere +Græcis Pithecussa, non a simiarum multitudine, ut aliqui existimavere sed a figlinis doliorum. It is not Homer, however, that he ought to @@ -70794,7 +70794,7 @@ have quoted, but Virgil, who was the first to coin one word out of the two Greek words. -Inarime Jovis imperiis imposta Typhoëo. Æn. ix. 716. +Inarime Jovis imperiis imposta Typhoëo. Æn. ix. 716. The modern name is Ischia. who say that the @@ -70807,11 +70807,11 @@ authors is most to be depended upon who place the Arimi in the Catacecaumene in Mysia. But Pindar associates the -Pithecussæ which lie in front of the Cymæan territory and +Pithecussæ which lie in front of the Cymæan territory and Sicily with Cilicia, for the poet says that Typhon lay beneath -Ætna; +Ætna; @@ -70827,7 +70827,7 @@ And again, -O'er him lies Ætna, and in her vast prison holds him. +O'er him lies Ætna, and in her vast prison holds him. @@ -70843,7 +70843,7 @@ force, the fifty-headed monster Typhon, of yore among the Arimi. Others understand Syrians by the Arimi, who are now called -Aramæi, and maintain that the Cilicians in the Troad migrated and settled in Syria, and deprived the Syrians of the +Aramæi, and maintain that the Cilicians in the Troad migrated and settled in Syria, and deprived the Syrians of the country which is now called Cilicia. @@ -70862,7 +70862,7 @@ near the Calycadnus,Ke'ikdni. and the promontory Sar the Corycian cave.

-

The monuments of the kings lie around the lake Coloë. +

The monuments of the kings lie around the lake Coloë. At Sardes is the great mound of Alyattes upon a lofty base, @@ -70873,21 +70873,21 @@ the greatest part of it being executed by young women. He says that they all prostituted themselves; according to some writers the sepulchre is the monument of a courtesan. -

Some historians say, that Coloë is an artificial lake, designed +

Some historians say, that Coloë is an artificial lake, designed to receive the superabundant waters of the rivers when they are full and overflow. -

HyptæpaTapoi. is a city situated on the descent from Tmolus to +

HyptæpaTapoi. is a city situated on the descent from Tmolus to -the plain of the Caÿster. +the plain of the Caÿster.

Callisthenes says that Sardes was taken first by Cimmerians, then by Treres and Lycians, which Callinus also, the elegiac poet, testifies, and that it was last captured in the -time of Cyrus and Crœsus. When Callinus says that the +time of Cyrus and Crœsus. When Callinus says that the incursion of the Cimmerians when they took Sardes was @@ -70901,7 +70901,7 @@ Asia, as Homer describes the country, -in the Asian meadows about the streams of Caÿster. Il. ii. 461.Il. ii. 461. +in the Asian meadows about the streams of Caÿster. Il. ii. 461.Il. ii. 461. @@ -70988,7 +70988,7 @@ effect was produced by fire generated in the soil, the sources of which are now exhausted. Here are to be seen three pits, -which are called Physæ, or breathing holes, situated at the +which are called Physæ, or breathing holes, situated at the distance of 40 stadia from each other. Above are rugged @@ -71025,7 +71025,7 @@ have arranged them according to jurisdictions, in which they have appointed days for holding courts and administering justice. -

The Tmolus is a well compacted mass of mountain,The range of mountains on the south of the Caÿster, bearing various +

The Tmolus is a well compacted mass of mountain,The range of mountains on the south of the Caÿster, bearing various names. of @@ -71033,14 +71033,14 @@ moderate circumference, and its boundaries are within Lydia itself. The Mesogis begins, according to Theopompus, from -Celænæ,Celænæ was the citadel of Apameia Cibotus, Afium-Kara hissar. and extends on the opposite side as far as Mycale,Cape Sta. Maria +Celænæ,Celænæ was the citadel of Apameia Cibotus, Afium-Kara hissar. and extends on the opposite side as far as Mycale,Cape Sta. Maria -so that Phrygians occupy one part, towards Celænæ and +so that Phrygians occupy one part, towards Celænæ and Apameia; Mysians and Lydians another; Carians and Ionians a third part. -

So also the rivers, and particularly the Mæander, are the +

So also the rivers, and particularly the Mæander, are the actual boundaries of some nations, but take their course @@ -71058,7 +71058,7 @@ accuracy as a surveyor, but only to give such descriptions as have been transmitted to us by our predecessors.

-

Contiguous on the east to the plain of Caÿster, which +

Contiguous on the east to the plain of Caÿster, which lies between the Mesogis and Tmolus, is the plain Cilbianum. @@ -71083,9 +71083,9 @@ by a mixed population of Phrygians, with a portion of Pisidians. The plains have -ansCoraÿ proposes to read for kao|w=n, Karou/o|wn,and translates, between Carura and Nysa. and the district of Nysa,Sultan-hissar. which is a tract of country be +ansCoraÿ proposes to read for kao|w=n, Karou/o|wn,and translates, between Carura and Nysa. and the district of Nysa,Sultan-hissar. which is a tract of country be -yond the Mæander, extending as far as the Cibyratis and +yond the Mæander, extending as far as the Cibyratis and Cabalis, we meet with cities. Near the Mesogis, opposite @@ -71148,18 +71148,18 @@ the marine purple. There is such an abundance of water, that there are natural baths in every part of the city.

-

After Hierapolis are the parts beyond the Mæander. +

After Hierapolis are the parts beyond the Mæander. Those about Laodiceia and Aphrodisias,Geira. and those extending to Carura, have been already described. The places which -succeed are AntiochJenedscheh. on the Mæander, now belonging to +succeed are AntiochJenedscheh. on the Mæander, now belonging to -Caria, on the west; on the south are Cibyra the Great,Chorsum. Sinda,Dekoī. +Caria, on the west; on the south are Cibyra the Great,Chorsum. Sinda,Dekoī. and Cabalis, as far as Mount Taurus and Lycia.

Antioch is a city of moderate size situated on the banks -of the Mæander, at the side towards Phrygia. There is a +of the Mæander, at the side towards Phrygia. There is a bridge over the river. A large tract of country, all of which @@ -71208,7 +71208,7 @@ Solymi.Il. vi. 203.

-

The Cibyratæ are said to be descendants of the Lydians +

The Cibyratæ are said to be descendants of the Lydians who occupied the territory Cabalis. The city was afterwards in @@ -71230,7 +71230,7 @@ as far as Lycia and the country opposite to Rhodes. Upon the union of the three bordering cities, Bubon,Ebedschek-Dirmil. Balbura,Giaur-Kalessi. and -Œnoanda,Urludscha. the confederation was called Tetrapolis; each city +Œnoanda,Urludscha. the confederation was called Tetrapolis; each city had one vote, except Cibyra, which had two, for it could equip @@ -71245,7 +71245,7 @@ overthrown by Murena, who annexed Balbura and Bubon to the Lycians. Nevertheless the Cibyratic district is reckoned among the largest jurisdictions in Asia. -

The Cibyratæ used four languages, the Pisidic, that of the +

The Cibyratæ used four languages, the Pisidic, that of the Solymi, the Greek, and the Lydian, but of the latter no traces @@ -71362,7 +71362,7 @@ Pamphylians, and Cilicians.That is, the maritime parts of A Mitilini to Bajas, the ancient Issus. The coast of Ionia comprehended -between Cape Coloni and the Mæander (Bojuk Mender Tschai) forms +between Cape Coloni and the Mæander (Bojuk Mender Tschai) forms part of the modern pachalics, Saruchan and Soghla; Caria and Lycia are @@ -71401,7 +71401,7 @@ is reckoned from Poseidium,Cape Arbora. belonging to -and the boundaries of Caria, as far as Phocæa,Karadscha-Fokia. and the river +and the boundaries of Caria, as far as Phocæa,Karadscha-Fokia. and the river @@ -71412,16 +71412,16 @@ Hermus.Gedis-Tschai. Ephesus, on this coast, were formerly occupied by Carians; -the part of the coast next in order, as far as Phocæa, and +the part of the coast next in order, as far as Phocæa, and -Chios, and Samos, of which Ancæus was king, were occupied +Chios, and Samos, of which Ancæus was king, were occupied by Leleges, but both nations were expelled by the Ionians, and took refuge in the remaining parts of Caria.

Pherecydes says that the leader of the Ionian, which was -posterior to the Æolian migration, was Androclus, a legitimate son of Codrus king of the Athenians, and that he was +posterior to the Æolian migration, was Androclus, a legitimate son of Codrus king of the Athenians, and that he was the founder of Ephesus, hence it was that it became the seat @@ -71447,9 +71447,9 @@ is also to be seen on the promontory Poseidium an altar erected by Neleus. LebedosLebedigli, Lebeditzhissar. by Andropompus, who took possession of a place -called Artis; Colophon by Andræmon, a Pylian, as Mimnermus mentions in his poem of Nanno;A portion of this poem by Mimnermus is quoted in Athenæus, b. xi. +called Artis; Colophon by Andræmon, a Pylian, as Mimnermus mentions in his poem of Nanno;A portion of this poem by Mimnermus is quoted in Athenæus, b. xi. -39, p. 748 of the translation, Bohn's Class. Library. Priene by Æpytus, +39, p. 748 of the translation, Bohn's Class. Library. Priene by Æpytus, son of Neleus; and afterwards by Philotas, who brought a @@ -71459,9 +71459,9 @@ whence Anacreon calls the city Athamantis, but at the time of the Ionian migration of the colony it received settlers from -Nauclus, a spurious son of Codrus, and after this from Apœcus +Nauclus, a spurious son of Codrus, and after this from Apœcus -and Damasus, who were Athenians, and from Geres, a Bœotian; Erythræ was founded by Cnopus, who also was a spu- +and Damasus, who were Athenians, and from Geres, a Bœotian; Erythræ was founded by Cnopus, who also was a spu- @@ -71469,9 +71469,9 @@ and Damasus, who were Athenians, and from Geres, a Bœotian; Erythræ -rious son of Codrus; Phocæa by Athenians, who accompanied +rious son of Codrus; Phocæa by Athenians, who accompanied -Philogenes; Clazomenæ by Paralus; Chios by Egertius, who +Philogenes; Clazomenæ by Paralus; Chios by Egertius, who brought with him a mixed body of colonists; Samos by Tembrion, and afterwards by Procles. @@ -71484,21 +71484,21 @@ the instance of the Ephesians, for anciently they inhabited the same city, at which time Ephesus was called Smyrna. Callinus somewhere gives it this name, and calls the Ephesians -Smyrnæans in the address to Jupiter: +Smyrnæans in the address to Jupiter: -And pity the Smyrnæans; +And pity the Smyrnæans; and in another passage, remember now, if ever, the beautiful thighs of the oxen [which the -Smyrnæans burnt in sacrifice]. +Smyrnæans burnt in sacrifice]. Smyrna was an Amazon, who got possession of Ephesus; from her the inhabitants and the city had their name, in the -same manner as some Ephesians were called Sisyrbitæ from +same manner as some Ephesians were called Sisyrbitæ from Sisyrba; and a certain spot in Ephesus was called Smyrna, @@ -71514,15 +71514,15 @@ the farms at the back of the Prion retain the name in the term Opistholepria. The country along the foot of the mountain about Coressus was called Tracheia. The city was anciently built about the Athenaeum, which is now beyond the -city, at the (fountain) Hypelæus. Smyrna therefore was situated near the present gymnasium, at the back of the present +city, at the (fountain) Hypelæus. Smyrna therefore was situated near the present gymnasium, at the back of the present -city, but between Tracheia and Lepre Acta. The Smyrnæans, upon quitting the Ephesians, marched to the place where +city, but between Tracheia and Lepre Acta. The Smyrnæans, upon quitting the Ephesians, marched to the place where Smyrna now stood, and which was in the possession of Leleges. They expelled these people and founded the ancient Smyrna, which is distant from the present city about 20 stadia. -They were themselves afterwards expelled by Æolians, and +They were themselves afterwards expelled by Æolians, and took refuge at Colophon; they then returned with a body of @@ -71542,7 +71542,7 @@ says of Smyrna, that it was always a subject of contention; the long wished-for Asia, and settled at Colophon, and hastening thence -from the river Astëeis, by the will of the gods we took Æolian Smyrna. +from the river Astëeis, by the will of the gods we took Æolian Smyrna.

So much then on this subject.

We must, however, again describe each place in particular, @@ -71553,13 +71553,13 @@ are superior to all others, and the most celebrated.

Next after the Poseidium of the Milesians, at the distance of 18Pliny, v. 29, says the distance is 20 stadia. stadia from the sea-coast, is the oracle of Apollo -Didymeus among the Branchidæ. This, as well as the other +Didymeus among the Branchidæ. This, as well as the other temples, except that at Ephesus, was burnt by the order of -Xerxes.The Branchidæ were descendants of Branchus, who himself was descended from Macæreus, who killed Neoptolemus, son of Achilles. According to Herodotus, the temple was burnt by order of Darius, Herod. v. +Xerxes.The Branchidæ were descendants of Branchus, who himself was descended from Macæreus, who killed Neoptolemus, son of Achilles. According to Herodotus, the temple was burnt by order of Darius, Herod. v. -36; vi. 19. The Branchidæ delivered up the treasures of the +36; vi. 19. The Branchidæ delivered up the treasures of the god to the Persian king, and accompanied him in his flight, in @@ -71613,9 +71613,9 @@ Propontis, and many other places, are peopled with their settlers.

Anaximenes of Lampsacus says, that the Milesians colonized -both the island Icarus and Lerus, and Limnæ on the Hellespont, in the Chersonesus; in Asia, Abydus, Arisba, and +both the island Icarus and Lerus, and Limnæ on the Hellespont, in the Chersonesus; in Asia, Abydus, Arisba, and -Pæsus; on the island of the Cyziceni, Artace and Cyzicus; +Pæsus; on the island of the Cyziceni, Artace and Cyzicus; in the interior of the Troad, Scepsis. We have mentioned, in @@ -71643,11 +71643,11 @@ of the seven wise men, the first person who introduced among the Greeks physiology and mathematics; his disciple Anaximander, and Anaximenes the disciple of Anaximander. -Besides these, Hecatæus the historian;Coraÿ, who is followed by Groskurd, supposes the words and Cadmus to be here omitted. Kramer considers this correction to be very +Besides these, Hecatæus the historian;Coraÿ, who is followed by Groskurd, supposes the words and Cadmus to be here omitted. Kramer considers this correction to be very -doubtful; see b. i. c. ii. § 6. and of our time, +doubtful; see b. i. c. ii. § 6. and of our time, -Æschines the orator, who was banished for having spoken +Æschines the orator, who was banished for having spoken with two great freedom before Pompey the Great, and died @@ -71660,7 +71660,7 @@ of Halicarnassus; long before this time it was captured by the Persians. Callisthenes relates, that Phrynichus the tragic -writer was fined a thousand drachmæ by the Athenians for +writer was fined a thousand drachmæ by the Athenians for composing a play entitled The taking of Miletus by Darius. @@ -71671,7 +71671,7 @@ composing a play entitled The taking of Miletus by Dariu

The island Lade lies close in front of Miletus, and small -islands about Tragææ,Chandler says that the Tragææ were sand-banks or shallows. which afford a shelter for pirates. +islands about Tragææ,Chandler says that the Tragææ were sand-banks or shallows. which afford a shelter for pirates.

Next follows the Gulf of Latmus, on which is situated @@ -71680,7 +71680,7 @@ islands about Tragææ,Chandler says that the Tra with a shelter for vessels. It formerly had the same name as -the mountain above, which Hecatæus thinks was the same +the mountain above, which Hecatæus thinks was the same as that called by the poetIl. ii. 868. the mountain of the Phtheiri, @@ -71714,7 +71714,7 @@ land. must endure with patience the dryness of such geographical descriptions. -

From Pyrrha to the mouth of the Mæander are 50 stadia. +

From Pyrrha to the mouth of the Mæander are 50 stadia. The ground about it is marshy and a swamp. In sailing up @@ -71726,9 +71726,9 @@ account of its diminished population, is now incorporated with Miletus. Xerxes is said to have given this city to Themistocles to supply him with fish, Magnesia with bread, and -Lampsacus with wine.Two other towns, Percote and Palæscepsis, were also given to Themistocles, the first to supply him with dress, the second with bed-room +Lampsacus with wine.Two other towns, Percote and Palæscepsis, were also given to Themistocles, the first to supply him with dress, the second with bed-room -furniture.—Plutarch, Life of Themistocles. +furniture.—Plutarch, Life of Themistocles.

At four stadia from Myus is Thymbria, a Carian village, @@ -71741,10 +71741,10 @@ near which is Aornum; this is a sacred cave called Charo- -nium, which emits destructive vapours. Above it is MagnesiaAineh-Basar. on the Mæander, a colony of the Magnesians of Thessaly and Crete. We shall speak of it very soon. +nium, which emits destructive vapours. Above it is MagnesiaAineh-Basar. on the Mæander, a colony of the Magnesians of Thessaly and Crete. We shall speak of it very soon.

-

After the mouths of the Mæander follows the shore of +

After the mouths of the Mæander follows the shore of Priene. Above it is Priene,Samsun. and the mountain Mycale.Samsun Dagh. @@ -71756,7 +71756,7 @@ towards it, beyond the promontory Trogilium,Cape Santa Mari above 7 stadia in width. Priene is called by some writers -Cadme, because Philotus, its second founder, was a Bœotian. +Cadme, because Philotus, its second founder, was a Bœotian. Bias, one of the seven wise men, was a native of Priene, of @@ -71771,7 +71771,7 @@ Thence, which is the nearest way, is a passage across to Sunium of 1600 stadia. At the commencement of the voyage, -on the right hand are Samos, Icaria, and the Corsiæ islands;The Furni islands. +on the right hand are Samos, Icaria, and the Corsiæ islands;The Furni islands. on the left, the Melantian rocks.Stapodia. The remainder of the @@ -71796,15 +71796,15 @@ towards Mycale the strait of 7 stadia. It has upon it a temple of Neptune. In front is a small island, Narthecis; -on the left, near the Heræum, is the suburb, and the river Imbrasus, and the Heræum, an ancient temple, and a large nave, +on the left, near the Heræum, is the suburb, and the river Imbrasus, and the Heræum, an ancient temple, and a large nave, which at present is a repository for paintings. Besides the -great number of paintings in the Heræum, there are other +great number of paintings in the Heræum, there are other repositories and some small chapels, filled with works of -ancient art. The Hypæthrum also is full of the best statues. +ancient art. The Hypæthrum also is full of the best statues. Of these, three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stand @@ -71814,7 +71814,7 @@ Of these, three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stand -upon the same base. Antony took them all away, but Augustus Cæsar replaced two, the Minerva and the Hercules, +upon the same base. Antony took them all away, but Augustus Cæsar replaced two, the Minerva and the Hercules, upon the same base. He transported the Jupiter to the @@ -71823,7 +71823,7 @@ Capitol, having built a chapel for its reception.

The voyage round the island Sarnos is 600 stadia.According to Pliny, it is 716 stadia. -Formerly, when the Carians inhabited it, it was called Parthenia, then Anthemus, then Melamphylus,In b. x. ch. ii. §17, Strabo informs us that Samos was first called +Formerly, when the Carians inhabited it, it was called Parthenia, then Anthemus, then Melamphylus,In b. x. ch. ii. §17, Strabo informs us that Samos was first called Melamphylus, then Anthemis, and afterwards Parthenia. These names @@ -71939,9 +71939,9 @@ as his comrade in that class Menander the comic poet. Creophylus was a native of Melissus the philosopher, who commanded the fleet of the island, and was -contemporary with Pericles.—Plutarch, Life of Pericles. who, it is said, once entertained Homer as his guest, and received, in return, his poem +contemporary with Pericles.—Plutarch, Life of Pericles. who, it is said, once entertained Homer as his guest, and received, in return, his poem -entitled The taking of Œchalia. Callimachus, on the contrary, intimates in an epigram that it was the composition of +entitled The taking of Œchalia. Callimachus, on the contrary, intimates in an epigram that it was the composition of @@ -71970,7 +71970,7 @@ it was not Creophylus, but Aristeas of Proconnesus. its name, is near Samos. The island has its name from Icarus, -the son of Dædalus, who, it is said, having accompanied his +the son of Dædalus, who, it is said, having accompanied his father in his flight, when both of them, furnished with wings, @@ -71987,7 +71987,7 @@ Histi. A promontory stretches towards the west. There is also on the island a temple of Diana, called Tauropolium, and -a small town Œnoë; and another, Dracanum,Before called Drepanum. of the same +a small town Œnoë; and another, Dracanum,Before called Drepanum. of the same name as the promontory on which it stands, with an anchorage for vessels. The promontory is distant from the promontory of the Samians, called Cantharius, 80 stadia, which is the @@ -72081,11 +72081,11 @@ time, and perform certain mystic sacrifices. Leleges. After Androclus had expelled the greatest part of -the inhabitants, he settled his companions about the Athenæum, +the inhabitants, he settled his companions about the Athenæum, -and the Hypelæum, and in the mountainous tract at the foot +and the Hypelæum, and in the mountainous tract at the foot -of the Coressus. It was thus inhabited till the time of Crœsus. Afterwards, the inhabitants descended from the mountainous district, and settled about the present temple, and +of the Coressus. It was thus inhabited till the time of Crœsus. Afterwards, the inhabitants descended from the mountainous district, and settled about the present temple, and continued there to the time of Alexander. Then Lysimachus @@ -72104,7 +72104,7 @@ heavy storm of rain which he saw approaching, and obstructed the drains so as to inundate the city, and the inhabitants were glad to leave it for another place. -

He called the city Arsinoë, after the name of his wife, but +

He called the city Arsinoë, after the name of his wife, but the old name prevailed. A body of elders was enrolled, with @@ -72119,7 +72119,7 @@ Diana; another afterwards enlarged it, but when Herostratus set fire to it,The temple is said to have been burnt the night Alexander the Great -was born.—Cicero, de Nat. Deo. ii. 27. the citizens constructed one more magnificent. +was born.—Cicero, de Nat. Deo. ii. 27. the citizens constructed one more magnificent. They collected for this purpose the ornaments of the women, @@ -72127,9 +72127,9 @@ contributions from private property, and the money arising from the sale of pillars of the former temple. Evidence of -these things is to be found in the decrees of that time. Artemidorus says, that Timæus of Tauromenium, in consequence of +these things is to be found in the decrees of that time. Artemidorus says, that Timæus of Tauromenium, in consequence of -his ignorance of these decrees, and being otherwise a calumniator and detractor, (whence he had the name of Epitimæus, +his ignorance of these decrees, and being otherwise a calumniator and detractor, (whence he had the name of Epitimæus, or Reviler,) avers that the Ephesians restored the temple by @@ -72177,7 +72177,7 @@ from one to the other,)Plutarch says that the artist offere Mount Athos, which should hold in the left hand a city, capable of containing 10,000 inhabitants, and pouring from the right hand a river falling -into the sea.—after the completion of the temple, +into the sea.—after the completion of the temple, he says that the multitude of other sacred offerings were @@ -72234,7 +72234,7 @@ it, was disappointed at the result. The harbour was formerly shallow, on account of the embankment of earth accumulated -by the Caÿster; but the king, supposing that there would be +by the Caÿster; but the king, supposing that there would be @@ -72272,7 +72272,7 @@ Hermodorus seems to have compiled laws for the Romans. Hipponax the poet was an Ephesian, and the painters Parrhasius and Apelles.

In more recent times was Alexander the orator, surnamed -Lychnus, or the Lamp;Coraÿ is of opinion that the name of Artemidorus of Ephesus has been +Lychnus, or the Lamp;Coraÿ is of opinion that the name of Artemidorus of Ephesus has been omitted by the copyist in this passage, before the name of Alexander. @@ -72297,7 +72297,7 @@ contain a description of the heavenly phenomena and a geographical account of th subject of a distinct poem.

-

Next to the mouth of the Caÿster is a lake called +

Next to the mouth of the Caÿster is a lake called Selinusia, formed by the overflowing of the sea. It is succeeded by another, which communicates with this. They afford @@ -72331,7 +72331,7 @@ built, it is said, by Agamemnon. an Ionian city, in front of which is the grove of Apollo Clarius, -where was once an ancient oracle.It must have been in existence in the time of Strabo.—Tacit. Ann. ii. 54 It is said that the prophet +where was once an ancient oracle.It must have been in existence in the time of Strabo.—Tacit. Ann. ii. 54 It is said that the prophet Calchas came hither on foot, on his return from Troy with @@ -72465,27 +72465,27 @@ time, the Teians, unable to endure the insults and injuries of the Persians, abandoned Teos, and removed to Abdera, -whence originated the verse— +whence originated the verse— Abdera, the beautiful colony of the Teians. Some of them returned in after-times to their own country. -We have said that Apellicon was of Teos, and Hecatæus also, +We have said that Apellicon was of Teos, and Hecatæus also, the historian.

There is another port to the north, at the distance of 30 -stadia from the city, Gerrhæïdæ.Called by Livy, xxvii. 27, Portus Geræsticus. +stadia from the city, Gerrhæïdæ.Called by Livy, xxvii. 27, Portus Geræsticus.

-

Next follows Chalcideis, and the isthmus of the peninsulaWhich forms the Gulf of Smyrna. of the Teians and Erythræans; the latter inhabit the +

Next follows Chalcideis, and the isthmus of the peninsulaWhich forms the Gulf of Smyrna. of the Teians and Erythræans; the latter inhabit the interior of the isthmus. The Teians and Clazomenians are situated on the isthmus itself. The Teians occupy the southern side of the isthmus, namely, Chalcideis;The district called Chalcitis by Pausanias, xii. 5, 12. the Clazomenians, -the northern side, whence they are contiguous to the Erythræan district. At the commencement of the isthmus is Hypocremnus, having on this side the Erythræan, and on the other, +the northern side, whence they are contiguous to the Erythræan district. At the commencement of the isthmus is Hypocremnus, having on this side the Erythræan, and on the other, the Clazomenian territory. Above Chalcideis is a grove, dedicated to Alexander, the son of Philip, and a festival called @@ -72496,19 +72496,19 @@ body of the Ionians. and Chalcideis, as far as the Hypocremnus, is 50 stadia (150?). -The circuit round by sea is more than 1000 stadia. Somewhere about the middle of the voyage is Erythræ,Ritri. an Ionian +The circuit round by sea is more than 1000 stadia. Somewhere about the middle of the voyage is Erythræ,Ritri. an Ionian city, with a port, having in front four small islands, called Hippoi (the Horses).

-

But before we come to Erythræ, the first place we meet +

But before we come to Erythræ, the first place we meet -with is Eræ,Sighadschik. a small city belonging to the Teians. +with is Eræ,Sighadschik. a small city belonging to the Teians.

Next is Corycus, a lofty mountain; and below it, Casystes, -a port;Koraka, or Kurko. then another, called the port of Erythræ, and afterwards many others. +a port;Koraka, or Kurko. then another, called the port of Erythræ, and afterwards many others. @@ -72518,7 +72518,7 @@ a port;Koraka, or Kurko. then another, called the po It is said that the whole sea-coast along the Corycus was -the haunt of pirates, who were called Corycæans, and who had +the haunt of pirates, who were called Corycæans, and who had contrived a new mode of attacking vessels. They dispersed @@ -72530,9 +72530,9 @@ they were bound. The pirates then collected together, attacked the merchants at all inquisitive persons and those who listen to private and -secret conversation we call Corycæans, and say proverbially, +secret conversation we call Corycæans, and say proverbially, -The Corycæan must have overheard it, +The Corycæan must have overheard it, when any one thinks that he has done or said anything not @@ -72543,28 +72543,28 @@ be informed of what does not concern them.

Next to Corycus is Halonnesus, a small island, then the -Argennum,Called in Thucyd. viii. 34, Arginum. a promontory of the Erythræan territory, situated +Argennum,Called in Thucyd. viii. 34, Arginum. a promontory of the Erythræan territory, situated close to Poseidium, belonging to the Chians, and forming a -strait of about 60 stadia in width. Between Erythræ and +strait of about 60 stadia in width. Between Erythræ and Hypocremnus is Mimas,Karaburun-Dagh. a lofty mountain, abounding with beasts of chase, and well wooded. Then follows Cybelia, a -village, and a promontory called Melæna,Karaburun, which has the same meaning. (or Black,) which +village, and a promontory called Melæna,Karaburun, which has the same meaning. (or Black,) which has a quarry whence millstones are obtained.

-

Erythræ was the native place of the Sibyl, an ancient +

Erythræ was the native place of the Sibyl, an ancient inspired prophetess. In the time of Alexander there was another Sibyl, who was also a prophetess, whose name was Athenais, a native of the same city; and in our age there was -Heracleides the Herophilian physician, a native of Erythræ, a +Heracleides the Herophilian physician, a native of Erythræ, a fellow-student of Apollonius surnamed Mus. @@ -72579,9 +72579,9 @@ In the voyage round the island, a person sailing from the city, with the island on his right hand, first meets with Poseidium,Cape Mastico. -then Phanæ,Porto Mastico. a deep harbour, and a temple of Apollo, and a +then Phanæ,Porto Mastico. a deep harbour, and a temple of Apollo, and a -grove of palm trees; then Notium, a part of the coast affording a shelter for vessels; next Laïus,This name is doubtful. Coraÿ suggests Elæus; Groskurd, Lainus, which Kramer does not approve of, although this part of the coast is now +grove of palm trees; then Notium, a part of the coast affording a shelter for vessels; next Laïus,This name is doubtful. Coraÿ suggests Elæus; Groskurd, Lainus, which Kramer does not approve of, although this part of the coast is now called Lithi. It seems to be near a place called Port Aluntha. which is also a place of @@ -72595,7 +72595,7 @@ shelter for vessels; hence to the city is an isthmus of 60 stadia. The circumnavigation is 360 stadia, as I have before described -it. Next, the promontory Melæna,Cape Nicolo. opposite to which is Psyra,Psyra. +it. Next, the promontory Melæna,Cape Nicolo. opposite to which is Psyra,Psyra. an island distant from the promontory 50 stadia, lofty, with a @@ -72603,7 +72603,7 @@ city of the same name. The island is 40 stadia in circumference. Next is the rug about 30 stadia in extent. It produces the best of the Grecian -wines. Then follows Pelinæum,Ilias. the highest mountain in the +wines. Then follows Pelinæum,Ilias. the highest mountain in the island. In the island is a marble quarry.

Among illustrious natives of Chios were IonIon was a contemporary of Sophocles. Theopompus was the disciple @@ -72616,7 +72616,7 @@ of other works. He was of the aristocratic or Macedonian party. Theocritus, his democratic party. To these, among illustrious natives of Chios, may be -added Œnopides the astronomer and mathematician, who was the discoverer of the obliquity of the ecliptic and the cycle of 59 years, for bringing the lunar and solar years into accordance; Nessus the philosopher; +added Œnopides the astronomer and mathematician, who was the discoverer of the obliquity of the ecliptic and the cycle of 59 years, for bringing the lunar and solar years into accordance; Nessus the philosopher; his disciple Metrodorus (about B. C. 330) the sceptic, and master of Hippocrates; Scymnus the geographer, and author of a description of the @@ -72628,19 +72628,19 @@ The two latter persons were opposed to each other in the political parties in the state. The Chians claim Homer as a -native of their country, alleging as a proof the Homeridæ, +native of their country, alleging as a proof the Homeridæ, as they are called, descendants from his family, whom Pindar mentions: -Whence also the Homeridæ, the chanters of the rhapsodies, most frequently begin their song.The Homeridæ may have been at first descendants of Homer; but in +Whence also the Homeridæ, the chanters of the rhapsodies, most frequently begin their song.The Homeridæ may have been at first descendants of Homer; but in -later times those persons went by the name Homeridæ, or Homeristæ, who +later times those persons went by the name Homeridæ, or Homeristæ, who travelled from town to town for the purpose of reciting the poems of Homer. They did not confine themselves to that poet alone, but recited the -poetry of Hesiod, Archilochus, Mimnermus, and others; and finally passages from prose writers.—Athenæus, b. xiv. c. 13. +poetry of Hesiod, Archilochus, Mimnermus, and others; and finally passages from prose writers.—Athenæus, b. xiv. c. 13. The Chians once possessed a naval force, and aspired to the @@ -72660,7 +72660,7 @@ a south wind.

After the Hypocremnus is Chytrium, a place where -ClazomenæKelisman. formerly stood; then the present city, having in front eight small islands, the land of which is cultivated by +ClazomenæKelisman. formerly stood; then the present city, having in front eight small islands, the land of which is cultivated by husbandmen.

Anaxagoras, the natural philosopher, was a distinguished @@ -72699,7 +72699,7 @@ and with an upper story. portico, which has a temple of Homer and a statue. For the -Smyrnæans, above all others, urge the claims of their city to be +Smyrnæans, above all others, urge the claims of their city to be the birth-place of Homer, and they have a sort of brass money, @@ -72716,12 +72716,12 @@ drains beneath them; the filth consequently lies on the surface, and, during rai spread it over the streets.

It was here that Dolabella besieged and slew Trebonius, one -of the murderers of divus Cæsar; he also destroyed many parts +of the murderers of divus Cæsar; he also destroyed many parts of the city.

-

Next to Smyrna is Leucæ,Leokaes? a small city, which Aris- +

Next to Smyrna is Leucæ,Leokaes? a small city, which Aris- @@ -72731,13 +72731,13 @@ of the city. tonicus caused to revolt, after the death of Attalus, the son of -Philometor,B. xiii. c. iv. §2. under pretence of being descended from the royal +Philometor,B. xiii. c. iv. §2. under pretence of being descended from the royal family, but with the intention of usurping the kingdom. He was, however, defeated in a naval engagement by the Ephesians, -near the Cumæan district, and expelled. But he went into +near the Cumæan district, and expelled. But he went into the interior of the country, and quickly collected together a @@ -72745,7 +72745,7 @@ multitude of needy people and slaves, who were induced to follow him by the hope of obtaining their freedom, whom he -called Heliopolitæ. He first surprised Thyateira,Ak-Hissar. he then +called Heliopolitæ. He first surprised Thyateira,Ak-Hissar. he then got possession of Apollonis, and had an intention of making @@ -72765,35 +72765,35 @@ took Aristonicus prisoner, sent him to Rome, and thus put an end to the war. Aristonicus died in prison; Perperna died -of some disease, and Crassus fell near Leucæ, in a skirmish +of some disease, and Crassus fell near Leucæ, in a skirmish with some people who had attacked him from an ambuscade. Manius Aquillius the consul came afterwards, with ten lieutenants; he regulated the affairs of the province, and established that form of government which continues at present. -

After Leucæ follows Phocæa,Karadscha-Fokia. situated on a bay. I have +

After Leucæ follows Phocæa,Karadscha-Fokia. situated on a bay. I have -mentioned this place in the description of Massalia.Marseilles, b. iv. ch. i. §4. Then +mentioned this place in the description of Massalia.Marseilles, b. iv. ch. i. §4. Then -follow the confines of the Ionians and the Æolians. I have +follow the confines of the Ionians and the Æolians. I have already spoken of these.B. xiii. ch. i. 2.

In the interior of the Ionian maritime territory there remain to be described the places about the road leading from -Ephesus, as far as AntiochJenidscheh. and the Mæander. +Ephesus, as far as AntiochJenidscheh. and the Mæander.

This tract is occupied by a mixed population of Lydians, Carians, and Greeks.

-

The first place after Ephesus is Magnesia, an Æolian +

The first place after Ephesus is Magnesia, an Æolian -city, and called Magnesia on the Mæander, for it is situated +city, and called Magnesia on the Mæander, for it is situated -near it; but it is still nearer the Lethæus, which discharges +near it; but it is still nearer the Lethæus, which discharges -itself into the Mæander. It has its source in Pactyes, a mountain in the Ephesian district. There is another Lethæus in +itself into the Mæander. It has its source in Pactyes, a mountain in the Ephesian district. There is another Lethæus in @@ -72803,12 +72803,12 @@ itself into the Mæander. It has its source in Pactyes, a mountain in the E Gortyne, a third near Tricca, where Asclepius is said to have -been born, and the fourth among the Hesperitæ Libyans.Western Africa. +been born, and the fourth among the Hesperitæ Libyans.Western Africa.

Magnesia lies in a plain, near a mountain called Thorax,Gumusch-dagh. on which it is said Daphitas the grammarian was crucified, -for reviling the kings in a distich— +for reviling the kings in a distich— O slaves, with backs purpled with stripes, filings of the gold of Lysimachus, you are the kings of Lydia and Phrygia.

An oracle is said to have warned Daphitas to beware of the @@ -72822,15 +72822,15 @@ oracle answered that he would find it. He was afterwards, by the command of Atta called the Horse.

-

The Magnesians appear to be the descendants of Delphians who inhabited the Didymæan mountains in Thessaly, +

The Magnesians appear to be the descendants of Delphians who inhabited the Didymæan mountains in Thessaly, and of whom Hesiod says, -or, as the chaste virgin, who inhabits the sacred Didymæan hills in the +or, as the chaste virgin, who inhabits the sacred Didymæan hills in the plain of Dotium, opposite Amyrus, abounding with vines, and bathes her -feet in the lake Bœbias— +feet in the lake Bœbias—

At Magnesia also was the temple of Dindymene, the mother of the gods. Her priestess, according to some writers, was the daughter, according to others, the wife, of Themistocles. At present there is no temple, because the city has been @@ -72850,7 +72850,7 @@ Asia, except that at Ephesus and that at Didymi. a Cimmerian tribe, who for a long period made successful inroads. Subsequently Ephesians got possession of the place.The incursions of the Treres, with Cimmerians, into Asia and Europe -followed after the Trojan war. The text is here corrupt. The translation follows the amendments proposed partly by Coraÿ, and partly by +followed after the Trojan war. The text is here corrupt. The translation follows the amendments proposed partly by Coraÿ, and partly by Kramer, to\ d) e(ch=s )Efesi/ou. @@ -72874,7 +72874,7 @@ whence we may conjecture that Archilochus was posterior to Callinus. Yet Callinus mentions some other earlier inroad of -the Cimmerians, when he says— +the Cimmerians, when he says— and now the army of the daring Cimmerians is advancing, @@ -72899,7 +72899,7 @@ theatre. We are not informed of the detail of these innovations, but from what we are able to judge by comparing Strabo with what is found in -Athenæus, (b. xiv. §14, p. 990, of Bohn's Classical Library,) Simodia +Athenæus, (b. xiv. §14, p. 990, of Bohn's Classical Library,) Simodia was designated by the name of Hilarodia, (joyous song,) and obtained the @@ -72907,15 +72907,15 @@ name Simodia from one Simus, or Simon, who excelled in the art. The Lysiodi and Magodi, or Lysodia and Magodia, were the same thing, according to some writers. Under these systems decency appears to have -been laid aside. Cleomachus the pugilist, who was enamoured of a certain cinædus, and a female servant, who was maintained by +been laid aside. Cleomachus the pugilist, who was enamoured of a certain cinædus, and a female servant, who was maintained by -the cinædus, imitated the sort of dialect and the manners of +the cinædus, imitated the sort of dialect and the manners of -the cinædi. Sotades was the first person that employed the +the cinædi. Sotades was the first person that employed the -language of the cinædi, and he was followed by Alexander +language of the cinædi, and he was followed by Alexander -the Ætolian; but these were only prose writers. Lysis added +the Ætolian; but these were only prose writers. Lysis added verse, but this had been done before his time by Simus.

The theatres had raised the reputation of Anaxenor, the @@ -72963,15 +72963,15 @@ and reject the usage, as not founded on any natural reason.

After Magnesia is the road to Tralles;Aidin-Gusel-Hissar. travellers have -on the left hand Mesogis,The chain of mountains between the Caÿster and the Mæander, the +on the left hand Mesogis,The chain of mountains between the Caÿster and the Mæander, the different eminences of which bear the names of Samsun-dagh, Gumusch-dagh, Dsehuma-dagh, &c. and on the right hand, and from -the road itself, the plain of the Mæander, which is occupied in +the road itself, the plain of the Mæander, which is occupied in common by Lydians, Carians, Ionians, Milesians, Mysians, -and the Æolians of Magnesia. +and the Æolians of Magnesia.

The character of the sites of places is the same even as far as NysaSultan-Hissar. and Antioch. @@ -72993,7 +72993,7 @@ of Pompey who were fortunate. His wealth was kingly, and consisted of more than two thousand talents, which he -redeemed when it was confiscated by divus Cæsar, on account +redeemed when it was confiscated by divus Cæsar, on account of his attachment to Pompey, and left it undiminished to @@ -73001,9 +73001,9 @@ his children. Pythodoris, who is at present queen in Pontus, and whom we have mentioned before. is his daughter. Pythodorus flourished in our times, and also Menodorus, an eloquent man, and a person of dignified and grave demeanour; -he was priest of Jupiter Larisæus. He was circumvented by +he was priest of Jupiter Larisæus. He was circumvented by -the adherents of Domitius Ænobarbus, who, on the credit of +the adherents of Domitius Ænobarbus, who, on the credit of @@ -73048,7 +73048,7 @@ south below the city lies the plain, as at Tralles.

On the road between Tralles and Nysa is a village of -the Nysæans, not far from the city Acharaca, in which is the +the Nysæans, not far from the city Acharaca, in which is the Plutonium, to which is attached a large grove, a temple of @@ -73100,7 +73100,7 @@ distance falls down and expires.

Thirty stadia from Nysa, as you cross the Mesogis to-words the southern parts of Mount Tmolus,Groskurd's emendation of this corrupt passage is adopted, u(peo|ba=sith\n Meswgi/da e)pi\ ta\ po|o\s to\n no/ton me/o|h Tmw/lou tou= o)/rous. is a place called -Leimon, or the Meadow, to which the Nysæans and all the +Leimon, or the Meadow, to which the Nysæans and all the people around repair when they celebrate a festival. Not @@ -73112,23 +73112,23 @@ words, On the Asian mead,Il. ii. 461. -and they show a temple dedicated to two heroes, Caÿstrius +and they show a temple dedicated to two heroes, Caÿstrius -and Asius, and the Caÿster flowing near it. +and Asius, and the Caÿster flowing near it.

Historians relate that three brothers, Athymbrus, -Athymbradus, and Hydrelus, coming hither from Lacedæmon, founded (three?) cities, to which they gave their +Athymbradus, and Hydrelus, coming hither from Lacedæmon, founded (three?) cities, to which they gave their own names; that the population of these towns afterwards declined, but that out of these jointly Nysa was peopled. The -Nysæans at present regard Athymbrus as their founder. +Nysæans at present regard Athymbrus as their founder.

-

Beyond the Mæander and in the neighbourhood are +

Beyond the Mæander and in the neighbourhood are considerable settlements, CosciniaArpas-Kalessi. and Orthosia, and on this @@ -73141,13 +73141,13 @@ pronunciation. From this latter place is obtained the Aromeus, the best Mesogiti

Among illustrious natives of Nysa were Apollonius the -Stoic philosopher, the most eminent of the disciples of Panætius, and of Menecrates, the disciple of Aristarchus; Aristodemus, the son of Menecrates, whom, when I was a very +Stoic philosopher, the most eminent of the disciples of Panætius, and of Menecrates, the disciple of Aristarchus; Aristodemus, the son of Menecrates, whom, when I was a very young man, I heard lecturing on philosophy, in extreme old -1 Groskurd reads toiou/twn, for tossou/twn in the text. Coraÿ proposes +1 Groskurd reads toiou/twn, for tossou/twn in the text. Coraÿ proposes nosou/ntwn. @@ -73176,7 +73176,7 @@ a school of grammar. CHAPTER II. -

THE places beyond the Mæander, which remain to be +

THE places beyond the Mæander, which remain to be described, belong to the Carians. The Carians here are not @@ -73191,7 +73191,7 @@ at Poseidium,Cape Arbora. belonging to the Milesians are the extremities of Taurus, which extend as far as the -Mæander. For the mountains situated above the Chelidonian islands,Schelidan Adassi islands, opposite Cape Chelidonia. as they are called, which lie in front of the +Mæander. For the mountains situated above the Chelidonian islands,Schelidan Adassi islands, opposite Cape Chelidonia. as they are called, which lie in front of the confines of Pamphylia and Lycia, are, it is said, the beginning of the Taurus; for the Taurus has there some elevation, @@ -73223,13 +73223,13 @@ not presenting anything like a separation-wall. of the bays, is 4900 stadia, and that along the country opposite to Rhodus 1500 stadia.

-

The beginning of this tract is Dædala,Near Gudschek, at the bottom of the Gulf of Glaucus, now Makri. a stronghold; +

The beginning of this tract is Dædala,Near Gudschek, at the bottom of the Gulf of Glaucus, now Makri. a stronghold; -and ends at the mountain Phœnix,The Phoenix (Phinti?) rises above the Gulf of Saradeh. as it is called, both of +and ends at the mountain Phœnix,The Phoenix (Phinti?) rises above the Gulf of Saradeh. as it is called, both of which belong to the Rhodian territory. In front, at the distance of 120 stadia from Rhodes, lies Eleussa.Alessa, or, according to others, Barbanicolo. In sailing from -Dædala towards the west in a straight line along Cilicia, +Dædala towards the west in a straight line along Cilicia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, in the midway is a bay called Glaucus, @@ -73279,7 +73279,7 @@ that they came from Crete, and retained their own laws and customs.The Caunians were aborigines of Caria, although they affected to come -from Crete.—Herod. i. 72. +from Crete.—Herod. i. 72. @@ -73340,7 +73340,7 @@ wonders of the world.Chares flourished at the beginning of in making it 105 English feet. It was twelve years in erecting, (B. C. 292 -—280,) and it cost 300 talents. There is no authority for the statement +—280,) and it cost 300 talents. There is no authority for the statement that its legs extended over the mouth of the harbour. It was overthrown @@ -73352,11 +73352,11 @@ the Caliph Othman IV., to a Jew of Emessa, who carried them away on 900 camels, A. D. 672. Hence Scaliger calculated the weight of the bronze -at 700,000 pounds.—Smith's Diet. of Biog. and Mythology. There were also the pictures by +at 700,000 pounds.—Smith's Diet. of Biog. and Mythology. There were also the pictures by Protogenes,Protogenes occupied seven years in painting the Jalysus, which was afterwards transferred to the Temple of Peace at Rome. The Satyr was -represented playing on a flute, and was entitled, The Satyr Reposing.— +represented playing on a flute, and was entitled, The Satyr Reposing.— Plutarch, Demetr.; Pliny, xxxv. 10. the Ialysus, and the Satyr, who was represented @@ -73415,7 +73415,7 @@ founded Megara after the death of Codrus, remained there; others associated themselves with the colony which went to -Crete under the conduct of Althæmenes the Argive; the +Crete under the conduct of Althæmenes the Argive; the rest were distributed at Rhodus, and among the cities just @@ -73430,48 +73430,48 @@ mentioned. lated by Homer. For Cnidus and Halicarnasus were not -then in existence. Rhodes and Cos existed, but were inhabited by Heracleidæ. Tlepolemus, when he attained manhood, +then in existence. Rhodes and Cos existed, but were inhabited by Heracleidæ. Tlepolemus, when he attained manhood, slew the maternal uncle of his father, the aged Licymnius. He immediately built ships, and, collecting a large body of people, fled away with them:Il. ii. 662. -and adds afterwards— +and adds afterwards— after many sufferings on the voyage, he came to Rhodes; they settled there according to their tribes, in three bodies: -and mentions by name the cities then existingIl. ii. 656.— +and mentions by name the cities then existingIl. ii. 656.Lindus, Ialysus, and the white Cameirus, the city of the Rhodians not being yet founded.

Homer does not here mention Dorians by name, but means -Æolians and Bœotians, since Hercules and Licymnius lived in +Æolians and Bœotians, since Hercules and Licymnius lived in -Bœotia. If however, as others relate, Tlepolemus set out from +Bœotia. If however, as others relate, Tlepolemus set out from Argos and Tiryns, even so the colony would not be Dorian, -for it was settled before the return of the Heracleidæ. -

And of the Coans also Homer says— +for it was settled before the return of the Heracleidæ. +

And of the Coans also Homer says— their leaders were Pheidippus and Antiphus, two sons of Thessalus the King, an Heracleid;Il. ii. 678. -and these names designate rather an Æolian than a Dorian +and these names designate rather an Æolian than a Dorian origin.

Rhodes was formerly called Ophiussa and Stadia, then -Telchinis, from the Telchines, who inhabited the island.Formerly, says Pliny, it was called Ophiussa, Asteria, Æthræa, Trinacria, Corymbia, Pœeessa, Atabyria, from a king of that name; then +Telchinis, from the Telchines, who inhabited the island.Formerly, says Pliny, it was called Ophiussa, Asteria, Æthræa, Trinacria, Corymbia, Pœeessa, Atabyria, from a king of that name; then -Macaria and Oloëssa. B. v. 31. To these names may be added Lindus +Macaria and Oloëssa. B. v. 31. To these names may be added Lindus and Pelagia. Meineke, however, suspects the name Stadia in this passage @@ -73502,7 +73502,7 @@ which are related of them induces me to resume their history, and to supply what may have been omitted.

-

After the Telchines, the HeliadæThat is, Children of the Sun. They were seven in number, Cercaphus, Actis, Macareus, Tenages, Triopes, Phaethon, and Ochimus, +

After the Telchines, the HeliadæThat is, Children of the Sun. They were seven in number, Cercaphus, Actis, Macareus, Tenages, Triopes, Phaethon, and Ochimus, born of the Sun and of a nymph, or, according to others, of a heroine @@ -73510,22 +73510,22 @@ named Rhodus. were said, according to fabulous accounts, to have occupied the island. One of -these Heliadæ, Cercaphus, and his wife Cydippe had children, +these Heliadæ, Cercaphus, and his wife Cydippe had children, -who founded the cities called after their names— +who founded the cities called after their names— Lindus, Ialysus, and the white Cameirus.Il. ii. 656. Others say, that Tlepolemus founded them, and gave to them -the names of some of the daughters of Danaüs. +the names of some of the daughters of Danaüs.

The present city was built during the Peloponnesian -war, by the same architect,Hippodamus of Miletus. it is said, who built the Piræus. +war, by the same architect,Hippodamus of Miletus. it is said, who built the Piræus. -The Piræus, however, does not continue to exist, having formerly sustained injuries from the Lacedæmonians, who threw +The Piræus, however, does not continue to exist, having formerly sustained injuries from the Lacedæmonians, who threw down the walls, and then from Sylla, the Roman general. @@ -73540,15 +73540,15 @@ as far as Spain, and there founded Rhodus, which the people of Marseilles afterwards occupied; they founded ParthenopeNaples. -among the Opici, and Elpiæ in Daunia, with the assistance of +among the Opici, and Elpiæ in Daunia, with the assistance of Coans. Some authors relate, that after their return from Troy -they colonized the Gymnasian islands. According to Timæus, +they colonized the Gymnasian islands. According to Timæus, the greater of these islands is the largest known,Majorca. next the -seven following, Sardinia, Sicily, Cyprus, Crete, Eubœa,Negropont. +seven following, Sardinia, Sicily, Cyprus, Crete, Eubœa,Negropont. Corsica, and Lesbos; but this is a mistake, for these others @@ -73560,7 +73560,7 @@ the Rhodians, as it was also among the Cretans. The use of the sling tends to prove the Rhodian origin of the inhabitants of the Balearic -islands. The Athenian expedition to Sicily (Thucyd. vi. 43) was accompanied by 700 slingers from Rhodes.) are called by the Phœnicians balearides, and that +islands. The Athenian expedition to Sicily (Thucyd. vi. 43) was accompanied by 700 slingers from Rhodes.) are called by the Phœnicians balearides, and that from hence the Gymnasian islands were called Balearides.

Some of the Rhodians settled in the neighbourhood of @@ -73625,16 +73625,16 @@ of the Rhodians. Between these is the Thoantium, a sort of beach, immediately in front of which are situated the Sporades -islands lying about Chalcis, which we have mentioned before.B. x. c. v. §14. +islands lying about Chalcis, which we have mentioned before.B. x. c. v. §14.

There have been many remarkable persons, natives of Rhodes, both generals and athlete, among whom were the -ancestors of Panætius the philosopher. Among statesmen, +ancestors of Panætius the philosopher. Among statesmen, -orators, and philosophers, were Panætius, Stratocles, Andronicus the Peripatetic, Leonides the Stoic, and long before the +orators, and philosophers, were Panætius, Stratocles, Andronicus the Peripatetic, Leonides the Stoic, and long before the time of these persons, Praxiphanes, Hieronymus, and Eudemus. Poseidonius was concerned in the administration of the @@ -73664,13 +73664,13 @@ Alexandreia, were called Rhodians.

There is a bend of the Carian coast opposite to Rhodes, -immediately after EleusCalled before, Eleussa, c. ii. §2. and Loryma, towards the north, and +immediately after EleusCalled before, Eleussa, c. ii. §2. and Loryma, towards the north, and then the ship's course is in a straight line to the Propontis,The Sea of Marmora. and forms as it were a meridian line of about 500 stadia in -length, or somewhat less. Along this line are situated the remainder of Caria, Ionians, Æolians, Troy, and the parts +length, or somewhat less. Along this line are situated the remainder of Caria, Ionians, Æolians, Troy, and the parts about Cyzicus and Byzantium. Next to Loryma is tile Cynossema, or dogs' monument,Capo Volpe, or Alepo Kavo, meaning the same thing. and the island Syme.Isle of Symi. @@ -73686,7 +73686,7 @@ theatre, and is united by a mole to the continent, and almost makes Cnidus a double city, for a great part of the inhabitants occupy the island, which shelters both harbours. Opposite to it, far out at sea, is Nisyrus.Indschirli, or Nisari.

Illustrious natives of Cnidus were, first, Eudoxus the mathematician, a disciple of Plato's; Agatharchides, the Peripatetic -philosopher and historian; Theopompus, one of the most powerful of the friends of divus Cæsar, and his son Artemidorus. +philosopher and historian; Theopompus, one of the most powerful of the friends of divus Cæsar, and his son Artemidorus. Ctesias also, the physician of Artaxerxes, was a native of this @@ -73700,13 +73700,13 @@ overlooking the sea. the royal seat of the dynasts of Caria. Here is the sepulchre -of Mausolus, one of the seven wonders of the world;The word e)/o|gon, a work, suggests that there is some omission in the text. Coraÿ supposes that the name of the architect or architects is +of Mausolus, one of the seven wonders of the world;The word e)/o|gon, a work, suggests that there is some omission in the text. Coraÿ supposes that the name of the architect or architects is wanting. Groskurd would supply the words Sko/pa kai\ a)/llwn texnitw=n, the work of Scopas and other artificers. See Pliny, N. H. xxxvi., and -Vitruvius Præf. b. vii. +Vitruvius Præf. b. vii. @@ -73727,7 +73727,7 @@ causes of luxury, but riches and intemperance. Arconnesus.Coronata. It had, among others, as its founders, Anthes -and a body of Trœzenians.Mela says, of Argives. B. i. c. xvi. § 19. +and a body of Trœzenians.Mela says, of Argives. B. i. c. xvi. § 19.

Among the natives of Halicarnasus were Herodotus the historian, who was afterwards called Thurius, because he was @@ -73767,13 +73767,13 @@ death of Pixodarus, the satrap became master of Halicarnasus. But upon the arrival of Alexander, he sustained a siege. His -wife was Ada, daughter of Pixodarus, and Aphneïs, a woman +wife was Ada, daughter of Pixodarus, and Aphneïs, a woman of Cappadocia. But Ada, the daughter of Hecatomnus, whom Pixodarus ejected, entreated Alexander, and endeavoured to -prevail upon him to reïnstate her in the kingdom of which +prevail upon him to reïnstate her in the kingdom of which she had been deprived; she promised (in return) her assistance in reducing to obedience the parts of the country which @@ -73807,7 +73807,7 @@ opposite to which lies Scandaria, a promontory of Cos, distant 40 stadia from the continent. There is also above the promontory a fortress, Termerum.

-

The city of the Coans was formerly called Astypalæa, +

The city of the Coans was formerly called Astypalæa, and was built in another place, but is at present on the sea-coast. Afterwards, on account of a sedition, they migrated @@ -73837,7 +73837,7 @@ which is the Antigonus of Apelles. It formerly contained the Venus Anadyomene, (Venus emerging from the sea,) but -that is now at Rome, dedicated to divus Cæsar by Augustus, +that is now at Rome, dedicated to divus Cæsar by Augustus, who consecrated to his father the picture of her who was the @@ -73867,7 +73867,7 @@ Ariston the Peripatetic philosopher; and Theomnestus, a minstrel of name, who wa

On the coast of the continent opposite to the Myndian -territory is Astypalæa a promontory, and Zephyrium. The city +territory is Astypalæa a promontory, and Zephyrium. The city Myndus follows immediately after, which has a harbour; then @@ -73906,9 +73906,9 @@ said, Friend, I am much obliged to you for the honour yo have done me, and I admire your love of music, for all the -others have left me at the sound of the bell.What say you, +others have left me at the sound of the bell.What say you, -has the bell rung?Yes, he replied?Good bye to +has the bell rung?Yes, he replied?Good bye to you, said the man, and away he also went.

Diodorus the Dialectician was a native of this place. He @@ -74102,11 +74102,11 @@ their common interests. They call this meeting tile Chrysa- -oreōn, which is composed of villages. Those who represent +oreōn, which is composed of villages. Those who represent the greatest number of villages have the precedency in voting, -like the Ceramiētæ. The Stratoniceians, although they are +like the Ceramiētæ. The Stratoniceians, although they are not of Carian race, have a place in this assembly, because @@ -74164,7 +74164,7 @@ alleged. Anacreon says, Come, grasp the well-made Caric handles; -and Alcæus— +and Alcæus— Shaking a Carian crest. @@ -74193,7 +74193,7 @@ distinguished by this name: A man whose fame has spread through Greece and Argos;Od. i. 344. -and in another place— +and in another place— But if you wish to go through Hellas and the middle of Argos.Il. xv. 80. @@ -74222,9 +74222,9 @@ nominative case (ba/o|bao|oi) does not differ fr Trojans, Lycians, and Dardani; -and of the same kind is the word TroïiIl. v. 222. in this verse, +and of the same kind is the word TroïiIl. v. 222. in this verse, -Like the Troïi horses (To|w/ioi i(/ppoi). +Like the Troïi horses (To|w/ioi i(/ppoi).

Nor is the reason to be found in the alleged excessive harshness of the Carian language, for it is not extremely harsh; and besides, according to Philippus, the author of a history of @@ -74318,7 +74318,7 @@ speaking and barbarous speakers, of persons whos barbarize was formed after the word to Carize, and transferred into the books which teach the Greek language; thus -also the word to solœcize was formed, derived either from +also the word to solœcize was formed, derived either from Soli or some other source. @@ -74327,17 +74327,17 @@ Soli or some other source. the coast opposite to Rhodes, towards Ephesus, as far as Lagina is 850 stadia; thence to Alabanda 250 stadia; to Tralles -160. About halfway on the road to Tralles the Mæander is +160. About halfway on the road to Tralles the Mæander is crossed, and here are the boundaries of Caria. The whole -number of stadia from Physcus to the Mæander, along the +number of stadia from Physcus to the Mæander, along the road to Ephesus, is 1180 stadia. Again, along the same road, -from the Mæander of Ionia to Tralles 80 stadia, to Magnesia +from the Mæander of Ionia to Tralles 80 stadia, to Magnesia -140 stadia, to Ephesus 120, to Smyrna 320, to Phocæa and the +140 stadia, to Ephesus 120, to Smyrna 320, to Phocæa and the boundaries of Ionia, less than 200 stadia; so that the length of @@ -74352,13 +74352,13 @@ Tralles, Nysa, Antioch, is a journey of 740 stadia. From Carura, the first town in Phrygia, through Laodiceia, Apameia, -Metropolis, and Chelidoniæ,Chelidoniæ, in this passage, is probably an error. Groskurd adopts the +Metropolis, and Chelidoniæ,Chelidoniæ, in this passage, is probably an error. Groskurd adopts the name Philomelium. to Holmi, the beginning of the Paroreius, a country lying at the foot of the mountains, about -920 stadia; to Tyriæum,Ilgun. the termination towards Lycaonia +920 stadia; to Tyriæum,Ilgun. the termination towards Lycaonia of the Paroreius,At the base of Sultan-dagh. through PhilomeliumAk-Schehr. is little more than @@ -74372,13 +74372,13 @@ Laodiceia in the Catacecaumene, 840 stadia; from Coropassus -in Lycaonia to Garsaüra,Ak-Sera. a small city of Cappadocia, situated +in Lycaonia to Garsaüra,Ak-Sera. a small city of Cappadocia, situated on its borders, 120 stadia; thence to Mazaca,Kaiserieh. the metropolis of the Cappadocians, through Soandus and Sadacora, 680 -stadia; thence to the Euphrates, as far as Tomisa, a stronghold in Sophene, through Herphæ,Called Herpa, b. xii. ch. ii. § 6, pages 281, 283. a small town, 1440 stadia. +stadia; thence to the Euphrates, as far as Tomisa, a stronghold in Sophene, through Herphæ,Called Herpa, b. xii. ch. ii. § 6, pages 281, 283. a small town, 1440 stadia.

The places in a straight line with these, as far as India, are described in the same manner by Artemidorus and Eratosthenes. Polybius says, that with respect to those places we @@ -74398,7 +74398,7 @@ says is a distance of 450 stadia. CHAPTER III. -

AFTER the part of the coast oppositeMeta\ th\n (Podi/wn Peo|ai/an, or, After the Peræa of Rhodes. Peræa +

AFTER the part of the coast oppositeMeta\ th\n (Podi/wn Peo|ai/an, or, After the Peræa of Rhodes. Peræa was the name of the coast of Caria opposite to Rhodes, which for several @@ -74408,23 +74408,23 @@ Scylax, the Rhodians possessed only the peninsula immediately in face of their island. As a reward for their assistance in the Antiochian war, the -Romans gave them a part of Lycia, and all Caria as far as the Mæander. +Romans gave them a part of Lycia, and all Caria as far as the Mæander. By having adopted a less prudent policy in the second Macedonic war, -they lost it all, including Caunus, the chief town of Peræa. It was not +they lost it all, including Caunus, the chief town of Peræa. It was not long, however, before it was restored to them, together with the small -islands near Rhodes; and from this time Peræa retained the limits which +islands near Rhodes; and from this time Peræa retained the limits which Strabo has described, namely, Dedala on the east and Mount Loryma on the west, both included Vespasian finally reduced Rhodes itself into -the provincial form, and joined it to Caria.—Leake. to Rhodes, the +the provincial form, and joined it to Caria.—Leake. to Rhodes, the -boundary of which is Dædala, in sailing thence towards the +boundary of which is Dædala, in sailing thence towards the east, we come to Lycia, which extends to Pamphylia; next is @@ -74477,7 +74477,7 @@ of Pamphylia and Cilicia Tracheia. But the former used the places of shelter for vessels for piratical purposes themselves, or afforded to pirates a market for their plunder and stations for their vessels. -

At Side,Eski Adalia, Old Attaleia; but the Greeks gave the name palaia\ Attaleia, Old Astaleia, to Perge.—Leake. a city of Pamphylia, the Cilicians had places for +

At Side,Eski Adalia, Old Attaleia; but the Greeks gave the name palaia\ Attaleia, Old Astaleia, to Perge.—Leake. a city of Pamphylia, the Cilicians had places for building ships. They sold their prisoners, whom they admitted were freemen, by notice through the public crier.

But the Lycians continued to live as good citizens, and with @@ -74531,7 +74531,7 @@ parliament. The taxes and public charges imposed on the several towns were in proportion to the number of representatives sent from each city. -—Gillies, vol. ii. p. 64, &c. +—Gillies, vol. ii. p. 64, &c. It was the fortune of these people, who lived under such an @@ -74553,7 +74553,7 @@ whom they call Phrygians, and give the name of Lycians to Carians.

-

After Dædala is a Lycian mountain, and near it is Telmessus,Makri. a small town of the Lycians, and Telmessis, a promontory with a harbour. Eumenes took this place from the Romans in the war with Antiochus, but after the dissolution of +

After Dædala is a Lycian mountain, and near it is Telmessus,Makri. a small town of the Lycians, and Telmessis, a promontory with a harbour. Eumenes took this place from the Romans in the war with Antiochus, but after the dissolution of the kingdom of Pergamus, the Lycians recovered it again. @@ -74566,7 +74566,7 @@ Mount Cragus, with eight peaks,Efta Kavi, the Seven Capes.< name. The neighbourhood of these mountains is the scene -of the fable of the Chimæra; and at no great distance is +of the fable of the Chimæra; and at no great distance is Chimera, a sort of ravine, extending upwards from the shore. @@ -74614,11 +74614,11 @@ the coast above mentioned are many small islands and harbours. The most consider which is a city of the same name.The passage in the original, in which all manuscripts agree, and which -is the subject of much doubt, is— +is the subject of much doubt, is— w(=n kai\ megi/sth nh=sos kai\ pai\ po/lis o(mw/numos, h( Kisqh/nh. -Groskurd would read kai\ before h(, and translates,—Among others is +Groskurd would read kai\ before h(, and translates,—Among others is Megiste an island, and a city of the same name, and Cisthene. @@ -74636,12 +74636,12 @@ therefore, that this island was anciently known by both names, (Megiste and Cisthene,) but in later times perhaps chiefly by that of Megiste.

In the interior are the -strongholds Phellus, Antiphellus, and Chimæra, which I +strongholds Phellus, Antiphellus, and Chimæra, which I mentioned above.

-

Then follow the Sacred PromontoryCape Chelidonia. and the Chelidoniæ, +

Then follow the Sacred PromontoryCape Chelidonia. and the Chelidoniæ, three rocky islands, equal in size, and distant from each other @@ -74666,18 +74666,18 @@ in tact the mountainous chain is continued from the country opposite Rhodes to the parts near Pisidia, and this range of mountains is called Taurus. -

The Chelidoniæ islands seem to be situated in a manner +

The Chelidoniæ islands seem to be situated in a manner opposite to Canopus,Aboukir, nearly under the same meridian. and the passage across is said to be 4000 stadia.

From the Sacred Promontory to OlbiaTschariklar. there remain 367 -stadia. In this distance are Crambusa,Garabusa. and OlympusTschiraly. Deliktasch.—Leake. a +stadia. In this distance are Crambusa,Garabusa. and OlympusTschiraly. Deliktasch.—Leake. a large city, and a mountain of the same name, which is called -also Phœnicus;Ianartasch. then follows Corycus, a tract of sea-coast. +also Phœnicus;Ianartasch. then follows Corycus, a tract of sea-coast.

Then follows Phaselis,Tirikowa. a considerable city, with three @@ -74729,7 +74729,7 @@ this second adventure; -other writers say that the Lycians were formerly called Solymi, and afterwards Termilæ, from the colonists that accompanied Sarpedon from Crete; and afterwards Lycians, from +other writers say that the Lycians were formerly called Solymi, and afterwards Termilæ, from the colonists that accompanied Sarpedon from Crete; and afterwards Lycians, from Lycus the son of Pandion, who, after having been banished @@ -74739,7 +74739,7 @@ in the government; but their story does not agree with Homer. We prefer the opinion of those who say that the poet called -the people Solymi who have now the name of Milyæ, and +the people Solymi who have now the name of Milyæ, and whom we have mentioned before. @@ -74777,7 +74777,7 @@ into Pamphylia. stadia we find the city Perge,Murtana. and near it upon an elevated -place, the temple of the Pergæan Artemis, where a general +place, the temple of the Pergæan Artemis, where a general festival is celebrated every year.

Then at the distance of about 40 stadia from the sea is @@ -74796,11 +74796,11 @@ it is Petnelissus;Kislidscha-koi. then another river -lying in front; then Side, a colony of the Cymæans, where +lying in front; then Side, a colony of the Cymæans, where there is a temple of Minerva. Near it is the coast of the Little -Cibyratæ; then the river Melas,Menavgat-su. and an anchorage for vessels; +Cibyratæ; then the river Melas,Menavgat-su. and an anchorage for vessels; then PtolemaisAlara. a city; next the borders of Pamphylia, and @@ -74819,7 +74819,7 @@ them settled here, others were dispersed over different countries. Callinus says some of the people who, together with Mopsus, crossed the -Taurus, remained in Pamphylia, and that others were scattered in Cilicia and Syria, and as far even as Phœnicia. +Taurus, remained in Pamphylia, and that others were scattered in Cilicia and Syria, and as far even as Phœnicia.

@@ -74839,7 +74839,7 @@ side, about Isaura and the Homonadeis as far as Pisidia. This tract has the name of Tracheiotis, and the inhabitants -that of Tracheiotæ. The flat or plain country extends from +that of Tracheiotæ. The flat or plain country extends from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus, and the parts above, where @@ -74850,7 +74850,7 @@ Taurus. This tract consists chiefly of fertile plains. shall now describe those without the Taurus, beginning with -the Tracheiotæ. +the Tracheiotæ.

The first place is Coracesium,Alaja. a fortress of the Cilicians, @@ -74893,7 +74893,7 @@ receiving and transporting, when sold, the same day, ten thousand slaves; so that hence arose a proverbial saying, -Merchant, come into port, discharge your freight—everything is sold. +Merchant, come into port, discharge your freight—everything is sold. The Romans, having acquired wealth after the destruction of @@ -74915,7 +74915,7 @@ afforded the latter no protection. The pirates, therefore, under the pretence of trading in slaves, continued without intermission their invasions and robbery.

The Romans paid little attention to the places situated -without the Taurus; they sent, however, Scipio Æmilianus. +without the Taurus; they sent, however, Scipio Æmilianus. and afterwards some others, to examine the people and the @@ -74957,7 +74957,7 @@ objects. here borders on the coast. But Syedra is Tzschucke's emendation of -Arsinoë in the text. then Hamaxia,Not mentioned by any other author. a small town upon a hill, with a harbour, to which is +Arsinoë in the text. then Hamaxia,Not mentioned by any other author. a small town upon a hill, with a harbour, to which is brought down timber for ship-building; the greatest part of @@ -74983,7 +74983,7 @@ next AnemuriumInamur. a promontory, where the contin it as far as SoliMesetlii. is about 500 stadia (1500?). On this coast, -after Anemurium, the first city is Nagidus, then Arsinoë,Softa-Kalessi. with +after Anemurium, the first city is Nagidus, then Arsinoë,Softa-Kalessi. with a small port; then a place called Melania,Mandane? and CelenderisKilandria, or Gulnar. a @@ -75010,7 +75010,7 @@ stadia, and to the river OrontesNahr-el-Asy. 1260 -stadia.B. xvi. c. ii. § 33. +stadia.B. xvi. c. ii. § 33.

Next is Holmi,Selefke. formerly inhabited by the present Seleucians; but when Seleucia on the Calycadnus was built, they @@ -75026,7 +75026,7 @@ a city well peopled, and the manners of whose inhabitants are very different from those of the people of Cilicia and Pamphylia. -

In our time there flourished at that place remarkable persons of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenæus and +

In our time there flourished at that place remarkable persons of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenæus and Xenarchus. The former was engaged in the administration @@ -75038,13 +75038,13 @@ friendship with Murena, with whom he fled, and with whom he was captured, on the discovery of the conspiracy against -Augustus Cæsar; but he established his innocence, and was +Augustus Cæsar; but he established his innocence, and was -set at liberty by Cæsar. When he returned from Rome, he +set at liberty by Cæsar. When he returned from Rome, he addressed the first persons who saluted him, and made their -inquiries, in the words of Euripides— +inquiries, in the words of Euripides— I come from the coverts of the dead, and the gates of darkness.Eurip. Hec. 1 @@ -75055,7 +75055,7 @@ fall, during the night, of the house in which he lived. remain at home, but taught philosophy at Alexandreia, Athens, -and Rome. He enjoyed the friendship of Areius, and afterwards of Augustus Cæsar; he lived to old age, honoured and +and Rome. He enjoyed the friendship of Areius, and afterwards of Augustus Cæsar; he lived to old age, honoured and respected. Shortly before his death he lost his sight, and @@ -75068,7 +75068,7 @@ died a natural death.

-

After the Calycadnus, is the rock called Pœcile,Its distance (40 stadia) from the Calycadnus, if correct, will place it +

After the Calycadnus, is the rock called Pœcile,Its distance (40 stadia) from the Calycadnus, if correct, will place it about Pershendi, at the north-eastern angle of the sandy plain of the @@ -75101,7 +75101,7 @@ in the ground, and continues its subterraneous course till it discharges itself bitter water is given to it.

-

After Corycus, is the island Elæussa,A sandy plain now connects Elæussa with the coast.—Leake. lying very near +

After Corycus, is the island Elæussa,A sandy plain now connects Elæussa with the coast.—Leake. lying very near the continent. Here Archelaus resided, and built a palace, @@ -75131,7 +75131,7 @@ be on the spot, nor attended by an army. In this manner Archelaus obtained possession of Cilicia Tracheia, in addition -to Cappadocia. Its boundaries between Soli and Elæussa +to Cappadocia. Its boundaries between Soli and Elæussa are the river Lamus,Lamas-su, of which Lamuzo-soui is an Italian corruption. and a village of the same name.Lamas. @@ -75161,7 +75161,7 @@ in Pamphylia, all of which were taken by (Servilius) Isauricus. other Cilicia, that about Issus, commences. It was founded -by Achæans, and by Rhodians from Lindus. Pompey the +by Achæans, and by Rhodians from Lindus. Pompey the Great transferred to this city, which had a scanty population, @@ -75172,7 +75172,7 @@ to protection and clemency, and changed its name to Pompeiopolis. of Tarsus, who left it to live at Soli; Philemon the comic -poet; and Aratus, who composed a poem called the Phænomena, were among the illustrious natives of this place. +poet; and Aratus, who composed a poem called the Phænomena, were among the illustrious natives of this place.

Next follows Zephyrium,Cape Zafra. of the same name as that near @@ -75191,8 +75191,8 @@ THE SON OF ANACYNDARAXES, BUILT ANCHIALE AND TARSUS IN ONE DAY. EAT, DRINK, BE M IS NOT WORTHWhat better inscription, said Aristotle, could you have for the tomb, -not of a king, but of an ox? Cicero, Tusc. Quæs. iii. 35. THAT—the snapping of the fingers. -

Chœrilus mentions this inscription, and the following lines +not of a king, but of an ox? Cicero, Tusc. Quæs. iii. 35. THAT—the snapping of the fingers. +

Chœrilus mentions this inscription, and the following lines are everywhere known: @@ -75255,7 +75255,7 @@ the western to the eastern point of the equinoctial. It then turns towards the winter solstice, as far as Issus, and thence -immediately makes a bend to the south to Phœnicia. The +immediately makes a bend to the south to Phœnicia. The remainder towards the west terminates at the pillars (of Hercules).Strabo means to say, that the coast, from the part opposite Rhodes, @@ -75370,13 +75370,13 @@ Athenodori, one of whom, Cordylion, lived with Marcus Cato, and died at his house; the other, the son of Sandon, called -Cananites, from some village, was the preceptor of Cæsar,Augustus. who +Cananites, from some village, was the preceptor of Cæsar,Augustus. who conferred on him great honours. In his old age he returned to his native country, where he dissolved the form of government existing there, which was unjustly administered by -various persons, and among them by Boëthus, a bad poet and +various persons, and among them by Boëthus, a bad poet and a bad citizen, who had acquired great power by courting the @@ -75390,7 +75390,7 @@ discoursing at great length, and without preparation, upon any given subject. Antony also had promised the people of -Tarsus to establish a gymnasium; he appointed Boëthus chief +Tarsus to establish a gymnasium; he appointed Boëthus chief director of it, and intrusted to him the expenditure of the @@ -75421,9 +75421,9 @@ Antony by courteous offices, and continued to plunder the city until the death of his protector.

Athenodorus found the city in this state, and for some time -attempted to control Boëthus and his accomplices by argument; but finding that they continued to commit all kinds of +attempted to control Boëthus and his accomplices by argument; but finding that they continued to commit all kinds of -injustice, he exerted the power given to him by Cæsar, condemned them to banishment, and expelled them. They had +injustice, he exerted the power given to him by Cæsar, condemned them to banishment, and expelled them. They had previously caused to be written upon the walls, Action for @@ -75454,7 +75454,7 @@ habit of body, from many circumstances, but particularly from its discharges.

These men were Stoics, but Nestor, of our time, the tutor -of Marcellus, son of Octavia, the sister of Cæsar, was of the +of Marcellus, son of Octavia, the sister of Cæsar, was of the Academic sect. He was also at the head of the government, having succeeded Athenodorus, and continued to be @@ -75526,7 +75526,7 @@ Mopsus in single combat. Both were killed, but their sepulchres are not in sight present at Magarsa, near the Pyramus.

Crates the grammarian was a native of this place, and -Panætius is said to have been his disciple. +Panætius is said to have been his disciple.

Above this coast is situated the Aleian plain, over @@ -75546,7 +75546,7 @@ in Syria, upon his quitting the Aleian plain on account of the quarrel.

-

Mallus is followed by Ægææ, a small townAjas. with a +

Mallus is followed by Ægææ, a small townAjas. with a shelter for vessels; then the Amanides Gates, (Gates of Amanus,Demir-Kapu.) with a shelter for vessels. At these gates terminates @@ -75565,7 +75565,7 @@ master of all; for his good conduct and bravery, he received from the Romans the title of King, and transmitted the succession to his posterity.

-

Next to Ægææ is Issus, a small town with a shelter for vessels, and a river, the Pinarus.Deli-tschai. At Issus the battle +

Next to Ægææ is Issus, a small town with a shelter for vessels, and a river, the Pinarus.Deli-tschai. At Issus the battle was fought between Alexander and Darius. The bay is @@ -75581,7 +75581,7 @@ as also the city Myriandrus, Alexandreia,Iskenderun. or Mamista; of which names the modern Mensis appears to be a further -corruption.—Leake. and the Gates,The passage is defended by the fortress of Merkes. as they are called, which are the +corruption.—Leake. and the Gates,The passage is defended by the fortress of Merkes. as they are called, which are the boundary between Cilicia and Syria.

In Cilicia are the temple of the Sarpedonian Artemis and @@ -75626,7 +75626,7 @@ peninsula of which at its narrowest part is the isthmus between the innermost re The exterior sides (of this peninsula), which is of a triangular shape, are unequal. Of these, one extends from Cilicia -to Chelidoniæ, (islands,) another thence to the mouth of the +to Chelidoniæ, (islands,) another thence to the mouth of the Euxine, and the third from the mouth of the Euxine to @@ -75649,7 +75649,7 @@ about Pharnacia, where we said the Halizoni lived, are situated without the Haly are without the line drawn from Sinope to Issus;Groskurd is desirous of reading Tarsus for Issus. See above, c. v. -§ 11. But Strabo is here considering the two opinions held respecting +§ 11. But Strabo is here considering the two opinions held respecting the isthmus. and not @@ -75696,7 +75696,7 @@ it is reduced by Artemidorus; but even this would not by any means reduce the thus contracted space to the figure of a triangle. -

Besides, Artemidorus has not correctly described the exterior sides; one side, he says, extends from Issus to the Chelidoniæ islands, although the whole Lycian coast, and the country opposite to Rhodes as far as Physcus, lies in a straight +

Besides, Artemidorus has not correctly described the exterior sides; one side, he says, extends from Issus to the Chelidoniæ islands, although the whole Lycian coast, and the country opposite to Rhodes as far as Physcus, lies in a straight line with, and is a continuation of it; the continent then @@ -75721,7 +75721,7 @@ on the sea-coast Cilicians, Pamphylians, Lycians, Bithynians, Paphlagonians, Mariandyni, Troes, and Carians; and in the -interior, Pisidians, Mysians, Chalybes, Phrygians, and Milyæ.Scymnus of Chios counts fifteen nations who occupied this peninsula, +interior, Pisidians, Mysians, Chalybes, Phrygians, and Milyæ.Scymnus of Chios counts fifteen nations who occupied this peninsula, namely, three Greek and twelve barbarian. The latter were Cilicians, @@ -75729,9 +75729,9 @@ Lycians, Carians, Maryandini, Paphlagonians, Pamphylians, Chalybes, Cappadocians, Pisidians, Lydians, Mysians, and Phrygians. In this list -the Bithynians, Trojans, and Milyæ are not mentioned; but in it are found +the Bithynians, Trojans, and Milyæ are not mentioned; but in it are found -the Cappadocians and Lydians—two nations whom, according to Strabo, +the Cappadocians and Lydians—two nations whom, according to Strabo, Ephorus has not mentioned. This discrepancy is the more remarkable @@ -75755,13 +75755,13 @@ Catalogue but elsewhere, as Ceteii, Solymi, the Cilicians from the plain of Thebe, and Leleges. But the Pamphylians, -Bithynians, Mariandyni, Pisidians, and Chalybes, Milyæ, and +Bithynians, Mariandyni, Pisidians, and Chalybes, Milyæ, and Cappadocians are nowhere mentioned by the poet; some because they did not then inhabit these places, and some because they -were surrounded by other tribes, as Idrieis and Termilæ by +were surrounded by other tribes, as Idrieis and Termilæ by Carians, Doliones and Bebryces by Phrygians. @@ -75854,7 +75854,7 @@ people. of Greeks who inhabit the peninsula? Is it because anciently the Athenians and Ionians were the same people? In that -case the Dorians and the Æolians should be considered as the +case the Dorians and the Æolians should be considered as the same nation, and then there would be (only) two tribes (and @@ -75911,9 +75911,9 @@ inform us why Ephorus omitted them, particularly as the proposed object of Apoll opinions of Ephorus; and to tell us why Homer mentions -Mæonians instead of Lydians, and also not to remark that +Mæonians instead of Lydians, and also not to remark that -Ephorus has not omitted to mention either Lydians or Mæonians.Apollodorus, like Scymnus, had probably found the Lydians mentioned in the list of Ephorus, as also the Cappadocians. +Ephorus has not omitted to mention either Lydians or Mæonians.Apollodorus, like Scymnus, had probably found the Lydians mentioned in the list of Ephorus, as also the Cappadocians.

Apollodorus remarks, that Homer mentions certain unknown nations, and he is right in specifying Caucones, Solymi, @@ -75941,11 +75941,11 @@ by the Scepsian, (Demetrius,) and taken from Callisthenes and other writers, who did not clear them from false notions -respecting the Halizones; for example, the wealth of Tantalus and of the Pelopidæ was derived, it is said, from the mines +respecting the Halizones; for example, the wealth of Tantalus and of the Pelopidæ was derived, it is said, from the mines about Phrygia and Sipylus; that of Cadmus from the mines -about Thrace and Mount Pangæum; that of Priam from the +about Thrace and Mount Pangæum; that of Priam from the gold mines at Astyra, near Abydos (of which at present there @@ -75953,13 +75953,13 @@ are small remains, yet there is a large quantity of matter ejected, and the exca of Midas from the mines about Mount Bermium; that of -Gyges, Alyattes, and Crœsus, from the mines in Lydia and +Gyges, Alyattes, and Crœsus, from the mines in Lydia and the small deserted city between Atarneus and Pergamum, where are the sites of exhausted mines.Kramer says that he is unable to decide how this corrupt passage -should be restored. The translation follows the conjectures of Coraÿ. +should be restored. The translation follows the conjectures of Coraÿ.

We may impute another fault to Apollodorus, that @@ -76032,11 +76032,11 @@ care of his library. According to Sallust, (Life of Tiberius,) he was one of the poets whom Tiberius took as his model in writing Greek verse. Fecit -et Græca poemata, imitatus Euphorionem, et Rhianum et Parthenium. +et Græca poemata, imitatus Euphorionem, et Rhianum et Parthenium. near the waters of the Mysian Ascanius; -and by Alexander of Ætolia: +and by Alexander of Ætolia: they who dwell on the stream of Ascanius, on the brink of the Ascanian @@ -76063,7 +76063,7 @@ Mysia and Phrygia, and shall here conclude the discussion. adjoins this peninsula on the south. I have already said, that -the sea comprised between Egypt, Phœnice, Syria, and the +the sea comprised between Egypt, Phœnice, Syria, and the remainder of the coast as far as that opposite to Rhodes, con- @@ -76126,7 +76126,7 @@ Selinus in Cilicia Tracheia, for the passage across is only 1000 stadia; to Side in Pamphylia the passage is 1600 stadia, -and to the Chelidoniæ (islands) 1900 stadia. +and to the Chelidoniæ (islands) 1900 stadia.

The figure of the whole island is oblong, and in some places on the sides, which define its breadth, there are isthmuses. @@ -76159,7 +76159,7 @@ Opposite to it was Nagidus. Then follows Aphrodisium;Near A here the island is narrow, for over the mountains to SalamisTo the north of Tamagousta. -are 70 stadia. Next is the sea-beach of the Achæans; here +are 70 stadia. Next is the sea-beach of the Achæans; here Teucer, the founder of Salamis in Cyprus, being it is said @@ -76173,14 +76173,14 @@ islands and the southern sea; next are a promontory and a mountain. The name of the promontory is Olympus, and -upon it is a temple of Venus Acræa, not to be approached +upon it is a temple of Venus Acræa, not to be approached nor seen by women.

Near and in front lie the Cleides, and many other islands; next are the Carpasian islands, and after these Salamis, the -birth-place of Aristus the historian; then Arsinoë, a city with +birth-place of Aristus the historian; then Arsinoë, a city with a harbour; next Leucolla, another harbour; then the promontory Pedalium, above which is a hill, rugged, lofty, and @@ -76196,7 +76196,7 @@ the Stoic sect, and of Apollonius the physician. Thence to Berytus are 1500 stadia. Next is the city Amathus,Limasol. and -between Citium and Berytus, a small city called Palæa, and +between Citium and Berytus, a small city called Palæa, and a pap-shaped mountain, Olympus; then follows Curias,Cape Gata a @@ -76209,7 +76209,7 @@ by Argives. Hedylus, or whoever he was, of the elegiac lines which begin, -We hinds, sacred to Phœbus, hither came in our swift course; we traversed the broad sea, to avoid the arrows of our pursuers. +We hinds, sacred to Phœbus, hither came in our swift course; we traversed the broad sea, to avoid the arrows of our pursuers. He says, that the hinds ran down from the Corycian heights, @@ -76246,13 +76246,13 @@ and Palepaphus, situated about 10 stadia from the sea, with a harbour and an ancient temple of the Paphian Venus; then -follows Zephyria,Point Zephyro. a promontory with an anchorage, and another Arsinoë, which also has an anchorage, a temple, and a +follows Zephyria,Point Zephyro. a promontory with an anchorage, and another Arsinoë, which also has an anchorage, a temple, and a grove. At a little distance from the sea is Hierocepis.Jeroskipo. Next is Paphos, founded by Agapenor, with a harbour and temples, -which are fine buildings. It is distant from Palæpaphus 60 +which are fine buildings. It is distant from Palæpaphus 60 stadia by land. Along this road the annual sacred processions @@ -76264,7 +76264,7 @@ Paphos to Alexandreia are 3600 stadia. Next after Paphos is the Acamas; then after the Acamas the voyage is easterly -to Arsinoë a city, and to the grove of Jupiter; then SoliSolea. a +to Arsinoë a city, and to the grove of Jupiter; then SoliSolea. a city, where there is a harbour, a river, and a temple of Venus @@ -76340,7 +76340,7 @@ Egypt in our time, had conducted himself in a disorderly manner, and was ungrateful to his benefactors, he was deposed, and the Romans took possession of the island, which -became a Prætorian province by itself. +became a Prætorian province by itself.

The chief author of the deposition of the king was Pub. Claudius Pulcher, who having fallen into the hands of the @@ -76376,7 +76376,7 @@ sold the king's property, and conveyed the money to the public treasury of the Romans.

From this time the island became, as it is at present, a -Prætorian province. During a short intervening period Antony had given it to Cleopatra and her sister Arsinoë, but +Prætorian province. During a short intervening period Antony had given it to Cleopatra and her sister Arsinoë, but upon his death all his arrangements were annulled. @@ -76485,13 +76485,13 @@ the Nile and the Arabian Gulf to India have proceeded as far as the Ganges; and, being ignorant persons, were not qualified to give an account of places they have visited. From one -place in India, and from one king, namely, Pandion, or, according to others,h)\ kat' a)/llous for kai\ a)/llou.Groskurd. Porus, presents and embassies were sent to +place in India, and from one king, namely, Pandion, or, according to others,h)\ kat' a)/llous for kai\ a)/llou.Groskurd. Porus, presents and embassies were sent to Augustus Caesar. With the ambassadors came the Indian Gymno-Sophist, who committed himself to the flames at -Athens,See ch. i. § 73. like Calanus, who exhibited the same spectacle in +Athens,See ch. i. § 73. like Calanus, who exhibited the same spectacle in the presence of Alexander. @@ -76536,7 +76536,7 @@ the Indians, nor did any foreign enemy ever invade or conquer it. Sesostris the Egyptian (he says), and Tearco the Ethiopian, advanced as far as Europe; and Nabocodrosor, who -was more celebrated among the Chaldæans than Hercules +was more celebrated among the Chaldæans than Hercules among the Greeks, penetrated even as far as the Pillars,It is evident that the name Pillars misled Megasthenes or the writers @@ -76568,7 +76568,7 @@ therefore seems to show, that these Pillars near Iberia in Asia, and not the Pillars of Hercules in Europe, formed the boundary of the expeditions -of Sesostris, Tearcho, and Nabuchodonosor.—Gossellin.

+of Sesostris, Tearcho, and Nabuchodonosor.—Gossellin.

which Tearco also reached; Sesostris conducted an army @@ -76582,14 +76582,14 @@ the HydracesAs the Oxydraci are here meant, Groskurd adopts They were settled in Sagur and Outch, of the province of Lahore. from India, a body of mercenary troops; but -they did not lead an army into that country, and only approached it when Cyrus was marching against the Massagetæ. +they did not lead an army into that country, and only approached it when Cyrus was marching against the Massagetæ.

Megasthenes, and a few others, think the stories respecting Hercules and Bacchus to be credible, but the majority of writers, among whom is Eratosthenes, regard them as incredible and fabulous, like the Grecian stories. Dionysus, in -the Bacchæ of Euripides, makes this boasting speech: +the Bacchæ of Euripides, makes this boasting speech: @@ -76602,7 +76602,7 @@ the Bacchæ of Euripides, makes this boasting speech: And that of Persia scorch'd by torrid suns, Pressing through Bactrian gates, the frozen land Of Media, and through Araby the Blest, -With Asia's wide extended continent— +With Asia's wide extended continent—

In Sophocles, also, a person is introduced speaking the praises of Nysa,Many cities and mountains bore the name of Nysa; but it is impossible to confound the mountain Nysa, spoken of by Sophocles, with @@ -76636,7 +76636,7 @@ to those of the east.

From such stories as those related above, they gave the -name of Nysæans to some imaginary nation, and called their +name of Nysæans to some imaginary nation, and called their city Nysa, founded by Bacchus; a mountain above the city @@ -76645,7 +76645,7 @@ they called Meron, alleging as a reason for imposing these names that the ivy and vine grow there, although the latter does not perfect its fruit; for the bunches of grapes, in consequence of excessive rains, drop off before they arrive at maturity. -

They say, also, that the Sydracæ (Oxydracæ) are descendants +

They say, also, that the Sydracæ (Oxydracæ) are descendants of Bacchus, because the vine grows in their country, and because their kings display great pomp in setting out on their @@ -76659,7 +76659,7 @@ among the other Indians. -Eurip. Bacchæ, v. 13.—Wodehull. +Eurip. Bacchæ, v. 13.—Wodehull. @@ -76671,14 +76671,14 @@ When Alexander took, on the first assault, Aornos,Strabo ta through the mountains to enter the Punjab. The site of Aornos seems -to correspond with Renas.—Gossellin. a +to correspond with Renas.—Gossellin. a fortress on a rock, the foot of which is washed by the Indus near its source, his flatterers exaggerated this act, and said that Hercules thrice assailed this rock and was thrice repulsed. -

They pretended that the SibæThe Sibæ, according to Quintus Curtius, who gives them the name +

They pretended that the SibæThe Sibæ, according to Quintus Curtius, who gives them the name of Sobii, occupied the confluent of the Hydaspes and the Acesines. @@ -76710,7 +76710,7 @@ covered with snow, from whence the Indus, and the greater part of the rivers which feed it, descend. and Prometheus, for they transferred hither from Pontus these tales, on the slight pretence -that they had seen a sacred cave among the Paropamisadæ.This people occupied the Paropamisus, where the mountains now +that they had seen a sacred cave among the Paropamisadæ.This people occupied the Paropamisus, where the mountains now separate Candahar from Gaour. @@ -76785,16 +76785,16 @@ countries situated between the Indus and the meridian of the Caspian Gates. This large space was afterwards divided by them according to the -position of the different nations which occupied it.—Gossellin. There +position of the different nations which occupied it.—Gossellin. There can be no doubt the modern Iran represents the ancient Ariana. See -Smith, art. Ariana, and b. ii. c. v. § 32, vol. i. p. 196, note 3. situated towards the west, and in the possession of the +Smith, art. Ariana, and b. ii. c. v. § 32, vol. i. p. 196, note 3. situated towards the west, and in the possession of the Persians, for afterwards the Indians occupied a larger portion of Ariana, which they had received from the Macedonians. -

The account of Eratosthenes is as follows:— +

The account of Eratosthenes is as follows:—

The boundaries of India, on the north, from Ariana @@ -76819,7 +76819,7 @@ project towards the Atlantic Sea, and the figure of the country -becomes rhomboïdal,In some MSS. the following diagram is to be found. +becomes rhomboïdal,In some MSS. the following diagram is to be found.

The River Indus.
each of the greater sides exceeding the @@ -76840,11 +76840,11 @@ stadia in extent. This is both the smallest and greatest breadth of India.The extremity of India, of which Eratosthenes speaks, is Cape Comorin, which he placed farther to the east than the mouth of the Ganges. The length is reckoned from west to east. -The part of this extending (from the Indus) as far as PalibothraPatelputer or Pataliputra near Patna, see b. ii. ch. i. § 9. we may describe more confidently; for it has been +The part of this extending (from the Indus) as far as PalibothraPatelputer or Pataliputra near Patna, see b. ii. ch. i. § 9. we may describe more confidently; for it has been -measured by Schœni,The reading is sxoini/ois, which Coraÿ changes to sxoi/nois, Schœni: +measured by Schœni,The reading is sxoini/ois, which Coraÿ changes to sxoi/nois, Schœni: -see Herod. i. 66. The Schœnus was 40 stadia. B. xii. ch. ii. § 12. and is a royal road of 10,000 stadia. +see Herod. i. 66. The Schœnus was 40 stadia. B. xii. ch. ii. § 12. and is a royal road of 10,000 stadia. The extent of the parts beyond depends upon conjecture @@ -76857,7 +76857,7 @@ stadia, according to Eratosthenes, who says that he took it from the register of the Stathmi (or the several stages from -place to place),Athenæus (b. xi. ch. 103, page 800, Bohn's Classical Library) speaks +place to place),Athenæus (b. xi. ch. 103, page 800, Bohn's Classical Library) speaks of Amyntas as the author of a work on the Stations of Asia. The Stathmus, or distance from station to station, was not strictly a measure of @@ -76902,16 +76902,16 @@ regards it as the third part of the habitable world; Nearchus says that it is a march of four months through the plain only. -The computations of Megasthenes and Deïmachus are more +The computations of Megasthenes and Deïmachus are more moderate, for they estimate the distance from the Southern -Sea to CaucasusThe Indian Caucasus. at above 20,000 stadia. Deïmachus says +Sea to CaucasusThe Indian Caucasus. at above 20,000 stadia. Deïmachus says that in some places it exceeds 30,000 stadia.

We have replied to these writers in the early part of this -work.Book ii. ch. i. § 3. At present it is sufficient to say that these opinions +work.Book ii. ch. i. § 3. At present it is sufficient to say that these opinions are in favour of the writers who, in describing India, solicit @@ -76955,7 +76955,7 @@ the Etesian winds, India, as Eratosthenes affirms, is watered by summer rains, and the plains are overflowed. During the -rainy season flax,li/non, probably the li/non to\ a)po\ dendo|e/wn, or cotton, of Arrian. millet, sesamum, rice, and bosmorumbo/smoo|on. § 18. are +rainy season flax,li/non, probably the li/non to\ a)po\ dendo|e/wn, or cotton, of Arrian. millet, sesamum, rice, and bosmorumbo/smoo|on. § 18. are sowed; and in the winter season, wheat, barley, pulse, and @@ -76985,12 +76985,12 @@ occupied seven days, whence he concluded that Ceylon was seven days' sail from the continent. sail towards the south. Its -length is about 8000 stadia in the direction of Ethiopia.Groskurd reads 5000 stadia. B. ii. c. i. § 14. It +length is about 8000 stadia in the direction of Ethiopia.Groskurd reads 5000 stadia. B. ii. c. i. § 14. It produces elephants.

This is the account of Eratosthenes. The accounts of other -writers, in addition to this, whenever they convey exact information, will contribute to form the descriptionei)dopoih/sousi. Coraÿ. (of India). +writers, in addition to this, whenever they convey exact information, will contribute to form the descriptionei)dopoih/sousi. Coraÿ. (of India).

Onesicritus, for example, says of Taprobane, that its @@ -77001,7 +77001,7 @@ breadth, and that it is distant twenty days' sail from the continent, but that i danger by vessels with sails ill constructed, and built with -prows at each end, but without holds and keels;The text is, as Coraÿ observes, obscure, if not corrupt. The proposed emendations of Coraÿ and Kramer are followed. that +prows at each end, but without holds and keels;The text is, as Coraÿ observes, obscure, if not corrupt. The proposed emendations of Coraÿ and Kramer are followed. that there are other islands between this and India, but that Taprobane lies farthest to the south; that there are found in the @@ -77020,7 +77020,7 @@ like oxen, horses, and other land-animals. ed by the rivers, adduces these instances. The plains of -Hermes, Caÿster, Mæander, and Caïcus have these names, +Hermes, Caÿster, Mæander, and Caïcus have these names, because they have been formed by the soil which has been @@ -77062,7 +77062,7 @@ the rivers, filled by the melting of the snow and by the rains, irrigate the flat grounds.

These things, he says, were observed by himself and by -others on their journey into India from the Paropamisadæ. +others on their journey into India from the Paropamisadæ. This was after the setting of the Pleiades,At the beginning of winter. and during their @@ -77274,7 +77274,7 @@ this is attributed the flexibility of the branches of trees, from which wheels of carriages are made, and to the same cause is -imputed the growth upon some trees of wool.Herod. ii. 86. Velleraque ut folüs depectant tenuia Seres? Virg. +imputed the growth upon some trees of wool.Herod. ii. 86. Velleraque ut folüs depectant tenuia Seres? Virg. Geor. ii. 121. Nearchus @@ -77301,7 +77301,7 @@ size than a shield. Onesicritus, describing minutely the country of Musicanus, which he says is the most southerly -partC. i. § 33. of India, relates, that there are some large trees the +partC. i. § 33. of India, relates, that there are some large trees the branches of which extend to the length even of twelve cubits. @@ -77483,7 +77483,7 @@ solar heat, causing a great deficiency of moisture on the sur- face of the skin. Hence we say it is that the Indians have -not woolly hair, nor is their colour so intenselypeplhsme/nws. Coraÿ. dark, because +not woolly hair, nor is their colour so intenselypeplhsme/nws. Coraÿ. dark, because they live in a humid atmosphere.

With respect to children in the womb, they resemble their @@ -77592,7 +77592,7 @@ boundaries and the rivers Cophes and Choaspes.The Attock.The river of Cabul. near Plemyrium, after -passing by another city Gorys, in its course through Bandobene and Gandaritis.The Gandaræ were a widely extended people of Indian or Arianian +passing by another city Gorys, in its course through Bandobene and Gandaritis.The Gandaræ were a widely extended people of Indian or Arianian origin, who occupied a district extending more or less from the upper part @@ -77653,13 +77653,13 @@ Hypanis to the Ganges and Palibothra. lying between these two rivers is occupied by Astaceni, -Masiani, Nysæi, and Hypasii.Aspasii. Coraÿ. Next is the territory of +Masiani, Nysæi, and Hypasii.Aspasii. Coraÿ. Next is the territory of Assacanus, where is the city Masoga (Massaga?), the royal residence of the country. Near the Indus is another city, -Peucolaïtis.Peucela, in Arrian iv. 22. Rennell supposes it to be Puckholi, or +Peucolaïtis.Peucela, in Arrian iv. 22. Rennell supposes it to be Puckholi, or Pehkely. At this place a bridge which was constructed @@ -77772,7 +77772,7 @@ given to it from the breadth of its forehead. He was an excellent war-horse, and Alexander constantly rode him in battle. -

The other city he called Nicæa from the victory, NIKH +

The other city he called Nicæa from the victory, NIKH (Nice), which he had obtained.

In the forest before mentioned it is said there is a vast @@ -77857,7 +77857,7 @@ pay great attention to their hair and dress; and the country produces colours of great beauty. In other respects the people are frugal, but are fond of ornament. -

A peculiar custom is related of the Cathæi. The bride and +

A peculiar custom is related of the Cathæi. The bride and the husband are respectively the choice of each other, and the @@ -77974,11 +77974,11 @@ seems to be exaggerated. We have already mentioned nearly all the nations deserving of notice, which inhabit the country situated between the Indus and the Hydaspes. -

Below, and next in order, are the people called Sibæ, whom +

Below, and next in order, are the people called Sibæ, whom -we formerly mentioned,B. xv. c. i. § 7. and the great nations, the MalliThe Malli occupied a part of Moultan. and +we formerly mentioned,B. xv. c. i. § 7. and the great nations, the MalliThe Malli occupied a part of Moultan. and -Sydracæ (Oxydracæ). It was among the Malli that Alex- +Sydracæ (Oxydracæ). It was among the Malli that Alex- @@ -77988,7 +77988,7 @@ Sydracæ (Oxydracæ). It was among the Malli that Alex- ander was in danger of losing his life, from a wound he -received at the capture of a small city. The Sydracæ, we +received at the capture of a small city. The Sydracæ, we have said, are fabled to be allied to Bacchus.

Near Patalene is placed the country of Musicanus, that of @@ -78066,13 +78066,13 @@ writers to be still longer lived,) that they are temperate in their habits and healthy; although the country produces everything in abundance. -

The following are their peculiarities : to have a kind of Lacedæmonian common meal, where they eat in public. Their food +

The following are their peculiarities : to have a kind of Lacedæmonian common meal, where they eat in public. Their food consists of what is taken in the chase. They make no use of gold nor silver, although they have mines of these metals. Instead of slaves, they employed youths in the flower of their age, -as the Cretans employ the Aphamiotæ, and the Lacedæmonians +as the Cretans employ the Aphamiotæ, and the Lacedæmonians the Helots. They study no science with attention but that @@ -78120,13 +78120,13 @@ in their account of it, some assigning 30, others 3 stadia, as the least breadth. But Megasthenes says that its ordinary -width is 100 stadia,The exaggeration of Megasthenes is nothing in comparison of Ælian, +width is 100 stadia,The exaggeration of Megasthenes is nothing in comparison of Ælian, who gives to the Ganges a breadth of 400 stadia. Modern observations attribute to the Ganges a breadth of about three quarters of a geographical -mile, or 30 stadia. and its least depth twenty orguiæ.About 120 feet. +mile, or 30 stadia. and its least depth twenty orguiæ.About 120 feet. @@ -78151,10 +78151,10 @@ Prasii. The king, besides his family name, has the surname of Palibothrus, as the king to whom Megasthenes was sent on -an embassy had the name of Sandrocottus.B. ii. c. i. § 9. +an embassy had the name of Sandrocottus.B. ii. c. i. § 9.

Such also is the custom among the Parthians; for all have -the name Arsacæ,B. xvi. c. i. § 28. although each has his peculiar name of +the name Arsacæ,B. xvi. c. i. § 28. although each has his peculiar name of Orodes, Phraates, or some other appellation. @@ -78468,7 +78468,7 @@ to use military weapons, and to be excellent swimmers. A chariot drawn by elephants is esteemed a most important -possession, and they are driven without bridles.The passage is corrupt. Groskurd proposes to add the word w(/s before kai\ kamh/lous, as camels. Coraÿ changes the last word to a)xali/nous, which is adopted in the translation. See below, § 53. +possession, and they are driven without bridles.The passage is corrupt. Groskurd proposes to add the word w(/s before kai\ kamh/lous, as camels. Coraÿ changes the last word to a)xali/nous, which is adopted in the translation. See below, § 53.

A woman is greatly honoured who receives from her lover a present of an elephant, but this does not agree with what he @@ -78484,7 +78484,7 @@ ants), which dig up gold, as large as the skins of leopards. Megasthenes, however, speaking of the myrmeces, says, -among the Derdæ a populous nation of the Indians, living +among the Derdæ a populous nation of the Indians, living towards the east, and among the mountains, there was a mountain plain of about 3000 stadia in circumference; that below @@ -78561,7 +78561,7 @@ among them, which is owing to their frugal manner of life, and to the absence of wine; whenever diseases do occur, they are -treated by the Sophistæ (or wise men). +treated by the Sophistæ (or wise men).

Aristobulus says, that he saw no animals of these pretended magnitudes, except a snake, which was nine cubits and a span @@ -78594,7 +78594,7 @@ Nile from the sea, except the shad,qo dolphin, on account of the crocodiles; but great numbers ascend -the Indus. Small craw-fishkao|i/des. go up as far as the mountains,In the text, me/xo|i o)/o|ous, to a mountain. Coraÿ changes the last word to the name of a people, Ou)/o|wn, but Strabo does not appear to have been acquainted with them; Groskurd, to o)rw=n. The translation adopts this correction, with the addition of the article, which, as Kramer observes, is wanting if we fallow Groskurd. +the Indus. Small craw-fishkao|i/des. go up as far as the mountains,In the text, me/xo|i o)/o|ous, to a mountain. Coraÿ changes the last word to the name of a people, Ou)/o|wn, but Strabo does not appear to have been acquainted with them; Groskurd, to o)rw=n. The translation adopts this correction, with the addition of the article, which, as Kramer observes, is wanting if we fallow Groskurd. and the larger as far as the confluence of the Indus and the @@ -78956,9 +78956,9 @@ which are tame in our country are wild in theirs; the horses have a single horn, with heads like those of deer; reeds -which grow to the height of thirty orguiæ,The orguia was equal to four cubits, or six feet one inch. others which +which grow to the height of thirty orguiæ,The orguia was equal to four cubits, or six feet one inch. others which -grow on the ground, fifty orguiæ in length, and in thickness +grow on the ground, fifty orguiæ in length, and in thickness some are three and others six cubits in diameter. @@ -78980,7 +78980,7 @@ eggs of the cranes which lay their eggs there; and nowhere else are the eggs or the young cranes to be found; frequently a crane escapes from this country with a brazen point of a weapon in its body, wounded by these people. -

Similar to this is the account of the Enotocoitæ,Men who slept on their ears. See b. i. c. ii. § 35. of the +

Similar to this is the account of the Enotocoitæ,Men who slept on their ears. See b. i. c. ii. § 35. of the wild men, and of other monsters. The wild men could not be @@ -79007,9 +79007,9 @@ orifices through which they breathe. They are distressed by strong-smelling substances, and therefore their lives are sustained with difficulty, particularly in a camp.

With respect to the other singular animals, the philosophers -informed him of a people called Ocypodæ, so swift of foot +informed him of a people called Ocypodæ, so swift of foot -that they leave horses behind them; of Enotocoitæ, or persons having ears hanging down to their feet, so that they lie +that they leave horses behind them; of Enotocoitæ, or persons having ears hanging down to their feet, so that they lie and sleep upon them, and so strong as to be able to pluck up @@ -79167,7 +79167,7 @@ On many subjects their sentiments are the same as those of the Greeks. According to the Brachmanes, the world was created, -and is liable to corruption; it is of a spheroïdal figure; the god +and is liable to corruption; it is of a spheroïdal figure; the god who made and governs it pervades the whole of it; the principles of all things are different, but the principle of the @@ -79587,7 +79587,7 @@ their kings, and act as instructors in the worship of the gods, in the same manner as the Magi attend the Persian kings. -When he fell sick at Pasargadæ, being then attacked with +When he fell sick at Pasargadæ, being then attacked with disease for the first time in his life, he put himself to death at @@ -79627,7 +79627,7 @@ messengers invited the latter to come to the son of Jove, promising a reward if of Jove, for he did not govern even the smallest portion of the -earth; nor did he himself desire a gift of one whoCoraÿ reads po/qos instead of ko/o|os in the text. The translation would then be, who required nothing; but e)kei/nou here refers to Alexander. was +earth; nor did he himself desire a gift of one whoCoraÿ reads po/qos instead of ko/o|os in the text. The translation would then be, who required nothing; but e)kei/nou here refers to Alexander. was satisfied with nothing. Neither did he fear his threats, for as @@ -79681,7 +79681,7 @@ lions, and a multitude of birds of variegated plumage and of fine song.

Cleitarchus speaks of four-wheeled carriages bearing trees -with large leaves, from which were suspended (in cages) different kinds of tame birds, among which the orionÆlian de Nat. Anima. xvii. 21. was said to +with large leaves, from which were suspended (in cages) different kinds of tame birds, among which the orionÆlian de Nat. Anima. xvii. 21. was said to possess the sweetest note, but the catreusBird of paradise? was the most beautiful in appearance, and had the most variegated plumage. In @@ -79692,13 +79692,13 @@ the description must be taken from Cleitarchus.

Opposed to the Brachmanes there are philosophers, -called Pramnæ, contentious people, and fond of argument. +called Pramnæ, contentious people, and fond of argument. They ridicule the Brachmanes as boasters and fools for occupying themselves with physiology and astronomy. Some -of the Pramnæ are called Pramnæ of the mountains, others +of the Pramnæ are called Pramnæ of the mountains, others -Gymnetæ, others again are called Townsmen and Country- +Gymnetæ, others again are called Townsmen and Country- @@ -79706,25 +79706,25 @@ Gymnetæ, others again are called Townsmen and Country- -men. The Pramnæ of the mountains wear deer-skins, and +men. The Pramnæ of the mountains wear deer-skins, and carry scrips filled with roots and drugs; they profess to practise medicine by means of incantations, charms, and amulets. -

The Gymnetæ, as their name imports, are naked and live +

The Gymnetæ, as their name imports, are naked and live chiefly in the open air, practising fortitude for the space of thirty-seven years; this I have before mentioned; women -live in their society, but without cohabitation. The Gymnetæ +live in their society, but without cohabitation. The Gymnetæ are held in singular estimation.

-

The (Pramnæ) Townsmen are occupied in civil affairs, dwell in cities, and wear fine linen, or (as Countrymen +

The (Pramnæ) Townsmen are occupied in civil affairs, dwell in cities, and wear fine linen, or (as Countrymen they live) in the fields, clothed in the skins of fawns or antelopes. In short, the Indians wear white garments, white linen @@ -79743,11 +79743,11 @@ Emoda mountains and proceeds towards the south; when it arrives at the city Ganges,Not far from the present Anopschir on the Ganges, south-east from Delhi. Groskurd. it turns to the east, and keeps -this direction as far as Palibothra,Patalputer, b. ii. c. i. § 9. and the mouth by which +this direction as far as Palibothra,Patalputer, b. ii. c. i. § 9. and the mouth by which it discharges itself into the sea. He calls one of the rivers -which flow into it Œdanes,Probably the Iomanes. which breeds crocodiles and +which flow into it Œdanes,Probably the Iomanes. which breeds crocodiles and dolphins. Some other circumstances besides are mentioned @@ -79762,7 +79762,7 @@ that of Nicolaus Damascenus. met with ambassadors from the Indians, who were sent to -Augustus Cæsar. It appeared from the letter that several +Augustus Cæsar. It appeared from the letter that several persons were mentioned in it, but three only survived, whom @@ -79780,7 +79780,7 @@ upon a skin; the import of it was, that Porus was the writer, that although he was sovereign of six hundred kings, yet that he -highly esteemed the friendship of Cæsar; that he was willing to +highly esteemed the friendship of Cæsar; that he was willing to allow him a passage through his country, in whatever part he @@ -79811,7 +79811,7 @@ by continuing to live; with a smile, therefore, naked, anointed, and with the girdle round his waist, he leaped upon the pyre. -On his tomb was this inscription,—ZARMANOCHEGAS,In Dion Cassius, liv. ix. he is called Zarmanus, a variation probably of Garmanus, see above, § 60. Chegas, or Sheik, seems to be the Tartar title Chan or Khan, which may be detected also in the names Musi-canus, Porti-canus, Oxy-canus, Assa-canus. Vincent, Voyage of Nearchus, p. 129. Groskurd writes Zarmanos Chanes. AN +On his tomb was this inscription,—ZARMANOCHEGAS,In Dion Cassius, liv. ix. he is called Zarmanus, a variation probably of Garmanus, see above, § 60. Chegas, or Sheik, seems to be the Tartar title Chan or Khan, which may be detected also in the names Musi-canus, Porti-canus, Oxy-canus, Assa-canus. Vincent, Voyage of Nearchus, p. 129. Groskurd writes Zarmanos Chanes. AN INDIAN, A NATIVE OF BARGOSA,Bargosa is probably a corruption of Barygaza mentioned in Arrian's Periplus of the Red Sea. It was a large mart on the north of the river Nerbudda, now Baroatsch or Barutsch. Groskurd. HAVING IMMORTALIZED @@ -79841,7 +79841,7 @@ it is bounded by the same mountains as India, on the south by the same sea, and by the same river Indus, which separates it from India. It stretches thence towards the west as -far as the line drawn from the Caspian GatesThe exact place corresponding with the Caspiæ Pylæ is probably a spot between Hark-a-Koh and Siah-Koh, about 6 parasangs from Rey, the name of the entrance of which is called Dereh. Smith, art. Caspiæ Pylæ. to Carmania,An extensive province of Asia along the northern side of the Persian Gulf, extending from Carpella (either C. Bombareek or C. Isack) on the E. to the river Bagradas (Nabend) on the W. According to Marcian the distance between these points was 4250 stadia. It appears to have comprehended the coast-line of the modern Laristan, Kirman, and Moghostan. It was bounded on the N. by Parthia and Ariana; on the E. by Drangiana and Gedrosia; on the S. by the Persian Gulf, and on the W. by Persis. Smith, art. Carmania. +far as the line drawn from the Caspian GatesThe exact place corresponding with the Caspiæ Pylæ is probably a spot between Hark-a-Koh and Siah-Koh, about 6 parasangs from Rey, the name of the entrance of which is called Dereh. Smith, art. Caspiæ Pylæ. to Carmania,An extensive province of Asia along the northern side of the Persian Gulf, extending from Carpella (either C. Bombareek or C. Isack) on the E. to the river Bagradas (Nabend) on the W. According to Marcian the distance between these points was 4250 stadia. It appears to have comprehended the coast-line of the modern Laristan, Kirman, and Moghostan. It was bounded on the N. by Parthia and Ariana; on the E. by Drangiana and Gedrosia; on the S. by the Persian Gulf, and on the W. by Persis. Smith, art. Carmania. whence its figure is quadrilateral.

The southern side begins from the mouths of the Indus, @@ -79855,13 +79855,13 @@ considerable distance to the south. It then makes a bend towards the gulf in the are the first inhabitants we meet with in this country. They -are separated by the Arbis from the next tribe, the Oritæ, and +are separated by the Arbis from the next tribe, the Oritæ, and according to Nearchus, occupy a tract of sea-coast of about 1000 stadia in length; this country also is a part of India. -Next are the Oritæ, a people governed by their own laws. +Next are the Oritæ, a people governed by their own laws. The voyage along the coast belonging to this people extends @@ -79976,7 +79976,7 @@ along the coast parallel to his line of march. he himself commenced his voyage, in the autumn, about the -achronical rising of the Pleiades,By the achronical rising of the Pleiades is meant the rising of this constellation, or its first becoming visible, after sun-set. Vincent (Voyage of Nearchus) fixes on the 23rd October, 327 B. C., as the date of the departure of Alexander from Nicæa; August, 326 B. C., as the date of his arrival at Pattala; and the 2nd of October, 326 B. C., as the date of the departure of the fleet from the Indus. the wind not being before +achronical rising of the Pleiades,By the achronical rising of the Pleiades is meant the rising of this constellation, or its first becoming visible, after sun-set. Vincent (Voyage of Nearchus) fixes on the 23rd October, 327 B. C., as the date of the departure of Alexander from Nicæa; August, 326 B. C., as the date of his arrival at Pattala; and the 2nd of October, 326 B. C., as the date of the departure of the fleet from the Indus. the wind not being before favourable. The Barbarians however, taking courage at the @@ -79988,7 +79988,7 @@ them out of the country. But Craterus set out from the Hydaspes, and proceeded through the country of the Arachoti -and of the Drangæ into Carmania. +and of the Drangæ into Carmania.

Alexander was greatly distressed throughout the whole march, as his road lay through a barren country. The supplies of provisions which he obtained came from a distance, @@ -80086,7 +80086,7 @@ by eating unripe dates. Danger also was to be apprehended from serpents; for on the sand-hills there grew a plant, underneath which they crept and hid themselves. The persons wounded by them died. -

The Oritæ, it was said, smeared the points of their arrows, +

The Oritæ, it was said, smeared the points of their arrows, which were of wood hardened in the fire, with deadly poisons. @@ -80115,18 +80115,18 @@ probable, however, that some one acquainted with the plant informed the king of its virtues, and that the fabulous part of the story was invented for the purpose of flattery. -

Having arrived at the palaceCalled Pura by Arrian. of the Gedrosii on the sixtieth day after leaving the Ori,The Oritæ are no doubt here meant. and allowed his army a short +

Having arrived at the palaceCalled Pura by Arrian. of the Gedrosii on the sixtieth day after leaving the Ori,The Oritæ are no doubt here meant. and allowed his army a short period of rest, he set out for Carmania.

The position of the southern side of Ariana is thus situated, with reference to the sea-coast, the country of the -Gedrosii and the Oritæ lying near and above it. A great +Gedrosii and the Oritæ lying near and above it. A great part of Gedrosia extends into the interior until it touches -upon the Drangæ, Arachoti, and Paropamisadæ, of whom +upon the Drangæ, Arachoti, and Paropamisadæ, of whom Eratosthenes speaks in the following manner: we cannot give @@ -80140,7 +80140,7 @@ far as the Caspian Gates, on the west by the same limitsBy which the territory of the Parthians is separated from Media, -and Carmania from Parætacene and Persia. +and Carmania from Parætacene and Persia.

The breadth of the country is the length of the Indus, reckoned from the Paropamisus as far as the mouths of that @@ -80149,7 +80149,7 @@ river, and amounts to 12,000, or according to others to 13,000, stadia. The length, beginning from the Caspian Gates, as it -is laid down in Asiatic Stathmi,See above, c. i. § 12. is estimated in two different +is laid down in Asiatic Stathmi,See above, c. i. § 12. is estimated in two different ways. From the Caspian Gates to Alexandreia among the @@ -80159,7 +80159,7 @@ road leads in a straight line through Bactriana, and over the pass of the mountain to Ortospana,Candahar. to the meeting of the three -roads from Bactra, which is among the Paropamisadæ. The +roads from Bactra, which is among the Paropamisadæ. The other branch turns off a little from Aria towards the south to @@ -80167,7 +80167,7 @@ Prophthasia in Drangiana; then the remainder leads as far as the confines of India and of the Indus; so that the road -through the Drangæ and the Arachoti is longer, the whole +through the Drangæ and the Arachoti is longer, the whole amounting to 15,300 stadia. But if we deduct 1300 stadia, @@ -80195,10 +80195,10 @@ to include some part of Persia, Media, and the north of Bactria and Sogdiana; for these nations speak nearly the -same language.See b. xi. c. viii. § 9. +same language.See b. xi. c. viii. § 9.

-

The order in which these nations are disposed is as follows. Along the Indus are the Paropamisadæ, above whom +

The order in which these nations are disposed is as follows. Along the Indus are the Paropamisadæ, above whom lies the mountain Paropamisus; then towards the south are @@ -80213,13 +80213,13 @@ situated along the Indus, which formerly belonged to the Persians: Alexander deprived the Ariani of them, and established there settlements of his own. But Seleucus Nicator gave them to Sandrocottus in consequence of a marriage contract, and received in return five hundred elephants. -

The Arii are situated on the west, by the side of the Paropamisadæ, and the DrangæThe same as Zarangæ; they probably dwelt on the lake Zarah, which undoubtedly retains its Zend name. Wilson's Ariana. by the Arachoti and Gedrosii. +

The Arii are situated on the west, by the side of the Paropamisadæ, and the DrangæThe same as Zarangæ; they probably dwelt on the lake Zarah, which undoubtedly retains its Zend name. Wilson's Ariana. by the Arachoti and Gedrosii. -The Arii are situated by the side of the Drangæ both on +The Arii are situated by the side of the Drangæ both on the north and west, and nearly encompass them. Bactriana -adjoins Aria on the north, and the Paropamisadæ, through +adjoins Aria on the north, and the Paropamisadæ, through whose territory Alexander passed when he crossed the Caucasus on his way to Bactra. Towards the west, next to @@ -80236,7 +80236,7 @@ examine the route which Alexander took from the Parthian territory to Bactriana, when he was in pursuit of Bessus. -He came first to Ariana, next to the Drangæ, where he put +He came first to Ariana, next to the Drangæ, where he put to death Philotas, the son of Parmenio, having detected his @@ -80255,16 +80255,16 @@ It is said that these persons performed in eleven days, upon dromedaries, a journey of 30 or 40 days, and executed their business. -

The Drangæ resemble the Persians in all other respects in +

The Drangæ resemble the Persians in all other respects in their mode of life, except that they have little wine. Tin is found in the country.None is said to be found there at the present day. -

Alexander next went from the Drangæ to the Euergetæ,They were called Ariaspi; Cyrus, son of Cambyses, gave them the name Euergetæ, benefactors, in consideration of the services which they had rendered in his expedition against the Scythians. +

Alexander next went from the Drangæ to the Euergetæ,They were called Ariaspi; Cyrus, son of Cambyses, gave them the name Euergetæ, benefactors, in consideration of the services which they had rendered in his expedition against the Scythians. (to whom Cyrus gave this name,) and to the Arachoti; then -through the territory of the Paropamisadæ at the setting of +through the territory of the Paropamisadæ at the setting of the Pleiad.At the beginning of winter. It is a mountainous country, and at that time @@ -80279,7 +80279,7 @@ relief in their distress. On their left hand were the summits of the mountains.

The southern parts of the Paropamisus belong to India and -Ariana; the northern parts towards the west belong to Bactriana [towards the east to Sogdiana * *The text is corrupt; the words between brackets are supplied by Kramer's conjecture. See b. xi. c. xi. § 2. Bactrian barbarians]. Having wintered there, with India above to the right +Ariana; the northern parts towards the west belong to Bactriana [towards the east to Sogdiana * *The text is corrupt; the words between brackets are supplied by Kramer's conjecture. See b. xi. c. xi. § 2. Bactrian barbarians]. Having wintered there, with India above to the right hand, and having founded a city, he crossed the summits of @@ -80291,7 +80291,7 @@ burthen, and that in a raw state for want of firewood; but silphium grew in great abundance, which promoted the digestion of this raw food. Fifteen days after founding the city -and leaving winter quarters, he came to AdrapsaBamian, see b. xi. c. xi. § 2. (Darapsa?), +and leaving winter quarters, he came to AdrapsaBamian, see b. xi. c. xi. § 2. (Darapsa?), a city of Bactriana. @@ -80374,7 +80374,7 @@ are readily thrown up by the waves, and supply the Ichthyophagi with the above-m of their cabins. According to Nearchus, the size of these -animals is three and twenty orguiæ in length.About 140 feet. Arrian says twenty-five orguiæ, or about 150 feet. +animals is three and twenty orguiæ in length.About 140 feet. Arrian says twenty-five orguiæ, or about 150 feet. @@ -80446,7 +80446,7 @@ that there are two mountains, one of which contains arsenic, the other salt.

There belongs to it a desert tract, which is contiguous to -Parthia and Parætacene. The produce of the ground is like +Parthia and Parætacene. The produce of the ground is like that of Persia; and among other productions the vine. The @@ -80527,12 +80527,12 @@ mountainous. On its borders live the camel-breeders.

Its length, according to Eratosthenes, towards the north and -Media,This passage is very corrupt, and many words, according to Kramer, appear to be omitted. See b. ii. c i. § 26. We read with Groskurd Media for Caspian Gates in the text: and insert 9000 stadia, here from b. ii. c. i. § 26, and, following the same authority, 3000 for 2000 stadia in the text below. is about 8000, or, including some projecting promontories, 9000 stadia; the remainder (from Media) to the Caspian Gates is not more than 3000 stadia. The breadth in the +Media,This passage is very corrupt, and many words, according to Kramer, appear to be omitted. See b. ii. c i. § 26. We read with Groskurd Media for Caspian Gates in the text: and insert 9000 stadia, here from b. ii. c. i. § 26, and, following the same authority, 3000 for 2000 stadia in the text below. is about 8000, or, including some projecting promontories, 9000 stadia; the remainder (from Media) to the Caspian Gates is not more than 3000 stadia. The breadth in the interior of the country from Susa to Persepolis is 4200 stadia, and thence to the borders of Carmania 1600 stadia more. -

The tribes inhabiting this country are those called the Pateischoreis, the Achæmenidæ, and Magi; these last affect a sedate mode of life; the Curtii and Mardi are robbers, the rest +

The tribes inhabiting this country are those called the Pateischoreis, the Achæmenidæ, and Magi; these last affect a sedate mode of life; the Curtii and Mardi are robbers, the rest are husbandmen. @@ -80560,7 +80560,7 @@ in the heroic times. Memnon. Its compass was 120 stadia. Its shape was oblong. The Acropolis was called Memnonium. The Susians -have the name also of Cissii. ÆschylusPersæ, v. 17 and 118. calls the mother of +have the name also of Cissii. ÆschylusPersæ, v. 17 and 118. calls the mother of Memnon, Cissia. Memnon is said to be buried near Paltus in @@ -80585,15 +80585,15 @@ but they did not hold in less veneration and honour the -palaces at Persepolis and Pasargadæ.Pasa or Fesa. For in these stronger +palaces at Persepolis and Pasargadæ.Pasa or Fesa. For in these stronger and hereditary places were the treasure-house, the riches, and -tombs of the Persians. There was another palace at Gabæ, +tombs of the Persians. There was another palace at Gabæ, in the upper parts of Persia, and another on the sea-coast, -near a place called Taoce.Taug or Taüog, on the river Grâ. +near a place called Taoce.Taug or Taüog, on the river Grâ.

This was the state of things during the empire of the Persians. But afterwards different princes occupied different palaces; some, as was natural, less sumptuous, after the power @@ -80631,7 +80631,7 @@ were inhabited by robbers, who constantly exacted payment even from the kings themselves, at their entrance into Persis from Susis. -

Polycletus says, that the Choaspes, and the Eulæus,There seems little doubt that the Karun represents the ancient Eulæus (on which some authors state Susa to have been situated), and the Kerkhah the old Choaspes. See Smith, art. Choaspes. and the +

Polycletus says, that the Choaspes, and the Eulæus,There seems little doubt that the Karun represents the ancient Eulæus (on which some authors state Susa to have been situated), and the Kerkhah the old Choaspes. See Smith, art. Choaspes. and the Tigris also enter a lake, and thence discharge themselves into @@ -80712,9 +80712,9 @@ and discharge themselves into the Persian Gulf. which has its source in the country of the Uxii. There is -also the river Cyrus, which flows through Cœle Persis,Hollow Persis. as +also the river Cyrus, which flows through Cœle Persis,Hollow Persis. as -it is called, near Pasargadæ. The king changed his name, +it is called, near Pasargadæ. The king changed his name, which was formerly Agradatus, to that of this river. Alexander @@ -80722,7 +80722,7 @@ crossed the AraxesBendamir. close to Persepolis. Per was distinguished for the magnificence of the treasures which -it contained. The Araxes flows out of the Parætacene,The capital of Parætacene is Ispahan. and +it contained. The Araxes flows out of the Parætacene,The capital of Parætacene is Ispahan. and receives the Medus,Probably the Ab-Kuren. which has its source in Media. These @@ -80743,7 +80743,7 @@ avenge the Greeks, whose temples and cities the Persians had destroyed by fire and sword.

-

He next came to Pasargadæ,Pasa or Fesa. which also was an ancient +

He next came to Pasargadæ,Pasa or Fesa. which also was an ancient royal residence. Here he saw in a park the tomb of Cyrus. @@ -80824,7 +80824,7 @@ that the above-mentioned inscription was in the Greek, and that there was another to the same purport in the Persian language. -

Cyrus held in honour Pasargadæ, because he there conquered, in his last battle, Astyages the Mede, and transferred +

Cyrus held in honour Pasargadæ, because he there conquered, in his last battle, Astyages the Mede, and transferred to himself the empire of Asia; he raised it to the rank of a city, @@ -80949,17 +80949,17 @@ knowledge and experience.

The part of Babylonia formerly called Sitacene, and afterwards Apolloniatis,Founded probably by the Macedonians. is situated near Susis. -

Above both, on the north and towards the east, are the ElymæiThe Elymæi reached to the Persian Gulf. Ptolem. vi. 1. They appear to have left vestiges of their name in that of a gulf, and a port called Delem. +

Above both, on the north and towards the east, are the ElymæiThe Elymæi reached to the Persian Gulf. Ptolem. vi. 1. They appear to have left vestiges of their name in that of a gulf, and a port called Delem. -and the Parætaceni, predatory people relying for security +and the Parætaceni, predatory people relying for security on their situation in a rugged and mountainous country. The -Parætaceni lie more immediately above the Apolloniatæ, and +Parætaceni lie more immediately above the Apolloniatæ, and -therefore annoy them the more. The Elymæi are at war with +therefore annoy them the more. The Elymæi are at war with -this people and with the Susians, and the Uxii with the Elymæi, but +this people and with the Susians, and the Uxii with the Elymæi, but not so constantly at present as might be expected, @@ -81035,7 +81035,7 @@ with blood, and thus be polluted. They then lay the flesh in order upon myrtle or laurel branches; the Magi touch it with -slender twigs,Roused the sacred fire, as the law bids, Touching the god with consecrated wand. Athenœus xii. 40, p. 850. Bohn's Classical Library. and make incantations, pouring oil mixed with +slender twigs,Roused the sacred fire, as the law bids, Touching the god with consecrated wand. Athenœus xii. 40, p. 850. Bohn's Classical Library. and make incantations, pouring oil mixed with @@ -81048,14 +81048,14 @@ milk and honey, not into the fire, nor into the water, but upon the earth. They time, holding in the hands a bundle of slender myrtle rods.

15 In Cappadocia (for in this country there is a great body -of Magi, called Pyræthi,i. e. who kindle fire. and there are many temples dedicated to the Persian deities) the sacrifice is not performed with +of Magi, called Pyræthi,i. e. who kindle fire. and there are many temples dedicated to the Persian deities) the sacrifice is not performed with a knife, but the victim is beaten to death with a log of wood, as with a mallet.

The Persians have also certain large shrines, called -Pyrætheia.i. e. places where fire s kindled. In the middle of these is an altar, on which is a +Pyrætheia.i. e. places where fire s kindled. In the middle of these is an altar, on which is a great @@ -81073,7 +81073,7 @@ of Omanus. Belonging to these temples are shrines, and a wooden statue of Omanus is carried in procession. These we -have seen ourselves.B. xi. c. viii. § 4. Other usages, and such as follow, are +have seen ourselves.B. xi. c. viii. § 4. Other usages, and such as follow, are related by historians. @@ -81144,13 +81144,13 @@ They are taught to endure heat, cold, and rains; to cross torrents, and keep the animals, to watch all night in the open air, and to eat wild -fruits, as the terminthus,Not the same plant as mentioned above, c. i. § 10, but the pistacia terebinthus. acorns, and wild pears. +fruits, as the terminthus,Not the same plant as mentioned above, c. i. § 10, but the pistacia terebinthus. acorns, and wild pears.

[These persons are called Cardaces, who live upon plunder, -for carda means a manly and warlike spirit.]An interpolation. The Cardaces were not Persians, but foreign soldiers. Barbari milites quos Persæ Cardacas appellant, (Cornel. Nepos,) without doubt were Assyrian and Armenian Carduci. See b. xvi. c. i. § 24, and Xenoph. Anab. iv. 3. Later Gordyæi or Gordyeni, now the Kurds. Groskurd. +for carda means a manly and warlike spirit.]An interpolation. The Cardaces were not Persians, but foreign soldiers. Barbari milites quos Persæ Cardacas appellant, (Cornel. Nepos,) without doubt were Assyrian and Armenian Carduci. See b. xvi. c. i. § 24, and Xenoph. Anab. iv. 3. Later Gordyæi or Gordyeni, now the Kurds. Groskurd.

The daily food after the exercise of the gymnasium is -bread, a cake, cardamum,Cardamum is probably the lepidum perfoliatum of Linnæus, or the nasturtium orientale of Tournefort. Xenophon also, Expedit. Cyr. iii. 5 and vii. 8, speaks of the great use made of this plant by the Persians. a piece of salt, and dressed meat +bread, a cake, cardamum,Cardamum is probably the lepidum perfoliatum of Linnæus, or the nasturtium orientale of Tournefort. Xenophon also, Expedit. Cyr. iii. 5 and vii. 8, speaks of the great use made of this plant by the Persians. a piece of salt, and dressed meat either roasted or boiled, and their drink is water.

Their mode of hunting is by throwing spears from horseback, or @@ -81268,7 +81268,7 @@ tribute was settled by Darius [Longimanus, who was a very handsome person with the exception of the length of his -arms, which reached to his knees].The length of the arms and the surname Longhand here given to Darius are assigned by others to Artaxerxes. It was in fact the latter to whom this surname was given, according to Plutarch, in consequence of the right arm being longer than the left. Therefore Falconer considers this passage an interpolation. Coraÿ. The greater part both +arms, which reached to his knees].The length of the arms and the surname Longhand here given to Darius are assigned by others to Artaxerxes. It was in fact the latter to whom this surname was given, according to Plutarch, in consequence of the right arm being longer than the left. Therefore Falconer considers this passage an interpolation. Coraÿ. The greater part both of gold and silver is wrought up, and there is not much in @@ -81285,9 +81285,9 @@ the other hand, money is coined in proportion to what is required for expenditur kings, from the great wealth which they possessed, degenerated into a luxurious way of life. They sent for wheat from -Assos in Æolia, for ChalybonianChalybon was the name of the modern Aleppo, but the wine of Damascus must have possessed the same qualities, and had the same name. The Chalybonean wine, Posidonius says, is made in Damascus in Syria, from vines which were planted there by the Persians. Athenœus, b. i page 46, Bohn's Classical Library wine from Syria, and water +Assos in Æolia, for ChalybonianChalybon was the name of the modern Aleppo, but the wine of Damascus must have possessed the same qualities, and had the same name. The Chalybonean wine, Posidonius says, is made in Damascus in Syria, from vines which were planted there by the Persians. Athenœus, b. i page 46, Bohn's Classical Library wine from Syria, and water -from the Eulæus, which is the lightest of all, for an Attic +from the Eulæus, which is the lightest of all, for an Attic cotylus measure of it weighs less by a drachm (than the same @@ -81308,7 +81308,7 @@ Homer was not acquainted with the empire of the Syrians nor of the Medes, for otherwise as he mentions the wealth of -Egyptian Thebes and of Phœnicia, he would not have passed +Egyptian Thebes and of Phœnicia, he would not have passed over in silence the wealth of Babylon, of Ninus, and of @@ -81327,7 +81327,7 @@ same, they were not however masters of the whole, but of a small portion only of Asia, that within the river Halys; their -empire lasted for a short time, during the reigns of Crœsus +empire lasted for a short time, during the reigns of Crœsus and Alyattes; and they were deprived of what little glory @@ -81381,7 +81381,7 @@ former times, but now to those of Parthia.

SUMMARY.

The sixteenth Book contains Assyria, in which are the great cities Babylon -and Nisibis; Adiabene, Mesopotamia, all Syria; Phœnicia, Palestine; the +and Nisibis; Adiabene, Mesopotamia, all Syria; Phœnicia, Palestine; the whole of Arabia; all that part of India which touches upon Arabia; the @@ -81397,15 +81397,15 @@ country bordering the Dead and Red Seas.

name is given to Babylonia, and to a large tract of country -around; this tract contains Aturia,According to Dion Cassius, xviii. § 26, Aturia is synonymous with Assyria, and only differs from it by a barbarous pronunciation; which shows that the name Assyria belonged peculiarly to the territory of Nineveh. in which is Nineveh, the +around; this tract contains Aturia,According to Dion Cassius, xviii. § 26, Aturia is synonymous with Assyria, and only differs from it by a barbarous pronunciation; which shows that the name Assyria belonged peculiarly to the territory of Nineveh. in which is Nineveh, the -Apolloniatis, the Elymæi, the Parætacæ, and the Chalonitis +Apolloniatis, the Elymæi, the Parætacæ, and the Chalonitis -about Mount Zagrum,Aiaghi-dagh.—the plains about Nineveh, namely, +about Mount Zagrum,Aiaghi-dagh.—the plains about Nineveh, namely, -Dolomene, Calachene, Chazene, and Adiabene,—the nations +Dolomene, Calachene, Chazene, and Adiabene,—the nations -of Mesopotamia, bordering upon the Gordyæi;It is to be remarked that the people bordering upon the Gordyæi are the only people of Mesopotamia here mentioned, for the whole of Mesopotamia, properly so called, is comprised under the name of Assyria. the Mygdones +of Mesopotamia, bordering upon the Gordyæi;It is to be remarked that the people bordering upon the Gordyæi are the only people of Mesopotamia here mentioned, for the whole of Mesopotamia, properly so called, is comprised under the name of Assyria. the Mygdones about Nisibis, extending to the ZeugmaThe bridge or passage at the foot of the modern fortress Roum-Kala of the Euphrates, @@ -81415,7 +81415,7 @@ occupied by Arabians, and by those people who are properly called Syrians in the present age. This last people extend as -far as the Cilicians, Phœnicians, and Jews, to the sea opposite the Sea of Egypt, and to the Bay of Issus. +far as the Cilicians, Phœnicians, and Jews, to the sea opposite the Sea of Egypt, and to the Bay of Issus.

The name of Syrians seems to extend from Babylonia as @@ -81427,7 +81427,7 @@ Euxine. and those near the Pontus, are called to this time Leuco-Syrians (or -White Syrians),P. xii. c. iii. § 5; Herod. i. 6 and 72. as though there existed a na- +White Syrians),P. xii. c. iii. § 5; Herod. i. 6 and 72. as though there existed a na- @@ -81439,7 +81439,7 @@ tion of Black Syrians. These are the people situated beyond the Taurus, and I extend the name of Taurus as far as the -Amanus.Al. Lucan. b. xi. c. xii. § 4; b. xiv. c. v. § 18; b. xvi. c. ii. § 8. +Amanus.Al. Lucan. b. xi. c. xii. § 4; b. xiv. c. v. § 18; b. xvi. c. ii. § 8.

When the historians of the Syrian empire say that the Medes were overthrown by the Persians, and the Syrians by @@ -81520,11 +81520,11 @@ which Alexander, after the victory at Arbela, superadded), is the river Caprus,The Little Zab, or Or. situated at the same distance from Arbela -as the Lycus. The country is called Artacene.As the name Artacene occurs nowhere else, Groskurd, following Cellarius (v. Geogr. Ant. i. 771), suspects that here we ought to read Arbelene, and would understand by it the same district which is called Arbelitis by Ptolemy, vi. 1, and by Pliny, H. N. vi. 13, § 16, but as this form of the national name is nowhere to be found, it would appear improper to introduce it into the text. It is more probable, continues Kramer, that Strabo wrote Adiabene, of which Arbelitis was a part, according to Pliny, loco citato. Near Arbela +as the Lycus. The country is called Artacene.As the name Artacene occurs nowhere else, Groskurd, following Cellarius (v. Geogr. Ant. i. 771), suspects that here we ought to read Arbelene, and would understand by it the same district which is called Arbelitis by Ptolemy, vi. 1, and by Pliny, H. N. vi. 13, § 16, but as this form of the national name is nowhere to be found, it would appear improper to introduce it into the text. It is more probable, continues Kramer, that Strabo wrote Adiabene, of which Arbelitis was a part, according to Pliny, loco citato. Near Arbela is the city Demetrias; next is the spring of naphtha, the fires, -the temple of the goddess Anæa,The same, no doubt, as the goddess Anaitis. B. xi. c. viii. § 4, and b. xv. c. iii. §15. Sadracæ, the palace of +the temple of the goddess Anæa,The same, no doubt, as the goddess Anaitis. B. xi. c. viii. § 4, and b. xv. c. iii. §15. Sadracæ, the palace of Darius, son of Hystaspes, the Cyparisson, or plantation of @@ -81611,7 +81611,7 @@ it is larger than Babylon; the other is in great part deserted, so that no one would hesitate to apply to it what one of the -comic writers said of Megalopolitæ in Arcadia, +comic writers said of Megalopolitæ in Arcadia, The great city is a great desert. @@ -81645,19 +81645,19 @@ Sitacene.

In Babylon a residence was set apart for the native -philosophers called Chaldæans, who are chiefly devoted to the +philosophers called Chaldæans, who are chiefly devoted to the study of astronomy. Some, who are not approved of by the rest, profess to understand genethlialogy, or the casting of -nativities. There is also a tribe of Chaldæans, who inhabit a +nativities. There is also a tribe of Chaldæans, who inhabit a district of Babylonia, in the neighbourhood of the Arabians, and of the sea called the Persian Sea.That is, at a short distance from the Persian Gulf, a little more to the south than the modern town Basra. There are several -classes of the Chaldæan astronomers. Some have the name +classes of the Chaldæan astronomers. Some have the name of Orcheni, some Borsippeni, and many others, as if divided @@ -81665,7 +81665,7 @@ into sects, who disseminate different tenets on the same subjects. The mathemati among them, as Cidenas, Naburianus, and Sudinus. Seleucus -also of Seleuceia is a Chaldæan, and many other remarkable +also of Seleuceia is a Chaldæan, and many other remarkable men. @@ -81679,11 +81679,11 @@ those in other parts abound in it. They are caught and salted for food.

The country of the Babylonians is surrounded on the -east by the Susans, Elymæi, and Parætaceni; on the south by +east by the Susans, Elymæi, and Parætaceni; on the south by -the Persian Gulf, and the Chaldæans as far as the Arabian +the Persian Gulf, and the Chaldæans as far as the Arabian -Meseni; on the west by the Arabian Scenitæ as far as Adiabene and Gordyæa; on the north by the Armenians and +Meseni; on the west by the Arabian Scenitæ as far as Adiabene and Gordyæa; on the north by the Armenians and Medes as far as the Zagrus, and the nations about that river. @@ -81830,7 +81830,7 @@ contemplated making himself master of this country; and he had already provided a fleet and places of rendezvous; and -had built vessels in Phœnicia and at Cyprus, some of which +had built vessels in Phœnicia and at Cyprus, some of which were in separate pieces, others were in parts, fastened together @@ -81840,7 +81840,7 @@ distances of a day's march, were then to be transported down the river to Babylon. He constructed other boats in Babylonia, from cypress trees in the groves and parks, for there is -a scarcity of timber in Babylonia. Among the Cossæi, and +a scarcity of timber in Babylonia. Among the Cossæi, and some other tribes, the supply of timber is not great,

The pretext for the war, says Aristobulus, was that the @@ -81875,7 +81875,7 @@ Arabia, says, that the water, when it cannot find an outlet, opens passages underground, and is conveyed through these -as far as the Cœle-Syrians,The name Cœle-Syria, or Hollow Syria, which was properly applied to the district between Libanus and Antilibanus, was extended also to that part of Syria which borders upon Egypt and Arabia; and it is in this latter sense that Strabo here speaks of Cœle-Syria. So also Diodorus Siculus, i. § 30, speaks of Joppa in Cœle-Syria; and Polybius, v. 80, § 2, of Rhinocolura, the first of the cities in Cœle-Syria; and Josephus, Ant. Jud. xiii. 13, § 2, of Scythopolis of Cœle-Syria. it is also compressed and forced +as far as the Cœle-Syrians,The name Cœle-Syria, or Hollow Syria, which was properly applied to the district between Libanus and Antilibanus, was extended also to that part of Syria which borders upon Egypt and Arabia; and it is in this latter sense that Strabo here speaks of Cœle-Syria. So also Diodorus Siculus, i. § 30, speaks of Joppa in Cœle-Syria; and Polybius, v. 80, § 2, of Rhinocolura, the first of the cities in Cœle-Syria; and Josephus, Ant. Jud. xiii. 13, § 2, of Scythopolis of Cœle-Syria. it is also compressed and forced into the parts near RhinocoluraEl-Arish. and Mount Casius,El-Kas near Sebakit-Bardoil, the ancient lake Serbonis. and @@ -81897,7 +81897,7 @@ traversed so dry and parched a soil for more than 6000 stadia; particularly, when we observe, situated mid-way in -this course, Libanus, Antilibanus, and Mount Casius.Strabo has misunderstood the meaning of Eratosthenes, who had said that the excess of the waters of the Euphrates sunk into the ground and reappeared under the form of torrents, which became visible near Rhinocolura in Cœle-Syria and Mt. Casius, the Casius near Egypt. Our author properly observes that the length and nature of the course contradicts this hypothesis: but, misled by the names Cœle-Syria and Casius, he forgets that the Casius of Egypt and the district bordering upon Egypt, improperly called Cœle-Syria, are here in question; he transfers the first name to Cœle-Syria of Libanus, and the second to Mt. Casius near Seleucia and Antioch, and adds that, according to the notion of Eratosthenes, the waters of the Euphrates would have to traverse Libanus, Antilibanus, and the Casius (of Syria), whilst Eratosthenes has not, and could not, say any such thing. The hypothesis of Eratosthenes could not, indeed, be maintained, but Strabo renders it absurd. The error of our author is the more remarkable, as the name of the city Rhinocolura ought necessarily to have suggested to him the sense in which the words Casius and Cœle Syria should be understood. +this course, Libanus, Antilibanus, and Mount Casius.Strabo has misunderstood the meaning of Eratosthenes, who had said that the excess of the waters of the Euphrates sunk into the ground and reappeared under the form of torrents, which became visible near Rhinocolura in Cœle-Syria and Mt. Casius, the Casius near Egypt. Our author properly observes that the length and nature of the course contradicts this hypothesis: but, misled by the names Cœle-Syria and Casius, he forgets that the Casius of Egypt and the district bordering upon Egypt, improperly called Cœle-Syria, are here in question; he transfers the first name to Cœle-Syria of Libanus, and the second to Mt. Casius near Seleucia and Antioch, and adds that, according to the notion of Eratosthenes, the waters of the Euphrates would have to traverse Libanus, Antilibanus, and the Casius (of Syria), whilst Eratosthenes has not, and could not, say any such thing. The hypothesis of Eratosthenes could not, indeed, be maintained, but Strabo renders it absurd. The error of our author is the more remarkable, as the name of the city Rhinocolura ought necessarily to have suggested to him the sense in which the words Casius and Cœle Syria should be understood. @@ -81911,7 +81911,7 @@ this course, Libanus, Antilibanus, and Mount Casius.Strabo of the mountains (from which it is supplied), some are distant -2000, and the Cossæan mountains scarcely 1000 stadia, that +2000, and the Cossæan mountains scarcely 1000 stadia, that they are not very high, nor covered with snow to a great @@ -82077,7 +82077,7 @@ masters. the salubrity of the air, and the summer at Ecbatana and in -Hyrcania,Strabo probably here refers to Hecatompylos, which, in b. xi. c. ix. § 1, he calls the royal seat of the Parthians, and which shared with Ecbatana the honour of being a residence of the Parthian kings. The name Hyrcania has here a wide meaning; the proper name would have been Parthia. induced by the ancient renown of these places. +Hyrcania,Strabo probably here refers to Hecatompylos, which, in b. xi. c. ix. § 1, he calls the royal seat of the Parthians, and which shared with Ecbatana the honour of being a residence of the Parthian kings. The name Hyrcania has here a wide meaning; the proper name would have been Parthia. induced by the ancient renown of these places.

As we call the country Babylonia, so we call the people Babylonians, not from the name of the city, but of the country; the case is not precisely the same, however, as regards @@ -82086,7 +82086,7 @@ even natives of Seleuceia, as, for instance, Diogenes, the stoic philosopher [who had the appellation of the Babylonian, and -not the Seleucian].Cicero de Nat. Deor. i. § 5. +not the Seleucian].Cicero de Nat. Deor. i. § 5.

At the distance of 500 stadia from Seleuceia is Artemita, a considerable city, situated nearly directly to the east, @@ -82104,7 +82104,7 @@ Persis, through the territory of the Uxii,Asciac part of Kh into the middle of Carmania,Kerman. leads also towards the east.

Persis, which is a large country, encompasses Carmania on -the [west]Groskurd here supposes an omission by the copyist of the words e(spe/o|an kai/ po|o\s before a)/o|kton. and north. Close to it adjoin Parætacene,Parætacene, Cossæa, and Elymaïs occupied the mountainous parts of Irak Adjami. and +the [west]Groskurd here supposes an omission by the copyist of the words e(spe/o|an kai/ po|o\s before a)/o|kton. and north. Close to it adjoin Parætacene,Parætacene, Cossæa, and Elymaïs occupied the mountainous parts of Irak Adjami. and @@ -82112,18 +82112,18 @@ the [west]Groskurd here supposes an omission by the copyist -the Cossæan territory as far as the Caspian Gates, inhabited +the Cossæan territory as far as the Caspian Gates, inhabited by mountainous and predatory tribes. Contiguous to Susiana -is Elymaïs, a great part of which is rugged, and inhabited by +is Elymaïs, a great part of which is rugged, and inhabited by -robbers. To Elymaïs adjoin the country about the ZagrusAïaghi-dagh. +robbers. To Elymaïs adjoin the country about the ZagrusAïaghi-dagh. and Media.Media extended partly into Irak Adjami, and partly into Kurdistan.

-

The Cossæi, like the neighbouring mountaineers, are +

The Cossæi, like the neighbouring mountaineers, are for the most part archers, and are always out on foraging @@ -82133,19 +82133,19 @@ barren, they are compelled by necessity to live at the expense of others. They are also necessarily powerful, for they are -all fighting men. When the Elymæi were at war with the +all fighting men. When the Elymæi were at war with the -Babylonians and Susians, they supplied the Elymæi with +Babylonians and Susians, they supplied the Elymæi with thirteen thousand auxiliaries. -

The Parætaceni attend to the cultivation of the ground +

The Parætaceni attend to the cultivation of the ground -more than the Cossæi, but even these people do not abstain +more than the Cossæi, but even these people do not abstain from robbery. -

The Elymæi occupy a country larger in extent, and more +

The Elymæi occupy a country larger in extent, and more -varied, than that of the Parætaceni. The fertile part of it is +varied, than that of the Parætaceni. The fertile part of it is inhabited by husbandmen. The mountainous tract is a nursery @@ -82157,7 +82157,7 @@ their king, who possesses great power, refuses to be subject, like others, to the king of Parthia. The country was similarly -independent in the time of the Persians, and afterwardsu(/steo|on in the text must be omitted, or altered to po|o/teo|on, unless, as Kramer proposes, the words kai\ po|o\s tou\s Pe/o|sas be introduced into the text. Strabo frequently mentions together the three successive governments of Persians, Macedonians, and Parthians. B. xi. c. xiii. § 4, and c. xiv. § 15. in +independent in the time of the Persians, and afterwardsu(/steo|on in the text must be omitted, or altered to po|o/teo|on, unless, as Kramer proposes, the words kai\ po|o\s tou\s Pe/o|sas be introduced into the text. Strabo frequently mentions together the three successive governments of Persians, Macedonians, and Parthians. B. xi. c. xiii. § 4, and c. xiv. § 15. in the time of the Macedonians, who governed Syria. When @@ -82190,12 +82190,12 @@ was taken. It was formerly called Soloce. one from Media and the places about the Zagrus, through -Massabatice; a second from Susis, through the district Gabiane. Both Gabiane and Massabatice are provinces of Elymæa. A third passage is that from Persis. Corbiane also is +Massabatice; a second from Susis, through the district Gabiane. Both Gabiane and Massabatice are provinces of Elymæa. A third passage is that from Persis. Corbiane also is -a province of Elymaïs. +a province of Elymaïs.

Sagapeni and Silaceni, small principalities, border upon -Elymaïs. +Elymaïs.

Such, then, is the number and the character of the nations situated above Babylonia towards the east. @@ -82208,7 +82208,7 @@ and Adiabene and Mesopotamia to the west of Babylonia. although it is a portion of Babylon, has its own prince. In -some places it is contiguous to Armenia.On comparing this passage with others, (b. xi. c. xiv. § 12, and b. xvi. c. i. § 1, and c. i. § 8,) in which Strabo speaks of Adiabene, we perceive that he understood it to be a part of the country below the mountains of Armenia, and to the north of Nineveh, on both banks of the Tigris. Other authors have given a more extended meaning to the name, and applied it to the country on the north of the two rivers Zab, from whence (Amm. Marcel. xxiii. 5, 6) the name Adiabene appears to be derived. In this sense Adiabene may be considered the same as Assyria Proper. For the Medes, +some places it is contiguous to Armenia.On comparing this passage with others, (b. xi. c. xiv. § 12, and b. xvi. c. i. § 1, and c. i. § 8,) in which Strabo speaks of Adiabene, we perceive that he understood it to be a part of the country below the mountains of Armenia, and to the north of Nineveh, on both banks of the Tigris. Other authors have given a more extended meaning to the name, and applied it to the country on the north of the two rivers Zab, from whence (Amm. Marcel. xxiii. 5, 6) the name Adiabene appears to be derived. In this sense Adiabene may be considered the same as Assyria Proper. For the Medes, Armenians, and Babylonians, the three greatest nations in @@ -82227,7 +82227,7 @@ frequent inroads into their country, but the people were not subdued, and Tigranes, as I have mentioned in the description -of Armenia,B. xi. c. xiv. § 15. opposed them with great vigour and success. +of Armenia,B. xi. c. xiv. § 15. opposed them with great vigour and success.

Such is the nature of Adiabene. The Adiabeni are also called Saccopodes.Groskurd proposes reading Saulopodes, delicate walkers, in place of Saccopodes, sack-footed. @@ -82359,17 +82359,17 @@ The least distance between them is somewhere about Seleuceia and Babylon, and is a little more than 200 stadia.

The Tigris flows through the middle of the lake called -ThopitisThe Van. B. xi. c. xiv. § 8. in the direction of its breadth, and after traversing +ThopitisThe Van. B. xi. c. xiv. § 8. in the direction of its breadth, and after traversing it to the opposite bank, sinks under ground with a loud noise and rushing of air. Its course is for a long space invisible, -but it rises again to the surface not far from Gordyæa. According +but it rises again to the surface not far from Gordyæa. According to Eratosthenes, it traverses the lake with such rapidity, that -although the lake is saline and without fish,In b. xi. c. xiv. § 8, Strabo says that this lake contains one kind of fish only. yet +although the lake is saline and without fish,In b. xi. c. xiv. § 8, Strabo says that this lake contains one kind of fish only. yet in this part it is fresh, has a current, and abounds with fish. @@ -82407,14 +82407,14 @@ at Thapsacus. In their territory is Nisibis,Nisibin. also Antioch in Mygdonia, situated below Mount Masius,Kara-dagh. -and Tigranocerta,Sered. and the places about Carrhæ, Nicephorium,Haran. Chordiraza,Racca. and Sinnaca, where Crassus was taken +and Tigranocerta,Sered. and the places about Carrhæ, Nicephorium,Haran. Chordiraza,Racca. and Sinnaca, where Crassus was taken prisoner by stratagem, and put to death by Surena, the Parthian general.B. C. 51.

Near the Tigris are the places belonging to the -Gordyæi,Gordyæa was the most northerly part of Assyria, or Kurdistan, near the lake Van. From Carduchi, the name of the inhabitants, is derived the modern name Kurds. whom the ancients called Carduchi; their cities +Gordyæi,Gordyæa was the most northerly part of Assyria, or Kurdistan, near the lake Van. From Carduchi, the name of the inhabitants, is derived the modern name Kurds. whom the ancients called Carduchi; their cities are Sareisa, Satalca, and Pinaca, a very strong fortress with @@ -82424,11 +82424,11 @@ it were a triple city. It was, however, subject to the king of Armenia; the Romans also took it by storm, although the -Gordyæi had the reputation of excelling in the art of building, and to be skilful in the construction of siege engines. It +Gordyæi had the reputation of excelling in the art of building, and to be skilful in the construction of siege engines. It was for this reason Tigranes took them into his service. The -rest of Mesopotamia (Gordyæa?) was subject to the Romans. +rest of Mesopotamia (Gordyæa?) was subject to the Romans. Pompey assigned to Tigranes the largest and best portion of @@ -82458,7 +82458,7 @@ shall soon speak of Triptolemus in our description of Syria. -at a distance from the mountains, are an arid and barren district, occupied by the Arabian Scenitæ, a tribe of robbers and +at a distance from the mountains, are an arid and barren district, occupied by the Arabian Scenitæ, a tribe of robbers and shepherds, who readily move from place to place, whenever @@ -82483,19 +82483,19 @@ another called the Aborrhas.These appear to be the rivers f from Syria to Seleuceia and Babylon lies through the country -of the (Arabian) Scenitæ, [now called Malii,]Probably an interpolation. and through +of the (Arabian) Scenitæ, [now called Malii,]Probably an interpolation. and through the desert belonging to their territory. The Euphrates is -crossed in the latitude of Anthemusia, a place in Mesopotamia.The passage of the Euphrates here in question was effected at the Zeugma of Commagene, called by Strabo the present passage. On passing the river you entered Anthemusia, a province which appears to have received, later on, the name of Osroene. It extended considerably towards the north, for in it the Aborrhas, according to Strabo, had its source; but it is doubtful whether it extended to the north of Mount Masius, where the latitudes, as given by Ptolemy, would place it. I do not exactly know whether Strabo intends to speak of a city or a province, for the position of the city is unknown; we only learn from a passage in Pliny, vi. c. xxvi., that it was not on the Euphrates. The word to/pos is not, I think, so applicable to a province as to a city, and in this last sense I have understood it, giving also to kata\ the meaning of latitude, in which it is so often applied by Strabo; strictly speaking, the sense of vis-á-vis, opposite to, might be given to it.—Letronne. +crossed in the latitude of Anthemusia, a place in Mesopotamia.The passage of the Euphrates here in question was effected at the Zeugma of Commagene, called by Strabo the present passage. On passing the river you entered Anthemusia, a province which appears to have received, later on, the name of Osroene. It extended considerably towards the north, for in it the Aborrhas, according to Strabo, had its source; but it is doubtful whether it extended to the north of Mount Masius, where the latitudes, as given by Ptolemy, would place it. I do not exactly know whether Strabo intends to speak of a city or a province, for the position of the city is unknown; we only learn from a passage in Pliny, vi. c. xxvi., that it was not on the Euphrates. The word to/pos is not, I think, so applicable to a province as to a city, and in this last sense I have understood it, giving also to kata\ the meaning of latitude, in which it is so often applied by Strabo; strictly speaking, the sense of vis-á-vis, opposite to, might be given to it.—Letronne. -Above the river, at the distance of four schœni, is Bambyce, +Above the river, at the distance of four schœni, is Bambyce, which is called by the names of Edessa and Hierapolis,This is an error of the author or of the copyist. Edessa (now Orfah) is not to be confounded with Bambyce (Kara-Bambuche, or Buguk Munbedj) of Cyrrhestica in Syria, which obtained its Hellenic name from Seleucus Nicator. where the Syrian goddess Atargatis is worshipped. After crossing -the river, the road lies through a desert country on the borders of Babylonia to Scenæ, a considerable city, situated on +the river, the road lies through a desert country on the borders of Babylonia to Scenæ, a considerable city, situated on the banks of a canal. From the passage across the river to @@ -82505,14 +82505,14 @@ the banks of a canal. From the passage across the river to -Scenæ is a journey of five and twenty days. There are (on +Scenæ is a journey of five and twenty days. There are (on the road) owners of camels, who keep resting-places, which are well supplied with water from cisterns, or transported from a distance. -

The Scenitæ exact a moderate tribute from merchants, but +

The Scenitæ exact a moderate tribute from merchants, but [otherwise] do not molest them: the merchants, therefore, @@ -82531,7 +82531,7 @@ himself. And it is difficult among so large a body of people, and of such daring habits, to establish any common standard of tribute advantageous to the merchant. -

Scene is distant from Seleuceia 18 schœni. +

Scene is distant from Seleuceia 18 schœni.

The Euphrates and its eastern banks are the boundaries of the Parthian empire. The Romans and the chiefs of @@ -82542,7 +82542,7 @@ as far as Babylonia. Some of the chiefs attach themselves in preference to the Parthians, others to the Romans, to whom -they adjoin. The Scenitæ nomades, who live near the river, +they adjoin. The Scenitæ nomades, who live near the river, are less friendly to the Romans than those tribes who are @@ -82554,11 +82554,11 @@ but having repulsed Crassus,B. C. 54The Parthians became masters of Syria under Pacorus, and of Asia Minor under Labienus. B. C. 38. But Antony, following -the advice of the Armenian,Artavasdes, king of the Armenians. B. xi. c. xiii. § 4. was betrayed, and was unsuccessful +the advice of the Armenian,Artavasdes, king of the Armenians. B. xi. c. xiii. § 4. was betrayed, and was unsuccessful -(against them). Phraates, hisThe text would lead us to suppose that Phraates succeeded Pacorus, whereas below, § 8, Pacorus, the eldest son of the Parthian king, died before his father, Orodes. Letronne, therefore, and Groskurd suppose that the words, the son of Orodes, are omitted after Pacorus above, and his in the translation would then refer to Orodes. successor, was so anxious +(against them). Phraates, hisThe text would lead us to suppose that Phraates succeeded Pacorus, whereas below, § 8, Pacorus, the eldest son of the Parthian king, died before his father, Orodes. Letronne, therefore, and Groskurd suppose that the words, the son of Orodes, are omitted after Pacorus above, and his in the translation would then refer to Orodes. successor, was so anxious -to obtain the friendship of Augustus Cæsar, that he even sent +to obtain the friendship of Augustus Cæsar, that he even sent the trophies, which the Parthians had set up as memorials of @@ -82574,7 +82574,7 @@ into his hands, as hostages, four of his legitimate sons, Seraspadanes, Rhodaspe their wives and four of their sons; for he was apprehensive of -conspiracy and attempts on his life.See b. vi. c. iv. § 2, in which the motives for getting rid of these members of his family are not mentioned. He knew that no one +conspiracy and attempts on his life.See b. vi. c. iv. § 2, in which the motives for getting rid of these members of his family are not mentioned. He knew that no one could prevail against him, unless he was opposed by one of @@ -82602,7 +82602,7 @@ conferences (with the Roman prefects). a distance of 1400 stadia, and forms the above-mentioned -(northern) boundary; on the east it is bounded by the Euphrates and the Arabian Scenitæ, who live on this side the +(northern) boundary; on the east it is bounded by the Euphrates and the Arabian Scenitæ, who live on this side the Euphrates; on the south, by Arabia Felix and Egypt; on the @@ -82613,19 +82613,19 @@ west, by the Egyptian and Syrian Seas as far as Issus. as parts of Syria, Commagene, and the Seleucis of Syria, as it -is called, then Cœle-Syria, lastly, on the coast, Phœnicia, and +is called, then Cœle-Syria, lastly, on the coast, Phœnicia, and -in the interior, Judæa. Some writers divide the whole of +in the interior, Judæa. Some writers divide the whole of -Syria into Cœlo-Syrians, Syrians, and Phœnicians, and say that +Syria into Cœlo-Syrians, Syrians, and Phœnicians, and say that there are intermixed with these four other nations, Jews, -Idumæans, Gazæans, and Azotii, some of whom are husbandmen, as +Idumæans, Gazæans, and Azotii, some of whom are husbandmen, as -the Syrians and Cœlo-Syrians, and others merchants, +the Syrians and Cœlo-Syrians, and others merchants, -as the Phœnicians. +as the Phœnicians. @@ -82634,7 +82634,7 @@ as the Phœnicians.

-

This is the general description [of Syria].Judging from Arrian (Anab. v. § 25; vii. § 9; iii. § 8), the historians of Alexander, as well as more ancient authors, gave the name of Syria to all the country comprehended between the Tigris and the Mediterranean. The part to the east of the Euphrates, afterwards named Mesopotamia, was called Syria between the rivers; that to the west was called by the general name Cœle-Syria, and although Phœnicia and Palestine were sometimes separated from it, yet it often comprehended the whole country as far as Egypt. Strabo below, c. ii. § 21, refers to this ancient division, when he says that the name Cœle-Syria extends to the whole country as far as Egypt and Arabia, although in its peculiar acceptation it applied only to the valley between Libanus and Antilibanus. +

This is the general description [of Syria].Judging from Arrian (Anab. v. § 25; vii. § 9; iii. § 8), the historians of Alexander, as well as more ancient authors, gave the name of Syria to all the country comprehended between the Tigris and the Mediterranean. The part to the east of the Euphrates, afterwards named Mesopotamia, was called Syria between the rivers; that to the west was called by the general name Cœle-Syria, and although Phœnicia and Palestine were sometimes separated from it, yet it often comprehended the whole country as far as Egypt. Strabo below, c. ii. § 21, refers to this ancient division, when he says that the name Cœle-Syria extends to the whole country as far as Egypt and Arabia, although in its peculiar acceptation it applied only to the valley between Libanus and Antilibanus.

In describing it in detail, we say that Commagene is rather a small district. It contains a strong city, Samosata, in which @@ -82671,7 +82671,7 @@ and Laodiceia from his mother. according to Poseidonius, was divided into four satrapies; -Cœle-Syria into the same number, but [Commagene, like] +Cœle-Syria into the same number, but [Commagene, like] Mesopotamia, consisted of one.Mesopotamia in the text is no doubt an error of the copyist. We ought probably to read Commagene. Groskurd proposes to read Commagene, like Mesopotamia, consisted of one satrapy. Groskurd's emendation of the text is followed, although not approved of, by Kramer.

Antioch also is a Tetrapolis, consisting (as the name im- @@ -82703,7 +82703,7 @@ son of Epiphanes. inferior in riches and magnitude to Seleuceia on the Tigris and Alexandreia in Egypt. -

[Seleucus] Nicator settled here the descendants of Triptolemus, whom we have mentioned a little before.C. i. § 25. On this +

[Seleucus] Nicator settled here the descendants of Triptolemus, whom we have mentioned a little before.C. i. § 25. On this account the people of Antioch regard him as a hero, and celebrate a festival to his honour on Mount CasiusMount Soldin. near Seleuceia. They say that when he was sent by the Argives in @@ -82715,7 +82715,7 @@ him along the sea-coast, and, relinquishing their search, settled with him on th son of Triptolemus, with some of those who had accompanied -his father, founded a colony in Gordyæa, and that the descendants of the rest became settlers among the inhabitants of +his father, founded a colony in Gordyæa, and that the descendants of the rest became settlers among the inhabitants of Antioch. @@ -82743,9 +82743,9 @@ The forest is 80 stadia in circumference.

The river Orontes flows near the city. Its source is in -Cœle-Syria. Having taken its course under-ground, it +Cœle-Syria. Having taken its course under-ground, it -reäppears, traverses the territory of Apameia to Antioch, +reäppears, traverses the territory of Apameia to Antioch, approaching the latter city, and then descends to the sea at @@ -82760,7 +82760,7 @@ bridge over it. was struck with lightning, and here also was the scene of the -fable of the Arimi, whom we have before mentioned.B. xii. c. viii. § 19; b. xiii. c. iv. § 6. Typhon +fable of the Arimi, whom we have before mentioned.B. xii. c. viii. § 19; b. xiii. c. iv. § 6. Typhon was a serpent, it is said, and being struck by lightning, endeavoured @@ -82784,7 +82784,7 @@ stadia. The ascent by the river to Antioch is performed in one day.

To the east of Antioch are the Euphrates, Bambyce,Also Hierapolis, the modern Kara Bambuche. -Berœa,Berœa owes its name to Seleucus Nicator, and continued to be so called till the conquest of the Arabs under Abu Obeidah, A. D. 638, when it resumed its ancient name of Chaleb, or Chalybon. and Heracleia, small towns formerly under the +Berœa,Berœa owes its name to Seleucus Nicator, and continued to be so called till the conquest of the Arabs under Abu Obeidah, A. D. 638, when it resumed its ancient name of Chaleb, or Chalybon. and Heracleia, small towns formerly under the government of Dionysius, the son of Heracleon. Heracleia is distant @@ -82808,7 +82808,7 @@ was near these places that Pacorus, the eldest of the sons of the Parthian king, who had invaded Syria, was defeated by Ventidius, and killed. -

Pagræ,Baghras. in the district of Antioch, is close to Gindarus. It +

Pagræ,Baghras. in the district of Antioch, is close to Gindarus. It @@ -82820,11 +82820,11 @@ is a strong fortress situated on the pass over the Amanus, which leads from the gates of the Amanus into Syria. Below -Pagræ lies the plain of Antioch, through which flow the rivers +Pagræ lies the plain of Antioch, through which flow the rivers Arceuthus, Orontes, and Labotas.The modern names of the Arceuthus and Labotas are unknown. In this plain is also the -trench of Meleagrus, and the river Œnoparas,The Afreen on the banks of +trench of Meleagrus, and the river Œnoparas,The Afreen on the banks of which Ptolemy Philometor, after having defeated Alexander @@ -82851,7 +82851,7 @@ declared it a free city. and to the south of Seleuceia, the mountains Casius and Anti-Casius.

Still further on from Seleuceia are the mouths of the Orontes, -then the Nymphæum, a kind of sacred cave, next +then the Nymphæum, a kind of sacred cave, next Casium, then follows PoseidiumPosidi, on the southern side of the bay, which receives the Orontes. a small city, and Heracleia.On Cape Ziaret. @@ -82942,13 +82942,13 @@ Megara, Apollonia, and others like them, all of which were reckoned to belong to the district of Apameia. He was proclaimed king of this country, and maintained his sovereignty -for a long time. Cæcilius Bassus, at the head of two legions, +for a long time. Cæcilius Bassus, at the head of two legions, caused Apameia to revolt, and was besieged by two large Roman armies, but his resistance was so vigorous and long -that he only surrendered voluntarily and on his own conditions.Cæcilius Bassus was besieged twice in Apameia, first by C. Antistius, afterwards by Marcus Crispus and Lucius Statius Marcius. Cassius succeeded in dispersing the troops of this rebel without much difficulty, according to Dion Cassius, xlvii. 27. For the country supplied his army with provisions, +that he only surrendered voluntarily and on his own conditions.Cæcilius Bassus was besieged twice in Apameia, first by C. Antistius, afterwards by Marcus Crispus and Lucius Statius Marcius. Cassius succeeded in dispersing the troops of this rebel without much difficulty, according to Dion Cassius, xlvii. 27. For the country supplied his army with provisions, @@ -82968,11 +82968,11 @@ chiefs of the tribe of the Emeseni.The people of Emesa, now Hems. At no great distance were Heliopolis -and Chalcis,Balbek and Kalkos. which were subject to Ptolemy, son of Mennæus,This Ptolemy, son of Mennæus, was master chiefly of Chalcis, at the foot of Libanus, from whence he made incursions on the territory of Damascus. Pompey was inclined to suppress his robberies, but Ptolemy softened his anger by a present of 1000 talents, which the Roman general applied to the payment of his troops. He remained in possession of his dominion until his death, and was succeeded by his son Lysanias, whom Cleopatra put to death, on the pretext that he had induced the Parthians to come into the country. Josephus, Bell. Jud. +and Chalcis,Balbek and Kalkos. which were subject to Ptolemy, son of Mennæus,This Ptolemy, son of Mennæus, was master chiefly of Chalcis, at the foot of Libanus, from whence he made incursions on the territory of Damascus. Pompey was inclined to suppress his robberies, but Ptolemy softened his anger by a present of 1000 talents, which the Roman general applied to the payment of his troops. He remained in possession of his dominion until his death, and was succeeded by his son Lysanias, whom Cleopatra put to death, on the pretext that he had induced the Parthians to come into the country. Josephus, Bell. Jud. who possessed the MassyasOne of the branches of Antilibanus. and the mountainous country of -the Ituræans. Among the auxiliaries of Bassus was Alchædamnus,This Alchædamnus is constantly called Alchcaudonius by Dion Cassius, whom he calls the Arabian dynast. Falconer therefore inferred that here we ought to read Ara/bwn instead of Pambai/wn, but Letronne does not adopt this reading, and supposes the Rhambæi may have teen a tribe of the Arabians. king of the Rhambæi, a tribe of the Nomades on this +the Ituræans. Among the auxiliaries of Bassus was Alchædamnus,This Alchædamnus is constantly called Alchcaudonius by Dion Cassius, whom he calls the Arabian dynast. Falconer therefore inferred that here we ought to read Ara/bwn instead of Pambai/wn, but Letronne does not adopt this reading, and supposes the Rhambæi may have teen a tribe of the Arabians. king of the Rhambæi, a tribe of the Nomades on this side of the Euphrates. He was a friend of the Romans, but, @@ -82993,9 +82993,9 @@ chiefs, and Chalcidica, extending from the Massyas, border upon the district of Apameia on the east; and nearly all the -country further to the south of Apameia belongs to the Scenitæ, who resemble the Nomades of Mesopotamia. In proportion as the nations approach the Syrians they become more +country further to the south of Apameia belongs to the Scenitæ, who resemble the Nomades of Mesopotamia. In proportion as the nations approach the Syrians they become more -civilized, while the Arabians and Scenitæ are less so. Their +civilized, while the Arabians and Scenitæ are less so. Their @@ -83016,17 +83016,17 @@ of Seleuceia.

The remainder of the navigation along the coast from Laodiceia is such as I shall now describe.

Near Laodiceia are the small cities, Poseidium, Heracleium, -and Gabala. Then follows the maritime tractpao|ali/a, but this is a correction for palaia/, which Letronne proposes to correct for peo|ai/a, which is supported in § 13, below. The part of the continent opposite, and belonging to an island, was properly called Peræa, of which there are many examples. That part of Asia Minor which is opposite Rhodes was so called, b. xiv. c. v. § 11, as also the coast opposite Tenedos, b. xiii. c. i. § 46. Peræa was also adopted as a proper name. Livy, xxxiii. 18. of the Aradii, +and Gabala. Then follows the maritime tractpao|ali/a, but this is a correction for palaia/, which Letronne proposes to correct for peo|ai/a, which is supported in § 13, below. The part of the continent opposite, and belonging to an island, was properly called Peræa, of which there are many examples. That part of Asia Minor which is opposite Rhodes was so called, b. xiv. c. v. § 11, as also the coast opposite Tenedos, b. xiii. c. i. § 46. Peræa was also adopted as a proper name. Livy, xxxiii. 18. of the Aradii, -where are Paltus,Pococke places Paltus at Boldo; Shaw, at the ruins at the mouth of the Melleck, six miles from Jebilee, the ancient Gabala. Balanæa, and Carnus,Carnoon. the arsenal of Aradus, which has a small harbour; then Enydra,Ain-el-Hiyeh. and Marathus, +where are Paltus,Pococke places Paltus at Boldo; Shaw, at the ruins at the mouth of the Melleck, six miles from Jebilee, the ancient Gabala. Balanæa, and Carnus,Carnoon. the arsenal of Aradus, which has a small harbour; then Enydra,Ain-el-Hiyeh. and Marathus, -an ancient city of the Phœnicians in ruins. The AradiiAccording to Pococke, the ruins of Aradus (Ruad) are half a mile to the north of Tortosa (Antaradus). It is remarkable that Strabo makes no mention of Antaradus, situated on the continent opposite Aradus; Pliny is the first author who speaks of it. Probably the place only became of note subsequent to the time of Strabo, and acquired power at the expense of some of the small towns here mentioned. Antaradus, reëstablished by Constantine, assumed the name of Constantia +an ancient city of the Phœnicians in ruins. The AradiiAccording to Pococke, the ruins of Aradus (Ruad) are half a mile to the north of Tortosa (Antaradus). It is remarkable that Strabo makes no mention of Antaradus, situated on the continent opposite Aradus; Pliny is the first author who speaks of it. Probably the place only became of note subsequent to the time of Strabo, and acquired power at the expense of some of the small towns here mentioned. Antaradus, reëstablished by Constantine, assumed the name of Constantia divided the territory by lot. Then follows the district Simyra.Sumrah. Continuous with these places is Orthosia,Ortosa. then the river Eleutherus, which some make the boundary of Seleucis -towards Phœnicia and Cœle-Syria. +towards Phœnicia and Cœle-Syria.

Aradus is in front of a rocky coast without harbours, @@ -83080,12 +83080,12 @@ large a quantity as may be required, and carry it to the city.

The Aradii were anciently governed by their own -kings in the same manner as all the other Phœnician cities. +kings in the same manner as all the other Phœnician cities. Afterwards the Persians, Macedonians, and now the Romans have changed the government to its present state. -

The Aradii, together with the other Phœnicians, consented +

The Aradii, together with the other Phœnicians, consented to become allies of the Syrian kings; but upon the dissension @@ -83133,7 +83133,7 @@ cessful. To this good fortune they added prudence and industry in the conduct of saw their neighbours, the Cilicians, engaged in piratical adventures, they never on any occasion took part with them in -such (a disgraceful) occupation.B. xiv. c. v. § 2. +such (a disgraceful) occupation.B. xiv. c. v. § 2.

After Orthosia and the river Eleutherus is Tripolis, @@ -83147,7 +83147,7 @@ is Theoprosopon,Greego. where the mountain Libanus t Between them lies a small place called Trieres.

-

There are two mountains, which form Cœle-Syria, as +

There are two mountains, which form Cœle-Syria, as it is called, lying nearly parallel to each other; the commencement of the ascent of both these mountains, Libanus @@ -83173,7 +83173,7 @@ things. It contains also a lake, which produces the aromatic rush and reed. In it are also marshes. The name of the lake is -Gennesaritis. It produces also balsamum.If the words of the text, fe/o|ei de/ kai\, it produces also, refer to the lake, our author would contradict himself; for below, § 41, he says that Jericho alone produces it. They must therefore be referred to a hollow plain above; and the fact that they do so arises from the remarkable error of Strabo, in placing Judæa in the valley formed by Libanus and Antilibanus. From the manner in which he expresses himself, it is evident that he supposed the Jordan to flow, and the Lake Gennesaret to be situated, between these two mountains. As to the Lycus (the Nahr el Kelb), Strabo, if he had visited the country, would never have said that the Arabians transported upon it their merchandise. It is evident that he has confused the geography of all these districts, by transferring Judæa, with its lakes and rivers, to Cœle-Syria Proper; and here probably we may find the result of his first error in confounding Cœle-Syria Pro per with Cœle-Syria understood in a wider meaning. See above, c. i § 12. +Gennesaritis. It produces also balsamum.If the words of the text, fe/o|ei de/ kai\, it produces also, refer to the lake, our author would contradict himself; for below, § 41, he says that Jericho alone produces it. They must therefore be referred to a hollow plain above; and the fact that they do so arises from the remarkable error of Strabo, in placing Judæa in the valley formed by Libanus and Antilibanus. From the manner in which he expresses himself, it is evident that he supposed the Jordan to flow, and the Lake Gennesaret to be situated, between these two mountains. As to the Lycus (the Nahr el Kelb), Strabo, if he had visited the country, would never have said that the Arabians transported upon it their merchandise. It is evident that he has confused the geography of all these districts, by transferring Judæa, with its lakes and rivers, to Cœle-Syria Proper; and here probably we may find the result of his first error in confounding Cœle-Syria Pro per with Cœle-Syria understood in a wider meaning. See above, c. i § 12.

Among the rivers is the Chrysorrhoas, which commences @@ -83203,7 +83203,7 @@ in length, and of such a bulk and thickness that men on horseback standing on ea also contains some mountainous parts, among which is Chalcis, the acropolis, as it were, of the Massyas. The commencement of this plain is at Laodiceia,Iouschiah. near Libanus. The -Ituræans and Arabians, all of whom are freebooters, occupy +Ituræans and Arabians, all of whom are freebooters, occupy the whole of the mountainous tracts. The husbandmen live @@ -83233,7 +83233,7 @@ little distance from the sea.

After Byblus is the river Adonis,Nahr-Ibrahim. and the mountain -Climax, and Palæ-Byblus, then the river Lycus, and Berytus. +Climax, and Palæ-Byblus, then the river Lycus, and Berytus. This latter place was razed by Tryphon, but now the Romans have restored it, and two legions were stationed there @@ -83261,7 +83261,7 @@ is a considerable city, and in the time of the Persian empire was nearly the most distinguished place in that country.

Above Damascus are the two (hills) called Trachones; then, -towards the parts occupied by Arabians and Ituræans promiscuously, are mountains of difficult access, in which were +towards the parts occupied by Arabians and Ituræans promiscuously, are mountains of difficult access, in which were caves extending to a great depth. One of these caves was @@ -83280,22 +83280,22 @@ and in consequence of the security afforded by the soldiers stationed and maintained in Syria.

-

The whole countryAbove, c. ii. § 3. above Seleucis, extending towards +

The whole countryAbove, c. ii. § 3. above Seleucis, extending towards -Egypt and Arabia, is called Cœle-Syria, but peculiarly the +Egypt and Arabia, is called Cœle-Syria, but peculiarly the tract bounded by Libanus and Antilibanus, of the remainder -one part is the coast extending from OrthosiaOrtosa. as far as Pelusium,Tineh. and is called Phœnicia, a narrow strip of land along the +one part is the coast extending from OrthosiaOrtosa. as far as Pelusium,Tineh. and is called Phœnicia, a narrow strip of land along the -sea; the other, situated above Phœnicia in the interior between Gaza and Antilibanus, and extending to the Arabians, +sea; the other, situated above Phœnicia in the interior between Gaza and Antilibanus, and extending to the Arabians, -called Judæa. +called Judæa.

-

Having described Cœle-Syria properly so called, we +

Having described Cœle-Syria properly so called, we -pass on to Phœnicia, of which we have already describedAbove, c. i. § 12, 15. +pass on to Phœnicia, of which we have already describedAbove, c. i. § 12, 15. the part extending from Orthosia to Berytus.

Next to Berytus is Sidon, at the distance of 400 stadia. @@ -83305,7 +83305,7 @@ Between these places is the river Tamyras,Nahr-Damur.

Next to Sidon is Tyre,Sour. the largest and most ancient city of -the Phœnicians. This city is the rival of Sidon in magnitude, +the Phœnicians. This city is the rival of Sidon in magnitude, fame, and antiquity, as recorded in many fables. For although @@ -83325,9 +83325,9 @@ much more the glory of Tyre. Both however were formerly, and are at present, distinguished and illustrious cities, but -which of the two should be called the capital of Phœnicia is +which of the two should be called the capital of Phœnicia is -a subject of dispute among the inhabitants.Tyre—daughter of Zidon. Isaiah xxiii. 12. Sidon is situated +a subject of dispute among the inhabitants.Tyre—daughter of Zidon. Isaiah xxiii. 12. Sidon is situated upon a fine naturally-formed harbour on the mainland. @@ -83344,7 +83344,7 @@ Egyptian harbour. The houses here, it is said, consist of many stories, of more even than at Rome; on the occurrence, -therefore, of an earthquake, the city was nearly demolished.In B. v. c. iii. § 7, Strabo tells us that Augustus prohibited houses being erected of more than 70 Roman feet in height. +therefore, of an earthquake, the city was nearly demolished.In B. v. c. iii. § 7, Strabo tells us that Augustus prohibited houses being erected of more than 70 Roman feet in height. It sustained great injury when it was taken by siege by @@ -83352,7 +83352,7 @@ Alexander, but it rose above these misfortunes, and recovered itself both by the skill of the people in the art of navigation, -in which the Phœnicians in general have always excelled all +in which the Phœnicians in general have always excelled all nations, and by (the export of) purple-dyed manufactures, @@ -83370,7 +83370,7 @@ small expense to themselves, not only by the kings of Syria, but also by the Romans, who confirmed what the former -had conceded.Josephus (Antiq. Jud. xv. 4, § 1) states, that Mark Antony gave Cleopatra all the coast of Phœnicia, from Eleutheria to Egypt, with the exception of Tyre and Sidon, which he left in the enjoyment of their ancient independence. But according to Dion Cassius (lxiv. 7), Augustus arrived in the East in the spring of the year 734, B. C., or eighteen years before the Christian era, and deprived the Tyrians and Sidonians of their liberty, in consequence of their seditious conduct. It follows therefore, that if Strabo had travelled in Phœnicia, he must have visited Tyre before the above date, because his account refers to a state of things anterior to the arrival of Augustus in Syria; and in this case the information he gives respecting the state of the neighbouring cities must belong to the same date; but he speaks above (§ 19) of the order reëstablished by Agrippa at Beyrout, which was effected four years after the coming of Augustus into Syria. We must conclude, therefore, that Strabo speaks only by hearsay of the Phœnician cities, and that he had never seen the country itself. Letronne. They pay extravagant honours to Hercules. +had conceded.Josephus (Antiq. Jud. xv. 4, § 1) states, that Mark Antony gave Cleopatra all the coast of Phœnicia, from Eleutheria to Egypt, with the exception of Tyre and Sidon, which he left in the enjoyment of their ancient independence. But according to Dion Cassius (lxiv. 7), Augustus arrived in the East in the spring of the year 734, B. C., or eighteen years before the Christian era, and deprived the Tyrians and Sidonians of their liberty, in consequence of their seditious conduct. It follows therefore, that if Strabo had travelled in Phœnicia, he must have visited Tyre before the above date, because his account refers to a state of things anterior to the arrival of Augustus in Syria; and in this case the information he gives respecting the state of the neighbouring cities must belong to the same date; but he speaks above (§ 19) of the order reëstablished by Agrippa at Beyrout, which was effected four years after the coming of Augustus into Syria. We must conclude, therefore, that Strabo speaks only by hearsay of the Phœnician cities, and that he had never seen the country itself. Letronne. They pay extravagant honours to Hercules. @@ -83398,7 +83398,7 @@ the mensuration of ground, which was required in consequence of the Nile confounding, by its overflow, the respective boundaries of the country. It is thought that geometry was introduced into Greece from Egypt, and astronomy and arithmetic -from Phœnicia. At present the best opportunities are afforded +from Phœnicia. At present the best opportunities are afforded in these cities of acquiring a knowledge of these, and of all @@ -83413,7 +83413,7 @@ relating to antiquity. In my time there were distinguished philosophers, natives of Sidon, as Boethus, with whom I -studied the philosophy of Aristotle,probably under Zenarchus of Seleucia, the Peripatetic philosopher whose lectures he attended. B. xiv. c. v. § 4. and Diodotus his brother. +studied the philosophy of Aristotle,probably under Zenarchus of Seleucia, the Peripatetic philosopher whose lectures he attended. B. xiv. c. v. § 4. and Diodotus his brother. Antipater was of Tyre, and a little before my time Apollonius, who published a table of the philosophers of the school @@ -83422,9 +83422,9 @@ of Zeno, and of their writings. (the city of birds); next a riverNahr-Quasmieh. which empties itself near -Tyre into the sea. Next after Tyre is Palæ-tyrus (ancient +Tyre into the sea. Next after Tyre is Palæ-tyrus (ancient -Tyre), at the distance of 30 stadia.Vestiges of the ancient city still remain. Here was the celebrated temple of the Phœnician Hercules, founded according to Herodotus, ii. 44, before 2700 B. C. +Tyre), at the distance of 30 stadia.Vestiges of the ancient city still remain. Here was the celebrated temple of the Phœnician Hercules, founded according to Herodotus, ii. 44, before 2700 B. C. @@ -83433,7 +83433,7 @@ Tyre), at the distance of 30 stadia.Vestiges of the ancient

-

Then follows Ptolemaïs, a large city, formerly called +

Then follows Ptolemaïs, a large city, formerly called Ace.Acre. It was the place of rendezvous for the Persians in @@ -83462,11 +83462,11 @@ in glass wares, where a glass bowl may be purchased for a copper coin,Letronne estimates this at a penny. and glass is ordinarily used for drinking.

-

A phenomenonAthenæus, p. 742, Bohn's Class. Library. of the rarest kind is said to have occurred on +

A phenomenonAthenæus, p. 742, Bohn's Class. Library. of the rarest kind is said to have occurred on -the shore between Tyre and Ptolemaïs. The people of +the shore between Tyre and Ptolemaïs. The people of -Ptolemaïs had engaged in battle with Sarpedon the general, and +Ptolemaïs had engaged in battle with Sarpedon the general, and after a signal defeat were left in this place, when a wave from @@ -83512,13 +83512,13 @@ general) a certain order, which we do not comprehend. -vessels.The Tower of Strato was an ancient city almost in ruins, which was repaired, enlarged, and embellished by Herod with magnificent buildings; for he found there excellent anchorage, the value of which was increased by the fact of its being almost the only one on that dangerous coast. He gave it the name of Cæsarea, in honour of Augustus, and raised it to the rank of a city of the first order. The repairs of the ancient city, the Tower of Strato, or rather the creation of the new city Cæsarea, took place about eight or nine years B. C.; so that this passage of Strabo refers to an earlier period. Between these places is Mount Carmel, and cities +vessels.The Tower of Strato was an ancient city almost in ruins, which was repaired, enlarged, and embellished by Herod with magnificent buildings; for he found there excellent anchorage, the value of which was increased by the fact of its being almost the only one on that dangerous coast. He gave it the name of Cæsarea, in honour of Augustus, and raised it to the rank of a city of the first order. The repairs of the ancient city, the Tower of Strato, or rather the creation of the new city Cæsarea, took place about eight or nine years B. C.; so that this passage of Strabo refers to an earlier period. Between these places is Mount Carmel, and cities of which nothing but the names remain, as Sycaminopolis, Bucolopolis, Crocodeilopolis, and others of this kind; next is -a large forest.Josephus (Ant. Jud. xiv. 13, § 3) calls a district near Mount Carmel Drumos, employing the word Do|umo/s, a forest, as a proper name. +a large forest.Josephus (Ant. Jud. xiv. 13, § 3) calls a district near Mount Carmel Drumos, employing the word Do|umo/s, a forest, as a proper name.

Then Joppa,Jaffa. where the coast of Egypt, which at @@ -83568,7 +83568,7 @@ the satirist, and Theodorus the rhetorician, my contemporary.

-

Next and near Ascalon is the harbour of the Gazæi. The +

Next and near Ascalon is the harbour of the Gazæi. The city is situated inland at the distance of seven stadia. It was @@ -83641,29 +83641,29 @@ to death. Next is the road to Pelusium, on which is situated -Gerrha;B. xvi. c. iii. § 3. and the rampart, as it is called, of Chabrias, and the +Gerrha;B. xvi. c. iii. § 3. and the rampart, as it is called, of Chabrias, and the pits near Pelusium, formed by the overflowing of the Nile in places naturally hollow and marshy. -

Such is the nature of Phœnicia. Artemidorus says, that +

Such is the nature of Phœnicia. Artemidorus says, that from Orthosia to Pelusium is 3650 stadia, including the winding of -the bays, and from Melænæ or Melania in Cilicia to +the bays, and from Melænæ or Melania in Cilicia to -Celenderis,B. xiv. c. v. § 3. on the confines of Cilicia and Syria, are 1900 +Celenderis,B. xiv. c. v. § 3. on the confines of Cilicia and Syria, are 1900 stadia; thence to the Orontes 520 stadia, and from Orontes to Orthosia 1130 stadia.

-

The western extremities of Judæa towards Casius are +

The western extremities of Judæa towards Casius are -occupied by Idumæans, and by the lake [Sirbonis]. The +occupied by Idumæans, and by the lake [Sirbonis]. The -Idumæans are Nabatæans. When driven from their countryArabia Petræa. Petra, now called Karac, was the capital. by +Idumæans are Nabatæans. When driven from their countryArabia Petræa. Petra, now called Karac, was the capital. by sedition, they passed over to the Jews, and adopted @@ -83673,7 +83673,7 @@ coast to Jerusalem is occupied by the Lake Sirbonis, and by the tract contiguous to it; for Jerusalem is near the -sea, which, as we have said,§ 27, above. may be seen from the arsenal +sea, which, as we have said,§ 27, above. may be seen from the arsenal of Joppa.Jaffa. These districts (of Jerusalem and Joppa) lie @@ -83681,7 +83681,7 @@ towards the north; they are inhabited generally, and each place in particular, by mixed tribes of Egyptians, Arabians, -and Phœnicians. Of this description are the inhabitants of +and Phœnicians. Of this description are the inhabitants of Galilee, of the plain of Jericho, and of the territories of @@ -83693,7 +83693,7 @@ most credited, [one] among many things believed respecting the temple [and the inhabitants] of Jerusalem, is, that the -Egyptians were the ancestors of the present Jews.In b. xiii, c. ii. § 5, our author again says that the Jews were originally Egyptians. So also Josephus, xiv. 7. 2. +Egyptians were the ancestors of the present Jews.In b. xiii, c. ii. § 5, our author again says that the Jews were originally Egyptians. So also Josephus, xiv. 7. 2.

An Egyptian priest named Moses, who possessed @@ -83702,7 +83702,7 @@ a portion of the country called the Lower [Egypt] * * * *, being dissatisfied with the established institutions -there, left it and came to Judæa with a large body of people +there, left it and came to Judæa with a large body of people who worshipped the Divinity. He declared and taught that @@ -83724,7 +83724,7 @@ For God [said he] may be this one thing which encompasses us all, land and sea, which we call heaven, or the universe, or -the nature of things.Judæi mente solâ, unumque numen intelligent, summum illud et eternum, neque mutabile, neque interiturum. Tacitus, Hist. v. c. 5. Who then of any understanding would +the nature of things.Judæi mente solâ, unumque numen intelligent, summum illud et eternum, neque mutabile, neque interiturum. Tacitus, Hist. v. c. 5. Who then of any understanding would venture to form an image of this Deity, resembling anything @@ -83745,7 +83745,7 @@ practised temperance and justice, and none else, might expect good, or some gift or sign from the God, from time to time.

-

By such doctrine MosesStrabo appears to have had little acquaintance with the Jewish history previous to the return from captivity, nor any exact knowledge until the arrival of the Romans in Judæa. Of the Bible he does not seem to have had any knowledge. persuaded a large body of +

By such doctrine MosesStrabo appears to have had little acquaintance with the Jewish history previous to the return from captivity, nor any exact knowledge until the arrival of the Romans in Judæa. Of the Bible he does not seem to have had any knowledge. persuaded a large body of right-minded persons to accompany him to the place where @@ -83794,7 +83794,7 @@ Afterwards superstitious persons were appointed to the priesthood, and then tyra from flesh, from the eating of which it is now the custom to -refrain, circumcision, excision,ai( gunai=kes )Ioudai+kw=s e)ktetmhme/nai, below, c. iv. § 9. and other practices which the +refrain, circumcision, excision,ai( gunai=kes )Ioudai+kw=s e)ktetmhme/nai, below, c. iv. § 9. and other practices which the people observe. The tyrannical government produced robbery; @@ -83804,7 +83804,7 @@ countries. Those also who shared in the government seized upon the property of others, and ravaged a large part of Syria -and of Phœnicia. +and of Phœnicia.

Respect, however, was paid to the Acropolis; it was not abhorred as the seat of tyranny, but honoured and venerated @@ -83870,7 +83870,7 @@ for he was often accustomed, as it seemed, to leave his own country to inquire of the Pythian goddess what ordinances -he was to promulgate to the Lacedæmonians. +he was to promulgate to the Lacedæmonians. @@ -83900,11 +83900,11 @@ Teiresias, the others flit about as shadows.Od. xix. 494. -Such were Amphiaraus, Trophonius, Orpheus, and Musæus: +Such were Amphiaraus, Trophonius, Orpheus, and Musæus: in former times there was Zamolxis, a Pythagorean, who was -accounted a god among the Getæ; and in our time, Decæneus, +accounted a god among the Getæ; and in our time, Decæneus, the diviner of Byrebistas. Among the Bosporani, there was @@ -83914,7 +83914,7 @@ among the Persians, the Magi and Necyomanteis,Diviners by t the LecanomanteisDiviners by a dish into which water was poured and little waxen images made to float. and Hydromanteis;Diviners by water. among -the Assyrians, were the Chaldæans; and among the Romans, +the Assyrians, were the Chaldæans; and among the Romans, the Tyrrhenian diviners of dreams.w(rosko/poi is the reading of the text, which Groskurd supposes to be a corruption of the Latin word Haruspex. I adopt the reading oi)wnosko/poi, approved by Kramer, although he has not introduced it into the text.

Such was Moses and his successors; their beginning was @@ -83922,11 +83922,11 @@ the Tyrrhenian diviners of dreams.w(r good, but they degenerated.

-

When Judæa openly became subject to a tyrannical +

When Judæa openly became subject to a tyrannical government, the first person who exchanged the title of -priest for that of king was Alexander.According to Josephus, Johannes Hyrcanus dying, B. C. 107, was succeeded by Aristobulus, who took the title of king, this being the first instance of the assumption of that name among the Jews since the Babylonish captivity. Aristobulus, was succeeded by Alexander Jannæus, whose two sons were Hyrcanus II. and Aristobulus II., successively kings of Judæa, B. C. 67, 68. His sons were Hyrcanus and +priest for that of king was Alexander.According to Josephus, Johannes Hyrcanus dying, B. C. 107, was succeeded by Aristobulus, who took the title of king, this being the first instance of the assumption of that name among the Jews since the Babylonish captivity. Aristobulus, was succeeded by Alexander Jannæus, whose two sons were Hyrcanus II. and Aristobulus II., successively kings of Judæa, B. C. 67, 68. His sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. While they were disputing the succession to the kingdom, @@ -83966,7 +83966,7 @@ the robbers and the treasure-holds of the tyrants. Two of these forts, Thrax and Taurus, were situated in the passes leading to -Jericho. Others were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Machærus, +Jericho. Others were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Machærus, Lysias, and those about Philadelphia, and Scythopolis near @@ -83975,7 +83975,7 @@ Galilee.

Jericho is a plain encompassed by a mountainous district, which slopes towards it somewhat in the manner of -a theatre. Here is the Phœnicon (or palm plantation), which +a theatre. Here is the Phœnicon (or palm plantation), which contains various other trees of the cultivated kind, and producing excellent fruit; but its chief production is the palm @@ -83985,7 +83985,7 @@ streams, and filled with dwellings. Here also is a palace and the garden of the balsamum.Balsamodendron Giliadense. Pliny xii. 25. The latter is a shrub with -an aromatic smell, resembling the cytisusMedicago arborea. and the terminthus.The pistachia, b. xv. c. ii. § 10. +an aromatic smell, resembling the cytisusMedicago arborea. and the terminthus.The pistachia, b. xv. c. ii. § 10. Incisions are made in the bark, and vessels are placed beneath @@ -83995,9 +83995,9 @@ vessels, it becomes solid. It is an excellent remedy for headache, incipient suffusion of the eyes, and dimness of -sight. It bears therefore a high price, especially as it is produced in no other place.In. b. xvi. c. ii. § 16, our author says that it is found on the borders of the Lake Gennesareth. This is the case also with the +sight. It bears therefore a high price, especially as it is produced in no other place.In. b. xvi. c. ii. § 16, our author says that it is found on the borders of the Lake Gennesareth. This is the case also with the -Phœnicon, which alone contains the caryotesIt yields, during the hot season, an immense quantity of toddy or palm wine. palm, if we +Phœnicon, which alone contains the caryotesIt yields, during the hot season, an immense quantity of toddy or palm wine. palm, if we except the Babylonian plain, and the country above it towards the @@ -84012,7 +84012,7 @@ balsamum; xylobalsamumObtained by boiling the branches of t

-

The Lake SirbonisStrabo here commits the singular error of confounding the Lake Asphaltites, or the Dead Sea, with the Lake Sirbonis. Letronne attempts to explain the origin of the error. According to Josephus, the Peræa, or that part of Judæa which is on the eastern side of the Jordan, between the lake of Tiberias and the Dead Sea, contained a district (the exact position of which is not well known, but which, according to Josephus, could not be far from the Lake Asphaltites) called Silbonitis. The resemblance of this name to Sirbonis probably misled our author. is of great extent. Some say that +

The Lake SirbonisStrabo here commits the singular error of confounding the Lake Asphaltites, or the Dead Sea, with the Lake Sirbonis. Letronne attempts to explain the origin of the error. According to Josephus, the Peræa, or that part of Judæa which is on the eastern side of the Jordan, between the lake of Tiberias and the Dead Sea, contained a district (the exact position of which is not well known, but which, according to Josephus, could not be far from the Lake Asphaltites) called Silbonitis. The resemblance of this name to Sirbonis probably misled our author. is of great extent. Some say that it is 1000 stadia in circumference. It stretches along the @@ -84024,7 +84024,7 @@ can dive into it; if any one wades into it up to the waist, and attempts to move forward, he is immediately lifted out of -the waterSpecific gravity 1ċ211, a degree of density scarcely to be met with in any other natural water. Marcet's Analysis. Philos. Trans. part ii. page 298. 1807. It abounds with asphaltus, which rises, not +the waterSpecific gravity 1ċ211, a degree of density scarcely to be met with in any other natural water. Marcet's Analysis. Philos. Trans. part ii. page 298. 1807. It abounds with asphaltus, which rises, not however at any regular seasons, in bubbles, like boiling water, @@ -84036,7 +84036,7 @@ asphaltus, there ascends a great quantity of sooty vapour, not perceptible to the eye, which tarnishes copper, silver, and -everything bright—even gold. The neighbouring people know +everything bright—even gold. The neighbouring people know by the tarnishing of their vessels that the asphaltus is beginning to rise, and they prepare to collect it by means of rafts @@ -84137,7 +84137,7 @@ case in Thessaly.In this quotation from Eratosthenes we are If beasts drink it, they lose their hair, hoofs, and horns. At -the place called Taricheæ,The salting station, on the lake of Gennesareth. the lake supplies the best fish for +the place called Taricheæ,The salting station, on the lake of Gennesareth. the lake supplies the best fish for @@ -84156,7 +84156,7 @@ bodies of the dead. appropriated by the Jews, and assigned to Hyrcanus the priesthood. Some time afterwards, Herod, of the same family, and -a native of the country,It has been a subject of dispute whether Herod was of Jewish or Idumæan origin. having surreptitiously obtained the +a native of the country,It has been a subject of dispute whether Herod was of Jewish or Idumæan origin. having surreptitiously obtained the priesthood, distinguished himself so much above his predecessors, particularly in his intercourse, both civil and political, @@ -84164,17 +84164,17 @@ with the Romans, that he received the title and authority of king,Herod went to Rome B. C. 38, and obtained from the senate the title of king. In the dispute between Octavius and Antony, he espoused the cause of the latter. Octavius not only pardoned him and confirmed him in his title, but also added other cities to his dominions. B. C. 18. first from Antony, and afterwards from Augustus -Cæsar. He put to death some of his sons, on the pretext of +Cæsar. He put to death some of his sons, on the pretext of their having conspired against him;The chief promoters of the crimes of Herod were Salome his sister, who desired to gratify her hatred; and Antipater, who aimed at the throne. Herod, influenced by their misrepresentations, put to death Mariamne his wife, Aristobulus her brother, and Alexandra her mother; also his sons Aristobulus and Alexander, besides Antipater, a third son, who had conspired against his life. other sons he left at his death, to succeed him, and assigned to each, portions of his -kingdom. Cæsar bestowed upon the sons also of Herod marks +kingdom. Cæsar bestowed upon the sons also of Herod marks -of honour,Augustus conferred on Archelaus the half of the kingdom of Herod with the title of ethnarch, promising to grant the title of king, should he prove worthy of it. The other half of the kingdom was separated into two tetrarchies, and divided between Philip and Antipas, two other sons of Herod. on his sister Salome,Augustus not only confirmed to Salome the legacy made to her by Herod, of the towns Jamneia, Azoth, and Phasaëlis, but granted to her also the royal palace and domains of Ascalon. and on her daughter Berenice. The sons were unfortunate, and were publicly accused. +of honour,Augustus conferred on Archelaus the half of the kingdom of Herod with the title of ethnarch, promising to grant the title of king, should he prove worthy of it. The other half of the kingdom was separated into two tetrarchies, and divided between Philip and Antipas, two other sons of Herod. on his sister Salome,Augustus not only confirmed to Salome the legacy made to her by Herod, of the towns Jamneia, Azoth, and Phasaëlis, but granted to her also the royal palace and domains of Ascalon. and on her daughter Berenice. The sons were unfortunate, and were publicly accused. -OneThis was Archelaus, whose tyranny was insupportable. He was accused by the chief Jews and Samaritans before Augustus, who exiled him to Vienne, to the south of Lyons, where he died the following year, A. D. 7. of them died in exile among the Galatæ Allobroges, +OneThis was Archelaus, whose tyranny was insupportable. He was accused by the chief Jews and Samaritans before Augustus, who exiled him to Vienne, to the south of Lyons, where he died the following year, A. D. 7. of them died in exile among the Galatæ Allobroges, whose country was assigned for his abode. The others, by great @@ -84188,7 +84188,7 @@ interest and solicitation, but with difficulty, obtained leave to returnThis refers to the journey of Philip and Antipas to Rome. At the death of Herod, Archelaus went to Rome, A. D. 2, to solicit the confirmation of his father's will, in which he had been named king. The two brothers, Antipas and Philip, also went there, and the kingdom of Herod was divided as above stated, After the exile of Archelaus, his dominions were administered by his two brothers. -

Strabo does not appear to have been acquainted with the history of the two brothers after their return to Judæa; for otherwise he would not have omitted to mention the exile of Antipas. This tetrarch, it is known, went to Rome A. D. 38, to intrigue against his brother, of whom he was jealous; but he was himself accused by Agrippa of having intelligence with the Parthians, and was exiled to Lyons, A. D. 39.

to their own country, each with his tetrarchy restored +

Strabo does not appear to have been acquainted with the history of the two brothers after their return to Judæa; for otherwise he would not have omitted to mention the exile of Antipas. This tetrarch, it is known, went to Rome A. D. 38, to intrigue against his brother, of whom he was jealous; but he was himself accused by Agrippa of having intelligence with the Parthians, and was exiled to Lyons, A. D. 39.

to their own country, each with his tetrarchy restored to him. @@ -84197,27 +84197,27 @@ to him. CHAPTER III. -

ABOVE Judæa and Cœle-Syria, as far as Babylonia and +

ABOVE Judæa and Cœle-Syria, as far as Babylonia and the river tract, along the banks of the Euphrates towards the -south, lies the whole of Arabia, except the Scenitæ in Mesopotamia. +south, lies the whole of Arabia, except the Scenitæ in Mesopotamia. We have already spoken of Mesopotamia, and of -the nations that inhabit it.C. i. § 21. +the nations that inhabit it.C. i. § 21.

The parts on the other (the eastern) side of the Euphrates, towards its mouth, are occupied by Babylonians and the nation of the -Chaldæans. We have spoken of these people also.C. i. § 6. +Chaldæans. We have spoken of these people also.C. i. § 6.

Of the rest of the country which follows after Mesopotamia, and -extends as far as Cœle-Syria, the part approaching the river, as +extends as far as Cœle-Syria, the part approaching the river, as -well as [a part of] Mesopotamia,C. iii. § 4. are +well as [a part of] Mesopotamia,C. iii. § 4. are -occupied by Arabian Scenitæ, who are divided into small +occupied by Arabian Scenitæ, who are divided into small sovereignties, and inhabit tracts which are barren from want @@ -84243,14 +84243,14 @@ Persian, the western by the Arabian Gulf, and the southern by the great sea lying outside of both the gulfs, the whole of -which is called the Erythræan Sea.The name Erythræan, or Red Sea, was extended to the whole of the Arabian Gulf, to the sea which surrounds Arabia to the south, and to a great part of the Persian Gulf. +which is called the Erythræan Sea.The name Erythræan, or Red Sea, was extended to the whole of the Arabian Gulf, to the sea which surrounds Arabia to the south, and to a great part of the Persian Gulf.

The Persian Gulf has the name also of the Sea of Persia. Eratosthenes speaks of it in this manner: "They say that the -mouth is so narrow, that from Harmozi,The cape Harmozi, or Harmozon, is the cape Kuhestek of Carmania, Kerman, situated opposite to the promontory Maceta, so called from the Macæ, an Arabian tribe living in the neighbourhood. This last promontory is now called Mocandon, and is the Asaborum promontorium of Ptolemy. the promontory of +mouth is so narrow, that from Harmozi,The cape Harmozi, or Harmozon, is the cape Kuhestek of Carmania, Kerman, situated opposite to the promontory Maceta, so called from the Macæ, an Arabian tribe living in the neighbourhood. This last promontory is now called Mocandon, and is the Asaborum promontorium of Ptolemy. the promontory of Carmania, may be seen the promontory at Mace, in Arabia. @@ -84290,7 +84290,7 @@ an oracle of [Diana] Tauropolus. 2400 stadia, there lies, in a deep gulf, a city of the name of -Gerrha,Heeren (Comment. Gotting. 1793. Vol. xi. pp. 66, 67) supposes that this city was founded by Chaldæans solely for the purpose of a depôt for the transit of goods to Babylon, the trade having for a long time been in the hands of the Phœnicians. He also conjectures that the most flourishing period of the town was when the Persians, for political reasons, destroyed the commerce of Babylon, and Gerrha then became the sole depôt for the maritime commerce of India. belonging to Chaldæan exiles from Babylon, who +Gerrha,Heeren (Comment. Gotting. 1793. Vol. xi. pp. 66, 67) supposes that this city was founded by Chaldæans solely for the purpose of a depôt for the transit of goods to Babylon, the trade having for a long time been in the hands of the Phœnicians. He also conjectures that the most flourishing period of the town was when the Persians, for political reasons, destroyed the commerce of Babylon, and Gerrha then became the sole depôt for the maritime commerce of India. belonging to Chaldæan exiles from Babylon, who @@ -84321,15 +84321,15 @@ afterwards carry them by land to all parts of the country. Aradus,Arek. which have temples resembling those of the -Phœnicians. The inhabitants of these islands (if we are to +Phœnicians. The inhabitants of these islands (if we are to believe them) say that the islands and cities bearing the same -name as those of the Phœnicians are their own colonies.Besides the islands Tyre and Aradus, there existed even in the time of Alexander, and near the present Cape Gherd, a city called Sidon or Sidodona, which was visited by Nearchus, as may be seen in his Periplus. The Phœnician inhabitants of these places appear to have afterwards removed to the western side of the Persian Gulf, and to the islands Bahrain, to which they gave the names Tylos, or Tyre, and Aradus. The latter name still exists; it was from this place that the Phœnicians moved, to establish themselves on the shores of the Mediterranean, and transferred the name of Sidon, their ancient capital, and those of Tyre and Aradus, to the new cities which they there founded. Gossellin. +name as those of the Phœnicians are their own colonies.Besides the islands Tyre and Aradus, there existed even in the time of Alexander, and near the present Cape Gherd, a city called Sidon or Sidodona, which was visited by Nearchus, as may be seen in his Periplus. The Phœnician inhabitants of these places appear to have afterwards removed to the western side of the Persian Gulf, and to the islands Bahrain, to which they gave the names Tylos, or Tyre, and Aradus. The latter name still exists; it was from this place that the Phœnicians moved, to establish themselves on the shores of the Mediterranean, and transferred the name of Sidon, their ancient capital, and those of Tyre and Aradus, to the new cities which they there founded. Gossellin. These islands are distant from Teredon ten days' sail, and from -the promontory at the mouth of the gulf at Macæ one day's +the promontory at the mouth of the gulf at Macæ one day's sail. @@ -84423,11 +84423,11 @@ seen driven on shore a whale fifty cubits in length.

ARABIA commences on the side of Babylonia with -Mæcene.Pliny, v. 21, mentions a place which he calls Massica, situated on the Euphrates, near the mouth of a canal which communicated with the Tigris near Seleucia. It is now called Masseib-khan, and is at a short distance above Babylon, on the borders of the desert. I do not know whether this is the Mæcene of Strabo. Gossellin. In front of this district, on one side lies the desert +Mæcene.Pliny, v. 21, mentions a place which he calls Massica, situated on the Euphrates, near the mouth of a canal which communicated with the Tigris near Seleucia. It is now called Masseib-khan, and is at a short distance above Babylon, on the borders of the desert. I do not know whether this is the Mæcene of Strabo. Gossellin. In front of this district, on one side lies the desert -of the Arabians, on the other are the marshesStrabo here refers to the marsh lakes now called Mesdjed Hosaïn, Rahémah, Hour, &c. The Chaldæans whom he mentions occupied the country along the banks of the Euphrates to the coast of the Persian Gulf. opposite to the +of the Arabians, on the other are the marshesStrabo here refers to the marsh lakes now called Mesdjed Hosaïn, Rahémah, Hour, &c. The Chaldæans whom he mentions occupied the country along the banks of the Euphrates to the coast of the Persian Gulf. opposite to the -Chaldæans, formed by the overflowing of the Euphrates, and +Chaldæans, formed by the overflowing of the Euphrates, and in another direction is the Sea of Persia. This country has @@ -84446,24 +84446,24 @@ again by poles to its proper situation. delivers respecting Arabia. He is speaking of the northern -and desert part, lying between Arabia Felix, Cœle-Syria, +and desert part, lying between Arabia Felix, Cœle-Syria, -and Judæa, to the recess of the Arabian Gulf. +and Judæa, to the recess of the Arabian Gulf.

From Heroopolis, situated in that recess of the Arabian Gulf which is on the side of the Nile, to Babylon, towards -Petra of the Nabatæi, are 5600 stadia. The whole tract lies +Petra of the Nabatæi, are 5600 stadia. The whole tract lies in the direction of the summer solstice (i. e. east and west), and -passes through the adjacent Arabian tribes, namely Nabatæi, +passes through the adjacent Arabian tribes, namely Nabatæi, -Chaulotæi, and Agræi. Above these people is Arabia +Chaulotæi, and Agræi. Above these people is Arabia Felix, stretching out 12,000 stadia towards the south to the -Atlantic Sea.Letronne here proposes to read Erythræan or Ethiopian Sea. +Atlantic Sea.Letronne here proposes to read Erythræan or Ethiopian Sea. @@ -84478,7 +84478,7 @@ sandy tract, producing a few palms, the acanthus,Mimosa Nilotica. and tamarisk; water is obtained by digging [wells] -as in Gedrosia. It is inhabited by Arabian Scenitæ, who +as in Gedrosia. It is inhabited by Arabian Scenitæ, who breed camels. The extreme parts towards the south, and @@ -84497,17 +84497,17 @@ except horses,This is remarkable. there are numerous the gallinaceous tribe.

Four of the most populous nations inhabit the extremity of -the above-mentioned country; namely, the Minæi the part +the above-mentioned country; namely, the Minæi the part towards the Red Sea, whose largest city is Carna or Carnana.Cam Almanazil. -Next to these are the Sabæans, whose chief city is Mariaba.Mariaba was not the name of a city, but the title of a city acquired by the residence of their sovereigns. Mariana oppidum, says Pliny, vi. 32, significat dominos omnium. The capital was called Saba, now Sabbea; and the country in which it is situated is called Sabieh. +Next to these are the Sabæans, whose chief city is Mariaba.Mariaba was not the name of a city, but the title of a city acquired by the residence of their sovereigns. Mariana oppidum, says Pliny, vi. 32, significat dominos omnium. The capital was called Saba, now Sabbea; and the country in which it is situated is called Sabieh. The third nation are the Cattabaneis,Yemen. extending to the straits and the passage across the Arabian Gulf. Their royal seat -is called Tamna. The ChatramotitæThe people of Hadramaüt. are the furthest of +is called Tamna. The ChatramotitæThe people of Hadramaüt. are the furthest of these nations towards the east. Their city is Sabata. @@ -84550,16 +84550,16 @@ myrrh; these and other aromatics are the medium of exchange with the merchants. Merchants arrive in seventy -days at Minæa from Ælana.Ailah, or Hœle, or Acaba-Ila. Ælana is a city on the other +days at Minæa from Ælana.Ailah, or Hœle, or Acaba-Ila. Ælana is a city on the other -recess of the Arabian Gulf, which is called Ælanites, opposite +recess of the Arabian Gulf, which is called Ælanites, opposite -to Gaza, as we have before described it.C. ii. § 30. The Gerrhæi arrive in +to Gaza, as we have before described it.C. ii. § 30. The Gerrhæi arrive in Chatramotitis in forty days.

The part of the Arabian Gulf along the side of Arabia, -if we reckon from the recess of the Ælanitic bay, is, according +if we reckon from the recess of the Ælanitic bay, is, according to the accounts of Alexander and Anaxicrates, 14,000 stadia @@ -84567,7 +84567,7 @@ in extent; but this computation is too great. The part opposite to Troglodytica, which is on the right hand of those -who are sailing from HeroopolisThe ruins are still visible at Abu-Keyschid. to Ptolemaïs, to the country +who are sailing from HeroopolisThe ruins are still visible at Abu-Keyschid. to Ptolemaïs, to the country where elephants are taken, extends 9000 stadia to the south, @@ -84631,7 +84631,7 @@ Arabia given by Eratosthenes. We must add what is related also by other writers.

-

ArtemidorusThe long and interesting passage from § 5 to the end of § 20 is taken from Artemidorus, with the exception of a very few facts, which our author has taken from other sources, accompanied by observations of his own. On comparing this fragment of Artemidorus with the extracts of Agatharchides preserved by Photius, and the description of Arabia and Troglodytica which Diodorus Siculus (b. iii. 31) says he derived from Agatharchides, we find an identity, not only in almost all the details, but also in a great number of the expressions. It is, therefore, evident that Artemidorus, for this part of his work, scarcely did anything more than copy Agatharchides. Agatharchides, in his youth, held the situation of secretary or reader to Heraclides Lembus, who (according to Suidas) lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor. This king died B. C. 146. He wrote a work on Asia in 10 books, and one on Europe in 49 books; a geographical work on the Erythræan Sea in 5 books; a treatise on the Troglodyæ in 5 books; and other works. He wrote in the Attic dialect. His style, according to Photius, was dignified and perspicuous, and abounded in sententious passages, which inspired a favourable opinion of his judgment. In the composition of his speeches he was an imitator of Thucydides, whom he equalled in dignity, and excelled in clearness. His rhetorical talents also are highly praised by Photius. He was acquainted with the language of the Ethiopians, and appears to have been the first who discovered the true cause of the inundations of the Nile. See Smith, art. Agatharchides. says, that the promontory of Arabia, op- +

ArtemidorusThe long and interesting passage from § 5 to the end of § 20 is taken from Artemidorus, with the exception of a very few facts, which our author has taken from other sources, accompanied by observations of his own. On comparing this fragment of Artemidorus with the extracts of Agatharchides preserved by Photius, and the description of Arabia and Troglodytica which Diodorus Siculus (b. iii. 31) says he derived from Agatharchides, we find an identity, not only in almost all the details, but also in a great number of the expressions. It is, therefore, evident that Artemidorus, for this part of his work, scarcely did anything more than copy Agatharchides. Agatharchides, in his youth, held the situation of secretary or reader to Heraclides Lembus, who (according to Suidas) lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor. This king died B. C. 146. He wrote a work on Asia in 10 books, and one on Europe in 49 books; a geographical work on the Erythræan Sea in 5 books; a treatise on the Troglodyæ in 5 books; and other works. He wrote in the Attic dialect. His style, according to Photius, was dignified and perspicuous, and abounded in sententious passages, which inspired a favourable opinion of his judgment. In the composition of his speeches he was an imitator of Thucydides, whom he equalled in dignity, and excelled in clearness. His rhetorical talents also are highly praised by Photius. He was acquainted with the language of the Ethiopians, and appears to have been the first who discovered the true cause of the inundations of the Nile. See Smith, art. Agatharchides. says, that the promontory of Arabia, op- @@ -84648,7 +84648,7 @@ with called Philotera,Kosseir. after the sister of t it was founded by Satyrus, who was sent to explore the hunting-ground for the elephants, and Troglodytica itself. Next -to this is another city, Arsinoë; and next to this, springs of hot +to this is another city, Arsinoë; and next to this, springs of hot water, which are salt and bitter; they are precipitated from @@ -84723,7 +84723,7 @@ change: for the voyage along the coast is no longer among rocks, and approaches almost close to Arabia; the sea is so -shallow as to be scarcely of the depth of two orguiæ,About 12 feet. and has +shallow as to be scarcely of the depth of two orguiæ,About 12 feet. and has the appearance of a meadow, in consequence of the sea-weeds, @@ -84732,13 +84732,13 @@ which abound in the passage, being visible through and under the water. Even trees here grow from under the water, and the sea abounds with sea-dogs. -

Next are two mountains,The whole of this description is so vague that it would be difficult to recognise the position of the places mentioned by Strabo without the assistance of scattered notices by other authors. The result of many comparisons leads me to fix upon 16° 58′ as about the latitude of Ptolemaïs Epitheras. Mount Taurus was 22 leagues higher up, and the harbour of the goddess Soteira 12 leagues beyond. Gossellin. the Tauri (or the Bulls), presenting at a distance a resemblance to these animals. Then follows another mountain, on which is a temple of Isis, built by +

Next are two mountains,The whole of this description is so vague that it would be difficult to recognise the position of the places mentioned by Strabo without the assistance of scattered notices by other authors. The result of many comparisons leads me to fix upon 16° 58′ as about the latitude of Ptolemaïs Epitheras. Mount Taurus was 22 leagues higher up, and the harbour of the goddess Soteira 12 leagues beyond. Gossellin. the Tauri (or the Bulls), presenting at a distance a resemblance to these animals. Then follows another mountain, on which is a temple of Isis, built by Sesostris; then an island planted with olive trees, and at -times overflowed. This is followed by the city Ptolemaïs, +times overflowed. This is followed by the city Ptolemaïs, -near the hunting-grounds of the elephants,Letronne translates Ptolemai=\s pro\s th=| qh/ra| as Ptolemaïs Epitheras; see c. iv. § 4. founded by Eumedes, who +near the hunting-grounds of the elephants,Letronne translates Ptolemai=\s pro\s th=| qh/ra| as Ptolemaïs Epitheras; see c. iv. § 4. founded by Eumedes, who was sent by Philadelphus to the hunting-ground. @@ -84755,7 +84755,7 @@ empties part of its waters [into the bay], but the larger portion it contributes to the Nile. Then follow six islands, called -Latomiæ,These islands are to the north of Arkiko. after these the Sabaïtic mouth,Gulf of Matzua. as it is called, and +Latomiæ,These islands are to the north of Arkiko. after these the Sabaïtic mouth,Gulf of Matzua. as it is called, and @@ -84765,7 +84765,7 @@ Latomiæ,These islands are to the north of Arkiko.From the position here assigned to the fortress of Suchus, it is impossible to place it at Suachem, as is commonly done. Gossellin. Then a lake -called Elæa, and the island of Strato;An island Stratioton is mentioned in Pliny vi. 29, as though he had read in our author the word Stratiwtw=n, the island of soldiers. As the island of Strato is named only in this extract from Artemidorus, we might be tempted to correct the text of Strabo by the text of Pliny. But as it is not certain that the two authors speak of one and the same island, it is more prudent to make no change. Du Theil. next SabaI am not acquainted with this place. The ancients speak only of one town of the name of Saba (c. iv. § 19). Was there a town Saba which gave its name to the Sabaïtic Gulf? but the one in question does not appear to have been situated there. Gossellin. a port, and +called Elæa, and the island of Strato;An island Stratioton is mentioned in Pliny vi. 29, as though he had read in our author the word Stratiwtw=n, the island of soldiers. As the island of Strato is named only in this extract from Artemidorus, we might be tempted to correct the text of Strabo by the text of Pliny. But as it is not certain that the two authors speak of one and the same island, it is more prudent to make no change. Du Theil. next SabaI am not acquainted with this place. The ancients speak only of one town of the name of Saba (c. iv. § 19). Was there a town Saba which gave its name to the Sabaïtic Gulf? but the one in question does not appear to have been situated there. Gossellin. a port, and a hunting-ground for elephants of the same name. The @@ -84773,18 +84773,18 @@ country deep in the interior is called Tenessis. It is occupied by those Egyptians who took refuge from the government of -Psammitichus.B. C. 658. They are surnamed Sembritæ,The modern Senaar corresponds with the territory of the Sembritæ. See also b. xvii. c. i. § 2. Herodotus, b. ii. 30. as being +Psammitichus.B. C. 658. They are surnamed Sembritæ,The modern Senaar corresponds with the territory of the Sembritæ. See also b. xvii. c. i. § 2. Herodotus, b. ii. 30. as being strangers. They are governed by a queen, to whom also -Meroë, an island in the Nile near these places, is subject. +Meroë, an island in the Nile near these places, is subject. Above this, at no great distance, is another island in the river, a -settlement occupied by the same fugitives. From Meroë to +settlement occupied by the same fugitives. From Meroë to this sea is a journey of fifteen days for an active person. -

Near Meroë is the confluence of the Astaboras,Tacazze. the Astapus,The Blue Nile. and of the Astasobas with the Nile. +

Near Meroë is the confluence of the Astaboras,Tacazze. the Astapus,The Blue Nile. and of the Astasobas with the Nile.

On the banks of these rivers live the Rhizophagi (or @@ -84802,7 +84802,7 @@ The wild beasts are driven out of these places, at the time of the rising of the dog-star, by large gnats.

Near these people live the Spermophagi (or seed-eaters), -who, when seeds of plants fail, subsist upon seeds of trees,a)krodru/wn is expressed in the Periplus of Agatharchides by the words to\n karpo\n pi/ptonta a)po\ tw=n de/ndrwn, the fruit falling from the trees. The Periplus adds another tribe, the Hylophagi, wood-eaters, who subsisted on the tender branches of certain trees. Strabo refers to them, b. xvii. c. ii. § 2, but without giving their name. The pods of the Lotus Zizyphus are eatable, and may here be meant. +who, when seeds of plants fail, subsist upon seeds of trees,a)krodru/wn is expressed in the Periplus of Agatharchides by the words to\n karpo\n pi/ptonta a)po\ tw=n de/ndrwn, the fruit falling from the trees. The Periplus adds another tribe, the Hylophagi, wood-eaters, who subsisted on the tender branches of certain trees. Strabo refers to them, b. xvii. c. ii. § 2, but without giving their name. The pods of the Lotus Zizyphus are eatable, and may here be meant. @@ -84813,12 +84813,12 @@ who, when seeds of plants fail, subsist upon seeds of trees,

Next to Elæa are the watch-towers of Demetrius, and the +

Next to Elæa are the watch-towers of Demetrius, and the altars of Conon. In the interior Indian reeds grow in abundance. The country there is called the country of Coracius.

Far in the interior was a place called Endera, inhabited by -a naked tribe,Gymnetæ. Between the Spermophagi and the Creophagi, Agatharchides places another people called Cynegetæ. Strabo and Pliny do not mention them; but the sort of life the Gymnetæ, of which they both speak, lead resembles that of the Cynegetæ or Cynegi of Agatharchides and Diodorus Siculus (iii. 25). It seems therefore that these two authors, as well as Strabo and Pliny, meant here to speak of one and the same tribe of Ethiopian Gymnetæ, which might have been distinguished by the particular name of Cynegetæ, or Cynegi. Du Theil. who use bows and reed arrows, the points of +a naked tribe,Gymnetæ. Between the Spermophagi and the Creophagi, Agatharchides places another people called Cynegetæ. Strabo and Pliny do not mention them; but the sort of life the Gymnetæ, of which they both speak, lead resembles that of the Cynegetæ or Cynegi of Agatharchides and Diodorus Siculus (iii. 25). It seems therefore that these two authors, as well as Strabo and Pliny, meant here to speak of one and the same tribe of Ethiopian Gymnetæ, which might have been distinguished by the particular name of Cynegetæ, or Cynegi. Du Theil. who use bows and reed arrows, the points of which are hardened in the fire. They generally shoot the @@ -84845,7 +84845,7 @@ follows the harbour of Antiphilus, and above this a tribe, the Creophagi, deprived of the prepuce, and the women are -excised after the Jewish custom.Above, c. ii. § 37. +excised after the Jewish custom.Above, c. ii. § 37.

Further still towards the south are the Cynamolgi,Milkers of bitches. @@ -84871,9 +84871,9 @@ Grove of the Colobi (or the Mutilated), the city BereniceTh -Sabæ, and SabæAssab or As-Sab. a considerable city; then he grove of +Sabæ, and SabæAssab or As-Sab. a considerable city; then he grove of -Eumenes.Below, Artemidorus calls it the harbour of Eumenes, § 13. +Eumenes.Below, Artemidorus calls it the harbour of Eumenes, § 13.

Above is the city Darada, and a hunting-ground for elephants, called At the Well. The district is inhabited by @@ -84972,7 +84972,7 @@ inhabitants.

Next to the harbour of Eumenes, as far as Deire and -the straits opposite the six islands,Above, § 4. live the Ichthyophagi, Creophagi, and Colobi, who extend into the interior. +the straits opposite the six islands,Above, § 4. live the Ichthyophagi, Creophagi, and Colobi, who extend into the interior.

Many hunting-grounds for elephants, and obscure cities and islands, lie in front of the coast. @@ -85050,7 +85050,7 @@ also without the straits. to it inland is situated the hunting-ground for elephants, called -the chase of Pythangelus; then follows Arsinoë, a city with a +the chase of Pythangelus; then follows Arsinoë, a city with a harbour; after these places is Deire, and beyond them is a @@ -85090,7 +85090,7 @@ the country which produces frankincense; it has a promontory and a temple with a parts is a tract along the banks of a river bearing the name of -Isis, and another that of Nilus,The Periplus of the Erythræan Sea indicates on this coast a place called Niloptolemæum, which appears to correspond with the mouth of the river Pedra. Gossellin. both of which produce myrrh +Isis, and another that of Nilus,The Periplus of the Erythræan Sea indicates on this coast a place called Niloptolemæum, which appears to correspond with the mouth of the river Pedra. Gossellin. both of which produce myrrh and frankincense. Also a lagoon filled with water from the @@ -85100,11 +85100,11 @@ Pythangelus. The next tract bears the false cassia. There are many tracts in succession on the sides of rivers on which frankincense grows, and rivers extending to the cinnamon country. -The river which bounds this tract produces (phlous) rushesPhleus schæoris. Linn. +The river which bounds this tract produces (phlous) rushesPhleus schæoris. Linn. in great abundance. Then follows another river, and the port -of Daphnus,Daphnus Parvus of the Periplus of the Erythræan Sea. and a valley called Apollo's, which bears, besides frankincense, myrrh and cinnamon. The latter is more +of Daphnus,Daphnus Parvus of the Periplus of the Erythræan Sea. and a valley called Apollo's, which bears, besides frankincense, myrrh and cinnamon. The latter is more abundant in places far in the interior.

Next is the mountain Elephas,Now Fellis or Fel, which signifies Elephant in Arabic. a mountain projecting into @@ -85138,11 +85138,11 @@ is, along the known coast from Deire as far as Notu-ceras; but the distance is not determined. The country abounds -with elephants and lions called myrmeces (ants).le/wn m/rmhc. Agatharchides calls them murmhkole/wn, and Ælian +with elephants and lions called myrmeces (ants).le/wn m/rmhc. Agatharchides calls them murmhkole/wn, and Ælian simply mu/rmhc. What animal is intended by the name is uncertain. In b. -xv. c. i. § 44, the marmot seems to be described. They +xv. c. i. § 44, the marmot seems to be described. They have their genital organs reversed. Their skin is of a @@ -85229,7 +85229,7 @@ deer. There are wild bulls also, which are carnivorous, and greatly exceed ours in size and swiftness. They are of a -red colour. The crocuttasThe spotted hyæna. is, according to this author, the +red colour. The crocuttasThe spotted hyæna. is, according to this author, the mixed progeny of a wolf and a dog. What Metrodorus the @@ -85240,12 +85240,12 @@ to be disregarded. length, which can master elephants and bulls: in this he -does not exaggerate.See b. xv. c. 1, § 45. But the Indian and African serpents +does not exaggerate.See b. xv. c. 1, § 45. But the Indian and African serpents are of a more fabulous size, and are said to have grass growing on their backs.

-

The mode of life among the Troglodytæ is nomadic. +

The mode of life among the Troglodytæ is nomadic. Each tribe is governed by tyrants. Their wives and children @@ -85296,11 +85296,11 @@ blow (for they have rain), and the remaining season is summer.

They go naked, or wear skins only, and carry clubs. -They deprive themselves of the prepuce,Above, § 5. but some are circumcised like Egyptians. The Ethiopian Megabari have +They deprive themselves of the prepuce,Above, § 5. but some are circumcised like Egyptians. The Ethiopian Megabari have their clubs armed with iron knobs. They use spears and -shields which are covered with raw hides. The other Ethiopians use bows and lances. Some of the Troglodytæ, when +shields which are covered with raw hides. The other Ethiopians use bows and lances. Some of the Troglodytæ, when they bury their dead, bind the body from the neck to the legs @@ -85322,7 +85322,7 @@ watch during the night, on account of their flocks, and sing some peculiar song around their fires.

-

Having given this account of the Troglodytæ and of +

Having given this account of the Troglodytæ and of the neighbouring Ethiopians, Artemidorus returns to the @@ -85330,11 +85330,11 @@ Arabians. Beginning from Poseidium, he first describes those who border upon the Arabian Gulf, and are opposite to -the Troglodytæ. He says that Poseidium is situated within the +the Troglodytæ. He says that Poseidium is situated within the bay of [Heroopolis],The bay of Heroopolis is the modern bay of Suez. In the text -Ælanitic bay, which is an error of the author or of the copyist. and that contiguous to PoseidiumAn altar to Poseidon (Neptune), which was erected by Aristo, +Ælanitic bay, which is an error of the author or of the copyist. and that contiguous to PoseidiumAn altar to Poseidon (Neptune), which was erected by Aristo, whom one of the Ptolemies had sent to explore the Arabian Gulf. is a @@ -85357,47 +85357,47 @@ hereditary right to the guardianship of the grove. They wear skins, and live on dates. They sleep in huts built on trees, the place being infested with multitudes of wild beasts. -

Next is the island of Phocæ (Seals),Sheduan. The Saspirene insula of Ptolemy. which has its name from +

Next is the island of Phocæ (Seals),Sheduan. The Saspirene insula of Ptolemy. which has its name from those animals, which abound there. Near it is a promontory,Ras Mahomet, which terminates the south of the peninsula formed -by the two bays, the Ælanitic running up to Petra, and that of Heroopolis +by the two bays, the Ælanitic running up to Petra, and that of Heroopolis running up to Suez. The meaning of Strabo seems to be, that this cape is in a direction due south of Petra and Palestine. which extends towards Petra, of the Arabians called -Nabatæi, and to the country of Palestine, to this [island] the +Nabatæi, and to the country of Palestine, to this [island] the -Minæi,There is a wide difference of opinion among geographers with regard +Minæi,There is a wide difference of opinion among geographers with regard to the position of this important tribe in the modern map of Arabia. See -Smith, art. Minæi. Gerrhæi, and all the neighbouring nations repair with +Smith, art. Minæi. Gerrhæi, and all the neighbouring nations repair with loads of aromatics.

Next is another tract of sea-coast, formerly called the coast -of the Maranitæ,The Maraneitæ appear to me to be the same people whom other +of the Maranitæ,The Maraneitæ appear to me to be the same people whom other -geographers call Pharanitæ, and who received their name from their +geographers call Pharanitæ, and who received their name from their proximity to Cape Pharan, now Ras Mahomet. Gossellin. some of whom were husbandmen, others -Scenitæ; but at present it is occupied by Garindæi, who destroyed the former possessors by treachery. They attacked +Scenitæ; but at present it is occupied by Garindæi, who destroyed the former possessors by treachery. They attacked those who were assembled to celebrate some quinquennial -festival, and put them to death; they then attacked and exterminated the rest of the tribe.Diodorus Siculus, iii. § 41, following Agatharchides, narrates the fact +festival, and put them to death; they then attacked and exterminated the rest of the tribe.Diodorus Siculus, iii. § 41, following Agatharchides, narrates the fact -with greater precision. The Garindæi took advantage of the absence of +with greater precision. The Garindæi took advantage of the absence of -the greater part of the Maraneitæ, and put to death those that remained. +the greater part of the Maraneitæ, and put to death those that remained. They then laid in wait for and massacred all those who were returning from the festival. -

Next is the ÆlaniticGulf of Akaba. Gulf and Nabatæa, a country well +

Next is the ÆlaniticGulf of Akaba. Gulf and Nabatæa, a country well peopled, and abounding in cattle. The islands which lie @@ -85492,7 +85492,7 @@ through their country, which brings down gold-dust, but they are ignorant how to make any use of it. They are called -Debæ;The Debæ occupied Sockia. The river which flows through the +Debæ;The Debæ occupied Sockia. The river which flows through the country is called Betius by Ptolemy. some of them are Nomades, others husbandmen.

I do not mention the greater partra\ plei/w is Kramer's correction for palaia\. of the names of these @@ -85501,7 +85501,7 @@ nations, on account of the obscurity of the people, and because the pronunciation of them is strangeSome are called by Diodorus Siculus, iii. 44, and Agatharchides, -Asilæi and Casandres or Gasandres. [and uncouth]. +Asilæi and Casandres or Gasandres. [and uncouth].

Near these people is a nation more civilized, who inhabit a district with a more temperate climate ; for it is well watered, @@ -85537,19 +85537,19 @@ of the commodities received in exchange, which are more necessary for the purposes of life.

-

The country of the Sabæi,The precise boundaries of Sabæa it is impossible to ascertain. The +

The country of the Sabæi,The precise boundaries of Sabæa it is impossible to ascertain. The area we have presumed is comprised within the Arabian Sea W., the Persian Gulf E., the Indian Ocean S., and an irregular line skirting the -desert, and running up in a narrow point to Idumæa N. See Smith, Dict. +desert, and running up in a narrow point to Idumæa N. See Smith, Dict. of Greek and Roman Geography, art. Saba.

Milton appears to have been acquainted with the following passage -from Diodorus Siculus, b. iii. 46, descriptive of Sabæa : It is impossible +from Diodorus Siculus, b. iii. 46, descriptive of Sabæa : It is impossible to enumerate the peculiarities and nature of all these trees and plants, on @@ -85600,7 +85600,7 @@ the carriers become drowsy by the odour of the aromatics, the drowsiness is removed by the fumes of asphaltus and of goat's beard. -

Mariaba,The same as Saba; see c. iv. § 2. the capital of the Sabæans, is situated upon a +

Mariaba,The same as Saba; see c. iv. § 2. the capital of the Sabæans, is situated upon a mountain, well wooded. A king resides there, who determines @@ -85624,12 +85624,12 @@ through the straits in vessels covered with skins. There is such an abundance of these aromatics, that cinnamon, cassia, and other spices are used by them instead of sticks and firewood. -

In the country of the Sabæans is found the larimnum, a +

In the country of the Sabæans is found the larimnum, a most fragrant perfume. -

By the trade [in these aromatics] both the Sabæans and +

By the trade [in these aromatics] both the Sabæans and -the Gerrhæi have become the richest of all the tribes, and +the Gerrhæi have become the richest of all the tribes, and possess a great quantity of wrought articles in gold and silver, @@ -85692,7 +85692,7 @@ Gulf to the extremity of the cinnamon country is a distance of 5000 stadia,We must not confound this measure with the 5000 stadia mentioned -in c. iv. § 4. The distance here in question is that taken along the +in c. iv. § 4. The distance here in question is that taken along the southern coast of Arabia from the straits to Kesem, the ancient Cane, @@ -85714,14 +85714,14 @@ salt is found in Arabia.

-

The Nabatæans and Sabæans, situated above Syria, are +

The Nabatæans and Sabæans, situated above Syria, are the first people who occupy Arabia Felix. They were frequently in the habit of overrunning this country before the Romans became masters of it, but at present both they and the Syrians are subject to the Romans. -

The capital of the Nabatæans is called Petra. It is situated on a spot which is surrounded and fortified by a smooth +

The capital of the Nabatæans is called Petra. It is situated on a spot which is surrounded and fortified by a smooth and level rock (petra), which externally is abrupt and @@ -85729,11 +85729,11 @@ precipitous, but within there are abundant springs of water both for domestic purposes and for watering gardens. Beyond the enclosure the country is for the most part a desert, -particularly towards Judæa. Through this is the shortest +particularly towards Judæa. Through this is the shortest road to Jericho, a journey of three or four days, and five days -to the Phœnicon (or palm plantation). It is always governed +to the Phœnicon (or palm plantation). It is always governed by a king of the royal race. The king has a minister who is @@ -85761,11 +85761,11 @@ Cardinal places the death of Obodas in the prefecture of C. Sentius Saturninus, about the year of Rome 740. After the death of Obodas, -Æneas, afterwards called Aretas, took possession of the kingdom of the +Æneas, afterwards called Aretas, took possession of the kingdom of the -Nabatæans. Upon this Syllæus, the late king's minister, went to Rome, +Nabatæans. Upon this Syllæus, the late king's minister, went to Rome, -and declared before Augustus that Æneas, or Aretas, had no right to the +and declared before Augustus that Æneas, or Aretas, had no right to the kingdom. How this corrupt minister was punished by Augustus may be @@ -85777,11 +85777,11 @@ reigned for a long time, to at least the last years of Tiberius. Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman Geography, where the subject is discussed at some length. of the Romans against the Arabians, under the command of Ælius Gallus, has made us acquainted with many peculiarities of the country. Augustus +Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman Geography, where the subject is discussed at some length. of the Romans against the Arabians, under the command of Ælius Gallus, has made us acquainted with many peculiarities of the country. Augustus -Cæsar despatched this general to explore the nature of these +Cæsar despatched this general to explore the nature of these @@ -85797,7 +85797,7 @@ Egypt, bordered upon Ethiopia; and that the Arabian Gulf was extremely narrow, where it separates the Arabians from the -Troglodytæ. It was his intention either to conciliate or subdue the Arabians. He was also influenced by the report, +Troglodytæ. It was his intention either to conciliate or subdue the Arabians. He was also influenced by the report, which had prevailed from all time, that this people were very @@ -85809,14 +85809,14 @@ part of what they received in exchange. He hoped to acquire either opulent frien He was moreover encouraged to undertake this enterprise by -the expectation of assistance from the Nabatæans, who promised to co-operate with him in everything. +the expectation of assistance from the Nabatæans, who promised to co-operate with him in everything.

-

Upon these inducements Gallus set out on the expedition. But he was deceived by Syllæus, the [king's] minister +

Upon these inducements Gallus set out on the expedition. But he was deceived by Syllæus, the [king's] minister -of the Nabatæans, who had promised to be his guide on the +of the Nabatæans, who had promised to be his guide on the -march, and to assist him in the execution of his design. Syllæus was however treacherous throughout; for he neither +march, and to assist him in the execution of his design. Syllæus was however treacherous throughout; for he neither guided them by a safe course by sea along the coast, nor by a @@ -85847,7 +85847,7 @@ commerce, are not a very warlike people even on land, much less so at sea. Gallus, notwithstanding, built not less than -eighty biremes and triremes and galleys (phaseli) at Cleopatris,Called also Arsinoë, b. xvii. c. i. § 25. It was near Heroopolis, or Suez. near the old canal which leads from the Nile. When +eighty biremes and triremes and galleys (phaseli) at Cleopatris,Called also Arsinoë, b. xvii. c. i. § 25. It was near Heroopolis, or Suez. near the old canal which leads from the Nile. When he discovered his mistake, he constructed a hundred and @@ -85863,19 +85863,19 @@ Romans and allies, among whom were five hundred Jews and -a thousand Nabatæans, under the command of Syllæus. After +a thousand Nabatæans, under the command of Syllæus. After enduring great hardships and distress, he arrived on the fifteenth day at Leuce-Come, a large mart in the territory -of the Nabatæans, with the loss of many of his vessels, +of the Nabatæans, with the loss of many of his vessels, some with all their crews, in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation, but by no opposition from an enemy. These -misfortunes were occasioned by the perfidy of Syllæus, who +misfortunes were occasioned by the perfidy of Syllæus, who insisted that there was no road for an army by land to @@ -85892,7 +85892,7 @@ fact of king Obodas not paying much attention to public affairs, and especially to those relative to war (as is the custom with all Arabian kings), but placed everything in the -power of Syllæus the minister. His whole conduct in command of the army was perfidious, and his object was, as I +power of Syllæus the minister. His whole conduct in command of the army was perfidious, and his object was, as I suppose, to examine as a spy the state of the country, and to @@ -85916,7 +85916,7 @@ with a kind of paralysis, caused by the water and the plants the recovery of the sick.

Merchandise is conveyed from Leuce-Come to Petra, thence -to Rhinocolura in Phœnicia, near Egypt, and thence to other +to Rhinocolura in Phœnicia, near Egypt, and thence to other nations. But at present the greater part is transported by @@ -85946,7 +85946,7 @@ Aretas, who was related to Obodas. Aretas received him in a friendly manner, and offered presents. But by the treachery -of Syllæus, Gallus was conducted by a difficult road through +of Syllæus, Gallus was conducted by a difficult road through the country ; for he occupied thirty days in passing through it. @@ -85979,7 +85979,7 @@ without resistance; having placed a garrison there, and collected provisions for he proceeded to a city Marsiaba, belonging to the nation of -the Rhammanitæ, who were subjects of Ilasarus. He assaulted and besieged it for six days, but raised the siege in consequence of a scarcity of water. He was two days' march from +the Rhammanitæ, who were subjects of Ilasarus. He assaulted and besieged it for six days, but raised the siege in consequence of a scarcity of water. He was two days' march from the aromatic region, as he was informed by his prisoners. @@ -85999,7 +85999,7 @@ came to Chaalla a village, and then to another called Malothas, situated on a ri country, which had only a few watering-places, as far as EgraThis name is variously written in manuscripts. If Negra be adopted, -as by Letronne, it's not the same town as the city of the Negrani above mentioned, which was in the interior; but, as Kramer observes, Mire corrupta est hæc ultima libri pars. +as by Letronne, it's not the same town as the city of the Negrani above mentioned, which was in the interior; but, as Kramer observes, Mire corrupta est hæc ultima libri pars. @@ -86028,14 +86028,14 @@ reasons this expedition contributed little in extending our knowledge of the country. It was however of some small service. -

Syllæus, the author of these disasters, was punished for his +

Syllæus, the author of these disasters, was punished for his treachery at Rome. He affected friendship, but he was convicted of other offences, besides perfidy in this instance, and was beheaded.

-

The aromatic country, as I have before said,B. xvi. c. iv. § 2. is divided into four parts. Of aromatics, the frankincense and myrrh +

The aromatic country, as I have before said,B. xvi. c. iv. § 2. is divided into four parts. Of aromatics, the frankincense and myrrh are said to be the produce of trees, but cassia the growth of @@ -86124,7 +86124,7 @@ the house, but it was proved that he had falsely accused his sister.

-

The Nabatæans are prudent, and fond of accumulating +

The Nabatæans are prudent, and fond of accumulating property. The community fine a person who has diminished @@ -86169,7 +86169,7 @@ everything except oil of olives; [instead of it], the oil of sesamum is used. The sheep have white fleeces, their oxen -are large; but the country produces no horses.See above, § 2. Camels are +are large; but the country produces no horses.See above, § 2. Camels are the substitute for horses, and perform the [same kind of] @@ -86213,7 +86213,7 @@ as historians relate, that some Tyrian islanders are found there, and Aradii, from whom the Aradii in our country derive their origin), or whether the poet means actually the Sidonians themselves.

But there is more doubt about the Erembi, whether we are -to suppose that he means the Troglodytæ, according to the +to suppose that he means the Troglodytæ, according to the opinion of those who, by a forced etymology, derive the word @@ -86245,7 +86245,7 @@ indicates a descent from some common stock, and that on this account they are called by names having a resemblance to one -another, as Armenii, Aramæi, Arambi. For as we may suppose one nation to have been divided into three (according to +another, as Armenii, Aramæi, Arambi. For as we may suppose one nation to have been divided into three (according to the differences of latitude [in which they lived], which successively became more marked [in proceeding from one to the @@ -86257,15 +86257,15 @@ whom Poseidonius says are meant here, and not a place in Syria or Cilicia, or any other country, but Syria itself. For -the Aramæi lived there. Perhaps these are the people whom +the Aramæi lived there. Perhaps these are the people whom -the Greeks called Arimæi or Arimi. But the alterations of +the Greeks called Arimæi or Arimi. But the alterations of names, especially of barbarous nations, are frequent, Thus Darius was called Darieces; Parysatis, Pharziris; Athara, -Atargata, whom Ctesias again calls Derceto.This subject was discussed in b. i. c. ii. § 34. +Atargata, whom Ctesias again calls Derceto.This subject was discussed in b. i. c. ii. § 34.

Alexander might be adduced to bear witness to the wealth of the Arabians, for he intended, it is said, after his return @@ -86305,9 +86305,9 @@ namely the Gulfs of Arabia and of Persis. We described at the same time some parts of Egypt, and those of Ethiopia, -inhabited by the Troglodytæ, and by the people situated next +inhabited by the Troglodytæ, and by the people situated next -to them, extending to the confines of the Cinnamon country.B. xvi. c. iv, § 2 and § 14. +to them, extending to the confines of the Cinnamon country.B. xvi. c. iv, § 2 and § 14.

We are now to describe the remaining parts contiguous to these nations, and situated about the Nile. We shall then @@ -86323,13 +86323,13 @@ towards the west 1000 stadia, and that it resembles (in its course) the letter N reversed. For after flowing, he says, -about 2700 stadia from Meroë towards the north, it turns +about 2700 stadia from Meroë towards the north, it turns again to the south, and to the winter sunset, continuing its course for about 3700 stadia, when it is almost in the latitude -of the places about Meroë. Then entering far into Africa, +of the places about Meroë. Then entering far into Africa, and having made another bend, it flows towards the north, @@ -86341,17 +86341,17 @@ smaller cataract at Syene,Assouan. and 5300 stadia m 12,900 stadia, which is 7900 stadia more than he calculated in a straight -line, as he made the distance between the same points (Meroë and Syene, +line, as he made the distance between the same points (Meroë and Syene, -i. ii. c. v. § 7) to be 5000 stadia. M. Falconer suspects that there is an error in the text; but the error lies further off. I believe that it is attributable to Eratosthenes himself, and that that geographer did nothing more +i. ii. c. v. § 7) to be 5000 stadia. M. Falconer suspects that there is an error in the text; but the error lies further off. I believe that it is attributable to Eratosthenes himself, and that that geographer did nothing more than convert the days' marches into stadia. According to Pliny, Timosthenes, commander of the fleet of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and consequently -anterior to Eratosthenes, said that from Syene to Meroë was a march of +anterior to Eratosthenes, said that from Syene to Meroë was a march of 60 days ; and this statement agrees tolerably well with that of Herodotus, -who calculated 56 days' march between Elephantina and Meroë, besides a +who calculated 56 days' march between Elephantina and Meroë, besides a small distance the extent of which he does not state. @@ -86385,26 +86385,26 @@ small windings, we have a total of 1470 minutes, which 12,400 stadia of the module (700 to the degree) adopted by that geographer.

According to this hypothesis, the distance in Strabo will be thus divided: -Setting out from Meroë, the Nile runs, +Setting out from Meroë, the Nile runs, days. -1. 2700 stadia to the north12ċ8 -2. 3700 to the S. and S. W.17ċ6 +1. 2700 stadia to the north12ċ8 +2. 3700 to the S. and S. W.17ċ63. 5300 to the N. 1/4 E.25 -4. 1200 to the N.5ċ7 -61ċ1
+4. 1200 to the N.5ċ7 +61ċ1 -which nearly corresponds with the account of Timosthenes. The number of days corresponds tolerably well with the distance given by the explorers sent by Nero for the discovery of Meroë: they reported the distance to be 873 miles. If we divide this number by 60, we shall have for +which nearly corresponds with the account of Timosthenes. The number of days corresponds tolerably well with the distance given by the explorers sent by Nero for the discovery of Meroë: they reported the distance to be 873 miles. If we divide this number by 60, we shall have for -the day's mean march 14ċ55 Roman miles, or 11ċ64 geographical miles, +the day's mean march 14ċ55 Roman miles, or 11ċ64 geographical miles, which is in fact the day's mean march, according to Major Rennell. Letronne.

In carefully measuring, upon a large map of Egypt in 47 sheets, the course of the Nile through all its windings, and with the compass opened -to 1000 metres, I find— +to 1000 metres, I find— metres. @@ -86413,7 +86413,7 @@ to 1000 metres, I find— From Becous following the Damietta branch to that city234,0001,180,400
-This measure reduced to mean degrees of the earth equals 637°25′, and +This measure reduced to mean degrees of the earth equals 637°25′, and represents 5312 stadia of 500 (to the degree). I certainly did not expect @@ -86439,7 +86439,7 @@ made use of in Egypt. Gossellin.

Two rivers empty themselves into it, which issue out of -some lakes towards the east, and encircle Meroë, a consider- +some lakes towards the east, and encircle Meroë, a consider- @@ -86449,9 +86449,9 @@ some lakes towards the east, and encircle Meroë, a consider- able island.Although generally described as an island, it was, like Mesopotamia, -a district included between rivers: the city Meroë was situated in lat. +a district included between rivers: the city Meroë was situated in lat. -16° 44. One of these rivers is called Astaboras,Tacazze. flowing +16° 44. One of these rivers is called Astaboras,Tacazze. flowing along the eastern side of the island. The other is the Astapus, or, as some call it, Astasobas. But the AstapusBahr-el-Azrek, or Blue river. is said @@ -86461,30 +86461,30 @@ and that this river forms nearly the body of the (stream of the) Nile, which flows in a straight line, and that it is filled by -the summer rains; that above the confluence of the Astaboras and the Nile, at the distance of 700 stadia, is Meroë, +the summer rains; that above the confluence of the Astaboras and the Nile, at the distance of 700 stadia, is Meroë, a city having the same name as the island; and that there -is another island above Meroë, occupied by the fugitive +is another island above Meroë, occupied by the fugitive -Egyptians, who revolted in the time of Psammitichus,See b. xvi. c. iv. § 8, and Herod. ii. 30, who calls the Sembritæ, Automoloi, that is, persons who had voluntarily quitted their abode. and +Egyptians, who revolted in the time of Psammitichus,See b. xvi. c. iv. § 8, and Herod. ii. 30, who calls the Sembritæ, Automoloi, that is, persons who had voluntarily quitted their abode. and -are called Sembritæ, or foreigners. Their sovereign is a +are called Sembritæ, or foreigners. Their sovereign is a -queen, but they obey the king of Meroë. -

The lower parts of the country on each side Meroë, along +queen, but they obey the king of Meroë. +

The lower parts of the country on each side Meroë, along the Nile towards the Red Sea, are occupied by Megabari and Blemmyes, who are subject to the Ethiopians, and border -upon the Egyptians; about the sea are Troglodytæ. The +upon the Egyptians; about the sea are Troglodytæ. The -Troglodytæ, in the latitude of Meroë, are distant ten or twelve +Troglodytæ, in the latitude of Meroë, are distant ten or twelve days' journey from the Nile. On the left of the course of the -Nile live Nubæ in Libya, a populous nation. They begin +Nile live Nubæ in Libya, a populous nation. They begin @@ -86492,7 +86492,7 @@ Nile live Nubæ in Libya, a populous nation. They begin -from Meroë, and extend as far as the bends (of the river). +from Meroë, and extend as far as the bends (of the river). They are not subject to the Ethiopians, but live independently, @@ -86582,7 +86582,7 @@ and astronomy, and were companions of the kings. in size and number. Each of these cantons was called a nome (nomo\s) by -the Greeks, præfectura oppidorum by the Romans. Each had its +the Greeks, præfectura oppidorum by the Romans. Each had its civil governor, the Nomarch, who collected the crown revenues, and presided in the local capital and chief court of justice. Each nome too had @@ -86592,7 +86592,7 @@ was apparently independent of every other nome. At certain seasons, delegates from the various cantons met in the palace of the Labyrinth, for -consultation on public affairs (b. xvii. c. i. § 37). According to Diodorus, +consultation on public affairs (b. xvii. c. i. § 37). According to Diodorus, the nomes date from Sesostris. But they did not originate from that @@ -86619,9 +86619,9 @@ abominated: and between Ombos and Tentyra there existed an internecine feud. probably varied with the political state of Egypt. See Smith, art. -Ægyptus.

The +Ægyptus.

The -Thebaïs contained ten, the Delta ten, and the intermediate +Thebaïs contained ten, the Delta ten, and the intermediate tract sixteen. But according to some writers, all the nomes @@ -86633,7 +86633,7 @@ divided into other sections. The greater number of the nomes were distributed into toparchies, and these again -into other sections ; the smallest portions were the arouræ. +into other sections ; the smallest portions were the arouræ.

An exact and minute division of the country was required by the frequent confusion of boundaries occasioned at the @@ -86656,9 +86656,9 @@ measure the land repeatedly. Hence it is said geometry originated here, as the art of keeping accounts and arithmetic -originated with the Phœnicians, in consequence of their +originated with the Phœnicians, in consequence of their -commerce.See b. xvi. c. ii. § 24. +commerce.See b. xvi. c. ii. § 24.

As the whole population of the country, so the separate population in each nome, was divided into three classes ; the @@ -86742,9 +86742,9 @@ raftsIn the text o)stra/kina poo|qmei translation is not literal, but a paraphrase. -Hac sævit rabie imbelle et inutile vulgus +Hac sævit rabie imbelle et inutile vulgus Parvula fictilibus solitum dare vela phaselis, -Et brevibus pictæ remis incumbere testæ. +Et brevibus pictæ remis incumbere testæ. Juv xv. 12i. floated on earthen pots, to transport them from place to @@ -86782,7 +86782,7 @@ Heracleiotic Nome; or, where it is diverted by a canal into a large lake, or a tract of country which it is capable of -irrigating, as the lake Mœris and the Arsinoïte Nome, or +irrigating, as the lake Mœris and the Arsinoïte Nome, or where the canals discharge themselves into the Mareotis. @@ -86861,11 +86861,11 @@ Egypt, had advanced with the Egyptians as far even as -Meroë; and it is said that he gave this name both to the +Meroë; and it is said that he gave this name both to the island and to the city, because his sister, or according to some -writers his wife, Meroë died there. For this reason therefore +writers his wife, Meroë died there. For this reason therefore he conferred the appellation on the island, and in honour of a @@ -86881,7 +86881,7 @@ to inquire what is even still a question, what can possibly be the reason why rain falls in summer, and not in winter, in -the most southerly parts of the country, but not in the Thebaïs, +the most southerly parts of the country, but not in the Thebaïs, nor in the country about Syene ? nor should we have to examine whether the rise of the water of the Nile is occasioned @@ -86938,17 +86938,17 @@ the sea. But later writers, to the present time, have included on the eastern side almost all the tract between the Arabian -Gulf and the Nile (the Æthiopians however do not make +Gulf and the Nile (the Æthiopians however do not make much use of the Red Sea); on the western side, the tract extending to the Auases and the parts of the sea-coast from the Canobic mouth of the Nile to Catabathmus, and the kingdom -of Cyrenæa. For the kings who succeeded the race of the +of Cyrenæa. For the kings who succeeded the race of the Ptolemies had acquired so much power, that they became -masters of Cyrenæa, and even joined Cyprus to Egypt. The +masters of Cyrenæa, and even joined Cyprus to Egypt. The Romans, who succeeded to their dominions, separated Egypt, @@ -87045,7 +87045,7 @@ Eunostus, which are bridged over. But this work served not only as a bridge, but as an aqueduct also, when the island -was inhabited. Divus Cæsar devastated the island, in his +was inhabited. Divus Cæsar devastated the island, in his war against the people of Alexandreia, when they espoused @@ -87125,7 +87125,7 @@ The exports by sea from Alexandreia exceed the imports. This any person may ascertain, either at Alexandreia or -Dicæarchia, by watching the arrival and departure of the +Dicæarchia, by watching the arrival and departure of the merchant vessels, and observing how much heavier or lighter @@ -87208,7 +87208,7 @@ their common meal. This community possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by the kings, -but at present by Cæsar, presides over the Museum. +but at present by Cæsar, presides over the Museum.

A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings @@ -87233,7 +87233,7 @@ who rushed upon and despatched him by transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with him, -Aridæus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his +Aridæus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife, departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body @@ -87282,7 +87282,7 @@ Timonium. This was his last act, when, deserted by his partisans, he retired to Alexandreia after his defeat at Actium, and intended, being forsaken by so many friends, to lead the [solitary] life of Timon for the rest of his days. -

Next are the Cæsarium, the Emporium, and the Apostaseis, or magazines: these are followed by docks, extending +

Next are the Cæsarium, the Emporium, and the Apostaseis, or magazines: these are followed by docks, extending to the Heptastadium. This is the description of the great @@ -87342,7 +87342,7 @@ through the Hippodromos is the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less numerous than a city. It is -30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus Cæsar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated Antony +30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus Cæsar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset, @@ -87354,7 +87354,7 @@ she also put an end to her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are two accounts) by the application -of a poisonous ointment. Thus the empire of the Lagidæ, +of a poisonous ointment. Thus the empire of the Lagidæ, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved. @@ -87412,11 +87412,11 @@ son of Mithridates Eupator, but he was really the son of that ArchelausThe celebrated general of Mithridates. who carried on war against Sylla, and was afterwards honourably treated by the Romans. He was grandfather of the last king of Cappadocia in our time, and priest -of Comana in Pontus.See b. xii. c. i. § 2. He was then (at the time we are +of Comana in Pontus.See b. xii. c. i. § 2. He was then (at the time we are speaking of) the guest of Gabinius, and intended to accompany him in an expedition against the Parthians,He was prevented from carrying on this war by the senate. See b. -xii. c. iii. § 34 but unknown to Gabinius, he was conducted away by some (friends) +xii. c. iii. § 34 but unknown to Gabinius, he was conducted away by some (friends) to the queen, and declared king.

At this time Pompey the Great entertained Auletes as @@ -87452,9 +87452,9 @@ dition, and banished Cleopatra, who retired with her sister into Syria.About B. C. 49.

It was about this time that Pompey the Great, in his flight -from Palæ-pharsalus,B. ix. c. v. § 6. came to Pelusium and Mount Casium. +from Palæ-pharsalus,B. ix. c. v. § 6. came to Pelusium and Mount Casium. -He was treacherously slain by the king's party. When Cæsar +He was treacherously slain by the king's party. When Cæsar arrived, he put the young prince to death, and sending for @@ -87463,11 +87463,11 @@ Cleopatra from her place of exile, appointed her queen of Egypt, declaring also her surviving brother, who was very young, and herself joint sovereigns. -

After the death of Cæsar and the battle at Pharsalia, Antony passed over into Asia; he raised Cleopatra to the highest +

After the death of Cæsar and the battle at Pharsalia, Antony passed over into Asia; he raised Cleopatra to the highest dignity, made her his wife, and had children by her. He -was present with her at the battle of Actium, and accompanied her in her flight. Augustus Cæsar pursued them, put +was present with her at the battle of Actium, and accompanied her in her flight. Augustus Cæsar pursued them, put an end to their power, and rescued Egypt from misgovernment and revelry. @@ -87484,9 +87484,9 @@ another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant, and -which of right falls to Cæsar. These are accompanied by +which of right falls to Cæsar. These are accompanied by -Cæsar's freedmen and stewards, who are intrusted with affairs +Cæsar's freedmen and stewards, who are intrusted with affairs of more or less importance.

Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the @@ -87622,42 +87622,42 @@ place of supply for foreigners. The natural convenience of the situation is still more apparent to persons travelling through the country, and particularly along the coast which commences at the Catabathmus; for to this place Egypt extends. -

Next to it is Cyrenæa, and the neighboring barbarians, +

Next to it is Cyrenæa, and the neighboring barbarians, -the Marmaridæ. +the Marmaridæ.

-

From the CatabathmusAkabet el Kebira or Marsa Sollom. to Parætonium is a run of 900 +

From the CatabathmusAkabet el Kebira or Marsa Sollom. to Parætonium is a run of 900 stadia for a vessel in a direct course. There is a city and a large harbour of about 40 stadia in extent, by some called the -city Parætonium,Baretoun, or Berek-Marsa. Alexander, after passing 1600 stadia +city Parætonium,Baretoun, or Berek-Marsa. Alexander, after passing 1600 stadia -through that part of the desert where water was to be found to Parætonium, then turned inland to visit the oracle of Ammon. Arrian, b. iii. § 3 by others, Ammonia. Between these is +through that part of the desert where water was to be found to Parætonium, then turned inland to visit the oracle of Ammon. Arrian, b. iii. § 3 by others, Ammonia. Between these is -the village of the Egyptians, and the promontory Ænesisphyra, and the Tyndareian rocks, four small islands, with a +the village of the Egyptians, and the promontory Ænesisphyra, and the Tyndareian rocks, four small islands, with a -harbour; then Drepanum a promontory, and Ænesippeia an +harbour; then Drepanum a promontory, and Ænesippeia an island with a harbour, and Apis a village, from which to -Parætonium are 100 stadia; [from thence] to the temple of +Parætonium are 100 stadia; [from thence] to the temple of -Ammon is a journey of five days. From Parætonium to Alexandreia are about 1300 stadia. Between these are, first, a +Ammon is a journey of five days. From Parætonium to Alexandreia are about 1300 stadia. Between these are, first, a -promontory of white earth, called Leuce-Acte, then Phœnicus +promontory of white earth, called Leuce-Acte, then Phœnicus a harbour, and Pnigeus a village; after these the island Sidonia (Pedonia ?) with a harbour; then a little further off from the -sea, Antiphræ. The whole of this country produces no wine +sea, Antiphræ. The whole of this country produces no wine of a good quality, and the earthen jars contain more sea-water -than wine, which is called Libyan;Wines which have been very carefully prepared with sea-water never cause head-aches. Athenœus, b. i. c. i. 59, p. 54. Bohn's Classical +than wine, which is called Libyan;Wines which have been very carefully prepared with sea-water never cause head-aches. Athenœus, b. i. c. i. 59, p. 54. Bohn's Classical Library. this and beer are the @@ -87669,7 +87669,7 @@ Library. this and beer are the principal beverage of the common people of Alexandreia. -Antiphræ in particular was a subject of ridicule (on account of +Antiphræ in particular was a subject of ridicule (on account of its bad wine).

Next is the harbour Derrhis,Cape Deras. which has its name from an @@ -87692,7 +87692,7 @@ city of Egypt, and that for those who, on account of not get wine, there was introduced a custom of drinking beer made of -barley. Athenœus, b. i. c. i. 61, p. 56. Bohn's Classical Library. and the village +barley. Athenœus, b. i. c. i. 61, p. 56. Bohn's Classical Library. and the village of Nicium, and Cherronesus a fortress, distant from Alexandreia and the Necropolis about 70 stadia.

The lake Mareia, which extends as far as this place, is more @@ -87705,7 +87705,7 @@ inhabited. Good wine also is produced here, and in such quantity that the Mareotic wine is racked in order that it may -be kept to be old.The Mareotic wine is erroneously stated by Athenæus (p. 55. Bohn's +be kept to be old.The Mareotic wine is erroneously stated by Athenæus (p. 55. Bohn's Classical Library) to have obtained its name from a fountain called @@ -87720,7 +87720,7 @@ Odes I.xxxvii. 14: Virgil, Geor. ii. 91, calls a vine by this name: -Sunt Thasiæ vites, sunt et Mareotides albæ. +Sunt Thasiæ vites, sunt et Mareotides albæ.

The byblusThe Papyrus. and the Egyptian bean grow in the @@ -87733,7 +87733,7 @@ him some ciboria, which appeared to be made in a most exquisite and costly manne its name from being contracted to a narrow space at the bottom, like the -Egyptian ciboria. Athenœus, b. xi. § 54, p. 761. Bohn's Classical +Egyptian ciboria. Athenœus, b. xi. § 54, p. 761. Bohn's Classical Library. @@ -87784,7 +87784,7 @@ the hieratica. Some persons intending to augment the revenue, employed in this case a method which the Jews practised -with the palm, especially the caryotic, and with the balsamum.That is, the juice was extracted for its sugar; see b. xvi c. ii. § 41, +with the palm, especially the caryotic, and with the balsamum.That is, the juice was extracted for its sugar; see b. xvi c. ii. § 41, and Pliny, xiii. 12. In many places it is not allowed to be cultivated, and @@ -87843,7 +87843,7 @@ canal, is a narrow band of ground, on which is situated the smaller Taposeiris, which lies next after Nicopolis, and Zephyrium a promontory, on which is a small temple dedicated to -Venus Arsinoë. +Venus Arsinoë.

Anciently, it is said, a city called Thonis stood there, which bears the name of the king, who entertained as his guests @@ -87893,7 +87893,7 @@ is the Rosetta mouth; the Sebennytic is the Burlos mouth; the Phatnitic, the Damietta mouth; the Mendesian is that at Dibeh; the Tanitic, that at Omm. Faregeh; the Pelusiac, that at Terraneh. and the commencement of the Delta. -

On the right of the Canobic canal is the Menelaïte Nome, +

On the right of the Canobic canal is the Menelaïte Nome, so called from the brother of the first Ptolemy, but certainly @@ -87950,7 +87950,7 @@ island, and at Butus is an oracle of Latona.

In the interior above the Sebennytic and Phatnitic -mouths is Xoïs, both an island and a city in the Sebennytic +mouths is Xoïs, both an island and a city in the Sebennytic Nome. There are also Hermopolis, Lycopolis, and Mendes, @@ -88034,7 +88034,7 @@ name from the mud (phlou=) of the swamps.The Egyptians say that the ox Mneyis is sacred to the sun, and that -Apis is dedicated to the moon. Ælian de Nat. Animal. ii. 11. at Heliopolis. +Apis is dedicated to the moon. Ælian de Nat. Animal. ii. 11. at Heliopolis. @@ -88113,9 +88113,9 @@ who sacrifice a sheep. In this nome and near this place is a city called Menelaus. On the left hand in the Delta, upon -the river, is Naucratis. At the distance of two schœni from +the river, is Naucratis. At the distance of two schœni from -the river is Saïs,Saïs stood in lat. 30° 4′ N., on the right bank of the Canopic arm of +the river is Saïs,Saïs stood in lat. 30° 4′ N., on the right bank of the Canopic arm of the Nile. The site of the ancient city is determined not only by the appellation of the modern town Sa-el-Hadjar, which occupies a portion of @@ -88127,7 +88127,7 @@ the arms of the river, from the Mediterranean to Memphis. Its ruins have been very imperfectly explored, yet traces have been found of the -lake on which the mysteries of Isis were performed, as well as of the temple of Neith (Athene) and the necropolis of the Saïte kings. The wall of +lake on which the mysteries of Isis were performed, as well as of the temple of Neith (Athene) and the necropolis of the Saïte kings. The wall of unburnt brick which surrounded the principal buildings of the city was @@ -88139,7 +88139,7 @@ were also two large cemeteries, one for the citizens generally, and the other reserved for the nobles and priests of the higher orders. -

Saïs was one of the sacred cities of Egypt: its principal deities were +

Saïs was one of the sacred cities of Egypt: its principal deities were Neith, who gave oracles there, and Isis. The mysteries of the latter were @@ -88167,11 +88167,11 @@ of light. On the same night, apparently, were performed what the Egyptians desig Herodotus will not name (ii. 171), when he says that there is a burial- -place of him at Saïs in the temple of Athene. The mysteries were symbolical representations of the sufferings of Osiris, especially his dismemberment by Typhon. They were exhibited on the lake behind the temple +place of him at Saïs in the temple of Athene. The mysteries were symbolical representations of the sufferings of Osiris, especially his dismemberment by Typhon. They were exhibited on the lake behind the temple of Neith. Portions of the lake may be still discerned near the hamlet -Sa-el-Hadjar. Smith. Diet. of Greek and Roman Geography, Art. Saïs.

and a little above it the asylum of Osiris, +Sa-el-Hadjar. Smith. Diet. of Greek and Roman Geography, Art. Saïs.

and a little above it the asylum of Osiris, @@ -88181,7 +88181,7 @@ Sa-el-Hadjar. Smith. Diet. of Greek and Roman Geography, Art. in which it is said Osiris is buried. This, however, is questioned by many persons, and particularly by the inhabitants -of Philæ, which is situated above Syene and Elephantina. +of Philæ, which is situated above Syene and Elephantina. These people tell this tale, that Isis placed coffins of Osiris in @@ -88197,25 +88197,25 @@ might come and cast the body out of its place of deposit.

This is the description of the country from Alexandreia to the vertex of the Delta.

Artemidorus says, that the navigation up the river is 28 -schœni, which amount to 840 stadia, reckoning the schœnus +schœni, which amount to 840 stadia, reckoning the schœnus at 30 stadia. When we ourselves sailed up the river, schoeni of different measures were used at different places in giving -the distances, so that sometimes the received schœnus was a +the distances, so that sometimes the received schœnus was a measure of 40 stadia and even more. That the measure of -the schœnus was unsettled among the Egyptians, Artemidorus himself shows in a subsequent place. In reckoning the +the schœnus was unsettled among the Egyptians, Artemidorus himself shows in a subsequent place. In reckoning the -distance from Memphis to Thebais, he says that each schœnus +distance from Memphis to Thebais, he says that each schœnus -consists of 120 stadia, and from the Thebaïs to Syene of 60 +consists of 120 stadia, and from the Thebaïs to Syene of 60 stadia. In sailing up from Pelusium to the same vertex of -the Delta, is a distance, he says, of 25 schœni, or 750 stadia, +the Delta, is a distance, he says, of 25 schœni, or 750 stadia, and he employs the same measure.

On setting out from Pelusium, the first canal met with is @@ -88227,7 +88227,7 @@ called. There are two of these lakes, situated upon the left hand of the great stream above Pelusium in Arabia. He mentions other lakes also, and canals in the same parts beyond the Delta. -

The Sethroïte Nome extends along one of the two lakes. +

The Sethroïte Nome extends along one of the two lakes. He reckons this as one of the ten nomes in the Delta. There @@ -88238,7 +88238,7 @@ same lakes.

There is another canal also, which empties itself into -the Red Sea, or Arabian Gulf, near the city Arsinoë, which +the Red Sea, or Arabian Gulf, near the city Arsinoë, which some call Cleopatris.Suez. It flows through the Bitter Lakes, as @@ -88306,10 +88306,10 @@ ascribes to Osiris the invention. "Osiris confined the Nile by embankments on bo for the purpose, the stream might be gently discharged as occasion required.

so that they sailed, when they pleased, without obstruction into the outer sea, and back again [into the canal].

We have spoken of the surfaces of bodies of water in -the first part of this work.B. i. c. i. § 20. +the first part of this work.B. i. c. i. § 20.

-

Near Arsinoë are situated in the recess of the Arabian +

Near Arsinoë are situated in the recess of the Arabian Gulf towards Egypt, Heroopolis and Cleopatris; harbours, @@ -88409,7 +88409,7 @@ height with the naos. At first the distance between them is a little more than the breadth of the foundation of the naos.This description is illustrated by the remains of the great temple at -Philæ, dedicated to Ammon Osiris. +Philæ, dedicated to Ammon Osiris. As you proceed onwards, the [base] lines incline towards one @@ -88444,7 +88444,7 @@ the spot, as presiding over these studies, but only persons who performed sacred rites, and who explained to strangers [the peculiarities of] the temples. -

A person of the name of Chæremon accompanied the governor, Ælius Gallus, in his journey from Alexandreia into +

A person of the name of Chæremon accompanied the governor, Ælius Gallus, in his journey from Alexandreia into Egypt, and pretended to some knowledge of this kind, but he @@ -88484,7 +88484,7 @@ eighth century, and who had the reputation of being well versed in history, says that "Ptolemy Philadelphus collected all the writings of Greeks, -Chaldæans, Egyptians, and Romans, and had such of them as were not +Chaldæans, Egyptians, and Romans, and had such of them as were not Greek translated into that language, and deposited 100,000 volumes at @@ -88534,7 +88534,7 @@ off.

Memphis itself also, the residence of the kings of Egypt, -is near, being only three schœni distant from the Delta. It +is near, being only three schœni distant from the Delta. It contains temples, among which is that of Apis, who is the @@ -88563,9 +88563,9 @@ door in the sanctuary, and he is permitted to be seen also out of it. After he has frisked about a little in the court, he is taken back to his own stall. -

The temple of Apis is near the Hephæsteium (or temple +

The temple of Apis is near the Hephæsteium (or temple -of Vulcan); the HephæsteiumSesoosis (Sesostris) raised two obelisks of hard stone, 120 cubits in +of Vulcan); the HephæsteiumSesoosis (Sesostris) raised two obelisks of hard stone, 120 cubits in height, on which were inscribed the greatness of his power, the amount of @@ -88630,9 +88630,9 @@ enter into more particulars, and in general are more exact. Some idea of the immense labour required may be obtained from considerations such -as follow:— +as follow:— -

The base and height being given, we find for the solid contents— +

The base and height being given, we find for the solid contents— cubic yards. @@ -88643,7 +88643,7 @@ as follow:— ii thickness, were built with the materials of these pyramids, we should -have a wall— +have a wall—
miles. @@ -88664,11 +88664,11 @@ height somewhat exceeds the length of each of the sides.Thi makes the base equal to the height. The ratio of the height to the base -in the great pyramid was as 0ċ627 to 1; and in the second, as 0ċ640 to +in the great pyramid was as 0ċ627 to 1; and in the second, as 0ċ640 to 1. Diodorus approaches nearest of all to the truth, as he makes this -ratio to be as 6 to 7 or as 0ċ817 to 1. Strabo should rather have said, +ratio to be as 6 to 7 or as 0ċ817 to 1. Strabo should rather have said, the sides are rather greater than the height; but all that he says respecting the pyramids is vague and inexact. @@ -88678,7 +88678,7 @@ height in one of the sidese)n u(/yei and not with tw=n pleurw=n, in the sense of moderately, in which it is -also used in b. xi. c. ii. § 18. The kings who succeeded to the possession of the country, (me/sws e)/pratton) were moderately successful. +also used in b. xi. c. ii. § 18. The kings who succeeded to the possession of the country, (me/sws e)/pratton) were moderately successful. The moveable stone has been taken away, and the aperture is at most at @@ -88836,7 +88836,7 @@ of that wealth which was their portion, or by injuries inflicted on others. There is no agreement whatever, either between the natives of the country or between authors, respecting the pyramids; for some assert that the -kings before mentioned built them, others that they were not the builders, but that Armæus built the first and largest; Amasis, the second; +kings before mentioned built them, others that they were not the builders, but that Armæus built the first and largest; Amasis, the second; and Inaro, the third: but this last is said by some to be the burial-place @@ -88958,13 +88958,13 @@ Diod. Sic. i. 56.

Next to Memphis is the city Acanthus, situated also in -Libya, and the temple of Osiris, and the grove of the Thebaïc acantha, from which gum is procured. Next is the Aphroditopolite Nome, and the city in Arabia of the same name, +Libya, and the temple of Osiris, and the grove of the Thebaïc acantha, from which gum is procured. Next is the Aphroditopolite Nome, and the city in Arabia of the same name, where is kept a white cow, considered sacred. Then follows the Heracleote Nome, in a large island, near which is the -canal on the right hand, which leads into Libya, in the direction of the Arsinoïte Nome; so that the canal has two entrances, +canal on the right hand, which leads into Libya, in the direction of the Arsinoïte Nome; so that the canal has two entrances, a part of the island on one side being interposed between @@ -88972,7 +88972,7 @@ them.This passage presents great difficulties. Kramer expre dissatisfied with any explanation hitherto given. Und so dass der -Kanal zwei Mündungen hat, zwischen welche ein Theil der Insel seitwärts anfalt. Groskurd. This nome is the most considerable of all in appearance, natural properties, and embellishment. It is the only +Kanal zwei Mündungen hat, zwischen welche ein Theil der Insel seitwärts anfalt. Groskurd. This nome is the most considerable of all in appearance, natural properties, and embellishment. It is the only nome planted with large, full-grown olive trees, which bear @@ -88988,7 +88988,7 @@ the gardens near Alexandreia, which are planted with olive trees, but do not furnish any oil.) It produces wine in abundance, corn, pulse, and a great variety of other grains. It has -also the remarkable lake Mœris, which in extent is a sea, and +also the remarkable lake Mœris, which in extent is a sea, and the colour of its waters resembles that of the sea. Its borders @@ -88996,7 +88996,7 @@ also are like the sea-shore, so that we may make the same suppositions respecting these as about the country near Ammon. For they are not very far distant from one another -and from Parætonium; and we may conjecture from a multitude of proofs, that as the temple of Ammon was once situated +and from Parætonium; and we may conjecture from a multitude of proofs, that as the temple of Ammon was once situated upon the sea, so this tract of country also bordered on the sea @@ -89010,7 +89010,7 @@ as far as the Lake Sirbonis were sea, and confluent perhaps -with the Red Sea at Heroopolis, and the Ælanitic recess of +with the Red Sea at Heroopolis, and the Ælanitic recess of the gulf. @@ -89019,7 +89019,7 @@ the gulf. Book of the Geography. At present we shall make a few -remarks on the operations of nature and of Providence conjointly.—On the operations of nature, that all things converge +remarks on the operations of nature and of Providence conjointly.—On the operations of nature, that all things converge to a point, namely, the centre of the whole, and assume a @@ -89029,7 +89029,7 @@ nearer the centre than all others: the less dense and next to it is water; but both land and water are spheres, the first -solid, the second hollow, containing the earth within it.—On +solid, the second hollow, containing the earth within it.—On the operations of Providence, that it has exercised a will, is @@ -89098,10 +89098,10 @@ and lakes: again, mountains and plains have been converted reciprocally one into the other. On this subject I have spoken -before at length,Book i. c. iii. § 4. and now let this be said: +before at length,Book i. c. iii. § 4. and now let this be said:

-

The lake Mœris, by its magnitude and depth, is able to +

The lake Mœris, by its magnitude and depth, is able to sustain the superabundance of water which flows into it at @@ -89122,19 +89122,19 @@ which the engineers store up and distribute the water which enters or issues from the canal.

We have here also the Labyrinth, a work equal to the -Pyramids, and adjoining to it the tomb of the king who constructed the Labyrinth.Herod. ii. 148; Diod. i. 66. See below, § 42. After proceeding beyond the first +Pyramids, and adjoining to it the tomb of the king who constructed the Labyrinth.Herod. ii. 148; Diod. i. 66. See below, § 42. After proceeding beyond the first entrance of the canal about 30 or 40 stadia, there is a table-shaped plain, with a village and a large palace composed of as many palaces as there were formerly nomes. There are -an equal number of aulæ, surrounded by pillars, and contiguous to one another, all in one line and forming one building, +an equal number of aulæ, surrounded by pillars, and contiguous to one another, all in one line and forming one building, -like a long wall having the aulæ in front of it. The entrances +like a long wall having the aulæ in front of it. The entrances -into the aulæ are opposite to the wall. In front of the entrances there are long and numerous covered ways, with winding passages communicating with each other, so that no +into the aulæ are opposite to the wall. In front of the entrances there are long and numerous covered ways, with winding passages communicating with each other, so that no -stranger could find his way into the aulæ or out of them without a guide. The (most) surprising circumstance is that the +stranger could find his way into the aulæ or out of them without a guide. The (most) surprising circumstance is that the roofs of these dwellings consist of a single stone each, and @@ -89144,7 +89144,7 @@ in the same manner with single slabs of stone of extraordinary size, without the intermixture of timber or of any other material. -On ascending the roof,—which is not of great height for it +On ascending the roof,—which is not of great height for it @@ -89152,11 +89152,11 @@ On ascending the roof,—which is not of great height for it -consists only of a single story,—there may be seen a stone- +consists only of a single story,—there may be seen a stone- field, thus composed of stones. Descending again and lookingThe translator adopts Kramer's suggestion, of reading ei)sble/ponta for e)kpi/ptonta. -into the aulæ, these may be seen in a line supported by twenty-seven pillars, each consisting of a single stone. The walls also +into the aulæ, these may be seen in a line supported by twenty-seven pillars, each consisting of a single stone. The walls also are constructed of stones not inferior in size to these.

At the end of this building, which occupies more than a @@ -89169,7 +89169,7 @@ height. The name of the person buried there is Imandes.The B. i 61. -They built, it is said, this number of aulæ, because it was the +They built, it is said, this number of aulæ, because it was the custom for all the nomes to assemble there together according to their rank, with their own priests and priestesses, for @@ -89180,7 +89180,7 @@ the gods, and of administering justice in matters of great importance. Each of t

Sailing along to the distance of 100 stadia, we come to -the city Arsinoë, formerly called Crocodilopolis; for the inhabitants of this nome worship the crocodile. The animal is +the city Arsinoë, formerly called Crocodilopolis; for the inhabitants of this nome worship the crocodile. The animal is accounted sacred, and kept apart by himself in a lake; it is @@ -89211,11 +89211,11 @@ took it, and running round the lake, caught the crocodile, and gave him what was brought, in the same manner as before.

-

Next after the Arsinoïte and Heracleotic Nomes, is +

Next after the Arsinoïte and Heracleotic Nomes, is the city of Hercules, in which the ichneumon is worshipped, -in opposition to the Arsinoïtes, who worship crocodiles; +in opposition to the Arsinoïtes, who worship crocodiles; @@ -89223,11 +89223,11 @@ in opposition to the Arsinoïtes, who worship crocodiles; -hence the canal and the lake Mœris is full of these animals, +hence the canal and the lake Mœris is full of these animals, for they venerate them, and are careful to do them no harm: -but the Heracleotæ worship the ichneumon, which is most destructive both to crocodiles and asps. The ichneumons destroy not only the eggs of the latter, but the animals themselves. The ichneumons are protected by a covering of mud, +but the Heracleotæ worship the ichneumon, which is most destructive both to crocodiles and asps. The ichneumons destroy not only the eggs of the latter, but the animals themselves. The ichneumons are protected by a covering of mud, in which they roll, and then dry themselves in the sun. @@ -89258,7 +89258,7 @@ Egyptians worship the oxyrynchus.This fish, a species of st the head (sharp-pointed), and was said to have been produced from the -blood of the wounded Osiris. Ælian. Hist. Animal. x. 46. For all the Egyptians +blood of the wounded Osiris. Ælian. Hist. Animal. x. 46. For all the Egyptians worship in common certain animals; three among the land @@ -89268,7 +89268,7 @@ tribe, the hawk and the ibis; and two of the aquatic animals, the fish lepidotus also other animals which each people, independently of others, -worship; as the Saïtæ and Thebaïtæ, a sheep; the Latopolitæ, the latus, a fish inhabiting the Nile; the people of +worship; as the Saïtæ and Thebaïtæ, a sheep; the Latopolitæ, the latus, a fish inhabiting the Nile; the people of Lycopolis, a wolf; those of Hermopolis,Eshmoon. the cynocephalus; @@ -89278,9 +89278,9 @@ countenance of a satyr, and in other respects is between a dog and a bear; it is bred in Ethiopia. The inhabitants -of Thebes worship an eagle; the Leontopolitæ, a lion; the +of Thebes worship an eagle; the Leontopolitæ, a lion; the -Mendesians, a male and female goat; the Athribitæ, a shrewmouse; different people worshipping different animals. They +Mendesians, a male and female goat; the Athribitæ, a shrewmouse; different people worshipping different animals. They do not, however, assign the same reasons for this difference of @@ -89297,16 +89297,16 @@ worship. collected the toll on merchandise brought down from the -Thebaïs. At this place begins the reckoning by schœni of +Thebaïs. At this place begins the reckoning by schœni of -sixty stadia each, which is continued to Syene and Elephantina. Next is the Thebaïc Keep, and a canal leading to Tanis. +sixty stadia each, which is continued to Syene and Elephantina. Next is the Thebaïc Keep, and a canal leading to Tanis. Then follow Lycopolis, Aphroditopolis, and Panopolis, an old settlement belonging to masons and weavers of linen.

-

Then follows Ptolemaïs,The ruins are supposed to be at the modem hamlet of Mensieh. the largest city in the Thebais, not inferior to Memphis, with a form of government +

Then follows Ptolemaïs,The ruins are supposed to be at the modem hamlet of Mensieh. the largest city in the Thebais, not inferior to Memphis, with a form of government after the Grecian mode. Above this city is Abydos, where @@ -89343,7 +89343,7 @@ journey of seven days through a desert. It is an inhabited place, well supplied with good water and wine, and sufficiently provided with other articles. The second is that near -the lake Mœris. The third is that at the oracle of Ammon: +the lake Mœris. The third is that at the oracle of Ammon: these are considerable settlements. @@ -89378,7 +89378,7 @@ of the glory of visiting the oracle, because he knew that Perseus and Hercules had before performed the journey thither. -He set out from Parætonium, although the south winds were +He set out from Parætonium, although the south winds were blowing, and succeeded in his undertaking by vigour and perseverance. When out of his way on the road, he escaped @@ -89394,7 +89394,7 @@ that all heard the oracles on the outside of the temple, except Alexander, who was in the interior of the building; that the -answers were not given, as at Delphi and at Branchidæ, in +answers were not given, as at Delphi and at Branchidæ, in words, but chiefly by nods and signs, as in Homer; @@ -89406,7 +89406,7 @@ the king, in express terms, that he was the son of Jupiter. Callisthenes adds, (after the exaggerating style of tragedy,) -that when Apollo had deserted the oracle among the Branchidæ, on the temple being plundered by the Branchidæ (who +that when Apollo had deserted the oracle among the Branchidæ, on the temple being plundered by the Branchidæ (who espoused the party of the Persians in the time of Xerxes,) and @@ -89414,9 +89414,9 @@ the spring had failed, it then re-appeared (on the arrival of Alexander); that the ambassadors also of the Milesians carried back to Memphis numerous answers of the oracle respecting the descent of Alexander from Jupiter, and the future victory which he should obtain at Arbela, the death of Darius, -and the political changes at Lacedæmon. He says also that +and the political changes at Lacedæmon. He says also that -the Erythræan Athenais, who resembled the ancient Erythræan Sibyl, had declared the high descent of Alexander. +the Erythræan Athenais, who resembled the ancient Erythræan Sibyl, had declared the high descent of Alexander. Such are the accounts of historians. @@ -89443,7 +89443,7 @@ from doing it harm. But the people of Tentyra track and destroy it in every way. Some however, as they say of the -Psyllians of Cyrenæa, possess a certain natural antipathy to +Psyllians of Cyrenæa, possess a certain natural antipathy to snakes, and the people of Tentyra have the same dislike to crocodiles, yet they suffer no injury from them, but dive and @@ -89451,7 +89451,7 @@ cross the river when no other person ventures to do so. When crocodiles were brought to Rome to be exhibited, they -were attended by some of the Tentyritæ. A reservoir +were attended by some of the Tentyritæ. A reservoir was made for them with a sort of stage on one of the sides, @@ -89472,7 +89472,7 @@ both to the Egyptians and Arabians.

Then follows the isthmus, extending to the Red Sea -near Berenice,The ruins are situated lat. 23° 56′ N., and about 35° 34′ E. which has no harbour, but good landing-places, +near Berenice,The ruins are situated lat. 23° 56′ N., and about 35° 34′ E. which has no harbour, but good landing-places, because the isthmus is conveniently situated. Philadelphus is @@ -89570,7 +89570,7 @@ a slight blow issues from the part of the statue which remains in the seat and on its base. When I was at those places with -Ælius Gallus, and numerous friends and soldiers about him, +Ælius Gallus, and numerous friends and soldiers about him, I heard a noise at the first hour (of the day), but whether @@ -89614,17 +89614,17 @@ and whole years, the supernumerary portions of which in that period, when collected together, amount to a day.The meaning of the passage is clear, and can be understood, as critics have already explained, only as implying the intercalation of a 366th -day every fourth year. Some have asserted that Julius Cæsar adopted +day every fourth year. Some have asserted that Julius Cæsar adopted this method of intercalating a day from the civil practice of the Alexandrines; others, on the contrary, appear disposed to believe that J. -Cæsar was the first to give an idea of it, according to the advice of Sosigenes. There is truth and error in both these opinions. +Cæsar was the first to give an idea of it, according to the advice of Sosigenes. There is truth and error in both these opinions.

On the one hand, it is certain that Strabo, who visited Egypt a short time after the conquest of the country by the Romans, would not have -omitted to attribute to them the institution of this year, if it really belonged to them. So far from doing so, he says (above, § 29) distinctly, +omitted to attribute to them the institution of this year, if it really belonged to them. So far from doing so, he says (above, § 29) distinctly, that this method of intercalation was known and practised by the priests @@ -89637,11 +89637,11 @@ Strabo. Can we therefore believe that the Egyptians before this period were ignorant of the bissextile intercalation?

On the other hand; it is not less certain that this method of intercalation was only introduced into civil use at Alexandria from the time of -Julius Cæsar: before this period, the incomplete year of 365 days was +Julius Cæsar: before this period, the incomplete year of 365 days was adopted throughout the whole of Egypt, as is attested by a host of authorities, and confirmed by the date of the Rosetta stone, which only applies -to this method of reckoning. Hence we see (I.) that Julius Cæsar +to this method of reckoning. Hence we see (I.) that Julius Cæsar really obtained the idea of a fixed year of 365 1/4 days from the Egyptians, @@ -89718,7 +89718,7 @@ who examine these marks communicate the result to the public for their informati marks, and by the timeFor kai\ tw=n h(merw=n of the text, Casaubon reads tekmhri/wn, signs. -Coraÿ proposes kai\ me/trwn, measures. The expression in the text is +Coraÿ proposes kai\ me/trwn, measures. The expression in the text is obscure, and the translation is a conjecture of the meaning. elapsed from the commencement, @@ -89743,21 +89743,21 @@ Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Ptolemy, and others; in short, by all the Alexandrine school. -

At the time of Eratosthenes, the obliquity of the ecliptic was 23° 45′ 17″. +

At the time of Eratosthenes, the obliquity of the ecliptic was 23° 45′ 17″. -Syene was therefore 20′ 6″ from being exactly under the tropic; for 24° +Syene was therefore 20′ 6″ from being exactly under the tropic; for 24° -5′ 23″ (latitude of Syene)—23° 45′ 17″ = 20′ 6″. This would be the distance of the centre of the sun from the zenith of Syene; whence it follows +5′ 23″ (latitude of Syene)—23° 45′ 17″ = 20′ 6″. This would be the distance of the centre of the sun from the zenith of Syene; whence it follows -that the northern limb of the sun was about 5′ from it. -

In the time of Strabo, the obliquity was only 23° 42′ 22″; the difference between the zenith of Syene and the northern limb of the sun was +that the northern limb of the sun was about 5′ from it. +

In the time of Strabo, the obliquity was only 23° 42′ 22″; the difference between the zenith of Syene and the northern limb of the sun was -about 8′. +about 8′.

Lastly, about 140 of the vulgar era, the obliquity was reduced to -23° 41′ 7″. Syene was then 24′ 16″ from the tropic, and its zenith was +23° 41′ 7″. Syene was then 24′ 16″ from the tropic, and its zenith was -about 10′ from the northern limb of the sun; when the shadows of gnomons of any tolerable size must have been perceptible, and Syene could +about 10′ from the northern limb of the sun; when the shadows of gnomons of any tolerable size must have been perceptible, and Syene could not have been any longer considered as lying under the tropic.

As regards the well which served to ascertain the instant of the solstice, @@ -89768,7 +89768,7 @@ could not have reached entirely to the bottom, but the shadow was so small that it was not sufficient to shake the ancient opinion. In fact, -the angle being about 8′, and supposing the depth to have been 50 feet, +the angle being about 8′, and supposing the depth to have been 50 feet, the northern side would have projected a shadow of about 18 lines; the @@ -89818,7 +89818,7 @@ towards the land there is a stream, up which is the chief ascent for vessels. The boatmen sail up by this stream, and, dropping down to the cataract, are impelled with the boat to the precipice, the crew and the boats escaping unhurt. -

A little above the cataract is Philæ, a common settlement, like Elephantina, of Ethiopians and Egyptians, and +

A little above the cataract is Philæ, a common settlement, like Elephantina, of Ethiopians and Egyptians, and equal in size, containing Egyptian temples, where a bird, @@ -89835,7 +89835,7 @@ dies, or before its death. The one shown to us when we were there was sick and nearly dead.

-

We came from Syene to Philæ in a waggon, through a +

We came from Syene to Philæ in a waggon, through a very flat country, a distance of about 100 stadia.The number here given is nearly twice too great. Kramer quotes @@ -89853,7 +89853,7 @@ black hard stone, of which mortars are made: each rested upon a greater stone, and upon this another: they were like -hermæa.Unhewn stones, with a head of Mercury upon them. Sometimes these stones consisted of one mass. +hermæa.Unhewn stones, with a head of Mercury upon them. Sometimes these stones consisted of one mass. The largest was not less than twelve feet in diameter, and @@ -89884,15 +89884,15 @@ about the Delta and Alexandreia; yet the best kind is found in the Thebais. It is a subject of surprise how countries in -the same latitude as Judæa, and bordering upon the Delta and +the same latitude as Judæa, and bordering upon the Delta and -Alexandreia, should be so different; for Judæa, in addition to +Alexandreia, should be so different; for Judæa, in addition to other kinds of date-palms, produces the caryotic, which is not inferior to the Babylonian. There are, however, two kinds -of dates in the Thebaïs and in Judæa, the caryotic and +of dates in the Thebaïs and in Judæa, the caryotic and another. The Thebaic is firmer, but the flavour is more @@ -89926,7 +89926,7 @@ harbourless coast and the Egyptian Sea; on the east and west by the desert mountains of Libya and Arabia, as I have -said before.Above, § 8. The remaining parts towards the south are occupied by Troglodytæ, Blemmyes, Nubæ, and Megabari, +said before.Above, § 8. The remaining parts towards the south are occupied by Troglodytæ, Blemmyes, Nubæ, and Megabari, Ethiopians above Syene. These are nomades, and not numerous nor warlike, but accounted so by the ancients, be- @@ -89938,7 +89938,7 @@ Ethiopians above Syene. These are nomades, and not numerous nor warlike, but acc cause frequently, like robbers, they attacked defenceless persons. Neither are the Ethiopians, who extend towards the -south and Meroë, numerous nor collected in a body; for they +south and Meroë, numerous nor collected in a body; for they inhabit a long, narrow, and winding tract of land on the riverside, such as we have before described; nor are they well @@ -89960,7 +89960,7 @@ neither are the Egyptians themselves of a warlike disposition, nor the surrounding nations, although their numbers are very large. -

Cornelius Gallus, the first governor of the country appointed by (Augustus) Cæsar, attacked the city Heroopolis, which +

Cornelius Gallus, the first governor of the country appointed by (Augustus) Cæsar, attacked the city Heroopolis, which had revolted,B. C. 28. and took it with a small body of men. He @@ -89973,26 +89973,26 @@ Petronius resisted, with the soldiers about his person, a mob of myriads of Alexandrines, who attacked him by throwing stones. He killed some, and compelled the rest to desist. -

We have beforeB. xvi. c. 4, § 23. related how Ælius Gallus, when he invaded Arabia with a part of the army stationed in Egypt, +

We have beforeB. xvi. c. 4, § 23. related how Ælius Gallus, when he invaded Arabia with a part of the army stationed in Egypt, exhibited a proof of the unwarlike disposition of the people; -and if Syllæus had not betrayed him, he would have conquered the whole of Arabia Felix. +and if Syllæus had not betrayed him, he would have conquered the whole of Arabia Felix.

The Ethiopians, emboldened in consequence of a part -of the forces in Egypt being drawn off by Ælius Gallus, who +of the forces in Egypt being drawn off by Ælius Gallus, who was engaged in war with the Arabs, invaded the Thebais, and attacked the garrison, consisting of three cohorts, near -Syene; surprised and took Syene, Elephantina, and Philæ, +Syene; surprised and took Syene, Elephantina, and Philæ, by a sudden inroad; enslaved the inhabitants, and threw down -the statues of Cæsar. But Petronius, marching with less than +the statues of Cæsar. But Petronius, marching with less than 10,000 infantry and 800 horse against an army of 30,000 men, @@ -90012,7 +90012,7 @@ war. On their alleging that they had been ill treated by the nomarchs, he answered, that these were not the sovereigns -of the country, but Cæsar. When they desired three days +of the country, but Cæsar. When they desired three days for consideration, and did nothing which they were bound to @@ -90041,7 +90041,7 @@ took them all and despatched them immediately to Alexandreia. He then attacked P the number of those who fell in battle to the number of prisoners, few only could have escaped.

From Pselchis Petronius went to Premnis,Called Primis by Ptolemy and Pliny. It is placed by the former -beyond Napata, and just above Meroë. Hence it is identified with Ibrim. a strong city, +beyond Napata, and just above Meroë. Hence it is identified with Ibrim. a strong city, travelling over the hills of sand, beneath which the army of @@ -90057,7 +90057,7 @@ as far north as Primis and the ruins at Ipsambul, while Mannert, Ukert, and other geographers, believe it to have been Merawe, on the farthest -northern point of the region of Meroë. It is, however, generally placed +northern point of the region of Meroë. It is, however, generally placed at the east extremity of that great bend of the Nile which skirts the desert of Bahiouda, and near Mount Birkel. @@ -90097,28 +90097,28 @@ with two years' provisions for four hundred men, returned to Alexandreia. Some of the prisoners were publicly sold as -booty, and a thousand were sent to Cæsar, who had lately returned from the Cantabrians,The inhabitants of Biscay. See b. iii. c. iii. § 8. others died of various diseases. +booty, and a thousand were sent to Cæsar, who had lately returned from the Cantabrians,The inhabitants of Biscay. See b. iii. c. iii. § 8. others died of various diseases.

In the mean time CandaceThis name was common to the queens of Ethiopia. Acts viii. 27. attacked the garrison with an army of many thousand men. Petronius came to its assistance, and entering the fortress before the approach of the enemy, secured the place by many expedients. The enemy -sent ambassadors, but he ordered them to repair to Cæsar: +sent ambassadors, but he ordered them to repair to Cæsar: -on their replying, that they did not know who Cæsar was, +on their replying, that they did not know who Cæsar was, nor where they were to find him, Petronius appointed persons to conduct them to his presence. They arrived at Samos, -where Cæsar was at that time, and from whence he was on +where Cæsar was at that time, and from whence he was on the point of proceeding into Syria, having already despatched Tiberius into Armenia. The ambassadors obtained all that -they desired, and Cæsar even remitted the tribute which he +they desired, and Cæsar even remitted the tribute which he had imposed. @@ -90127,7 +90127,7 @@ had imposed. CHAPTER II. -

IN the preceding partB. xvi. c. iv. § 8 et seqq. of this work we have spoken at +

IN the preceding partB. xvi. c. iv. § 8 et seqq. of this work we have spoken at length of Ethiopia, so that its description may be said to be @@ -90178,7 +90178,7 @@ upon the flesh and blood of animals, milk, and cheese. They reverence their kings as gods, who are for the most part shut up in their palaces. -

Their largest royal seat is the city of Meroë, of the same +

Their largest royal seat is the city of Meroë, of the same name as the island. The shape of the island is said to be @@ -90196,7 +90196,7 @@ great hills of sand, and on that of Arabia by continuous precipices. In the high the confluenttai=s sumbolai=s. The passage presents a great difficulty, because -Strabo has before asserted that Meroë is surrounded by these rivers, and +Strabo has before asserted that Meroë is surrounded by these rivers, and that their union takes place below, that is, to the north, and not to the @@ -90235,7 +90235,7 @@ take refuge, from the hotter and parched districts, in watery and marshy districts.

-

Above Meroë is Psebo,Tsana. a large lake, containing a well-inhabited island. As the Libyans occupy the western bank +

Above Meroë is Psebo,Tsana. a large lake, containing a well-inhabited island. As the Libyans occupy the western bank of the Nile, and the Ethiopians the country on the other side @@ -90270,7 +90270,7 @@ the sun, and to apply opprobrious names to him, when they behold him rising, because he scorches and tortures them with his heat; these people take refuge in the marshes. -

The inhabitants of Meroë worship Hercules, Pan, and Isis, +

The inhabitants of Meroë worship Hercules, Pan, and Isis, besides some other barbaric deity.According to Diod. Sic. iii. 9 this was Jupiter.

Some tribes throw the dead into the river; others keep @@ -90293,7 +90293,7 @@ sacred than all others. their personal beauty, or by their breeding of cattle, or for their courage, or their riches. -

In Meroë the priests anciently held the highest rank, and +

In Meroë the priests anciently held the highest rank, and sometimes sent orders even to the king, by a messenger, to put @@ -90321,7 +90321,7 @@ the subject of Ethiopia. these peculiar products; for instance, the Egyptian bean, as it is -called, from which is obtained the ciborium,Above, c. i. § 15. and the papyrus, +called, from which is obtained the ciborium,Above, c. i. § 15. and the papyrus, for it is found here and in India only; the persea (peach) @@ -90340,7 +90340,7 @@ pepper, but a little larger. best known are the oxyrynchus,The sturgeon. and the lepidotus,Cyprinus bynni. the latus,Perea Nilotica. Cuvier, Histoire Naturelle des Poissons, xii. 5. -the alabes,Silurus anguillaris. Linn. the coracinus,Pliny, xxxii. 5. Coracini pisces Nilo quidem peculiares sunt. Athenæus, b. vii. c. 83, p. 484. Bohn's Classical Library. the chœrus, the phagrorius, called +the alabes,Silurus anguillaris. Linn. the coracinus,Pliny, xxxii. 5. Coracini pisces Nilo quidem peculiares sunt. Athenæus, b. vii. c. 83, p. 484. Bohn's Classical Library. the chœrus, the phagrorius, called also the phagrus. Besides these are the silurus, the citharus,Called by the Arabs gamor-el-Lelleh, or star of the night. Cuvier. @@ -90363,7 +90363,7 @@ span in length, whose bite is more suddenly mortal than that of the other; the second is nearly an orguiaAbout six feet. Nicander is the author of two Greek poems that are -still extant, and of several others that have been lost. He may be supposed to have been in reputation for about fifty years, cir. B. C. 185—135. +still extant, and of several others that have been lost. He may be supposed to have been in reputation for about fifty years, cir. B. C. 185—135. The longest of his poems that remains is named Theriaca. It treats (as @@ -90377,7 +90377,7 @@ antidotes. His works are only consulted by those who are interested in points of zoological and medical antiquities. He is frequently -quoted by Athenæus. See Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman Biography, art. Nicander. in size, according to Nicander. the author of the Theriaca. +quoted by Athenæus. See Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman Biography, art. Nicander. in size, according to Nicander. the author of the Theriaca.

Among the birds, are the ibis and the Egyptian hawk, which, like the cat, is more tame than those elsewhere. The @@ -90426,7 +90426,7 @@ cucina, and were made from a palm-tree (the Doum palm), called by Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. 4, 2) koukiofo/o|on, and by Pliny cuci -(b. xiii. 9): At e diverse, cuci in magno honore, palmæ similis, quando +(b. xiii. 9): At e diverse, cuci in magno honore, palmæ similis, quando et ejus foliis utuntur ad textilia. @@ -90448,18 +90448,18 @@ that they bring up all children that are born. They circumcise the males, and sp among the Jews, who are of Egyptian origin, as I said when -I was treating of them.B. xvi. c. 2. § 34. +I was treating of them.B. xvi. c. 2. § 34.

According to Aristobulus, no fishes ascend the Nile from the sea, except the cestreus, the thrissa, and dolphins, on account of the crocodiles; the dolphin, because it can get the better of the crocodile; the cestreus, because it is accompanied -by the chœri along the bank, in consequence of some physical +by the chœri along the bank, in consequence of some physical affinity subsisting between them. The crocodiles abstain -from doing any hurt to the chœri, because they are of a +from doing any hurt to the chœri, because they are of a round shape, and have spines on their heads, which are dangerous to them.. The cestreus runs up the river in spring, @@ -90486,7 +90486,7 @@ portion of the whole description of the earth. shall further describe what suits my purpose, and add what -has not been previously mentioned.B. ii. c. 3, § 4 and c. 4, § 3. +has not been previously mentioned.B. ii. c. 3, § 4 and c. 4, § 3. @@ -90516,7 +90516,7 @@ and the Pillars, particularly that which belonged to the Carthaginians, is ferti some spots destitute of water intervene, as those about the -Syrtes, the Marmaridæ, and the Catabathmus. +Syrtes, the Marmaridæ, and the Catabathmus.

The shape of Africa is that of a right-angled triangle, if we imagine its figure to be drawn on a plane surface. Its base @@ -90532,7 +90532,7 @@ whole tract of sea-coast lying between Ethiopia and Mauretania. figure, and lying almost entirely under the torrid zone, is inaccessible, we speak of it from conjecture, and therefore cannot say what is the greatest breadth of the country. In a -formerB. i. c. 4, § 2. part of this work we have said, that the distance proceeding from Alexandreia southwards to Meroë, the royal +formerB. i. c. 4, § 2. part of this work we have said, that the distance proceeding from Alexandreia southwards to Meroë, the royal seat of the Ethiopians, is about 10,000 stadia; thence in a @@ -90569,7 +90569,7 @@ Thence projects into the sea a point formed by the foot of the mountain towards the west of Mauretania, and called the Coteis.Cape Spartel, or Espartel. Ampelusia, vine-clad, was the Greek -name,—a translation of the native name. Near it is a small town, a little above the sea, which the +name,—a translation of the native name. Near it is a small town, a little above the sea, which the barbarians call Trinx; Artemidorus, Lynx; and Eratosthenes, @@ -90577,13 +90577,13 @@ Lixus.Groskurd reads Tinx, and also with Letronne observes author has mistaken two places for one. Tinx, or Trinx=Tangiers. -Lixus=Al-Harâtch, or Laraiche. It lies on the side of the strait opposite to Gadeira,Cadiz. +Lixus=Al-Harâtch, or Laraiche. It lies on the side of the strait opposite to Gadeira,Cadiz. from which it is separated by a passage of 800 stadia, the width of the strait at the Pillars between both places. To -the south, near Lixus and the Coteis, is a bay called Emporicus,Situated between the town Sala (Salee) and Lixus (El-Harâch). having upon it Phoenician mercantile settlements. The +the south, near Lixus and the Coteis, is a bay called Emporicus,Situated between the town Sala (Salee) and Lixus (El-Harâch). having upon it Phoenician mercantile settlements. The whole coast continuous with this bay abounds with them. @@ -90599,10 +90599,10 @@ inhabited, as well as others running parallel to it, first by the Maurusii, but deep in the interior of the country by the -largest of the African tribes, called Gætuli. +largest of the African tribes, called Gætuli.

-

Historians, beginning with the voyage of Ophelas (Apellas ?),Tyrwhitt reads Apellas, for Ophellas of the text. Apellas was a Cyrenæan navigator, whose Periplus is mentioned by Marcianus of Heracleia. +

Historians, beginning with the voyage of Ophelas (Apellas ?),Tyrwhitt reads Apellas, for Ophellas of the text. Apellas was a Cyrenæan navigator, whose Periplus is mentioned by Marcianus of Heracleia. There was an Ophellas of Cyrene, who advanced at the head of an army @@ -90659,7 +90659,7 @@ his information or of the text; which latter is not improbable, as numbers in MS Strabo contradicts himself, by asserting in another place (b. xvii. c. 3. -§ 7) that the Pharusii had a great desert between them and Mauretania. +§ 7) that the Pharusii had a great desert between them and Mauretania. When Ezekiel prophesies the fall of Tyre, it is said, (xxvii. 10,) The @@ -90675,7 +90675,7 @@ represent the powerful and warlike tribe whom the Greeks call Pharusii. Smith, art, Pharusii. -and the Nigritæ. These people, they say, are distant thirty +and the Nigritæ. These people, they say, are distant thirty days' journey from Lynx. @@ -90755,7 +90755,7 @@ Mauretanians, during his expedition against the western Ethiopians, sent, as a present to his wife, canes similar to the -Indian canes, each joint of which contained eight chœnices,About six quarts, according to the lowest value of the (chœnix). +Indian canes, each joint of which contained eight chœnices,About six quarts, according to the lowest value of the (chœnix). and asparagus of similar magnitude. @@ -90782,7 +90782,7 @@ river Molochath,The Muluwi, which now forms the frontier be Algeria, as it did anciently between the Mauretanians and Numidians. which is the boundary between the territories -of the Mauretanians and of the Masæsyli. Near the river +of the Mauretanians and of the Masæsyli. Near the river is a large promontory, and Metagonium,Cape Hone, or Ras-el-Harsbak. Groskurd corrects the text, and @@ -90794,11 +90794,11 @@ and barren. The mountain extends along the coast, from the Coteis nearly to this place. Its length from the Coteis to the -borders of the MasæsyliiNumidia is the central tract of country on the north coast of Africa, +borders of the MasæsyliiNumidia is the central tract of country on the north coast of Africa, which forms the largest portion of the country now occupied by the -French, and called Algeria, or Algérie. The continuous system of highlands which extends along the coast of the Mediterranean was in the earliest period occupied by a race of people consisting of many tribes, of whom +French, and called Algeria, or Algérie. The continuous system of highlands which extends along the coast of the Mediterranean was in the earliest period occupied by a race of people consisting of many tribes, of whom the Berbers of the Algerine territories; or the Kabyles or Quabaily, as they @@ -90812,17 +90812,17 @@ many names in ancient African topography, and embracing tribes of quite different characters, whites as well as blacks (though not negroes), were -called by the Romans Numidæ; not a proper name, but a common denomination from the Greek form, noma/des. Afterwards Numida and Numidia +called by the Romans Numidæ; not a proper name, but a common denomination from the Greek form, noma/des. Afterwards Numida and Numidia became the name of the nation and the country. Sometimes they were -called Maurusii Numidæ, while the later writers always speak of them +called Maurusii Numidæ, while the later writers always speak of them under the general name of Mauri. The most powerful among these tribes were the Massyli, whose territories extended from the river Ampsaga to -Tretum promontory; and the Massæsyli, occupying the country to the +Tretum promontory; and the Massæsyli, occupying the country to the west, as far as the river Mulucha. Smith, Diet. art. Numidia. is 5000 stadia. Metagonium is @@ -90862,7 +90862,7 @@ enemy, as shields, the skins of elephants. They wear the skins of lions, panthers, and bears, and sleep in them. These -tribes, and the Masæsylii next to them, and for the most part +tribes, and the Masæsylii next to them, and for the most part the Africans in general, wear the same dress and arms, and @@ -90902,7 +90902,7 @@ with water, fastened under the bellies of their horses. Sometimes, indeed, they abounding with marshes and lakes. Some of them are said to -live like the Troglodytæ, in caves dug in the ground. It is +live like the Troglodytæ, in caves dug in the ground. It is said that rain falls there frequently in summer, but that during @@ -90924,11 +90924,11 @@ are Indians, who accompanied Hercules hither. A little before my time, the kings Romans, possessed this country; after their death, Juba succeeded to the kingdom, having received it from Augustus -Cæsar, in addition to his paternal dominions. He was the son +Cæsar, in addition to his paternal dominions. He was the son of Juba who fought, in conjunction with Scipio, against divus -Cæsar. Juba diedA. D. 18 or 19 at latest, but the exact date is uncertain. lately, and was succeeded by his son +Cæsar. Juba diedA. D. 18 or 19 at latest, but the exact date is uncertain. lately, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy, whose mother was the daughter of Antony and @@ -90943,11 +90943,11 @@ Mauretania; that there are a very great number of Phoenician cities destroyed,Groskurd corrects the text, and translates, there existed in the Bay -Emporicus very many Phœnician cities. of which no traces are to be seen; and that +Emporicus very many Phœnician cities. of which no traces are to be seen; and that among the western Ethiopians, in the evenings and the -mornings, the air is misty and dense;—for how could this take +mornings, the air is misty and dense;—for how could this take place where there is drought and excessive heat? But he @@ -90966,7 +90966,7 @@ these people extend as far as the places above Cyrene, and that they live there on milk and flesh, although they are situated in the same latitude.

Gabinius, the Roman historian, indulges in relating marvellous stories of Mauretania. He speaks of a sepulchre of -Antæus at Lynx, and a skeleton of sixty feet in length, +Antæus at Lynx, and a skeleton of sixty feet in length, which Sertorius exposed, and afterwards covered it with @@ -90993,7 +90993,7 @@ up dust. -the Masæsyli and of the Masylies. From Metagonium to +the Masæsyli and of the Masylies. From Metagonium to Tretum are 6000 stadia; according to others, the distance is less.

Upon the sea-coast are many cities and rivers, and a country which is very fertile. It will be sufficient to mention the @@ -91019,7 +91019,7 @@ of the Arabs, at the mouth of the Tafna near Rasgun. next are some other obscure places.

Deep in the interior of the country are mountainous and -desert tracts scattered here and there, some of which are inhabited and occupied by Gætuli extending to the Syrtes. But +desert tracts scattered here and there, some of which are inhabited and occupied by Gætuli extending to the Syrtes. But the parts near the sea are fertile plains, in which are numerous @@ -91147,13 +91147,13 @@ consequence of the number of reptiles, they work with coverings on the legs; oth by skins.

-

On this coast was a city called Iol,Cherchell, a corruption of Cæsarea-Iol. which Juba, the +

On this coast was a city called Iol,Cherchell, a corruption of Cæsarea-Iol. which Juba, the -father of Ptolemy, rebuilt and changed its name to Cæsarea. +father of Ptolemy, rebuilt and changed its name to Cæsarea. It has a harbour and a small island in front of it. Between -Cæsarea and TretumEbba Ras (the seven capes) or Bougaron. is a large harbour called Salda,Bougie. which +Cæsarea and TretumEbba Ras (the seven capes) or Bougaron. is a large harbour called Salda,Bougie. which now forms the boundary between the territories subject to @@ -91190,11 +91190,11 @@ death as a friend of the Romans, and thus involved the whole country in war. Other wars succeeded one another, of which -the last was that between divus Cæsar and Scipio, in which +the last was that between divus Cæsar and Scipio, in which Juba lost his life. The death of the leaders was accompanied -by the destruction of the cities Tisiæus,An unknown name. Letronne supposes Thisica to be meant, +by the destruction of the cities Tisiæus,An unknown name. Letronne supposes Thisica to be meant, mentioned by Ptolemy, iv. 3. Vaga,Vaga or Vacca, now Bayjah. Thala,Shaw takes Ferreanah to have been the ancient Thala or Telepte, @@ -91204,7 +91204,7 @@ CapsaCafsa. (the treasure-hold of Jugurtha), Zama,Probably near the ruins of Leptis Parva. then at Uzita, then at Thapsus and the @@ -91216,7 +91216,7 @@ neighbouring lake, and at many others. Near are the free -cities Zella and Acholla.El Aliah. Cæsar also captured at the first +cities Zella and Acholla.El Aliah. Cæsar also captured at the first onset the island Cercinna,Karkenah or Ramlah. and Thena, a small city on the seacoast. Some of these cities utterly disappeared, and others @@ -91251,7 +91251,7 @@ quarters of their operations in Africa. It is situated in the very bay itself of Carthage, on one of the promontories -which form it, of which the one near Ityca is called Apollonium, the other Hermæa. Both cities are in sight of each +which form it, of which the one near Ityca is called Apollonium, the other Hermæa. Both cities are in sight of each other. Near Ityca flows the river Bagradas.Wady Mejerdah. From Tretum @@ -91315,7 +91315,7 @@ city to rival Rome, and waged three great wars against her. Their power became most conspicuous in the last war, in which -they were vanquished by Scipio Æmilianus, and their city +they were vanquished by Scipio Æmilianus, and their city was totally destroyed. For at the commencement of this war, @@ -91395,7 +91395,7 @@ compelled to it by want and barrenness of soil or severity of climate. An appropriate name was therefore given to the -Masæsylii, for they were called Nomades.By the Romans, Numidæ. Such persons +Masæsylii, for they were called Nomades.By the Romans, Numidæ. Such persons must necessarily be sparing livers, eaters of roots more than @@ -91405,7 +91405,7 @@ remained a desolate place for a long time, for nearly the same period, indeed, as Corinth, until it was restored about the -same time (as the latter city) by divus Cæsar, who sent thither +same time (as the latter city) by divus Cæsar, who sent thither such Romans to colonize it as elected to go there, and also @@ -91418,29 +91418,29 @@ Africa. Corsura.Pantellaria. On the other side of the strait opposite to these -places is Sicily and Lilybæum,Marsala. at the distance of (about) +places is Sicily and Lilybæum,Marsala. at the distance of (about) -1500 stadia; for this is said to be the distance from Lilybæum to Carthage. Not far from Corsura and Sicily are +1500 stadia; for this is said to be the distance from Lilybæum to Carthage. Not far from Corsura and Sicily are -other islands, among which is Ægimurus.Kramer is of opinion that this passage from the beginning of the +other islands, among which is Ægimurus.Kramer is of opinion that this passage from the beginning of the section is an interpolation. Cossura (the island Pantellaria) is nowhere else spelt Corsura; Cossuros is the spelling observed immediately below. -Its distance from Aspis is differently stated in b. vi. c. ii. § 11, to be 88 +Its distance from Aspis is differently stated in b. vi. c. ii. § 11, to be 88 miles from Aspis. -

Ægimurus is the small island Zembra, near Cape Bon; near it is also +

Ægimurus is the small island Zembra, near Cape Bon; near it is also another small low rocky island. From the shape and appearance of the former, more especially in some positions, we may attribute the name -Aræ (altars), given to them, as in Pliny: Ægimuree Aræ, scopuli +Aræ (altars), given to them, as in Pliny: Ægimuree Aræ, scopuli -verius quam insulæ; and they are the Aræ of Virgil, Æn. i. 108.

From Carthage +verius quam insulæ; and they are the Aræ of Virgil, Æn. i. 108.

From Carthage there is a passage of 60 stadia to the nearest opposite coast, @@ -91448,7 +91448,7 @@ from whence there is an ascent of 120 stadia to Nepheris, a fortified city built upon a rock. On the same gulf as Carthage, is situated a city Tunis; hot springs and stone quarries -are also found there; then the rugged promontory Hermæa,i. e. sacred to Mercury. Cape Bon. +are also found there; then the rugged promontory Hermæa,i. e. sacred to Mercury. Cape Bon. @@ -91458,7 +91458,7 @@ are also found there; then the rugged promontory Hermæa,Cape Aclibia, from the Latin Clypea. B. vi. c. 2, § 11. on which is a hillock named Aspis, from its +Cape Taphitis,Cape Aclibia, from the Latin Clypea. B. vi. c. 2, § 11. on which is a hillock named Aspis, from its resemblance (to a shield), at which place Agathocles, tyrant @@ -91476,7 +91476,7 @@ Melite,Malta. an island, is 500 stadia distant from follows the city Adrumes,Sousah. with a naval arsenal; then the -Taracheiæ, numerous small islands; then the city Thapsus.Demass. +Taracheiæ, numerous small islands; then the city Thapsus.Demass. and near it Lopadussa,Lampedusa. an island situated far from the coast; @@ -91552,7 +91552,7 @@ smaller; after this the city AbrotononSabrata? and s Close by is Neapolis, which is also called Leptis.Lebida. From -hence the passage across to the Locri EpizephyriiGerace. See b. vi. c. i. § 7, 8. is a distance of 3600 stadia. Next is the river [Cinyps].The Cinifo or Wadi-Quasam. Afterwards is a walled darn, constructed by the Carthaginians, who +hence the passage across to the Locri EpizephyriiGerace. See b. vi. c. i. § 7, 8. is a distance of 3600 stadia. Next is the river [Cinyps].The Cinifo or Wadi-Quasam. Afterwards is a walled darn, constructed by the Carthaginians, who thus bridged over some deep swamps which extend far into @@ -91562,22 +91562,22 @@ although the rest of the coast is provided with them. Next is a lofty wooded promontory, which is the commencement of -the Great Syrtis, and called Cephalæ (The Heads),Cape Canan or Mesrata from +the Great Syrtis, and called Cephalæ (The Heads),Cape Canan or Mesrata from whence to Carthage is a distance of a little more than 5000 stadia.

-

Above the sea-coast from Carthage to Cephalæ (on the +

Above the sea-coast from Carthage to Cephalæ (on the -one hand) and to the territory of the Masæsyli (on the other) +one hand) and to the territory of the Masæsyli (on the other) -lies the territory of the Libo-Phœnicians, extending (into the +lies the territory of the Libo-Phœnicians, extending (into the -interior) to the mountainous country of the Gætuli, which +interior) to the mountainous country of the Gætuli, which -belongs to Africa Proper. Above the Gætuli is the country +belongs to Africa Proper. Above the Gætuli is the country of the Garamantes, lying parallel to the former, and from @@ -91589,7 +91589,7 @@ live on the borders of the ocean, nine or ten days' journey, and from the temple of Ammon fifteen days. Between the -Gætuli and the coast of our sea (the Mediterranean) there +Gætuli and the coast of our sea (the Mediterranean) there are many plains and many mountains, great lakes and rivers, @@ -91619,7 +91619,7 @@ milk and flesh, particularly near Ethiopia. These are the customs of the interior.

-

The circuit of the Great Syrtis is about 3930 stadia,See b. ii. c. v. § 20. +

The circuit of the Great Syrtis is about 3930 stadia,See b. ii. c. v. § 20. its depth to the recess is 1500 stadia, and its breadth at the @@ -91637,7 +91637,7 @@ should be caught by a wind unprepared, and driven into these gulfs. Yet the daring disposition of man induces him to attempt everything, and particularly the coasting along a -shore. On entering the Great Syrtis on the right, after passing the promontory Cephalæ, is a lake of about 300 stadia in +shore. On entering the Great Syrtis on the right, after passing the promontory Cephalæ, is a lake of about 300 stadia in length, and 70 stadia in breadth, which communicates with @@ -91645,7 +91645,7 @@ the gulf, and has at its entrance small islands and an anchorage. After the lake tower Euphrantas, the boundary between the former territory -of Carthage and Cyrenaïca under Ptolemy (Soter). Then +of Carthage and Cyrenaïca under Ptolemy (Soter). Then another place, called Charax,Its position, like that of so many places on the Great Syrtis, can hardly @@ -91655,11 +91655,11 @@ be found in Barth's Wanderungen. which the Carthaginians frequented as a loaded in return with silphium and its juice, which they received from merchants who brought it away clandestinely -from Cyrene; then the Altars of the Philæni;About the middle of the fourth century, B. c., according to a story in +from Cyrene; then the Altars of the Philæni;About the middle of the fourth century, B. c., according to a story in Sallust, these monuments commemorated the patriotic sacrifice of two -Philæni, Carthaginian envoys. after these +Philæni, Carthaginian envoys. after these Automola, a fortress defended by a garrison, and situated in @@ -91683,17 +91683,17 @@ which is situated in the recessGulf of Suez. of the passing, on the other, through the interior of the territory of -the Masæsylii and the Mauretanians. The rest of the +the Masæsylii and the Mauretanians. The rest of the sea-coast, to the city Berenice,Ben Ghazi. Berenice previously bore the name Hesperides, which name seems to have been derived from the fancy which found the fabled -Gardens of the Hesperides in the fertile terraces of Cyrenaïca. is 1500 stadia in length. +Gardens of the Hesperides in the fertile terraces of Cyrenaïca. is 1500 stadia in length. Above this length of coast, and extending to the Altars of the -Philæni, are situated an African nation called Nasamones. +Philæni, are situated an African nation called Nasamones. The intervening distance (between the recess of the Syrtis @@ -91710,7 +91710,7 @@ Hesperides, into which flows a river (called) Lathon. On this side of Berenice is a small promontory called BoreionRas-Teyonas. -(or North Cape), which with Cephalæ forms the entrance of +(or North Cape), which with Cephalæ forms the entrance of the Syrtis. Berenice lies opposite to the promontories of @@ -91728,7 +91728,7 @@ watering-places; his course lay through deep sand, under burning heat. After Berenice is a city Taucheira,Tochira. called -also Arsinoë; then Barca,The name has survived to the present day in that of the district of +also Arsinoë; then Barca,The name has survived to the present day in that of the district of which it was the capital, the province of Barca, in the regency of Tripoli. @@ -91752,15 +91752,15 @@ art. Barca. formerly so called, but now Pto- -lemaïs; then the promontory Phycus,Ras-al-Razat or Ras Sem. Scylax here placed the gardens and lake +lemaïs; then the promontory Phycus,Ras-al-Razat or Ras Sem. Scylax here placed the gardens and lake of the Hesperides. which is low, but ex- tends further to the north than the rest of the African coast: -it is opposite to Tænarum,Cape Matapan, which is more than a degree and a half more to the +it is opposite to Tænarum,Cape Matapan, which is more than a degree and a half more to the -east than Phycus. in Laconia, at the distanceIn b. viii. c. v. § 1, it is stated to be 3000. of +east than Phycus. in Laconia, at the distanceIn b. viii. c. v. § 1, it is stated to be 3000. of 2800 stadia; on it there is also a small town of the same @@ -91775,7 +91775,7 @@ Cyrene, a considerable city situated on a table-land, as I observed it from the

Cyrene was founded by the inhabitants of Thera,Santorin. a -Lacedæmonian island which was formerly called Calliste, as +Lacedæmonian island which was formerly called Calliste, as Callimachus says, @@ -91835,9 +91835,9 @@ nearly lost, in consequence of a spiteful incursion of barbarians, who attempted to destroy all the roots. The inhabitants of this district are nomades. -

Remarkable persons of Cyrene were Aristippus,Flourished about B. C. 366. The Cyrenaïc system resembles in most +

Remarkable persons of Cyrene were Aristippus,Flourished about B. C. 366. The Cyrenaïc system resembles in most -points those of Heracleitus and Protagoras, as given in Plato's Theætetus. +points those of Heracleitus and Protagoras, as given in Plato's Theætetus. The doctrines that a subject only knows objects through the prism of the @@ -91851,7 +91851,7 @@ it rests, viz. that knowledge is sensation, is the foundation of Locke's Modern Ideology, though he did not perceive its connexion with the -consequences to which it led the Cyrenaïcs. To revive these was reserved for Hume. Smith's Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. the Socratic philosopher, who established the Cyrenaïc philosophy, and +consequences to which it led the Cyrenaïcs. To revive these was reserved for Hume. Smith's Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. the Socratic philosopher, who established the Cyrenaïc philosophy, and his daughter named Arete, who succeeded to his school; she @@ -91944,24 +91944,24 @@ this coast. After the great harbour is another harbour, Plynos, and about it Tet is called Catabathmus.Marsa Sollom, or Akabet-el-Kebira, the present boundary of Tripoli -and Egypt. Cyrenæa extends to this point; the +and Egypt. Cyrenæa extends to this point; the -remainder (of the coast) to Parætonium,Baretoun or Berek Marsa. and from thence to +remainder (of the coast) to Parætonium,Baretoun or Berek Marsa. and from thence to Alexandreia, we have spoken of in our account of Egypt.Kramer's reading of this passage is followed.

The country deep in the interior, and above the Syrtis -and Cyrenæa, a very sterile and dry tract, is in the possession +and Cyrenæa, a very sterile and dry tract, is in the possession of Libyans. First are the Nasamones, then Psylli, and some -Gætuli, then Garamantes; somewhat more towards the east (than +Gætuli, then Garamantes; somewhat more towards the east (than -the Nasamones) are the Marmaridæ, who are situated for the +the Nasamones) are the Marmaridæ, who are situated for the -most part on the boundaries of Cyrenæa, and extend to the +most part on the boundaries of Cyrenæa, and extend to the temple of Ammon. It is asserted, that persons directing their @@ -91987,7 +91987,7 @@ name, and forms one of the chief stations on the caravan route from Cairo to Fezzan. This place resembles Ammon, and is productive of palm trees, and is well -supplied with water. It is situated beyond Cyrenæa to the +supplied with water. It is situated beyond Cyrenæa to the south: for 100 stadia the soil produces trees; for another 100 @@ -92025,7 +92025,7 @@ which we inhabit.Th=s kaq' h(ma=s oi) time; but Strabo refers to the then known world, having before, b. i. c. iv. -§ 6, in a remarkable manner conjectured the existence of other habitable +§ 6, in a remarkable manner conjectured the existence of other habitable worlds (such as America) in the latitude of Athens. We call that (part @@ -92042,7 +92042,7 @@ one degree. But since the Romans have surpassed (in power) all former rulers of whom we have any record, and possess the choicest and best known parts of it, it will be suitable to our subject briefly to refer to their Empire. -

It has been already statedB. vi. c. iv. § 2. how this people, beginning from +

It has been already statedB. vi. c. iv. § 2. how this people, beginning from @@ -92059,7 +92059,7 @@ Europe, with the exception only of the parts beyond the Danube, (to the north,) and the tracts on the verge of the -ocean, comprehended between the Rhine and the Tanaïs (Don). +ocean, comprehended between the Rhine and the Tanaïs (Don).

Of Africa, the whole sea-coast on the Mediterranean is in their power; the rest of that country is uninhabited, or the inhabitants only lead a miserable and nomade life. @@ -92067,7 +92067,7 @@ their power; the rest of that country is uninhabited, or the inhabitants only le the west) is subject to them, unless indeed any account is to -be taken of the Achei, Zygi, and Heniochi,B. ii. c. v. § 31. who are robbers +be taken of the Achei, Zygi, and Heniochi,B. ii. c. v. § 31. who are robbers and nomades, living in confined and wretched districts. Of @@ -92101,7 +92101,7 @@ in conformity with their national laws. periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus -Cæsar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon +Cæsar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of @@ -92131,8 +92131,8 @@ the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several -provinces, which received respectively the titles of provinces of Cæsar and provinces of the People. -

To the former provinces Cæsar appoints governors and +provinces, which received respectively the titles of provinces of Cæsar and provinces of the People. +

To the former provinces Cæsar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes @@ -92142,7 +92142,7 @@ in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to c own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it. -

(Augustus Cæsar) in his first organization of (the Empire) +

(Augustus Cæsar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, (1.) the whole of @@ -92158,24 +92158,24 @@ the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior -(Further Spain) about the river BætisGuadalquiver (Wad-el-Kebir, the Great River). and Celtica NarbonensisB. iv. c. i. § 6. (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, +(Further Spain) about the river BætisGuadalquiver (Wad-el-Kebir, the Great River). and Celtica NarbonensisB. iv. c. i. § 6. (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, -extending to Thessaly, the Ætolians, Acarnanians, and the +extending to Thessaly, the Ætolians, Acarnanians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth -Crete, with Cyrenæa; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, +Crete, with Cyrenæa; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus. -

Cæsar possesses other provinces, to the government of which +

Cæsar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or -knights;B. iii. c. iv. § 20. and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there +knights;B. iii. c. iv. § 20. and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) @@ -92194,23 +92194,23 @@ magistrates.

Aba, daughter of Zenophanes, iii. 56. -

—, Abæ, t. of Phocis, ii. 122, 151. -

Abaïtæ, ii. 402. -

Abaïtis, district of Phrygia, ii. 333. -

Abantes (Eubœans), ii. 151. -

Abantis (Eubœa), ii. 151. +

—, Abæ, t. of Phocis, ii. 122, 151. +

Abaïtæ, ii. 402. +

Abaïtis, district of Phrygia, ii. 333. +

Abantes (Eubœans), ii. 151. +

Abantis (Eubœa), ii. 151.

Abaris, i. 463.

Abas, great-grandson of Erectheus, ii. 151. -

—, ii. 133. -

Abdēra, t. of Thrace, i. 515; ii. 272, 298 ; iii. 17. -

—, t. of Spain (Adra), i. 235, 238. +

—, ii. 133. +

Abdēra, t. of Thrace, i. 515; ii. 272, 298 ; iii. 17. +

—, t. of Spain (Adra), i. 235, 238.

Abderus, i. 515.

Abeacus, ii. 239.

Abella, t. of Campania (Avella Vecchia), i. 370.

Abii, i. 453, 454, 458, 461, 465, 479; ii. 302.

Abilyx, Abyle (Jebel-el-Mina), mtn in Mauritania, i. 255; iii. 278.

Abisarus, iii. 90. -

Abōniteichos, t. of Paphlagonia, (Ineboli), ii. 291. +

Abōniteichos, t. of Paphlagonia, (Ineboli), ii. 291.

Aborace, ii. 223.

Aborrhas, r. of Mesopotamia, iii. 158.

Aboukir. See Canopus. @@ -92221,112 +92221,112 @@ magistrates.

Abus mtn in Armenia, ii. 268, 273.

Abydeni, ii. 353.

Abydon. See Amydon. -

Abydos, t. of Mysia, i. 164, 189, 508; ii. 338—354, 366, 374; iii 5, 66. -

—–, strait of, i. 517. -

—–, t. of Egypt, iii. 258, 259. +

Abydos, t. of Mysia, i. 164, 189, 508; ii. 338—354, 366, 374; iii 5, 66. +

—–, strait of, i. 517. +

—–, t. of Egypt, iii. 258, 259.

Ab-Zal. See Copratas.

Acacesium, i. 459.

Academy, philosophers of the, iii 294.

Acalandrus, r. i. 427.

Acamas, Athenian, iii. 71. -

—–, prom. of Cyprus (Cape +

—–, prom. of Cyprus (Cape Arnauti), iii. 68, 70, 71.

Acanthian gulf, i. 511.

Acanthus, t. of Egypt, iii. 253. -

—–, t. of Macedonia, i. 51—513. +

—–, t. of Macedonia, i. 51—513.

Acara, i. 322.

Acarnan, ii. 174, 178.

Acarnania, i. 493, 499, 501; ii. 3, -5, 14, 25, 58, 129, 150, 161—163, +5, 14, 25, 58, 129, 150, 161—163, -167, 171—174. +167, 171—174.

Acarnanians, Acarnanes, i. 410, 494, 498; ii. 2, 6, 75, 114, 128, 130, -131, 158—162, 169, 172—175, +131, 158—162, 169, 172—175, 178; iii. 297.

Acatharti, iii. 197.

Acathartic gulf, Acathartus, iii. 193. -

Ace, city of Phœnicia. See Ptolemaïs. -

Acerræ, i. 367, 370. +

Ace, city of Phœnicia. See Ptolemaïs. +

Acerræ, i. 367, 370.

Acesines, r. of India (Chenab), iii. 83, 85, 90-92, 102. -

Achæan league, ii. 59, 70. -

—– cities, ii. 73. +

Achæan league, ii. 59, 70. +

—– cities, ii. 73. -

Achææ, rocks, ii. 21. -

Achæi, Achæans, i. 55, 96, 195, 328, +

Achææ, rocks, ii. 21. +

Achæi, Achæans, i. 55, 96, 195, 328, 395, 399; ii. 3, 5, 7, 13, 27, 42, -49, 50, 51, 53, 66—68, 70, 71, +49, 50, 51, 53, 66—68, 70, 71, 73, 118, 132, 160, 181, 182, 195, -219, 224—226, 329, 366. -

—–, Phthiōtæ, ii. 224. -

—–, in Bosporus, ii. 224. -

—–, in Pontus, ii. 113. -

—–, robbers, iii. 296. -

—–, harbour, in the Troad, ii. +219, 224—226, 329, 366. +

—–, Phthiōtæ, ii. 224. +

—–, in Bosporus, ii. 224. +

—–, in Pontus, ii. 113. +

—–, robbers, iii. 296. +

—–, harbour, in the Troad, ii. 358, 363. -

—–, in Æolis, ii. 397. -

—–, in Cyprus, iii. 69. -

Achæium, t. of the Troad, ii. 360, +

—–, in Æolis, ii. 397. +

—–, in Cyprus, iii. 69. +

Achæium, t. of the Troad, ii. 360, -371—373. -

Achæmenidæ, iii. 130. -

Achæus, son of Xuthus, ii. 67. -

—–, father of Antiochis, ii. 400. -

Achaia, Achæa, i. 506; ii. 6, 8, 43, +371—373. +

Achæmenidæ, iii. 130. +

Achæus, son of Xuthus, ii. 67. +

—–, father of Antiochis, ii. 400. +

Achaia, Achæa, i. 506; ii. 6, 8, 43, 68, 72, 77, 132, 160; iii. 297. -

—– t. of the Cimmerian Bosporus, ii. 224. -

—– t. of Aria, ii. 252. -

Achaïcarus, iii. 180. +

—– t. of the Cimmerian Bosporus, ii. 224. +

—– t. of Aria, ii. 252. +

Achaïcarus, iii. 180.

Acharaca, t. of Lydia, ii. 335; iii. 25, 26.

Achardeus, r. of the Caucasus, ii. 239. -

Achelōus, r. of Acarnania (Aspropotamo), i. 44, 93, 410, 411,501; +

Achelōus, r. of Acarnania (Aspropotamo), i. 44, 93, 410, 411,501; -ii. 6, 25, 158, 159, 170—173. -

—–, r. of Achæa, ii. 14, 158. -

—–, r. of Thessaly, ii. 136, +ii. 6, 25, 158, 159, 170—173. +

—–, r. of Achæa, ii. 14, 158. +

—–, r. of Thessaly, ii. 136, 158.

Acheron, r. of Triphylia, ii. 17. -

—–, of Italy, i. 382. -

—–, of Epirus, i. 497. -

Acherræ, t. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 367. -

—–, t. of Campania, i. 367, +

—–, of Italy, i. 382. +

—–, of Epirus, i. 497. +

Acherræ, t. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 367. +

—–, t. of Campania, i. 367, 370. -

Acherusian Lake, marsh in Campania (Mare Morto), i. 39, 362— +

Acherusian Lake, marsh in Campania (Mare Morto), i. 39, 362— 364.

Achilleium, in the Troad, ii. 366, 372. -

—–, in the Cimmerian Bosporus, i. 477; ii. 222. +

—–, in the Cimmerian Bosporus, i. 477; ii. 222.

Achilles, i. 71, 73, 470, 472, 500; -ii. 22, 35—37, 115, 126, 181, +ii. 22, 35—37, 115, 126, 181, -132—138, 140, 157, 168, 342, +132—138, 140, 157, 168, 342, 343, 345, 358, 359, 363, 366, @@ -92334,10 +92334,10 @@ ii. 22, 35—37, 115, 126, 181,

Achilles, course of, peninsula, i. 472, 473. -

—–, rampart of, in Mysia, ii. +

—–, rampart of, in Mysia, ii. 386. -

—–, temple of, ii. 222, 359. +

—–, temple of, ii. 222, 359.

Achivi, rampart of the, i. 154.

Acholla, t. of the Carthaginians @@ -92357,12 +92357,12 @@ ii. 22, 35—37, 115, 126, 181, Acontia (Acuteia ?), t. of Spain, i. 228. -

Acontium, mtn of Bœotia, i. 113. -

Acqui. See Aquæ-Statiellæ. +

Acontium, mtn of Bœotia, i. 113. +

Acqui. See Aquæ-Statiellæ.

Acra (C. Takli), ii. 222. -

Acræa, Venus, iii. 69. -

Acrææ, t. of Laconia, ii. 15, 41. -

Acræphiæ, Acræphium, t. of Bœotia, +

Acræa, Venus, iii. 69. +

Acrææ, t. of Laconia, ii. 15, 41. +

Acræphiæ, Acræphium, t. of Bœotia, ii. 107, 109, 110.

Acragas, city of Sicily (Girgenti), @@ -92374,21 +92374,21 @@ i. 411, 415.

Acrocorinthus, ii. 38, 60, 61, 62, 70.

Acrolissus. See Lissus, i. 485.

Acropolis, ii. 86. -

Acrothōï, t. on Mount Athos, i. 512, +

Acrothōï, t. on Mount Athos, i. 512, 513.

Acta, Lepre, iii. 3. -

Actæon, ii. 87. +

Actæon, ii. 87.

Acte, ii. 77, 79, 174.

Acte, Actice. See Attica, ii. 80. -

Actē. See Acarnania. +

Actē. See Acarnania.

Actia, Actian games, i. 499.

Actian war, i. 36; ii. 330.

Actis, ii. 375.

Actium, prom. of Acarnania (La Punta), ii. 115, 161. -

—–, t. of Acarnania, ii. 73 115, +

—–, t. of Acarnania, ii. 73 115, 159, 161, .71. @@ -92402,16 +92402,16 @@ Punta), ii. 115, 161. 233.

Acusilaus, Argive, ii. 189.

Acyphas, or Pindus, ii. 128. -

—–, in the Œtæan district, +

—–, in the Œtæan district, ii. 136.

Ada, dr of Hecatomnus, iii. 35, 36. -

—–, dr of Pixodarus, iii. 35. -

Ada. See Patræus. +

—–, dr of Pixodarus, iii. 35. +

Ada. See Patræus.

Adada, c. of Pisidia, ii. 324. -

Adæ, town of Æolis, iii. 397. +

Adæ, town of Æolis, iii. 397.

Adarbal, Adherbal, iii. 284.

Adda, r. of Gaul, i. 287, 304, 312, @@ -92423,11 +92423,11 @@ ii. 136.

Adiatorix, son of Domnecleus, ii. 288. -

—– f. of Dyteutus, ii. 308. +

—– f. of Dyteutus, ii. 308.

Admetus, i. 72; ii. 155.

Adobogion, ii. 401.

Adonis, iii. 170. -

—–, river of Phœnicia (Nahr- +

—–, river of Phœnicia (Nahr- Ibrahim), iii. 170.

Ador, ii. 270. @@ -92439,20 +92439,20 @@ Ibrahim), iii. 170.

Adramyttium, t. of Mysia (Adramytti), ii. 339, 340, 371, 374, 376, 384, 386, 387. -

—–, gulf of, ii. 342, 374, +

—–, gulf of, ii. 342, 374, 386, 400.

Adrapsa, iii. 126.

Adrasteia, district of Mysia, ii. 317, 332, 337, 348. -

—–, t. of Mysia, ii. 345—348. -

—–, mtn near Cyzicus, ii. +

—–, t. of Mysia, ii. 345—348. +

—–, mtn near Cyzicus, ii. 331. -

—– (Nemesis), ii. 348. +

—– (Nemesis), ii. 348.

Adrastus, ii. 59, 97. -

—–, ii. 174, 346, 348. +

—–, ii. 174, 346, 348.

Adria, city and naval station of Picenum (Atri), i. 358. See @@ -92465,7 +92465,7 @@ Atria. 159, 163, 164, 186, 193, 291, 303, -307, 308, 314, 315, 319, 324— +307, 308, 314, 315, 319, 324— 326,336, 338, 357, 373, 425, 432, @@ -92476,55 +92476,55 @@ Atria. 289, 290, 301,378.

Adrion, mtn of Dalmatia. See Ardium, i. 484.

Adrumes (Sousah), iii. 288. -

Adshane. See Canæ. +

Adshane. See Canæ.

Adula, Adulas, mtn, i. 287, 304, 317. -

Æa, city, i. 31, 32, 72—74. -

—–, ftn, i. 509, 510. -

Æacidæ, i. 496; ii. 83. -

Æacus, ii. 57. -

Ææa, i. 6, 32, 73. -

Æaneium, ii. 126. -

Æanes, ii. 126. -

Æanis, ii. 126. -

Æas, r. of Illyria. See Aias. -

—–, son of Telamon. See Ajax. -

Æclus, i. 493; ii. 152, 154. -

Ædepsus, t. of Eubœa (Dipso), i. +

Æa, city, i. 31, 32, 72—74. +

—–, ftn, i. 509, 510. +

Æacidæ, i. 496; ii. 83. +

Æacus, ii. 57. +

Ææa, i. 6, 32, 73. +

Æaneium, ii. 126. +

Æanes, ii. 126. +

Æanis, ii. 126. +

Æas, r. of Illyria. See Aias. +

—–, son of Telamon. See Ajax. +

Æclus, i. 493; ii. 152, 154. +

Ædepsus, t. of Eubœa (Dipso), i. 94; ii. 125, 152. -

Ædui, i. 278, 286—288. -

Æeta, i. 72, 73. -

Æetes, i. 72—74. -

Æga, prom. of Æolis, ii. 388. -

—-, city of Achaia, ii. 71—73. -

Ægæ, t. of Mysia, ii. 397. -

—–, t. of Eubœa, ii. 72, 98. -

Ægææ, Ægæ, t. of Cilicia (Ajas), +

Ædui, i. 278, 286—288. +

Æeta, i. 72, 73. +

Æetes, i. 72—74. +

Æga, prom. of Æolis, ii. 388. +

—-, city of Achaia, ii. 71—73. +

Ægæ, t. of Mysia, ii. 397. +

—–, t. of Eubœa, ii. 72, 98. +

Ægææ, Ægæ, t. of Cilicia (Ajas), iii. 60. -

—–, t. of Laconia, ii. 42. -

Ægæan Sea (Egio-Pelago), i. 42, +

—–, t. of Laconia, ii. 42. +

Ægæan Sea (Egio-Pelago), i. 42, -187—190, 195, 487, 496, 505, +187—190, 195, 487, 496, 505, 512, 518, 519; ii. 72, 152, 193, 207, 341, 388. -

Ægæi, ii. 71. -

Ægaleum, mtn of Messenia, ii. +

Ægæi, ii. 71. +

Ægaleum, mtn of Messenia, ii. 35. -

Ægeira, t. of Achæa, ii. 71, 73. -

Ægeirus, t. in Lesbos, ii. 391. -

Ægesta, t. of Sicily, i. 379, 411, +

Ægeira, t. of Achæa, ii. 71, 73. +

Ægeirus, t. in Lesbos, ii. 391. +

Ægesta, t. of Sicily, i. 379, 411, 415; ii. 378. -

Ægestani, i. 401, 411. -

Ægestes, Trojan, i. 378, 411. -

Ægeus, ii. 81. -

Ægialeia Ægialus, ii. 3, 23, 67, 68, +

Ægestani, i. 401, 411. +

Ægestes, Trojan, i. 378, 411. +

Ægeus, ii. 81. +

Ægialeia Ægialus, ii. 3, 23, 67, 68, 72, 288. @@ -92533,106 +92533,106 @@ iii. 60. -

Ægiali (Sicyon), ii. 66. -

Ægialians, ii. 53, 67, 68. -

Ægialus, Ægialeia, in Paphlagonia, ii. 288, 291. -

Ægieis, Ægienses, ii. 73, 157. -

Ægilieis, in Attica, ii. 89. -

Ægilips, ii. 161, 163. -

Ægimius, ii. 128. -

Ægimurus (Al Djamur), i. 185, 422; iii. 287. -

Ægina, t. of Argolis, ii. 57, 58. -

——, island, i. 84, 187; ii. 47, 49, 54, 57, 58, 82, 136. -

——, city, ii. 55, 58. -

Æginetæ, ii. 57, 58, 83. -

Æginium, t. of Thessaly, i. 501. -

Ægirussa, ii. 84. -

Ægisthus, i. 25. -

Ægium, city of Achæa (Vostitza), ii. 5, 6, 8, 59, 71–73, 77. -

Ægletes Apollo. See Anaphe. -

Ægospotami, t. and r., i. 438, 518. -

Ægua, t. of Spain, i. 213. -

Ægys, city and district of Laconia, ii. 42, 153. -

Ælana, Aila (Ailah), t. of Arabia Petræa, iii. 176, 191. -

Ælanitic Bay, iii. 176, 191, 204, 254. -

Ælius Gallus, i. 178; iii. 209–212, 246, 262, 267. -

—— (Catus), i. 466. -

Æmilian road, i. 323. -

Æmilianus, Q. Fabius Maximus, i. 277, 285. -

——, Scipio, iii. 51, 286. -

Æmilius, Paulus, i. 495. -

Ænarium. See Arnarium, ii. 73. -

Ænea, t. of the Troad, ii. 372. -

——, t. of Macedonia, i. 509, 510. See Enea and Nea. -

Æneas, i. 76, 225, 339, 346, 347; ii. 317, 344, 353, 356, 357, 360, 377, 378, 383. -

Ænesippeia, isl., iii. 235. -

Ænesisphyra, prom. of Egypt, iii. 235. -

Æniana (Ænia), ii. 242. -

Æniānes, people of Thessaly, i. 96; ii. 128, 147, 158, 241, 273. -

Æniates, name of the Paphlagonians, ii. 302. -

Ænius, r. of the Troad, ii. 371. -

Ænobarbus (Cnæus), i. 277. -

——(Domitius), i. 285; iii. 24. -

Ænus, mtn of Cephallenia (Monte Nero), ii. 167. -

——, city of Thrace, i. 490, 516 519. -

Æolia, i. 17, 64, 187, 195, 224; ii. 153; iii. 140. -

Æolian nation, ii. 3. -

—— colony, ii. 94. -

Æolians, i. 96, 328; ii. 2, 3, 154, 366, 374, 382–386; iii. 34. -

Æolic dialect, ii. 2, 3. -

——expedition, ii. 93. -

——migration, iii. 2. -

Æolis, ii. 339–341, 346, 366, 384, 398. -

Æolus, king, i. 31, 35, 36, 39, 194, 403, 417, 419; ii. 142. -

——, Islands of (Lipari Islands), i. 84, 89, 185, 194, 383, 403, 420. -

——, Play of Euripides, ii. 32. -

Æpasian plain, region of Triphylia, ii. 22. -

Æpeia, town of Messenia, ii. 35, 37. -

Æpeia Methone, ii. 37. -

Æpy, town of Triphylia, ii. 23, 24. -

Æpytus, son of Neleus, iii. 2. -

Æqui, i. 339, 343, 344, 353. -

Æquum-Faliscum, i. 335. -

Aëria, t. of the Cavari (Le mont Ventoux), i. 277. -

Æsar, r. of Etruria, i. 330. -

Æsarus, r. near Crotona (Esaro), i. 393. -

Æschines, Athenian, ii. 188. -

——, Milesian, iii. 5. -

Æschylus, i. 52, 68, 329, 386, 458, 462; ii. 13, 73, 82, 154, 187, 337, 390; iii. 130. -

Æsculapius. See Asclepius. -

Æsēpus, r. of Mysia, Satal-dere, ii. 300, 316, 317, 330, 332, 337–341, 344–348, 353, 357, 369, 371, 372. +

Ægiali (Sicyon), ii. 66. +

Ægialians, ii. 53, 67, 68. +

Ægialus, Ægialeia, in Paphlagonia, ii. 288, 291. +

Ægieis, Ægienses, ii. 73, 157. +

Ægilieis, in Attica, ii. 89. +

Ægilips, ii. 161, 163. +

Ægimius, ii. 128. +

Ægimurus (Al Djamur), i. 185, 422; iii. 287. +

Ægina, t. of Argolis, ii. 57, 58. +

——, island, i. 84, 187; ii. 47, 49, 54, 57, 58, 82, 136. +

——, city, ii. 55, 58. +

Æginetæ, ii. 57, 58, 83. +

Æginium, t. of Thessaly, i. 501. +

Ægirussa, ii. 84. +

Ægisthus, i. 25. +

Ægium, city of Achæa (Vostitza), ii. 5, 6, 8, 59, 71–73, 77. +

Ægletes Apollo. See Anaphe. +

Ægospotami, t. and r., i. 438, 518. +

Ægua, t. of Spain, i. 213. +

Ægys, city and district of Laconia, ii. 42, 153. +

Ælana, Aila (Ailah), t. of Arabia Petræa, iii. 176, 191. +

Ælanitic Bay, iii. 176, 191, 204, 254. +

Ælius Gallus, i. 178; iii. 209–212, 246, 262, 267. +

—— (Catus), i. 466. +

Æmilian road, i. 323. +

Æmilianus, Q. Fabius Maximus, i. 277, 285. +

——, Scipio, iii. 51, 286. +

Æmilius, Paulus, i. 495. +

Ænarium. See Arnarium, ii. 73. +

Ænea, t. of the Troad, ii. 372. +

——, t. of Macedonia, i. 509, 510. See Enea and Nea. +

Æneas, i. 76, 225, 339, 346, 347; ii. 317, 344, 353, 356, 357, 360, 377, 378, 383. +

Ænesippeia, isl., iii. 235. +

Ænesisphyra, prom. of Egypt, iii. 235. +

Æniana (Ænia), ii. 242. +

Æniānes, people of Thessaly, i. 96; ii. 128, 147, 158, 241, 273. +

Æniates, name of the Paphlagonians, ii. 302. +

Ænius, r. of the Troad, ii. 371. +

Ænobarbus (Cnæus), i. 277. +

——(Domitius), i. 285; iii. 24. +

Ænus, mtn of Cephallenia (Monte Nero), ii. 167. +

——, city of Thrace, i. 490, 516 519. +

Æolia, i. 17, 64, 187, 195, 224; ii. 153; iii. 140. +

Æolian nation, ii. 3. +

—— colony, ii. 94. +

Æolians, i. 96, 328; ii. 2, 3, 154, 366, 374, 382–386; iii. 34. +

Æolic dialect, ii. 2, 3. +

——expedition, ii. 93. +

——migration, iii. 2. +

Æolis, ii. 339–341, 346, 366, 384, 398. +

Æolus, king, i. 31, 35, 36, 39, 194, 403, 417, 419; ii. 142. +

——, Islands of (Lipari Islands), i. 84, 89, 185, 194, 383, 403, 420. +

——, Play of Euripides, ii. 32. +

Æpasian plain, region of Triphylia, ii. 22. +

Æpeia, town of Messenia, ii. 35, 37. +

Æpeia Methone, ii. 37. +

Æpy, town of Triphylia, ii. 23, 24. +

Æpytus, son of Neleus, iii. 2. +

Æqui, i. 339, 343, 344, 353. +

Æquum-Faliscum, i. 335. +

Aëria, t. of the Cavari (Le mont Ventoux), i. 277. +

Æsar, r. of Etruria, i. 330. +

Æsarus, r. near Crotona (Esaro), i. 393. +

Æschines, Athenian, ii. 188. +

——, Milesian, iii. 5. +

Æschylus, i. 52, 68, 329, 386, 458, 462; ii. 13, 73, 82, 154, 187, 337, 390; iii. 130. +

Æsculapius. See Asclepius. +

Æsēpus, r. of Mysia, Satal-dere, ii. 300, 316, 317, 330, 332, 337–341, 344–348, 353, 357, 369, 371, 372. -

Æsernia, city of the Samnites (Isernia), i. 353, 371. -

Æsis, r. of Umbria (Fiumesino), i. 324, 337, 357, 435. -

Æsyetes, tomb of, ii. 361, 364. -

Æthalia, island (Elba), i. 185, 332–334. -

Æthaloeïs, r. of Scepsia, ii. 190. -

Æthices, people of Epirus and Thessaly, i. 499, 501; ii. 131, 137, 144. -

Æthicia, i. 501. -

Æthiopia. See Ethiopia. -

Ætna, Mount, i. 31, 35, 84, 368, 369, 386, 403, 404, 406, 411, 413–415, 418. -

Ætnæans, i. 405. -

Ætolia, i. 493, 499, 501, 505 ; ii. 6, 10, 33, 72, 75, 114, 129, 136, 150, 155, 156, 159, 160, 171, 172, 174. -

Ætna, town of Sicily, i. 405, 414. -

Ætōli, Ætolians, i. 381; ii. 2, 6, 12, 30, 33, 121, 122, 127–131, 146, 158–161, 169, 172, 175, 176, passim. -

Ætolian mountains, ii. 115, 131. -

—— promontories, i. 93. -

—— polity, i. 494. -

Ætolicus, Demetrius, ii. 160. -

Ætōlus, ii. 33, 122, 176, 177. -

Æxoneis, vill. of Attica, ii. 89. -

Æxonici, ii. 89. +

Æsernia, city of the Samnites (Isernia), i. 353, 371. +

Æsis, r. of Umbria (Fiumesino), i. 324, 337, 357, 435. +

Æsyetes, tomb of, ii. 361, 364. +

Æthalia, island (Elba), i. 185, 332–334. +

Æthaloeïs, r. of Scepsia, ii. 190. +

Æthices, people of Epirus and Thessaly, i. 499, 501; ii. 131, 137, 144. +

Æthicia, i. 501. +

Æthiopia. See Ethiopia. +

Ætna, Mount, i. 31, 35, 84, 368, 369, 386, 403, 404, 406, 411, 413–415, 418. +

Ætnæans, i. 405. +

Ætolia, i. 493, 499, 501, 505 ; ii. 6, 10, 33, 72, 75, 114, 129, 136, 150, 155, 156, 159, 160, 171, 172, 174. +

Ætna, town of Sicily, i. 405, 414. +

Ætōli, Ætolians, i. 381; ii. 2, 6, 12, 30, 33, 121, 122, 127–131, 146, 158–161, 169, 172, 175, 176, passim. +

Ætolian mountains, ii. 115, 131. +

—— promontories, i. 93. +

—— polity, i. 494. +

Ætolicus, Demetrius, ii. 160. +

Ætōlus, ii. 33, 122, 176, 177. +

Æxoneis, vill. of Attica, ii. 89. +

Æxonici, ii. 89.

Afium-karahissar. See Synnada.

Afranius, legate of Pompey, i. 242.

Afreen. See Oenoparas. -

Africa. See Libya, iii. 274–278. +

Africa. See Libya, iii. 274–278.

African coast, i. 76. -

——sea, ii. 193, 194, 199, 212. +

——sea, ii. 193, 194, 199, 212.

Agamedes, ii. 119.

Agamemnon, i. 17, 63, 499; ii. 22, 35, 36, 53, 56, 57, 59, 83, 115, 174, 186, 340, 356, 368, 374; iii. 10, 15, passim.

Agapenor, iii. 70. @@ -92643,46 +92643,46 @@ iii. 60.

Agathocles, father of Lysimachus, ii. 399. -

——, son of Lysimachus, ii. 400. +

——, son of Lysimachus, ii. 400.

Agathyrnum, i. 401.

Agde See Agatha.

Agdistis, the goddess Rhea, ii. 184. -

——, temple of, ii. 320. +

——, temple of, ii. 320.

Agenois. See Nitiobriges.

Agesilaus, i. 427. -

Agidæ, ii. 44. +

Agidæ, ii. 44.

Agis, ii. 43, 44.

Aglio, L'Osteria dell'. See Algidum.

Agnu-Ceras, promontory of Egypt iii. 239.

Agoracritus, ii. 87.

Agra, village of Attica, ii. 91.

Agradates, iii. 132. -

Agræa, district of Ætolia, ii. 10. -

Agræi, a people of Ætolia, ii. 158 160, 179. -

——, people of Arabia, iii. 189. -

Agræus, ii. 77. +

Agræa, district of Ætolia, ii. 10. +

Agræi, a people of Ætolia, ii. 158 160, 179. +

——, people of Arabia, iii. 189. +

Agræus, ii. 77.

Agri, ii. 223.

Agri. See Aciris.

Agriades, ii. 8. -

Agriānes, a people of Thrace, i 488, 514, 515. +

Agriānes, a people of Thrace, i 488, 514, 515.

Agrigentini, i. 401.

Agrigentum. See Acragas.

Agrii, a people of Ethiopia, iii. 196.

Agrippa, i. 289, 310, 350, 364; ii 36, 350; iii. 170.

Agrius, ii. 175, 179.

Agylla, t. of Etruria, i. 328; 335. -

Agyllæi, i. 328. +

Agyllæi, i. 328.

Aiaghi-dagh. See Zagrum.

Aias, or Aous, i. 410, 411, 486.

Aigan, ii. 388.

Aila. See Plana.

Ain-el-Hiyeh. See Enydra. -

Aix. See Sextiæ. -

Ajas. See Ægææ. +

Aix. See Sextiæ. +

Ajas. See Ægææ.

Ajax, son of Teucer, iii. 55, 56. -

——, temple of, ii. 357, 359. -

——, son of Telamon, ii. 83, 84 102. -

——, the Locrian, ii. 126, 367. +

——, temple of, ii. 357, 359. +

——, son of Telamon, ii. 83, 84 102. +

——, the Locrian, ii. 126, 367. @@ -92697,47 +92697,47 @@ iii. 60.

Ak-Schehr. See Philomelium.

Ala Schehr. See Philadelphia.

Alabanda, t. of Caria (Arab-Nissar), ii. 347; iii. 34, 37, 38, 40. -

Alæan Minerva, ii. 75. -

Alæis Æxōnici, vill. of Attica, ii. 89. -

Alæsa, t. of Sicily (I Bagni), i. 401, 411. -

Alalc&obreve;m&ebreve;næ, t. of Bœotia, i. 501; ii. 107, 110. -

——, t. of Asteria, ii. 168. +

Alæan Minerva, ii. 75. +

Alæis Æxōnici, vill. of Attica, ii. 89. +

Alæsa, t. of Sicily (I Bagni), i. 401, 411. +

Alalcŏmĕnæ, t. of Bœotia, i. 501; ii. 107, 110. +

——, t. of Asteria, ii. 168.

Alalcomenium, temple of Minerva, ii. 106, 110. -

Alara. See Ptolemaïs. +

Alara. See Ptolemaïs.

Alatri. See Aletrium.

Alazia, t. of Mysia, ii. 299. -

Alazōnes, ii. 298, 299. +

Alazōnes, ii. 298, 299.

Alazonia, Alazonium, t. of the Troad, ii. 300, 371.

Alazonius, r. of Albania, ii. 230, 231, 234.

Alba (Albi), i. 340, 344, 349, 353, 356.

Alban wine, i. 347. -

Albania (Shirvan), ii. 217, 226, 230–235, 238, 243, 267, 268. -

Albanians, i. 178, 195, 341, 344, 440; ii. 217, 232–235, 248, 260, 267–272, 307. +

Albania (Shirvan), ii. 217, 226, 230–235, 238, 243, 267, 268. +

Albanians, i. 178, 195, 341, 344, 440; ii. 217, 232–235, 248, 260, 267–272, 307.

Albanus, Mount (Monte Albano), i. 340, 351; (Monte Cavo), 355, 356.

Albi. See Alba.

Albia, Alpionia, i. 300.

Albienses, i. 302.

Albii, i. 482.

Albingaunum (Albinga), i. 300, 301. -

Albiœci, i. 302. -

Albis, r. (Elbe), i. 22, 444–447, 451. +

Albiœci, i. 302. +

Albis, r. (Elbe), i. 22, 444–447, 451.

Albium Intemelium ( Vintimille), i, 300, 301.

Albius, Mount, i. 300, 483. -

Albūla, cold waters, i. 354. +

Albūla, cold waters, i. 354. -

Alcæus, poet of Mitylene, i. 58; ii. 108, 109, 366, 375, 391, 393; iii. 40. +

Alcæus, poet of Mitylene, i. 58; ii. 108, 109, 366, 375, 391, 393; iii. 40.

Alcestis, i. 72. -

Alchædamnus, iii. 166. +

Alchædamnus, iii. 166.

Alcimedon, ii. 42.

Alcimus, ii. 42. -

Alcmæōn, i. 499; ii. 122, 174. -

Alcmæonis, the poem, ii. 162. +

Alcmæōn, i. 499; ii. 122, 174. +

Alcmæonis, the poem, ii. 162.

Alcman, i. 68, 458; ii. 13, 153, 172, 203, 337.

Alcmene, ii. 30.

Alcolea. See Ilipa.

Alcyonis Sea, ii. 6, 82, 92. -

Al-Djamur. See Ægimurus. +

Al-Djamur. See Ægimurus.

Al-Djezira. See Mesopotamia.

Alea Athena, ii. 75.

Alece, r. of the Bruttii. See Halex. @@ -92746,64 +92746,64 @@ iii. 60.

Aleisius, r. in Elis, ii. 14.

Alento. See Elees.

Alesia, i. 285. -

Alesiæum, t. of Elis, ii. 14. +

Alesiæum, t. of Elis, ii. 14.

Alesius, tumulus of, ii. 27. -

Alētes, ii. 77. -

Alētia, t. of Calabria, i. 430. +

Alētes, ii. 77. +

Alētia, t. of Calabria, i. 430.

Aletrium, t. of Latium (Alatri), i. 352. -

Alěus, ii. 389. +

Alěus, ii. 389.

Alexander, son of Priam, i. 65, 90. -

——, poet of Ætolia, ii. 318; iii. 23, 67. -

——Lychnus, the orator, iii. 14. -

——Philalethes, ii. 336. -

——, son of Antiochus, iii. 401. -

——Balas, iii. 161. -

——, king of Judæa, iii. 180. -

——of the Molossi, i. 382, 427. -

——the Great, son of Philip, i. 22, 77, 104, 108, 109, 122, 137, 257, 463, 464, 512, 513; ii. 237, 238, 241, 243, 253, et passim. +

——, poet of Ætolia, ii. 318; iii. 23, 67. +

——Lychnus, the orator, iii. 14. +

——Philalethes, ii. 336. +

——, son of Antiochus, iii. 401. +

——Balas, iii. 161. +

——, king of Judæa, iii. 180. +

——of the Molossi, i. 382, 427. +

——the Great, son of Philip, i. 22, 77, 104, 108, 109, 122, 137, 257, 463, 464, 512, 513; ii. 237, 238, 241, 243, 253, et passim. -

Alexandria, city of Egypt, i. 13, 38, 91, 98, 118, 130, 131, 140, 153, 171, 172, 189, 190, 197, 200–202, 318; ii. 213, 235, 249, 252, 274, 276; iii. 33, 34, 53, 57, 59, 162, 164, 211, 213–273, 275, 294. -

——, in the Troad, i. 202; ii. 355, 361, 364, 373, 377, 385. See Troad. -

——, city of Syria, iii. 59. -

——, mtn of Mysia, ii. 376. +

Alexandria, city of Egypt, i. 13, 38, 91, 98, 118, 130, 131, 140, 153, 171, 172, 189, 190, 197, 200–202, 318; ii. 213, 235, 249, 252, 274, 276; iii. 33, 34, 53, 57, 59, 162, 164, 211, 213–273, 275, 294. +

——, in the Troad, i. 202; ii. 355, 361, 364, 373, 377, 385. See Troad. +

——, city of Syria, iii. 59. +

——, mtn of Mysia, ii. 376.

Alexandrian merchants, i. 178.

Alexandrini, ii. 190, 373.

Alexandrium (near Teos), iii. 17. -

—— (in Judæa), iii. 181. +

—— (in Judæa), iii. 181.

Alexarchus, i. 513.

Algidum, city (L'Osteria dell' Aglio), i. 351.

Algidus, Mount, i. 355.

Algiers and Fez. See Maurusia.

Alinda, t. of Caria, iii. 36. -

Alliphæ (Allife), i. 353. +

Alliphæ (Allife), i. 353.

Allitrochades, i. 109.

Allobroges, i. 277, 289, 302.

Allotriges, i. 233.

Al-Madain. See Ctesiphon.

Alobe, Alope, Alybe, ii. 300.

Alope, t. of the Opuntian Locrians, i. 95; ii. 126, 128, 132, 135. -

——, t. of the Locri Ozolæ, ii. 128. -

——, t. of Phthiotis, ii. 128, 135. -

Alōpecia, ii. 221. +

——, t. of the Locri Ozolæ, ii. 128. +

——, t. of Phthiotis, ii. 128, 135. +

Alōpecia, ii. 221.

Alopeconnesii, i. 516.

Alopeconnesus, t. of Thrace, i. 517. -

Alōrium, t. of Triphylia, ii. 24. -

Alōrus, t. of Bottiæa, i. 508, 509. -

Alpheius, r. of Elis (the Carbonaro, Ruféa), i. 402, 403, 408–410, 417; ii. 7, 11, 15, 17, 20, 22–28, 32, 33, 76. -

Alpōnus, t. near Thermopylæ, i. 95. -

Alps, i. 110, 193, 264–269, 276–280, 286, 287, 291, 296, 300–315, 317, 319, 322–324, 337, 357, 439, 444, 448, 450, 481–483. +

Alōrium, t. of Triphylia, ii. 24. +

Alōrus, t. of Bottiæa, i. 508, 509. +

Alpheius, r. of Elis (the Carbonaro, Ruféa), i. 402, 403, 408–410, 417; ii. 7, 11, 15, 17, 20, 22–28, 32, 33, 76. +

Alpōnus, t. near Thermopylæ, i. 95. +

Alps, i. 110, 193, 264–269, 276–280, 286, 287, 291, 296, 300–315, 317, 319, 322–324, 337, 357, 439, 444, 448, 450, 481–483.

Alps, Pennine, i. 305, 309, 310.

Alsium, t. of Etruria, i. 335.

Altes, ii. 314; iii. 395. -

Althæa, ii. 179. -

Althæmenes, Argive, ii. 201, 203; iii. 30. +

Althæa, ii. 179. +

Althæmenes, Argive, ii. 201, 203; iii. 30.

Altinum, city of Cisalp. Gaul (Altino), i. 318.

Altun-Suyi, r. See Lycus.

Alus, ii. 132. @@ -92820,7 +92820,7 @@ iii. 60.

Amarynces, king, ii. 12.

Amarynthia Diana, ii. 155.

Amarynthium, the, ii. 156. -

Amarynthus, t. of Eubœa, ii. 155. +

Amarynthus, t. of Eubœa, ii. 155.

Amaseia, city of Pontus (Amasija), ii. 295, 306, 311, 312; iii. 252.

Amasenses, ii. 312.

Amasias, r. of Germany (Ems), i. 444, 445. @@ -92828,8 +92828,8 @@ iii. 60.

Amastris, city of Paphlagonia, (Amassera), i. 475; ii. 285, 289, 290, 291, 302.

Amastris, wife of Dionysius, tyrant of Heracleia, ii. 291.

Amathus, r. of Elis, ii. 7, 11, 26, 38. -

——, t. of Cyprus (Limasol), iii. 69. -

——, t. of Laconia, ii. 41. +

——, t. of Cyprus (Limasol), iii. 69. +

——, t. of Laconia, ii. 41.

Amathusii, ii. 13.

Amazones, plain of the, i. 82, 190.

Amazonides, ii. 298. @@ -92843,34 +92843,34 @@ iii. 60.

Amblada, t. of Pis dia, ii. 324. -

—— wine, ii. 324. +

—— wine, ii. 324.

Ambracia, t. of Thesprotia (Arta), i. 498, 499; ii. 159, 161. -

Ambracian Gulf, Ambracian Sea, (The Gulf of Arta), i. 186, 495, 496–498, 501, 505; ii. 4, 129, 158, 161, 171. -

Ambrōnes, i. 274. +

Ambracian Gulf, Ambracian Sea, (The Gulf of Arta), i. 186, 495, 496–498, 501, 505; ii. 4, 129, 158, 161, 171. +

Ambrōnes, i. 274.

Ambryseis, ii. 123.

Ambrysus, t. of Phocis (Distomo), ii 122.

Amelia. See Ameria. -

Aměnanus, r. of Sicily (Judicello), i. 356. +

Aměnanus, r. of Sicily (Judicello), i. 356.

Ameria, t. of Umbria (Amelia), i. 338. -

——, t. of Pontus, ii. 306. -

Amisēne, ii. 290, 294, 296. +

——, t. of Pontus, ii. 306. +

Amisēne, ii. 290, 294, 296.

Amiseni, ii. 290, 294, 296, 310, 311.

Amisus (Samsun), i. 106, 107, 109, 113, 114, 190; ii. 227, 256, 289, 294, 296, 302, 310; iii. 44, 56, 62, 63.

Amiternum, city of the Sabines, i. 338, 359.

Ammon Balithon, prom., iii. 288. -

——, seat of oracle, i. 504; iii. 226, 253, 258, 283. -

——, temple of, i. 78, 79, 87, 88; iii. 253, 258, 289, 294, 295. +

——, seat of oracle, i. 504; iii. 226, 253, 258, 283. +

——, temple of, i. 78, 79, 87, 88; iii. 253, 258, 289, 294, 295.

Ammonia, iii. 235.

Amnias, r. of Paphlagonia (Gok-Irmak), ii. 313.

Amnisus, port of Cnossus, ii. 196.

Amorgos, isl. (Amorgo), ii. 211. -

Amorium, t. of Phrygia (Hergan-Kelêh), ii. 332. +

Amorium, t. of Phrygia (Hergan-Kelêh), ii. 332.

Ampelus, prom. of Samos, ii. 212; iii. 8. -

Amphaxītis, distr. of Macedonia, i. 506, 509. +

Amphaxītis, distr. of Macedonia, i. 506, 509.

Amphiale, prom. of Attica, ii. 84. -

Amphiaræum, ii. 90. +

Amphiaræum, ii. 90.

Amphiaraus, ii. 90, 96, 97, 174; iii. 15. -

Amphictyons, ii. 116–120, 128, 130. +

Amphictyons, ii. 116–120, 128, 130.

Amphictyonic body, ii. 55, 109, 118.

Amphidolia. Amphidolis, t. of Elis, ii. 14, 23. @@ -92888,31 +92888,31 @@ iii. 60.

Amphissa (Salona, or Lampeni), ii. 127, 128.

Amphissenses, ii. 116.

Amphistratus, ii. 224. -

Amphitryōn, ii. 166, 170, 173. +

Amphitryōn, ii. 166, 170, 173.

Amphius, ii. 346.

Amphrysus, r. of Thessaly, ii. 135, 138.

Ampsani. See Campsiani, i. 447.

Ampurias. See Emporium.

Amulius, i. 340. -

Amyclæ, city of Laconia, i. 424; ii. 40–42. +

Amyclæ, city of Laconia, i. 424; ii. 40–42.

Amycteres, iii. 108. -

Amydōn, t. of Macedonia, i. 508–510. -

Amymōne, mother of Nauplius, ii. 48. -

——, fountain at Lerna, ii. 52. +

Amydōn, t. of Macedonia, i. 508–510. +

Amymōne, mother of Nauplius, ii. 48. +

——, fountain at Lerna, ii. 52.

Amynander, ii. 128.

Amyntas, father of Philip, i. 472, 492, 500, 509, 510; ii. 39, 111. -

——, successor of king Deiotarus, ii. 320–325, 333; iii. 297. +

——, successor of king Deiotarus, ii. 320–325, 333; iii. 297.

Amyntor, ii. 142, 143.

Amyrus, ii. 147; iii. 22. -

Amythaonidæ, ii. 52. -

Amyzōn, t. of Caria, iii. 37. -

Anabūra, t. of Pisidia, ii. 324. +

Amythaonidæ, ii. 52. +

Amyzōn, t. of Caria, iii. 37. +

Anabūra, t. of Pisidia, ii. 324.

Anacharsis, i. 463, 465; iii. 86.

Anacreon, i. 226; iii. 2, 9, 17, 40.

Anactorium, t. of Acarnania, ii. 159, 161.

Anacyndaraxes, iii. 55.

Anadatus, ii. 246. -

Anæa, Anaïtis, iii. 137, 144. See Anaïtis. +

Anæa, Anaïtis, iii. 137, 144. See Anaïtis. @@ -92921,15 +92921,15 @@ iii. 60.

Anagnia, t. of the Hernici (Anagni), i. 353.

Anagurasii, vill. of Attica, ii. 89. -

Anaïtis, ii. 246. -

——, temple of, ii. 274, 275, 309. +

Anaïtis, ii. 246. +

——, temple of, ii. 274, 275, 309.

Anaphe, isl. (Nanfio), i. 73; ii. 206, 207.

Anaphlystii, ii. 89.

Anaphlystus, vill. of Attica, ii. 89.

Anapias, i. 406. -

Anariacæ, ii. 240–242, 248. +

Anariacæ, ii. 240–242, 248.

Anariace, ii. 241. -

Anas (Guadiana), r. of Spain, i. 208–212, 214, 222, 228, 230, 243. +

Anas (Guadiana), r. of Spain, i. 208–212, 214, 222, 228, 230, 243.

Anaurus, r. of Magnesia, ii. 139.

Anaxagoras, iii. 20.

Anaxarchus, ii. 356. @@ -92938,24 +92938,24 @@ iii. 60.

Anaxilas, the tyrant of Rhegium, i. 384, 385.

Anaximander, the Milesian, i. 1, 12; iii. 5.

Anaximenes of Lampsacus, disciple of Anaximander, ii. 350; iii. 5, 20. -

Ancæus, iii. 2. +

Ancæus, iii. 2.

Anchiale, a town of Pontus, i. 490. -

——, t. of Cilicia, iii. 55, 56. +

——, t. of Cilicia, iii. 55, 56.

Anchialus, ii. 166.

Anchises, i. 339; ii. 344, 353, 378. -

Anchoë, ii. 100. +

Anchoë, ii. 100.

Ancon, Ancona, i. 315, 337, 357, 435, 483.

Ancus Martius, i. 326, 345, 348.

Ancyra, t. of Galatia (Angora), i. 279; ii. 320. -

——, t. of Phrygia (Simau-Gol), ii. 320, 332. -

——, t. of Gaul, i. 279. +

——, t. of Phrygia (Simau-Gol), ii. 320, 332. +

——, t. of Gaul, i. 279.

Andania, t. of Arcadia, ii. 11, 24, 37, 156.

Andeira, city of Mysia, ii. 381, 386, 387.

Andeirene, ii. 387.

Andetrium, t. of Dalmatia, i. 484.

Andirus, r. of the Troad, ii. 370.

Andizetii, i. 483. -

Andræmōn, iii. 2. +

Andræmōn, iii. 2.

Andriace, t. of Thrace, i. 490.

Andriclus, mtn of Cilicia (Kara Gedik), iii. 52. @@ -92981,17 +92981,17 @@ iii. 60.

Anniceris, iii. 293.

Annius, ii. 17.

Ansander, i. 479. -

Antæus, iii. 281. +

Antæus, iii. 281.

Antakieh. See Epidaphne.

Antalcidas, i. 438.

Antandria, ii. 375, 384.

Antandrians, ii. 386.

Antandros (San Dimitri), ii. 186. -

——, t. of the Troad (Antandro), ii. 375, 376, 384. -

Antemnæ, t. of Latium, i. 341. +

——, t. of the Troad (Antandro), ii. 375, 376, 384. +

Antemnæ, t. of Latium, i. 341.

Antenor, i. 76, 225, 236, 316; ii. 289, 377. -

Antenoridæ, ii. 360, 377. -

Anthedon, c. of Bœotia, i. 25; ii. 92, 98, 102, 103, 106. +

Antenoridæ, ii. 360, 377. +

Anthedon, c. of Bœotia, i. 25; ii. 92, 98, 102, 103, 106.

Antheia, ii. 35, 37.

Anthemis, ii. 168.

Anthemus, iii. 8. @@ -92999,7 +92999,7 @@ iii. 60.

Anthes, ii. 56; iii. 35.

Antibes. See Antipolis.

Anticasius, mtn of Syria, iii. 164. -

Anticeites, r. of the Mæotæ, ii. 221, 222. +

Anticeites, r. of the Mæotæ, ii. 221, 222.

Anti-Cinolis, t. of Paphlagonia, ii. 291. @@ -93010,58 +93010,58 @@ iii. 60.

Anticlides, i. 329.

Anticragus, iii. 46.

Anticyra, t. of Phocis (Aspra-Spitia), ii. 114, 116, 122, 129. -

——, t. of Locris, ii. 137. -

——, t. on the Maliac bay, ii. 116, 137. +

——, t. of Locris, ii. 137. +

——, t. on the Maliac bay, ii. 116, 137.

Antigonia, t. of Bithynia, ii. 318. -

——, t. of the Troad, ii. 355, 361. -

——, t. of Syria, iii. 162. +

——, t. of the Troad, ii. 355, 361. +

——, t. of Syria, iii. 162.

Antigonus, son of Philip, ii. 318, 355, 361; iii. 20, 55, 162. -

——, king of Macedonia, ii. 70. -

——, of Apelles, iii. 36. +

——, king of Macedonia, ii. 70. +

——, of Apelles, iii. 36.

Antilibanus, mtn of Syria, iii. 149, 169, 171.

Antilochus, ii. 359.

Antimachus, ii. 18, 42, 74, 104, 348.

Antimenidas, ii. 391.

Antimnestus, i. 385. -

Antioch, i. 416; ii. 307, 409; iii. 21, 24, 43, 118, 159, 161–164. -

——, city of Mygdonia, iii. 157. +

Antioch, i. 416; ii. 307, 409; iii. 21, 24, 43, 118, 159, 161–164. +

——, city of Mygdonia, iii. 157.

Antiocheia, city of Caria, ii. 409; iii. 21, 24, 43. -

——, city of Phrygia (Ialobatsch), ii. 307, 322, 333. -

——, city of Margiana, ii. 252. -

Antiochis, dr of Achæus, and mother of Attalus, ii. 400. +

——, city of Phrygia (Ialobatsch), ii. 307, 322, 333. +

——, city of Margiana, ii. 252. +

Antiochis, dr of Achæus, and mother of Attalus, ii. 400.

Antiochus, the Syracusan, i. 360, 379, 385, 394, 398, 399, 424. -

——the Great, i. 439; ii. 269, 273, 285, 355, 400; iii. 46, 153, 176. -

——Sōter, ii. 252, 333, 400. -

——, son of Demetrius, iii. 51. -

——, son of Epiphanes, iii. 162. -

——Ierax, iii. 198. -

——, philosopher of Ascalon, iii. 175. +

——the Great, i. 439; ii. 269, 273, 285, 355, 400; iii. 46, 153, 176. +

——Sōter, ii. 252, 333, 400. +

——, son of Demetrius, iii. 51. +

——, son of Epiphanes, iii. 162. +

——Ierax, iii. 198. +

——, philosopher of Ascalon, iii. 175.

Antiope, ii. 97.

Antiparos. See Oliarus.

Antipater, of Macedon, i. 513; ii. 56, 136, 318.

Antipater, son of Sisis, ii. 304. -

Antipater, Derbētes, the robber, ii 278, 322; iii. 64. -

——of Tarsus, the Stoic, iii 58. -

——of Tyre, iii. 173. -

Antiphanes, the Bergæan, i. 74, 152, 154. +

Antipater, Derbētes, the robber, ii 278, 322; iii. 64. +

——of Tarsus, the Stoic, iii 58. +

——of Tyre, iii. 173. +

Antiphanes, the Bergæan, i. 74, 152, 154.

Antiphellus, t. of Lycia, iii. 47.

Antiphilus, harbour of, iii. 196. -

Antiphræ, iii. 235, 236. +

Antiphræ, iii. 235, 236.

Antiphus, ii. 149, 403; iii. 31.

Antipolis, t. of Gaul (Antibes), i. 267, 275, 276, 301. -

Antirrhium, prom. of Ætolia (Castle of Roumelia), ii. 6, 73, 79, 128, 171. -

——cape, ii. 6. +

Antirrhium, prom. of Ætolia (Castle of Roumelia), ii. 6, 73, 79, 128, 171. +

——cape, ii. 6.

Antirrhodus, isl. iii. 230.

Antissa, t. of Lesbos, i. 93; ii. 393.

Antitaurus (Dudschik Dagh), ii. 259, 260. -

Antium, t. of the Volsci (Capo d'Anzo), i. 344–346, 355. +

Antium, t. of the Volsci (Capo d'Anzo), i. 344–346, 355.

Antonius, Marcus, ii. 166. -

——, Caius, ii. 166. +

——, Caius, ii. 166.

Antony, i. 213, 499; ii. 36, 263, 271, 274, 285, 294, 330, 334, 357, 358; iii. 23, 52, 56, 58, 72, 159, 184, 230, 231, 233, 281. -

Antrōn, t. of Thessaly, ii. 24, 135, 138, 139. -

——, Ass of, ii. 139. +

Antrōn, t. of Thessaly, ii. 24, 135, 138, 139. +

——, Ass of, ii. 139.

Anubis, iii. 245, 257.

Anzo, Capo d'. See Antium.

Aones, i. 493; ii. 88, 93. @@ -93069,64 +93069,64 @@ iii. 60.

Aornum, castle of India, iii. 6.

Aornus, bay of Campania, i. 39.

Aorsi, ii. 219, 239. -

Aōus, r. of Illyria, i. 486. See Aias. +

Aōus, r. of Illyria, i. 486. See Aias.

Aouste. See Augusta. -

Apæsus, t. of the Troad. See Pæsus, ii. 346, 349. +

Apæsus, t. of the Troad. See Pæsus, ii. 346, 349.

Apama, wife of Seleucus Nicator, ii. 334; iii. 161. -

——, wife of Prusias, ii. 315. -

Apameia, city of Syria (Kulat-el-Mudik), ii. 250; iii. 33, 161–166, 171. +

——, wife of Prusias, ii. 315. +

Apameia, city of Syria (Kulat-el-Mudik), ii. 250; iii. 33, 161–166, 171. -

Apameia, city of Phrygia (Aphiom Kara Hissar), ii. 322, 323, 332–336, 407, 410; iii. 43. -

——, city of Media, ii. 250, 264. -

——, city of Bithynia, ii. 315. +

Apameia, city of Phrygia (Aphiom Kara Hissar), ii. 322, 323, 332–336, 407, 410; iii. 43. +

——, city of Media, ii. 250, 264. +

——, city of Bithynia, ii. 315.

Apameis, ii. 316.

Aparni, see Parni, ii. 245, 246. -

Apasiacæ, ii. 248. +

Apasiacæ, ii. 248.

Apaturum, ii. 223.

Apellas. See Ophelas.

Apelles, philosopher, i. 23. -

——, painter, iii. 14. -

——, Antigonus of, iii. 36. +

——, painter, iii. 14. +

——, Antigonus of, iii. 36.

Apellicon, ii. 379, 380; iii. 17.

Apennine Mount, the, i. 308. -

Apennines, i. 193, 300, 314–316, 322, 324–326, 331, 336–338, 344, 347, 357, 388, 431, 432, 437. -

Aphamiōtæ, iii. 76. -

Aphetæ, t. of Thessaly, ii. 139, 143. -

Aphidna, Aphidnæ, vill. of Attica, ii. 39, 86, 88. +

Apennines, i. 193, 300, 314–316, 322, 324–326, 331, 336–338, 344, 347, 357, 388, 431, 432, 437. +

Aphamiōtæ, iii. 76. +

Aphetæ, t. of Thessaly, ii. 139, 143. +

Aphidna, Aphidnæ, vill. of Attica, ii. 39, 86, 88.

Aphiom Kara Hissar. See Apameia.

Aphneii, ii. 317, 346. -

Aphnēïs, wife of Pixodarus, iii. 35. -

Aphnitis, lake of, same as Dascylïtis, in Mysia (Diaskillo, al. Biga), i. 92; ii. 346. +

Aphnēïs, wife of Pixodarus, iii. 35. +

Aphnitis, lake of, same as Dascylïtis, in Mysia (Diaskillo, al. Biga), i. 92; ii. 346.

Aphrodisias, city of Phrygia (Geira), ii. 332, 409.

Aphrodisium, city of Cyprus, iii. 69. -

——, temple of Venus, i. 271, 272. +

——, temple of Venus, i. 271, 272.

Aphrodite (Venus), i. 346; ii. 62, 136, 155, 376. -

——Acrocorinthus, temple of, at, ii. 62. -

Acræa, iii. 69. -

——Anadyomene, painting of +

——Acrocorinthus, temple of, at, ii. 62. +

Acræa, iii. 69. +

——Anadyomene, painting of

Apelles, iii. 36.

Apatura, ii. 223. -

——Arsinoe, iii. 238. -

——, Cyprian, iii. 69. -

——Castnietis, ii. 141. -

——Colias, ii. 89. -

——, Paphian, iii. 70. -

——, Pyrenæan, temple of, i. 267, 272. -

——, temple of, at Comana, ii. 309. -

——, at Corinth, ii. 61, 309 +

——Arsinoe, iii. 238. +

——, Cyprian, iii. 69. +

——Castnietis, ii. 141. +

——Colias, ii. 89. +

——, Paphian, iii. 70. +

——, Pyrenæan, temple of, i. 267, 272. +

——, temple of, at Comana, ii. 309. +

——, at Corinth, ii. 61, 309

Aphrodite, temple of, in Elis, ii. 16. -

——, at Erycina, i. 412. -

——, at Lavinium, i. 345. -

——, at Memphis, iii. 248. -

——, in Tritonis, iii 291. -

——, at Pyrrha, ii. 376. +

——, at Erycina, i. 412. +

——, at Lavinium, i. 345. +

——, at Memphis, iii. 248. +

——, in Tritonis, iii 291. +

——, at Pyrrha, ii. 376.

Aphrodites Hormus, iii. 193.

Aphroditopolis, iii. 240, 253, 258, 263.

Aphytis, t. of Pallene, i. 511. @@ -93136,95 +93136,95 @@ iii. 60.

Apidones, ii. 52.

Apiola, t. of the Volsci, i. 344.

Apis, vill. of Marmara, iii. 235. -

——, god of the Egyptians, iii. 241, 245, 247, 248. +

——, god of the Egyptians, iii. 241, 245, 247, 248.

Apobathra, near Sestos, ii. 352. -

Apœcus, iii. 2. -

Apollo, i. 385, 491, 499, 504; ii. 55, 64, 89, 95, 109, 115, 119–121, 155, 162, 190, 208, 334; iii. 70, 146, 179, 186, 258, 259, 261, 263. -

—— Actius, i. 498, 499; ii. 158, 161, 384. -

—— Ægletes, ii. 206. -

——, Cataonian, ii. 280. -

—— Cillæus, ii. 384, 385, 393. -

—— Clarius, iii. 15. -

——, Delphian, temple of the, i. 268. -

— Didymeus, iii. 4. -

—— Erythibius, ii. 386. -

—— Gryneus, ii. 393. -

—— Hecatus, ii. 393. -

—— Laphrius, ii. 171. -

—— Larisæus, ii. 396. -

—— Leucatas, ii. 162. -

—— Marmarinus, ii. 153. -

—— Musegetes, ii. 183. -

——, Phyllæan, ii. 138. -

—— Pornopion, ii. 386. -

——, Pythian, ii. 115. -

—— Selinuntius, ii. 152. -

—— Smintheus, ii. 210, 372–374, 384, 385, 393. -

—— Teneates, temple of, ii. 63. -

—— Thymbræus, ii. 363. +

Apœcus, iii. 2. +

Apollo, i. 385, 491, 499, 504; ii. 55, 64, 89, 95, 109, 115, 119–121, 155, 162, 190, 208, 334; iii. 70, 146, 179, 186, 258, 259, 261, 263. +

—— Actius, i. 498, 499; ii. 158, 161, 384. +

—— Ægletes, ii. 206. +

——, Cataonian, ii. 280. +

—— Cillæus, ii. 384, 385, 393. +

—— Clarius, iii. 15. +

——, Delphian, temple of the, i. 268. +

— Didymeus, iii. 4. +

—— Erythibius, ii. 386. +

—— Gryneus, ii. 393. +

—— Hecatus, ii. 393. +

—— Laphrius, ii. 171. +

—— Larisæus, ii. 396. +

—— Leucatas, ii. 162. +

—— Marmarinus, ii. 153. +

—— Musegetes, ii. 183. +

——, Phyllæan, ii. 138. +

—— Pornopion, ii. 386. +

——, Pythian, ii. 115. +

—— Selinuntius, ii. 152. +

—— Smintheus, ii. 210, 372–374, 384, 385, 393. +

—— Teneates, temple of, ii. 63. +

—— Thymbræus, ii. 363. -

Apollo, Tilphösian, ii. 107. -

—— Ulius, iii. 5. -

——, Colossus of, i. 490. -

——, temples of, i. 73, 490; iii. 19, 20, 162. -

——, temple of, at Actium, i. 498. -

——, at Adrasteia, ii. 348. -

——, at Amyclæ, ii. 40. -

——, in Argolis and Bœotia, ii. 47. -

——, at Anapha, ii. 206. -

——, at Calydon, ii. 171. -

——, at Ceos, ii. 210. -

——, at Chalcia, ii. 213. -

——, in Chios, iii. 20. -

——, at Chrysa, ii. 374, 384–386. -

——, at Cyprus, iii. 69. -

——, at Delos, ii. 207. -

——, at Delphi, i. 417. -

——, at Grynium, ii. 397. -

——, at Orobiæ, ii. 152. -

——, at Rhodes, ii. 386. -

——, between Smyrna and Clazomene, iii. 20. +

Apollo, Tilphösian, ii. 107. +

—— Ulius, iii. 5. +

——, Colossus of, i. 490. +

——, temples of, i. 73, 490; iii. 19, 20, 162. +

——, temple of, at Actium, i. 498. +

——, at Adrasteia, ii. 348. +

——, at Amyclæ, ii. 40. +

——, in Argolis and Bœotia, ii. 47. +

——, at Anapha, ii. 206. +

——, at Calydon, ii. 171. +

——, at Ceos, ii. 210. +

——, at Chalcia, ii. 213. +

——, in Chios, iii. 20. +

——, at Chrysa, ii. 374, 384–386. +

——, at Cyprus, iii. 69. +

——, at Delos, ii. 207. +

——, at Delphi, i. 417. +

——, at Grynium, ii. 397. +

——, at Orobiæ, ii. 152. +

——, at Rhodes, ii. 386. +

——, between Smyrna and Clazomene, iii. 20.

Apollocrates, i. 389.

Apollodorean sect, ii. 402. -

Apollodorus, the grammarian, i. 378, 457, 460, 466, 502; ii. 10, 11, 48, 50, 98, 300; iii. 61, 63–67, 73. -

—— of Artemita, the historian, i. 49, 68, 71, 78, 96, 178; ii. 250, 252, 253, 264. -

——, orator, ii. 402. -

Apollonia, t. of Mœsia, i. 490. -

——, city of Macedonia, i. 509, 512, 513, 518. -

——, city of Epirus (Polina), i. 202, 411, 486, 495, 500; ii. 33, 124; iii. 183. -

——, city of Lydia, ii. 402. -

——, city of Cyrenæa, iii. 292, 294. -

——, city of Syria, iii. 165. -

——, city of Mysia, ii. 331. +

Apollodorus, the grammarian, i. 378, 457, 460, 466, 502; ii. 10, 11, 48, 50, 98, 300; iii. 61, 63–67, 73. +

—— of Artemita, the historian, i. 49, 68, 71, 78, 96, 178; ii. 250, 252, 253, 264. +

——, orator, ii. 402. +

Apollonia, t. of Mœsia, i. 490. +

——, city of Macedonia, i. 509, 512, 513, 518. +

——, city of Epirus (Polina), i. 202, 411, 486, 495, 500; ii. 33, 124; iii. 183. +

——, city of Lydia, ii. 402. +

——, city of Cyrenæa, iii. 292, 294. +

——, city of Syria, iii. 165. +

——, city of Mysia, ii. 331.

Apollonias, arsenal of Cyrene, iii. 292. -

——, city of Phrygia (Tschol-Abad), ii. 322, 332. +

——, city of Phrygia (Tschol-Abad), ii. 322, 332. -

Apolloniatæ, i. 486, 490; iii. 135. +

Apolloniatæ, i. 486, 490; iii. 135.

Apolloniatis, district of Babylon, ii. 264; iii. 135, 142. -

——, lake of Mysia (Loubadi), ii. 331, 332. -

Apollōnides, i. 475; ii. 262, 269. -

Apollōnis, wife of Attalus, ii. 400, 402. -

——, city of Lydia, ii. 402; iii. 21. +

——, lake of Mysia (Loubadi), ii. 331, 332. +

Apollōnides, i. 475; ii. 262, 269. +

Apollōnis, wife of Attalus, ii. 400, 402. +

——, city of Lydia, ii. 402; iii. 21.

Apollonium, prom. in the bay of Carthage, iii. 285. -

Apollonius of Erythræ, iii. 18. -

—— Cronos, iii. 37, 294. -

——, physician, iii. 69. -

——, grammarian, iii. 41. -

——, Stoic, iii. 26. -

—— Malacus, iii. 33, 40, 41. -

—— the Cyrenæan. See Cronos. -

—— Alabanda, iii. 34, 40, 41. -

—— of Rhodes, iii. 34. -

—— of Tyre, iii. 173. +

Apollonius of Erythræ, iii. 18. +

—— Cronos, iii. 37, 294. +

——, physician, iii. 69. +

——, grammarian, iii. 41. +

——, Stoic, iii. 26. +

—— Malacus, iii. 33, 40, 41. +

—— the Cyrenæan. See Cronos. +

—— Alabanda, iii. 34, 40, 41. +

—— of Rhodes, iii. 34. +

—— of Tyre, iii. 173.

Apollonnesoi, Hecatonnesoi, ii. 393.

Apollonopolis, city of Egypt, iii. 261, 263. -

Appaïtæ, ii. 296. +

Appaïtæ, ii. 296.

Appia Via, i. 346, 347, 351, 352, 355, 370, 431, 432.

Apsus, r. of Illyria, i. 486.

Apsynthis, district of Thrace, i. 519. @@ -93233,13 +93233,13 @@ iii. 60.

Aptera, t. of Crete, ii. 200.

Apuli, i. 360, 432, 436.

Apulia. See Daunia, i. 423, 432. -

Aquæ-Statiellæ, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Acqui), i. 323. +

Aquæ-Statiellæ, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Acqui), i. 323.

Aquileia, i. 186, 307, 309, 310, 319, 321, 324, 435, 448, 482.

Aquinum, t. of Latium (Aquino), i. 352.

Aquitani, i. 264, 265, 282, 283, 284. -

Aquitania, Aquitaine, i. 242, 247, 282–285, 296, 310. -

Arabia, i. 63, 197, 458; iii. 86, 88, 89, 132, 148, 149, 171, 176, 185, 186, 189–217, 241, 243, 247, 252, 261, 266. -

—— Felix, i. 41, 63, 129, 130 +

Aquitania, Aquitaine, i. 242, 247, 282–285, 296, 310. +

Arabia, i. 63, 197, 458; iii. 86, 88, 89, 132, 148, 149, 171, 176, 185, 186, 189–217, 241, 243, 247, 252, 261, 266. +

—— Felix, i. 41, 63, 129, 130 @@ -93248,70 +93248,70 @@ iii. 60. 178, 196; iii. 128, 159, 171, 176, 185, 186, 189, 209, 213; iii. 76. -

Arabia Nabatæa, iii. 241. -

Arabian Gulf, the (Red Sea), i. 47, 50, 55, 56, 60, 62, 67, 75, 79, 87, 123, 129, 130, 149, 152, 178, 183, 196, 200, 458; ii. 210; iii. 74, 88, 176, 185, 189, 191, 194–208, 210, 217, 224, 226, 235, 241, 243, 244, 260, 270, 271, 291. +

Arabia Nabatæa, iii. 241. +

Arabian Gulf, the (Red Sea), i. 47, 50, 55, 56, 60, 62, 67, 75, 79, 87, 123, 129, 130, 149, 152, 178, 183, 196, 200, 458; ii. 210; iii. 74, 88, 176, 185, 189, 191, 194–208, 210, 217, 224, 226, 235, 241, 243, 244, 260, 270, 271, 291.

Arabians, i. 63, 66, 67, 196, 458; ii. 154, et passim. -

——, Skenitæ, iii. 146, 158, 159. -

——, Troglodyte, i. 2, 67. +

——, Skenitæ, iii. 146, 158, 159. +

——, Troglodyte, i. 2, 67.

Arabs, tribes of, i. 440.

Arabus, daughter of, i. 67.

Araby the Blest, iii. 76. -

Arachōsia, distr. of Ariana, ii. 252. -

Arachōti, ii. 249. -

——, people of Ariana, ii. 248; iii. 122, 124, 126. -

Aracynthus, a mtn of Ætolia (M. Zigos), ii. 160, 172. +

Arachōsia, distr. of Ariana, ii. 252. +

Arachōti, ii. 249. +

——, people of Ariana, ii. 248; iii. 122, 124, 126. +

Aracynthus, a mtn of Ætolia (M. Zigos), ii. 160, 172.

Aradii, iii. 167, 168, 170, 215.

Aradus, isl. in the Persian Gulf, (Arek), iii. 187. -

——, city of Phœnicia, iii. 167, 169, 172. -

Aræthyrea, distr. of Argolis, ii. 59, 66. +

——, city of Phœnicia, iii. 167, 169, 172. +

Aræthyrea, distr. of Argolis, ii. 59, 66.

Aragus, r. (Arak), ii. 230, 231.

Arak. See Aragus.

Arambi, iii. 216. See Arabians. -

Aramæi, Arammæans, i. 66; ii. 404; iii. 216. +

Aramæi, Arammæans, i. 66; ii. 404; iii. 216.

Arar, r. of Gaul (Saone), i. 277, 278, 281, 286, 287, 288.

Ararene, distr. of Arabia, iii. 212.

Arathus, r. of Epirus, i. 498, 501.

Aratus, poet, i. 4, 156; ii. 42, 73, 199, 207, 209; iii. 55. -

——, leader of the Achæi, ii. 66, 70. +

——, leader of the Achæi, ii. 66, 70.

Arausio, t. of the Cavari (Orange), i. 277. -

Araxēnæ, distr. of Armenia, i. 113; ii. 242. +

Araxēnæ, distr. of Armenia, i. 113; ii. 242.

Araxenian plain, ii. 268, 270. -

Araxēnus, ii. 268. +

Araxēnus, ii. 268.

Araxes, r. of Armenia (Eraskh, or Aras), i. 96; ii. 217, 232, 263, 268, 270, 272.

Araxes, r. of Scythia, ii. 247. -

——, r. of Persis (Bendamir), iii. 132. +

——, r. of Persis (Bendamir), iii. 132.

Araxus, prom. of Elis (Cape Papa), ii. 5, 6, 7, 8, 15, 74, 169.

Arbaces, iii. 143. -

Arbēla, t. of Assyria (Erbil), i. 123; ii. 274; iii. 143, 144, 259. -

Arbēlus, iii. 144. +

Arbēla, t. of Assyria (Erbil), i. 123; ii. 274; iii. 143, 144, 259. +

Arbēlus, iii. 144.

Arbies, iii. 120.

Arbis, r. of Gedrosia (Purali), iii. 120. -

Arcadia, i. 94, 343, 416; ii. 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 22, 28, 32, 33, 37, 52, 74–77, 142, 153, 156, 327, 339; iii. 145. +

Arcadia, i. 94, 343, 416; ii. 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 22, 28, 32, 33, 37, 52, 74–77, 142, 153, 156, 327, 339; iii. 145.

Arcadian mountains, ii. 40. -

—— cities, ii. 71. +

—— cities, ii. 71.

Arcadians, Arcades, i. 328, 329, 432; ii. 3, 8, 22, 24, 31, 39, 76.

Arcadicus, ii. 16.

Arcesilaus, i. 23; ii. 387.

Arceuthus, r. of Syria, iii. 164. -

Archæanax, ii. 365. +

Archæanax, ii. 365.

Archan, ii. 388. -

Archedēmus, the Stoic, iii. 58. -

Archelaus, king, ii. 277, 278, 282, 284, 285, 305–308; iii. 54, 232. -

——, priest, ii. 308; iii. 232. -

——, father of priest, ii. 308; iii. 232. -

——, son of Penthilus, ii. 340. -

——, physician, iii. 20. -

——, play of Euripides, i. 329. +

Archedēmus, the Stoic, iii. 58. +

Archelaus, king, ii. 277, 278, 282, 284, 285, 305–308; iii. 54, 232. +

——, priest, ii. 308; iii. 232. +

——, father of priest, ii. 308; iii. 232. +

——, son of Penthilus, ii. 340. +

——, physician, iii. 20. +

——, play of Euripides, i. 329.

Archemachus, ii. 178.

Archias, Corinthian, founder of Syracuse, i. 394, 406, 407; ii. 63. -

——, general of Antipater, ii. 55. +

——, general of Antipater, ii. 55.

Archidamus, i. 427.

Archilochus, ii. 50, 169, 210, 298; iii. 23.

Archimedes, i. 85, 87.

Archytas, i. 427.

Arconnesus, iii. 16, 35.

Arctic Circle, i. 4, 5, 144, 200. -

—— constellation, i. 5. +

—— constellation, i. 5.

Arcton, mtn, ii. 331.

Arcturus, i. 201; iii. 82, 83.

Ardania, prom. of Marmara, i. 64. @@ -93323,72 +93323,72 @@ iii. 60.

Ardanis, Ardanixis (Ras-el-Milhr), iii. 294.

Ardea, city of the Rutuli, i. 339, 346, 371. -

Ardgeh. See Argæus. +

Ardgeh. See Argæus.

Ardia, distr. of Dalmatia, i. 481. -

Ardiæi, i. 483–485, 487, 488, 489, 505. +

Ardiæi, i. 483–485, 487, 488, 489, 505.

Ardium, mtn of Dalmatia, i. 484.

Arduenna (forest of Ardennes), i. 290. -

Arēcomisci. See Volcæ. -

Arēgon, ii. 16. +

Arēcomisci. See Volcæ. +

Arēgon, ii. 16.

Areion, ii. 97.

Areius, iii. 53.

Arek. See Aradus.

Arelate, t. of Gaul (Arles), i. 272. -

Arēne, t. of Triphylia, ii. 20–23, 27, 38. +

Arēne, t. of Triphylia, ii. 20–23, 27, 38.

Areopagite code, i. 390. -

Arēs. See Mars. +

Arēs. See Mars.

Aretas, iii. 212. -

Arēte, iii. 212, 293. +

Arēte, iii. 212, 293.

Arethusa, castle of Syria, iii. 166, 167. -

——, ftn of Chalcis, ii. 157. -

——, ftn of the Island of Ortygia, i. 408, 409. -

——, city of Macedonia, i. 514. +

——, ftn of Chalcis, ii. 157. +

——, ftn of the Island of Ortygia, i. 408, 409. +

——, city of Macedonia, i. 514.

Arezzo. See Arretium. -

Argæus, mtn of Cappadocia (Ardgeh or Edschise Dagh), i. 113; ii. 282. -

Arganthōnius, king of Tartessus, i. 226. -

——, mtn of Bithynia, ii. 315. -

Argeadæ, i. 506, 508. +

Argæus, mtn of Cappadocia (Ardgeh or Edschise Dagh), i. 113; ii. 282. +

Arganthōnius, king of Tartessus, i. 226. +

——, mtn of Bithynia, ii. 315. +

Argeadæ, i. 506, 508.

Argeia. See Argia.

Argennum, prom. of Ionia, iii. 18. -

Argentiére. See Cimolus. +

Argentiére. See Cimolus.

Argestes (N.W. wind), i. 45; ii. 80.

Argia, Argolis, Argeia, i. 187, 416; ii. 6, 51, 66.

Argian territory, ii. 52, 58. -

Argillæ (under-ground passages), i. 363. +

Argillæ (under-ground passages), i. 363.

Argilus, t. of Macedonia, i. 512. -

Arginussæ, islands, ii. 388, 391. -

Argissa, Argūra, t. of Pelasgiotis, ii. 143, 144. +

Arginussæ, islands, ii. 388, 391. +

Argissa, Argūra, t. of Pelasgiotis, ii. 143, 144. -

Argive territory, ii. 51–55, 76, 158. -

Argives, i. 55, 102; ii. 8, 39, 47, 48, 49, 51–55, 58–60, 66, 97, 174, 175. +

Argive territory, ii. 51–55, 76, 158. +

Argives, i. 55, 102; ii. 8, 39, 47, 48, 49, 51–55, 58–60, 66, 97, 174, 175.

Argo, the ship, i. 72, 73, 332; ii. 139, 315.

Argolic Bay (Gulf of Napoli), ii. 6, 47.

Argolica, ii. 58, 75.

Argolis (see Argia), i. 410, 416; ii. 58.

Argonautic expedition, i. 31.

Argonautics, iii. 34. -

Argonauts, i. 71–73, 332; ii. 21, 111, 139, 148, 331. -

Argos, i. 35, 329, 410, 486; ii. 12, 42, 43, 48–56, 58–60, 71, 76, 77, 97, 110, 124, 133, 203; iii. 41, 60. -

——, Pelasgic, i. 328; ii. 50, 52, 132, 133. -

——, Inachian, ii. 74. -

——, Achæan, ii. 43, 49, 50. -

——, castle of Cappadocia, ii. 281. -

——, Amphilochian, city of Acarnania (Neochori), i. 410, 499; ii. 159, 174, 175. -

——, Hippium, i. 320, 433; ii. 49. -

——, Jasum, ii. 49, 50. 52. -

——, Orestic, city of Epirus or Macedonia, i. 500. -

——, distr. of Peloponnesus, ii. 50–55. -

Argoüs, harbour of Æthalia, i. 332. -

Argūra. See Argissa. +

Argonauts, i. 71–73, 332; ii. 21, 111, 139, 148, 331. +

Argos, i. 35, 329, 410, 486; ii. 12, 42, 43, 48–56, 58–60, 71, 76, 77, 97, 110, 124, 133, 203; iii. 41, 60. +

——, Pelasgic, i. 328; ii. 50, 52, 132, 133. +

——, Inachian, ii. 74. +

——, Achæan, ii. 43, 49, 50. +

——, castle of Cappadocia, ii. 281. +

——, Amphilochian, city of Acarnania (Neochori), i. 410, 499; ii. 159, 174, 175. +

——, Hippium, i. 320, 433; ii. 49. +

——, Jasum, ii. 49, 50. 52. +

——, Orestic, city of Epirus or Macedonia, i. 500. +

——, distr. of Peloponnesus, ii. 50–55. +

Argoüs, harbour of Æthalia, i. 332. +

Argūra. See Argissa.

Argyria, city of the Troad, ii. 300, 371.

Argyrippa. See Argos-Hippium.

Argyrippeni, port of, i. 433.

Argyrokastro. See Phyle.

Argyrusci, i. 344. -

Aria, distr. of Persia, i. 112–114; ii. 246, 251, 252; iii. 124, 125. +

Aria, distr. of Persia, i. 112–114; ii. 246, 251, 252; iii. 124, 125.

Ariamazas, rock of, ii. 254. -

Ariana, i. 121, 125, 127–129; ii. 218, 252, 253, 263; iii. 78, 88 119–129. +

Ariana, i. 121, 125, 127–129; ii. 218, 252, 253, 263; iii. 78, 88 119–129.

Ariani, i. 66, 104, 196; iii. 125.

Ariarathes, ii. 277, 283, 401.

Aricia, t. of Latium (La Riccia) i. 344, 355 @@ -93398,13 +93398,13 @@ iii. 60. -

Aridæus, iii. 229. +

Aridæus, iii. 229.

Arii (Herat), ii. 245, 218, 249, 254; iii. 124, 125.

Arima, mtns of Cilicia, ii. 405. -

Arimæi. See Aramæi. +

Arimæi. See Aramæi.

Arimaspi, i. 32; ii. 240.

Arimaspian poems, ii. 349. -

Arimi, ii. 304, 403–405; iii. 163, 216. +

Arimi, ii. 304, 403–405; iii. 163, 216.

Ariminum, t. of Umbria (Rimini), i. 314, 315, 322, 324, 326, 336, 337, 357.

Ariminus, r. of Umbria, i. 323.

Arimus, ii. 406. @@ -93419,20 +93419,20 @@ iii. 60.

Aristera, or left coast of Pontus, ii. 286.

Aristio, ii. 89.

Aristippus, Socratic philosopher, iii. 293. -

—— Metrodidactos, iii. 293. +

—— Metrodidactos, iii. 293.

Aristo, Athenian, i. 23. -

——, of Ceos, ii. 210; iii. 225, 226. -

——, of Cos, iii. 36. -

——, of Rhegium, i. 390, 391. -

Aristobulus, ii. 243, 254; iii. 55, 83–86, 95, 102, 111, 112, 133, 148, 150, 187, 274. -

——, king of Judæa, iii. 180. +

——, of Ceos, ii. 210; iii. 225, 226. +

——, of Cos, iii. 36. +

——, of Rhegium, i. 390, 391. +

Aristobulus, ii. 243, 254; iii. 55, 83–86, 95, 102, 111, 112, 133, 148, 150, 187, 274. +

——, king of Judæa, iii. 180.

Aristocles, iii. 34.

Aristocrates, ii. 39.

Aristodemus, iii. 26, 27.

Aristonicus, grammarian, i. 60. -

——, iii. 20, 21. +

——, iii. 20, 21.

Aristopatra, iii. 96. -

Aristotle, i. 44, 143, 144, 156, 229, 273, 459, 494, 512, 513; ii. 18, 55, 56, 64, 151, 154, 156, 363, 378–382, 392, 393; iii. 86, 98, 173, 225. +

Aristotle, i. 44, 143, 144, 156, 229, 273, 459, 494, 512, 513; ii. 18, 55, 56, 64, 151, 154, 156, 363, 378–382, 392, 393; iii. 86, 98, 173, 225.

Aristoxenus, i. 25. @@ -93440,33 +93440,33 @@ iii. 60.

Arius, r. of Aria, ii. 252, 254.

Ariusia, in Chios, iii. 19.

Arles. See Arelate. -

Arměne, t. of Paphlagonia (Ak-Li-man), ii. 291. -

Arměnia, i. 72, 76, 78, 95, 113, 115, 120, 122, 123, 126, 127, 177, 195; ii. 217, 218, 226, 227, 230–235, 238, 245, 259, 260–272, 276, 284–286, 304–306, 309, 310; iii. 108, 109, 147, 150, 154, 156, 157. -

——, Greater, ii. 260, 262, 305; iii. 150. -

——, the Lesser, ii. 260, 267, 269, 286, 294, 296, 304, 305, 310; iii. 63, 150. -

——, gates of, i. 123, 124. -

——, mountains, i. 96, 115, 120, 122, 126, 127; ii. 226, 241. -

Armenians, i. 66, 196, 440; ii. 216, 230, 239, 260, 263–277, 294, 296, 304, 309; iii. 216. +

Arměne, t. of Paphlagonia (Ak-Li-man), ii. 291. +

Arměnia, i. 72, 76, 78, 95, 113, 115, 120, 122, 123, 126, 127, 177, 195; ii. 217, 218, 226, 227, 230–235, 238, 245, 259, 260–272, 276, 284–286, 304–306, 309, 310; iii. 108, 109, 147, 150, 154, 156, 157. +

——, Greater, ii. 260, 262, 305; iii. 150. +

——, the Lesser, ii. 260, 267, 269, 286, 294, 296, 304, 305, 310; iii. 63, 150. +

——, gates of, i. 123, 124. +

——, mountains, i. 96, 115, 120, 122, 126, 127; ii. 226, 241. +

Armenians, i. 66, 196, 440; ii. 216, 230, 239, 260, 263–277, 294, 296, 304, 309; iii. 216.

Armenium, t. of Thessaly, ii. 235, 272.

Armenius, i. 446.

Armenus, ii. 235, 272.

Armyrus. See Itonus. -

Arnæi, inhabitants of Thessaly, ii. 93. -

Arnæus, ii. 300. +

Arnæi, inhabitants of Thessaly, ii. 93. +

Arnæus, ii. 300.

Arnarium, ii. 70.

Arnauti. See Acamas. -

Arné, city of Thessaly, i. 92; ii. 107, 110, 138, 143. +

Arné, city of Thessaly, i. 92; ii. 107, 110, 138, 143.

Arnus, r. of Etruria (Arno), i. 330. -

Ar&ocaron;ma, t. of Lydia, iii. 26. -

Arotrebæ. See Artabri. +

Arǒma, t. of Lydia, iii. 26. +

Arotrebæ. See Artabri.

Arotria. See Eretria.

Arpas-Kalessi. See Coscinia.

Arpi, t. of the Daunii. See Argos Hippium and Argyrippa, i. 433.

Arpina, ii. 32.

Arrechi, ii. 223. -

Arrētium, city of Etruria (Arezzo), i. 330, 335, 336. -

Arrhabæus, i. 500. -

Arsacæ, iii. 97, 160. +

Arrētium, city of Etruria (Arezzo), i. 330, 335, 336. +

Arrhabæus, i. 500. +

Arsacæ, iii. 97, 160.

Arsaces, a Scythian, ii. 248, 251. @@ -93476,33 +93476,33 @@ iii. 60.

Arsaces, son of Pharnaces, ii. 311.

Arsacia, city of Media, same as Rhaga, ii. 264. -

Arsēne, lake of Armenia (Thospitis or Van), ii. 270. +

Arsēne, lake of Armenia (Thospitis or Van), ii. 270.

Arses, iii. 141. -

Arsinoë, t. of Cilicia (Softa-Kalessi), iii. 52. -

——, two towns of Cyprus, iii. 69, 70, 72. -

——, t. of Ethiopia, iii. 193, 199. -

——, t. of Cyrene, iii. 291. -

——, t. of Egypt, iii. 243, 244. -

——, formerly Crocodilopolis, iii. 256, 257. -

——, t. of Œtolia (Angelo-Castron), ii. 172. -

——, same as Ephesus, iii. 12. -

——, same as Patara, iii. 47. -

——, prom. of Cyprus, iii. 70. +

Arsinoë, t. of Cilicia (Softa-Kalessi), iii. 52. +

——, two towns of Cyprus, iii. 69, 70, 72. +

——, t. of Ethiopia, iii. 193, 199. +

——, t. of Cyrene, iii. 291. +

——, t. of Egypt, iii. 243, 244. +

——, formerly Crocodilopolis, iii. 256, 257. +

——, t. of Œtolia (Angelo-Castron), ii. 172. +

——, same as Ephesus, iii. 12. +

——, same as Patara, iii. 47. +

——, prom. of Cyprus, iii. 70.

Arsinoite nome, iii. 223, 253, 256.

Arsinoites, iii. 256. -

Arsīnus. See Erasīnus. +

Arsīnus. See Erasīnus.

Arsites, satrap of Phrygia, iii. 188.

Arsus. See Rhosus.

Arta, Gulf of. See Ambracic Gulf.

Artabazus, ii. 334. -

Artabri, Arotrebæ, people of Lusitania, i. 181, 206, 221, 230, 262. -

——, port of the, i. 230. -

Artacaëna, city of Aria, ii. 252. +

Artabri, Arotrebæ, people of Lusitania, i. 181, 206, 221, 230, 262. +

——, port of the, i. 230. +

Artacaëna, city of Aria, ii. 252.

Artace, mtn, ii. 332. -

——, island, ii. 332; iii. 5. -

——, t. there situated, ii. 340; iii. 5. -

Artacēne, iii. 144. -

Artagēræ, castle of Armenia, ii. 270. +

——, island, ii. 332; iii. 5. +

——, t. there situated, ii. 340; iii. 5. +

Artacēne, iii. 144. +

Artagēræ, castle of Armenia, ii. 270.

Artaki. See Cyzicus.

Artamita, Apollodorus of, ii. 252.

Artanes, ii. 273. @@ -93511,39 +93511,39 @@ iii. 60.

Artaxerxes, i. 78; iii. 34.

Artaxias, ii. 269, 270, 273.

Artaxiasata, see Artaxata, ii. 270. -

Artemidorus, of Ephesus, i. 207, 208, 223, 235, 236, 239, 246, 251, 255, 258, 274, 277, 295, 332, 364, 393, 402, 435, 518; ii. 5, 48, 77; iii. 12, 15, 34, 43–45, 53, 59, 62, 118, 192, 201–203, 208, 239, 243, 276, 281, 282. +

Artemidorus, of Ephesus, i. 207, 208, 223, 235, 236, 239, 246, 251, 255, 258, 274, 277, 295, 332, 364, 393, 402, 435, 518; ii. 5, 48, 77; iii. 12, 15, 34, 43–45, 53, 59, 62, 118, 192, 201–203, 208, 239, 243, 276, 281, 282.

Artemidorus, of Cnidus, iii. 34. -

——, of Tarsus, iii. 59. +

——, of Tarsus, iii. 59.

Artemis. See Diana.

Artemisia, iii. 35.

Artemisium, Dianium, t. of Iberia, i. 239. -

——, prom. of Caria, with temple of Diana, iii. 28. -

——, or Grove of Diana, i. 355, 356. -

——, at Ephesus, ii. 73. +

——, prom. of Caria, with temple of Diana, iii. 28. +

——, or Grove of Diana, i. 355, 356. +

——, at Ephesus, ii. 73.

Artemita, t. of Assyria (Shirban), ii. 257, 264; iii. 152. -

——, one of the Echinades, i. 93. +

——, one of the Echinades, i. 93.

Artimachus, ii. 348.

Artis, iii. 2.

Aruaci, i. 243.

Arupenum, t. of the Iapodes (Auersperg, or the Flecken Mungava), i. 309, 483. -

Arverni (inhabitants of Vélai), i. 281, 284, 285, 289, 291, 293. +

Arverni (inhabitants of Vélai), i. 281, 284, 285, 289, 291, 293.

Arxata, city of Armenia, ii. 270.

Arzila. See Zelis.

Asander, i. 479; ii. 224, 401. -

Asbystæ, i. 198. +

Asbystæ, i. 198.

Asca, t. of Arabia, iii. 212. -

Ascæus, ii. 307. -

Ascalon, city of Judæa (Asculan), iii. 175, 176. -

Ascalonitæ, iii. 175. -

Ascania, region of Phrygia, ii. 300, 316–318; iii. 66, 67. -

——, region of Mysia or Bithynia, ii. 316–318; iii. 66, 67. -

——, vill. of Mysia, iii. 67. +

Ascæus, ii. 307. +

Ascalon, city of Judæa (Asculan), iii. 175, 176. +

Ascalonitæ, iii. 175. +

Ascania, region of Phrygia, ii. 300, 316–318; iii. 66, 67. +

——, region of Mysia or Bithynia, ii. 316–318; iii. 66, 67. +

——, vill. of Mysia, iii. 67.

Ascanius, lake of Bithynia (Isnik-Gol), ii. 314, 318; iii. 66, 67. -

——, son of Æneas, i. 339, 340; ii. 377, 378. -

——, leader of the Phrygians and Mysians, ii. 316, 317. -

Asclēpiadæ, in Thessaly, ii. 136, 142. +

——, son of Æneas, i. 339, 340; ii. 377, 378. +

——, leader of the Phrygians and Mysians, ii. 316, 317. +

Asclēpiadæ, in Thessaly, ii. 136, 142.

Asclepiades, of Prusa, ii. 318. -

——, the Myrlean, i. 235, 249. +

——, the Myrlean, i. 235, 249. @@ -93552,81 +93552,81 @@ iii. 60.

Asclepieium, iii. 36.

Asclepius, i. 114; ii. 9, 56, 141; iii. 22. -

——, temple of, at Carthage, iii. 285. -

——, Celæni, in the Troad, ii. 371. -

——, in the Island of Cos, iii. 36. -

——, of Epidaurus, ii. 56, 321. -

——, of Gerenia, ii. 36. -

——, of Olenus, ii. 71. -

——, of Tricca, ii. 36, 56, 141. -

——, grove of, between Berytus and Sidon, iii. 171. -

Ascra, t. of Bœotia, ii. 104, 105, 110, 122, 398. -

Asculum Picēnum (Ascoli), i. 358 +

——, temple of, at Carthage, iii. 285. +

——, Celæni, in the Troad, ii. 371. +

——, in the Island of Cos, iii. 36. +

——, of Epidaurus, ii. 56, 321. +

——, of Gerenia, ii. 36. +

——, of Olenus, ii. 71. +

——, of Tricca, ii. 36, 56, 141. +

——, grove of, between Berytus and Sidon, iii. 171. +

Ascra, t. of Bœotia, ii. 104, 105, 110, 122, 398. +

Asculum Picēnum (Ascoli), i. 358

Asdrubal, i. 238. -

——, wife of, iii. 285. +

——, wife of, iii. 285.

Asea, a village of Arcadia, ii. 15. -

Asia, i. 22, 50, 55, 56, 88, 103, 105, 156, 161, 162, 179, 183, 187, 188, 190, 191, 194, 197, 213, 431, 437, 439–441, 453, 465, 466, 477, 478, 490, 510, 517, 518; ii. 2, 32, 60, 62, 68, 93, 145, 154, 209; iii. 38, 39, 98, et passim. -

——, Upper, ii. 244. -

——, Eastern, ii. 244. -

——, a Roman province, ii. 401. -

——, within the Taurus, ii. 333. +

Asia, i. 22, 50, 55, 56, 88, 103, 105, 156, 161, 162, 179, 183, 187, 188, 190, 191, 194, 197, 213, 431, 437, 439–441, 453, 465, 466, 477, 478, 490, 510, 517, 518; ii. 2, 32, 60, 62, 68, 93, 145, 154, 209; iii. 38, 39, 98, et passim. +

——, Upper, ii. 244. +

——, Eastern, ii. 244. +

——, a Roman province, ii. 401. +

——, within the Taurus, ii. 333.

Asiatic coast, ii. 491.

Asii, ii. 245. -

Asinæan Gulf. See Messenian Gulf, ii. 35. -

Asinæus, ii. 36. -

Asine, city of Messenia, ii. 35–37, 54, 55. -

——, city of Laconia, ii. 41. -

——, city of Argolis (Fornos), ii. 49, 54, 58. -

——, Hermionic, ii. 36. +

Asinæan Gulf. See Messenian Gulf, ii. 35. +

Asinæus, ii. 36. +

Asine, city of Messenia, ii. 35–37, 54, 55. +

——, city of Laconia, ii. 41. +

——, city of Argolis (Fornos), ii. 49, 54, 58. +

——, Hermionic, ii. 36.

Asinius, i. 287.

Asioneis, Esioneis, ii. 405.

Asisium, i. 338.

Asius, son of Dymas, ii. 351. -

——, poet, i. 399. -

——, Hyrtacides, the Trojan, ii. 344, 345, 350, 351. -

——, meadow of, iii. 26. +

——, poet, i. 399. +

——, Hyrtacides, the Trojan, ii. 344, 345, 350, 351. +

——, meadow of, iii. 26.

Asius, temple to, iii. 26. -

Asōpia, vill. of Sicyonia, ii. 103. -

Asōpian district, ii. 66. -

—— Thebes, ii. 74. -

Asōpus, r. of Sicyon, i. 410; ii. 66, 103. -

——, r. of Bœotia, ii. 103, 104, 108. -

——, r. of Phthiotis, ii. 67, 129. -

——, r. of the isl. of Paros, ii. 66. -

——, city of Laconia, ii. 41. +

Asōpia, vill. of Sicyonia, ii. 103. +

Asōpian district, ii. 66. +

—— Thebes, ii. 74. +

Asōpus, r. of Sicyon, i. 410; ii. 66, 103. +

——, r. of Bœotia, ii. 103, 104, 108. +

——, r. of Phthiotis, ii. 67, 129. +

——, r. of the isl. of Paros, ii. 66. +

——, city of Laconia, ii. 41.

Aspaneus, near Ida, ii. 376. -

Aspasiacæ, see Apasiacæ, ii. 248. +

Aspasiacæ, see Apasiacæ, ii. 248.

Aspendus, t. of Pamphylia (Balkesi), ii. 323; iii. 49.

Asphalius (name of Neptune), i. 90. -

Aspiōnus, satrapy of, ii. 253. +

Aspiōnus, satrapy of, ii. 253.

Aspis, t. by the Greater Syrtis, iii. 290. -

——, t. of the Carthaginians, i. 421; iii. 288. -

——, island, iii. 16. -

Asplēdon, city of Bœotia, ii. 113. -

Aspordēnum, ii. 393. -

Asporēne, Aspordēne, ii. 393. +

——, t. of the Carthaginians, i. 421; iii. 288. +

——, island, iii. 16. +

Asplēdon, city of Bœotia, ii. 113. +

Aspordēnum, ii. 393. +

Asporēne, Aspordēne, ii. 393.

Aspra-Spitia. See Anticyra. -

Aspro-potamo, r. See Achelōus. +

Aspro-potamo, r. See Achelōus.

Aspro-vuna. See Luca. -

Aspurgiani, a nation of Mœotis, ii. 223, 305. +

Aspurgiani, a nation of Mœotis, ii. 223, 305.

Assacanus, land of, in India, iii. 82, 90.

Assouan. See Syene.

Assus, t. of Mysia (Beramkoi), ii. 339, 376, 386, 390; iii. 140. -

——, people of, ii. 375, 381, 382. -

Assyria, iii. 34, 142–160. +

——, people of, ii. 375, 381, 382. +

Assyria, iii. 34, 142–160.

Assyrians, i. 66.

Asta, city of Iberia, i. 211, 213, 215.

Astaboras, r. of Ethiopia (Tacazze), iii. 194, 195, 219, 270. -

Astacēni, iii. 90. +

Astacēni, iii. 90.

Astacus, t. of Bithynia, ii. 171. -

——, t. of Acarnania, ii. 171. -

——, Gulf of (Ismid), ii. 171, 315. -

Astæ, people of Thrace, i. 516 +

——, t. of Acarnania, ii. 171. +

——, Gulf of (Ismid), ii. 171, 315. +

Astæ, people of Thrace, i. 516

Astapus, r. of Ethiopia (The Blue Nile), iii. 195, 219, 270.

Astasobas, r. of Ethiopia, iii. 195, 219, 270. -

Astëeis, iii. 4. +

Astëeis, iii. 4. @@ -93635,7 +93635,7 @@ iii. 60.

Asteria, Asteris, isl. (Dascaglio), i. 93; ii. 168.

Asterium, ii. 142, 143. -

Asteropæus, i. 514. +

Asteropæus, i. 514.

Asti, people of Thrace, i. 490, 492.

Asturian mountains, i. 250.

Asturians, i. 229, 233, 241, 243, 250. @@ -93643,22 +93643,22 @@ iii. 60.

Astyages, ii. 264; iii. 134.

Astygis, t. of Spain (Ecija), i. 213.

Astyochea, ii. 9. -

Astypalæa, prom. of Attica, ii. 89. -

——, prom. of Caria, iii. 37. -

——, old city of the Coans, iii. 36. -

——, one of the Sporades (Istanpolia or Stanpalia), ii. 212, 213. -

Astypalæans, inhabitants of Rhætium, ii. 368. +

Astypalæa, prom. of Attica, ii. 89. +

——, prom. of Caria, iii. 37. +

——, old city of the Coans, iii. 36. +

——, one of the Sporades (Istanpolia or Stanpalia), ii. 212, 213. +

Astypalæans, inhabitants of Rhætium, ii. 368.

Astyra, t. of Mysia, ii. 376, 386, 387. -

——, t. of the Troad, ii. 353; iii. 66. +

——, t. of the Troad, ii. 353; iii. 66.

Atabyris, mtn of Rhodes (Abatro), ii. 164; iii. 33. -

Atagis (Aude), r. of Rhætia, i. 308. +

Atagis (Aude), r. of Rhætia, i. 308.

Atalanta, isl. near Attica, ii. 85, 125. -

—— opposite Eubea (Talanta), i. 95; ii. 85, 125. +

—— opposite Eubea (Talanta), i. 95; ii. 85, 125.

Atargata, iii. 216.

Atargatis, iii. 158. -

Atarneitæ, ii. 383. +

Atarneitæ, ii. 383.

Atarneus, city of Mysia (Dikeli-Koi), ii. 339, 376, 382, 389, 398; iii. 66. -

——, city of the Troad, ii. 387. +

——, city of the Troad, ii. 387.

Atax, r. of Gaul, i. 272, 282.

Ateas, king of the Bospori, i. 472.

Ategua, t. of Spain, i. 213. @@ -93666,7 +93666,7 @@ iii. 60.

Ateporix, ii. 310.

Aternum, t. of the Vestini (Pescara), i. 359, 360.

Aternus, r. of Italy, i. 359. -

Atēsinus, r. of Rhætia, i. 308. +

Atēsinus, r. of Rhætia, i. 308.

Athamanes, nation of Epirus, i. 493, 499; ii. 128, 130, 131, 137, 144, 158, 160; iii. 30. @@ -93674,34 +93674,34 @@ iii. 60.

Athamantis, iii. 2.

Athamas, ii. 135; iii. 2.

Athara, iii. 216. -

Athenæ Diades, ii. 153. -

——, city of, ii. 55, 87. -

Athenæum, i. 93, 368. -

——, promontory of Campania (Punta della Campanella), i. 34, 360. -

Athenæus, the Peripatetic, iii. 53. +

Athenæ Diades, ii. 153. +

——, city of, ii. 55, 87. +

Athenæum, i. 93, 368. +

——, promontory of Campania (Punta della Campanella), i. 34, 360. +

Athenæus, the Peripatetic, iii. 53.

Athenais, son of Attalus, ii. 400. -

——, iii. 18, 259. +

——, iii. 18, 259.

Athene. See Minerva.

Athenian legation, i. 75. -

—— colony, i. 513. -

Athenians, i. 102, 155, 329, 365, 392, 396, 404, 478, 517; ii. 2, 35, 36, 39, 57–59, 67, 68, 79, 80–83, 85–90, 95, 108, 111, 121, 136, 140, 152–154, 374, et passim. +

—— colony, i. 513. +

Athenians, i. 102, 155, 329, 365, 392, 396, 404, 478, 517; ii. 2, 35, 36, 39, 57–59, 67, 68, 79, 80–83, 85–90, 95, 108, 111, 121, 136, 140, 152–154, 374, et passim.

Athenocles, ii. 294.

Athenodorus, Cananites, iii. 58, 59, 209. -

——, Cordylion, iii. 58. -

——, the Natural Philosopher, i. 8, 86, 259. -

Athens, i. 23, 24, 101, 102, 105 -107, 123, 126, 127, 131, 133, 173, 271, 329, 335; ii. 39, 68, 80–83, 95, 108, 121, 124, 125, 164, 166, 170, et passim. -

——, captured by Sylla, ii. 380. -

——, town of Bœotia, ii. 101. +

——, Cordylion, iii. 58. +

——, the Natural Philosopher, i. 8, 86, 259. +

Athens, i. 23, 24, 101, 102, 105 -107, 123, 126, 127, 131, 133, 173, 271, 329, 335; ii. 39, 68, 80–83, 95, 108, 121, 124, 125, 164, 166, 170, et passim. +

——, captured by Sylla, ii. 380. +

——, town of Bœotia, ii. 101.

Athmoneus, iii. 144. -

Athos, Athon (Monte Santo), i. 9, 41, 511–513; ii. 154; iii. 13. +

Athos, Athon (Monte Santo), i. 9, 41, 511–513; ii. 154; iii. 13.

Athribis, town of Egypt, iii. 240. -

Athribitæ, iii. 257. +

Athribitæ, iii. 257.

Athribite nome, iii. 240.

Athrulla, town of Arabia, iii. 212.

Athymbradus, iii. 26.

Athymbrus, iii. 26.

Athyras, r. of Thrace, i. 518. -

Atintānes, i. 499. +

Atintānes, i. 499.

Atlantic Ocean, Exterior Sea, i. 7, 8, 39, 46, 51, 62, 78, 81, 82, 87. 101, 102, 170, 184, 192, 194, @@ -93714,8 +93714,8 @@ iii. 60.

Atlantides, daughters of Atlas, ii. 19.

Atlantis, island of, i. 154.

Atlas, father of Calypso, i. 39. -

——, mtn of Mauritania, iii. 276. -

Atm&obreve;ni, tribe of the Bastarnæ, i. 470. +

——, mtn of Mauritania, iii. 276. +

Atmŏni, tribe of the Bastarnæ, i. 470.

Atrax, city of Pelasgiotis, ii. 142, 146.

Atrebates, people of Gaul, i. 289, 290.

Atreus, i. 25, 35; ii. 53. @@ -93728,18 +93728,18 @@ iii. 60.

Attalic kings, kings of Pergamus, ii. 320.

Attalici, ii. 315.

Attalus, first king of Pergamus, i. 440; ii. 390, 400. -

—— Philadelphus, ii. 400; iii. 13, 49. -

—— Philometor, ii. 401; iii. 21. -

——, brother of Philetærus, ii. 400. -

Attasii, tribe of the Massagetæ, ii. 248. +

—— Philadelphus, ii. 400; iii. 13, 49. +

—— Philometor, ii. 401; iii. 21. +

——, brother of Philetærus, ii. 400. +

Attasii, tribe of the Massagetæ, ii. 248.

Attea, t. of the Troad, ii. 376.

Atthis, daughter of Cranaus, ii. 87. -

——, Attica, i. 40, 43, 105, 187; ii. 2, 3, 87. Silver mines of, i. 221. +

——, Attica, i. 40, 43, 105, 187; ii. 2, 3, 87. Silver mines of, i. 221.

Attic dialect, ii. 2. -

—— miners, i. 221. -

Attica, i. 493, 506, 507; ii. 57, 62, 67, 78–81, 84, 86–91, 95–97, 99, passim. +

—— miners, i. 221. +

Attica, i. 493, 506, 507; ii. 57, 62, 67, 78–81, 84, 86–91, 95–97, 99, passim.

Attock. See Choaspes. -

Aturia, part of Assyria, iii. 142–141. +

Aturia, part of Assyria, iii. 142–141.

Atys, father of Tyrrhenus, i. 326, 329. @@ -93748,23 +93748,23 @@ iii. 60.

Aufidus, r. of Apulia (Ofanto), i. 346, 433.

Auge, daughter of Aleus, ii. 389.

Augeas, king of the Epeii, ii. 10, 13, 27, 30, 31, 170. -

Augeiæ, city of Laconia, ii. 42. -

——, city of Locris, ii. 42. +

Augeiæ, city of Laconia, ii. 42. +

——, city of Locris, ii. 42.

Augila (Aujela), iii. 295.

Augusta, city of the Salassi, (Aouste), i. 306.

Emerita, t. of the Turduli in Spain (Merida), i. 227, 250. -

Aulis, city of Bœotia (Vathi), i. 16, 457; ii. 58, 92–97, 103, 151. +

Aulis, city of Bœotia (Vathi), i. 16, 457; ii. 58, 92–97, 103, 151.

Aulon, valley in Messenia, ii. 24. -

——, royal, valley of Syria, iii. 171. -

Aulōnia. See Caulōnia. +

——, royal, valley of Syria, iii. 171. +

Aulōnia. See Caulōnia.

Auscii, people of Aquitania, i. 284.

Ausonian Sea, i. 185, 193, 346, 497.

Ausonians, people of Campania, i. 346, 360, 381. -

Autariatæ, nation of Illyria, i. 481, 485, 488, 489, 505. -

Autěsion, father of Thera, ii. 21. +

Autariatæ, nation of Illyria, i. 481, 485, 488, 489, 505. +

Autěsion, father of Thera, ii. 21.

Autochthones, i. 339; ii. 2, 75.

Autolycus, founder of Sinope, ii. 143, 293. -

Aut&obreve;mala, t. of Cyrene, i. 186; iii. 290, 294. +

Autŏmala, t. of Cyrene, i. 186; iii. 290, 294.

Automedon, ii. 42.

Auxumon, t. of Picenum (Osimo), i. 357.

Avella Vecchia. See Abella. @@ -93772,7 +93772,7 @@ iii. 60.

Aventine mount, i. 270, 384.

Avernus, Lake (Lago d'Averno), i. 362, 364.

Axine. See Pontus Axenus. -

Axius, r. of Macedonia (the Vardari), i. 9, 501, 504, 506, 508–510, 514. +

Axius, r. of Macedonia (the Vardari), i. 9, 501, 504, 506, 508–510, 514. @@ -93780,18 +93780,18 @@ iii. 60.

Azamora, t. of Cataonia, ii. 280. -

Azānes, a people of Arcadia, ii. 7, 75. +

Azānes, a people of Arcadia, ii. 7, 75.

Azani, Azanitis, t. and district of Phrygia, ii. 332.

Azara, Zara, t. of Armenia, ii. 268. -

——, t. of Elymais, iii. 153. +

——, t. of Elymais, iii. 153.

Azaritia, ii. 315.

Azenieis, vill. of Attica, ii. 89. -

Azof, Sea of. See Palus Mœotis. +

Azof, Sea of. See Palus Mœotis.

Azorus, t. of Pelagonia, i. 501. -

Azōtii, iii. 106. -

Azōtus, city of Judæa, iii. 175. +

Azōtii, iii. 106. +

Azōtus, city of Judæa, iii. 175.

Azzila. See Zelis. @@ -93799,54 +93799,54 @@ Phrygia, ii. 332.

Babanomum, t. of Ponlus, ii. 312.

Babas, iii. 130.

Babout. See Babylon in Egypt. -

Babylon, i. 13, 120, 123–126, 129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 137, 165; ii, 233, 262, 267, 271; iii. 9, 130, 132, 134, 135, 140, 143–158, 186, 189, 229. -

——, t. of Egypt (Babout), iii. 247, 257. +

Babylon, i. 13, 120, 123–126, 129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 137, 165; ii, 233, 262, 267, 271; iii. 9, 130, 132, 134, 135, 140, 143–158, 186, 189, 229. +

——, t. of Egypt (Babout), iii. 247, 257.

Babylonia, i. 201; ii. 239, 260, 267, 271; iii. 83, 130, 135, 142, 146, 148, 150, 151, 158, 159, 185, 187, 189.

Babylonians, i. 155, 196, 463; ii. 391.

Babyrsa, fortress of Armenia, ii. 270.

Babys, father of Pherecydes, ii. 211. -

Bacchæ, ii. 180, 183. -

——, tragedy of Euripides, i. 40; ii. 186; iii. 75. +

Bacchæ, ii. 180, 183. +

——, tragedy of Euripides, i. 40; ii. 186; iii. 75.

Bacchantes, i. 295. -

Bacchiadæ, i. 500; ii. 60. +

Bacchiadæ, i. 500; ii. 60.

Bacchides, ii. 292. -

Bacchus, i. 41, 76, 257, 459; ii. 40, 64, 183–187, 238, 347; iii. 16, 74–76, 108. -

——, Bromius, ii. 185. -

—— Pyrigenes, ii. 406. -

——, temple of, ii. 40. +

Bacchus, i. 41, 76, 257, 459; ii. 40, 64, 183–187, 238, 347; iii. 16, 74–76, 108. +

——, Bromius, ii. 185. +

—— Pyrigenes, ii. 406. +

——, temple of, ii. 40.

Bacchylides, ii. 210, 390.

Bactra (Balk), i. 106, 109, 115, 117, 202; ii. 249, 253; iii. 124, 125, 133. -

Bactria, Bactriana, i. 22, 41, 106, 107, 112–117, 141, 178, 179; ii. +

Bactria, Bactriana, i. 22, 41, 106, 107, 112–117, 141, 178, 179; ii. -188, 245, 246, 248, 251–255; iii. 73, 83, 89, 124–127. +188, 245, 246, 248, 251–255; iii. 73, 83, 89, 124–127.

Bactrian gates, iii. 76.

Bactrians, Bactrii, i. 112, 195; ii. 248, 253, 273, 296.

Badas, r. of Syria, iii. 130. -

Bænis, r. of Lusitania. See Minius, i. 230. -

Bætera, city of Gaul (Beziers), i. 272. -

Bætica, i. 240, 243, 250. -

Bætis, r. of Spain (Guadalquiver), i. 209–214, 222, 227, 228, 213, 253; iii. 297. -

——, city of Spain, i. 213. -

Bætorix, father of Deudorix, i. 446. -

Bæturia, district of Spain, i. 214. -

Bætylus, Œtylus, t. of Laconia, ii. 36. +

Bænis, r. of Lusitania. See Minius, i. 230. +

Bætera, city of Gaul (Beziers), i. 272. +

Bætica, i. 240, 243, 250. +

Bætis, r. of Spain (Guadalquiver), i. 209–214, 222, 227, 228, 213, 253; iii. 297. +

——, city of Spain, i. 213. +

Bætorix, father of Deudorix, i. 446. +

Bæturia, district of Spain, i. 214. +

Bætylus, Œtylus, t. of Laconia, ii. 36.

Bagadania, distr. of Cappadocia, i. 113; ii. 284.

Bagas, name of the Paphlagonians, ii. 302. -

Bagōus, a eunuch, iii. 141. +

Bagōus, a eunuch, iii. 141.

Bagradas, r. of Africa (Wady Mejerdah), iii. 285. -

Bagras. See Pagræ. -

Baiæ, t. of Campania, i. 336, 362, 364, 366, 369. -

Baïus, companion of Ulysses, i. 39, 364. -

Bakyr-Tschai. See Caïcus. +

Bagras. See Pagræ. +

Baiæ, t. of Campania, i. 336, 362, 364, 366, 369. +

Baïus, companion of Ulysses, i. 39, 364. +

Bakyr-Tschai. See Caïcus.

Bala Hissar. See Pessinus. -

Balanæa, t. of Syria, iii. 167. +

Balanæa, t. of Syria, iii. 167.

Balari, people of Sardinia, i. 334.

Balbek. See Chalcis.

Balbura, t. of Lycia (Giaur-Kalessi), ii. 410.

Balbus, the Gaditanian, i. 253, 254.

Baleares, Balearic islands, i. 251, 252; iii. 32.

Balearicus, Metellus, i. 252. -

Balithōn. See Ammon. +

Balithōn. See Ammon.

Balk. See Bactra.

Balkesi. See Aspendus.

Ballyk. See Metropolis. @@ -93857,8 +93857,8 @@ Phrygia, ii. 332.

Bambyce, t. of Syria, iii. 158, 163. -

Bamōnītis, part of Pontus, ii. 302. -

Bandobēne, distr. of India, iii. 89. +

Bamōnītis, part of Pontus, ii. 302. +

Bandobēne, distr. of India, iii. 89.

Bara. See Paros.

Barathra, Berethra, ii. 76; iii. 241.

Barbarian laws, i. 240. @@ -93867,8 +93867,8 @@ Phrygia, ii. 332.

Barca, city of Cyrene, same as Ptolemais, iii. 291, 292.

Barcas, Hamilcar, father of Hannibal, i. 226, 238.

Bards, Celtic poets, i. 294. -

Bardyli, Bardyali, Bardyētæ, Bardyītæ, people of Spain, i. 233, 243. -

Baretoun. See Parætonium. +

Bardyli, Bardyali, Bardyētæ, Bardyītæ, people of Spain, i. 233, 243. +

Baretoun. See Parætonium.

Bargasa, t. of Caria, iii. 34.

Bargosa, city of India, iii. 119.

Bargus, r. of Illyria, i. 488. @@ -93878,59 +93878,59 @@ Phrygia, ii. 332.

Barium (Bari), i. 432, 433.

Barnichius, r. of Elis. See Enipeus, ii. 32.

Barnus, city of Macedonia, i. 495. -

Basgædariza, fortress of Armenia, ii. 304. +

Basgædariza, fortress of Armenia, ii. 304.

Basileius, r. of Mesopotamia, iii. 158.

Basilii, i. 470.

Basoropeda, district of Armenia, ii. 269.

Bassus, Cecilius, iii. 166. -

Bastarnæ, i. 141, 177, 194, 443, 451–453, 468–471. +

Bastarnæ, i. 141, 177, 194, 443, 451–453, 468–471.

Bastetani, Bastuli, i. 210, 212, 234, 243, 245.

Bastetania, i. 232, 235.

Bata, t. of Pontus (Pschate), ii. 225.

Bathynias, i. 518.

Bathys Limen (Deep Harbour), in Aulis, ii. 95. -

Batiæ, city of the Cassopæi, i. 497. +

Batiæ, city of the Cassopæi, i. 497.

Batieia, ii. 328, 361, 399. -

Batōn, leader of the Pannonii, 483. +

Batōn, leader of the Pannonii, 483. -

Batōn, historian, ii. 293. +

Batōn, historian, ii. 293.

Battus, founder of Cyrene, iii. 292.

Baubola. See Bilbilis.

Bayjah. See Vaga.

Bear, the (constellation), i. 4, 5. -

——, Greater, i. 21, 117–120. -

——, Lesser, i. 117–120, 200. +

——, Greater, i. 21, 117–120. +

——, Lesser, i. 117–120, 200.

Beas. See Hypanis.

Beaucaire. See Ugernum.

Bebryces, a people of Thrace, i. 453; ii. 287, 304, 346; iii. 63.

Beit-el-ma. See Daphne. -

Beitylus, ii. 36. See Œtylus. +

Beitylus, ii. 36. See Œtylus.

Beja. See Pax Augusta.

Beknesch. See Oxyrynchus.

Belbina, an island, ii. 57, 89. -

Belgæ, i. 264, 266, 286, 290–293. -

Bělio, r. of Lusitania (see Limæa), i. 229. +

Belgæ, i. 264, 266, 286, 290–293. +

Bělio, r. of Lusitania (see Limæa), i. 229.

Bellerophon, ii. 62, 328, 409; iii. 48.

Bellovaci, a people of Gaul (inhabitants of the Beauvoisin), i. 289, 293, 310. -

Bělō (Rio Barbate), i. 210. +

Bělō (Rio Barbate), i. 210.

Belus, i. 67. -

——, tomb of, iii. 145; temple of, 153. +

——, tomb of, iii. 145; temple of, 153.

Bembina, city of Argolis, ii. 60.

Ben-Ghazi. See Berenice. -

Bēnacus, lake of Italy, i. 311. +

Bēnacus, lake of Italy, i. 311.

Bendamir. See Araxes.

Bender-el-Kebir. See Berenice. -

Bendidæan rites, ii. 186, 188. +

Bendidæan rites, ii. 186, 188.

Beneventum, t. of Samnium (Benevento), i. 370, 371, 431.

Bengal, Bay of. See Ocean, Eastern.

Berecyntes, people of Phrygia, ii. 184, 337; iii. 66, 67.

Berecyntia, distr. of Phrygia, ii. 337.

Berecyntian pipes, ii. 187.

Berenice, dr. of Salome, iii. 184. -

——, t. of Cyrene, (Ben Ghazi), iii. 291, 292. -

——, t. in the Troglodytic, iii 197, 260. -

——, t. of Egypt (Bender-el-kebir), ii. 200, iii. 193, 260. +

——, t. of Cyrene, (Ben Ghazi), iii. 291, 292. +

——, t. in the Troglodytic, iii 197, 260. +

——, t. of Egypt (Bender-el-kebir), ii. 200, iii. 193, 260. @@ -93939,150 +93939,150 @@ Phrygia, ii. 332.

Berenice, Hair of (constellation), i. 4.

Berga, i. 514. -

Bergæan, the. See Antiphanes. -

Bērisades, king of the Odrysæ, i. 516. -

Bermium, Bermius, mtn of Macedonia (Buræus), i. 510, 511; iii. 66. +

Bergæan, the. See Antiphanes. +

Bērisades, king of the Odrysæ, i. 516. +

Bermium, Bermius, mtn of Macedonia (Buræus), i. 510, 511; iii. 66.

Bernic. See Hesperides. -

Berœa, t. of Macedonia (Karafaja), i. 511. -

——, t. of Syria, iii. 163. -

Bērones, people of Spain, i. 238, 243. +

Berœa, t. of Macedonia (Karafaja), i. 511. +

——, t. of Syria, iii. 163. +

Bērones, people of Spain, i. 238, 243.

Bertiscus, mtn of Macedonia, i. 505. -

Bērytus (Beyrout), city of Phœnicia, iii. 69, 170, 171. -

Bēsæeis, Bēsæenses, ii. 127. +

Bērytus (Beyrout), city of Phœnicia, iii. 69, 170, 171. +

Bēsæeis, Bēsæenses, ii. 127.

Besbicus, isl. (Imrali or Kalo-limno), ii. 332. -

Bēssa, in Locris, ii. 127. +

Bēssa, in Locris, ii. 127.

Bessi, nation of Thrace, i. 489, 516. -

Bēssus, ii. 248, 255. +

Bēssus, ii. 248, 255.

Betarmones, ii. 190.

Betteres, t. of Spain, i. 240.

Bevagna. See Mevania.

Beyrout. See Berytus. -

Beziers. See Bætera. +

Beziers. See Bætera.

Bias, iii. 7.

Biasas, name of the Paphlagonians, ii. 302. -

Bibracte, fortress of the Ædui, i. 286. +

Bibracte, fortress of the Ædui, i. 286.

Bieda. See Blera.

Bilbilis, t. of the Celtiberians, (Baubola), i. 244.

Billarus, sphere of, ii. 293.

Bion, philosopher, i. 23, 24; ii. 210. -

——, astronomer, i. 45. -

Bīsa, ftn of Elis. See Pīsa, ii. 32. -

Bisalti, Bisaltæ, people of Macedonia, i. 506, 514. +

——, astronomer, i. 45. +

Bīsa, ftn of Elis. See Pīsa, ii. 32. +

Bisalti, Bisaltæ, people of Macedonia, i. 506, 514.

Biscay, people of. See Cantabrians.

Bistones, race of Thrace, i. 515.

Bistonis, lake of Thrace (Burum), i. 92, 515.

Bisurgis. See Visurgis. -

Bithynia, ii. 289, 293 313–318, +

Bithynia, ii. 289, 293 313–318, 329, 356, 402; iii. 297.

Bithynians, i. 195, 453; ii. 277, 286, 287, 289, 290, 314, 316, 319, 320, 330; iii. 63. -

——, of Thrace, ii. 287. +

——, of Thrace, ii. 287.

Bithynium (Boli), ii. 317.

Bituitus, son of Luerius, i. 285.

Bituriges Cubi, i. 283, 284. -

—— Vivisci, people of Gaul, i. 283. -

Bizōne, t. of Mœsia, i. 84, 490. +

—— Vivisci, people of Gaul, i. 283. +

Bizōne, t. of Mœsia, i. 84, 490.

Bizya, t. of Thrace, i. 516.

Black Forest, the. See Hercynia.

Black Sea, i. 6, n., 457, 468, 469. See Euxine. -

Blaēnē, distr. of Paphlagona, ii. 313. -

Blascōn, isl., i. 271. +

Blaēnē, distr. of Paphlagona, ii. 313. +

Blascōn, isl., i. 271.

Blaudus, t. of Phrygia (Suleimanli), ii. 320. -

Bleminātis, in Laconia, ii. 15. +

Bleminātis, in Laconia, ii. 15.

Blemmyes, a people of Ethiopia, iii. 219, 266.

Blera, t. of Etruria (Bieda), i. 335. -

Blēsino, t. of Corsica, i. 333. +

Blēsino, t. of Corsica, i. 333.

Blessed, Isles of the (Canary Islands), i. 3, 226.

Blucium (Luceium?), fortress of the Tolistobogii, ii. 320.

Boagrius, r. of Locris (Boagrio), i. 95; ii. 126. -

Bōcalia (?), Bōcarus, r. of Salamis, ii. 83. +

Bōcalia (?), Bōcarus, r. of Salamis, ii. 83.

Bocchus, king of Mauritania, iii. 280. -

Bœa, t. of Laconia, ii. 41. -

Bœbē, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139, 142, 272. -

Bœbēis or Bœbias, lake of Thessaly, ii. 131, 139, 142, 146–148, 235; iii. 22. -

Bœi, people of Gaul, i. 291–485. -

Bœōnōa, t. of Elis, ii. 9. -

Bœoti, t. of Laconia, ii. 2. -

—— (Athenians), ii. 81. -

Bœotia, i. 6, n., 16, 94, 493, 494, 506, 507; ii. 4, 6, 36, 48, 62, 78, 79, 82, 90–115, 122–125, 136, 138, 142, 151, 154, et passim iii. 31. -

Bœotian coast, ii. 98. +

Bœa, t. of Laconia, ii. 41. +

Bœbē, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139, 142, 272. +

Bœbēis or Bœbias, lake of Thessaly, ii. 131, 139, 142, 146–148, 235; iii. 22. +

Bœi, people of Gaul, i. 291–485. +

Bœōnōa, t. of Elis, ii. 9. +

Bœoti, t. of Laconia, ii. 2. +

—— (Athenians), ii. 81. +

Bœotia, i. 6, n., 16, 94, 493, 494, 506, 507; ii. 4, 6, 36, 48, 62, 78, 79, 82, 90–115, 122–125, 136, 138, 142, 151, 154, et passim iii. 31. +

Bœotian coast, ii. 98. -

Bœotians, i. 102, 493; ii. 98, 101, 102, 105, 134, 175, et passim. -

Bœōtus, son of Melanippe, i. 399. -

Bœrebistas, king of the Getæ. See Byrebistas. -

Boēthus, Sidonian, iii. 173. -

——, of Tarsus, iii. 58. -

Bœum, city of the Dorians, i. 505; ii. 128, 195. +

Bœotians, i. 102, 493; ii. 98, 101, 102, 105, 134, 175, et passim. +

Bœōtus, son of Melanippe, i. 399. +

Bœrebistas, king of the Getæ. See Byrebistas. +

Boēthus, Sidonian, iii. 173. +

——, of Tarsus, iii. 58. +

Bœum, city of the Dorians, i. 505; ii. 128, 195.

Bog. See Hypanis.

Bogdana. See Hyampolis. -

Bogodiatarus (? Deïotarus), ii. 320. +

Bogodiatarus (? Deïotarus), ii. 320.

Bogus, king of Mauritania, i. 151, 153, 154; ii. 36; iii. 278, 280. -

Boïanum, city of the Samnites (Bojano), i. 371. +

Boïanum, city of the Samnites (Bojano), i. 371.

Boii, i. 291, 306, 307, 317, 321, 322, 448, 450, 454, 466, 482, 485.

Bolbe, lake of Macedonia, i. 514.

Bolbitine mouth of the Nile, iii. 239.

Boli. See Bithynium.

Bologna. See Bononia.

Bolsena. See Volsinii. -

Bōmianes, a nation of Ætolia, ii. 160. +

Bōmianes, a nation of Ætolia, ii. 160.

Bondoniza. See Scarpheia. -

Bonōnes, son of Phraates, iii. 160. -

Bonōnia, city of Italy (Bologna), i. 322, 324. -

Boos-Aule, cave of Eubœa, ii. 152. +

Bonōnes, son of Phraates, iii. 160. +

Bonōnia, city of Italy (Bologna), i. 322, 324. +

Boos-Aule, cave of Eubœa, ii. 152.

Boosura, city of Cyprus (Bisur), iii. 70.

Bordeaux. See Burdegala.

Boreas, Borras, i. 42, 44, 97.

Boreion, prom. of Cyrene (Ras-Teyonas), iii. 291.

Borrhama, iii. 170.

Borsippa, t. of Babylonia, iii. 146. -

Borsippeni, Chaldæans, iii. 146. +

Borsippeni, Chaldæans, iii. 146.

Borus, ii. 110. -

Borysthenes (Dnieper), i. 98–100, 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 162, 172–175, 188, 190, 191, 202, 203, 442, 443, 451, 457, 470–472, 475, 478; ii. 222, 298. +

Borysthenes (Dnieper), i. 98–100, 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 162, 172–175, 188, 190, 191, 202, 203, 442, 443, 451, 457, 470–472, 475, 478; ii. 222, 298.

Bosporani, Asian, ii. 223. -

——, European, ii. 223. -

——, Bosporiani, Bosporians, ii. 223, 224; iii. 180. +

——, European, ii. 223. +

——, Bosporiani, Bosporians, ii. 223, 224; iii. 180.

Bosporii, i. 476. -

Bosporus, Cimmerian (Straits of Kertch or Zabache, Azof), i. 8, 31, 114, 164, 189, 223, 441, 450, 463, 472, 475–478, 480; ii. 216, 219–222, 224, 225, 239, 294, 302, 305, 318, 401, 402. -

——, Thracian, i. 138, 189 ii. 318. -

——, Mysian, ii. 318. +

Bosporus, Cimmerian (Straits of Kertch or Zabache, Azof), i. 8, 31, 114, 164, 189, 223, 441, 450, 463, 472, 475–478, 480; ii. 216, 219–222, 224, 225, 239, 294, 302, 305, 318, 401, 402. +

——, Thracian, i. 138, 189 ii. 318. +

——, Mysian, ii. 318.

Botrys, fortress of Syria, iii. 170. -

Bottiæa, distr. of Macedonia, i. 430, 508, 509. -

Bottiæi, people of Macedonia, i. 425, 506, 508. -

Bottōn, i. 506. +

Bottiæa, distr. of Macedonia, i. 430, 508, 509. +

Bottiæi, people of Macedonia, i. 425, 506, 508. +

Bottōn, i. 506.

Bougie. See Salda.

Bouz Dagh. See Tmolus.

Boxos, Boxes, iii. 208.

Bracchiano, Lago di. See Sabatus. -

Brachmānes, philosophers of India, iii. 109–111, 114, 117. -

Branchidæ, priests of Apollo, ii. 254; iii. 4, 259. -

——, their city in Sogdiana, ii. 254. +

Brachmānes, philosophers of India, iii. 109–111, 114, 117. +

Branchidæ, priests of Apollo, ii. 254; iii. 4, 259. +

——, their city in Sogdiana, ii. 254.

Branchus, ii. 120; iii. 4. -

Braurōn, t. of Attica, ii. 52, 88, 89. -

Breasts, the (Stethé), i. 79, 82. -

Brěnæ, people of Thrace, i. 516. +

Braurōn, t. of Attica, ii. 52, 88, 89. +

Breasts, the (Stethé), i. 79, 82. +

Brěnæ, people of Thrace, i. 516.

Brennus, i. 280. -

Brentěsium, t. of lapygia (Brindisi), i. 347, 370, 423, 428–435, 497. +

Brentěsium, t. of lapygia (Brindisi), i. 347, 370, 423, 428–435, 497.

Brescia, i. 317. -

Brettii, i. 315–441. +

Brettii, i. 315–441.

Breuci, people of Hungary, i. 483.

Breuni, nation of Illyria, i. 306.

Brigantii, a people of the Vindelici, i. 307. -

Brigantium (Briançon), i. 268, 307. +

Brigantium (Briançon), i. 268, 307.

Briges, people of Thrace, i. 453, 510.

Brilessus, mtn of Attica, ii. 90.

Brindes. See Brundusium.

Brindisi. See Brentesium. -

Briseïs, ii. 313, 384. -

Britain, i. 99, 100, 111, 116, 117, 141, 157, 172–175, 181, 193, 263, 264, 281, 283, 288–290, 295–298. +

Briseïs, ii. 313, 384. +

Britain, i. 99, 100, 111, 116, 117, 141, 157, 172–175, 181, 193, 263, 264, 281, 283, 288–290, 295–298.

Britannic Islands, British Islands @@ -94100,60 +94100,60 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Brothers, Seven, monuments of the, iii. 278.

Bructeri, a people of Germany, i. 444, 445, 447.

Brundusians, i. 430. -

Bruttii, i. 315, 339, 374, 377–383, 391, 431. +

Bruttii, i. 315, 339, 374, 377–383, 391, 431.

Brutus, the Gallician, i. 228, 230, 233. -

——, Decimus, vanquished at Philippi, i. 305, 515. +

——, Decimus, vanquished at Philippi, i. 305, 515.

Bryanium, t. of Macedonia, i. 501.

Bryges, Brygi, Phryges, ii. 298.

Brygi, people of Epirus, i. 500, 501.

Bubastite nome, iii. 245.

Bubastus, t. of Egypt, iii. 245. -

Bubōn, t. of Lycia (Ebedschek-Dirmil), ii. 410. +

Bubōn, t. of Lycia (Ebedschek-Dirmil), ii. 410.

Buca, t. of the Frentani, i. 359, 436. -

Bucephālia, city of India, iii. 91. +

Bucephālia, city of India, iii. 91.

Bucephalus, the horse of Alexander, iii. 91, 92. -

Buchetium, city of the Cassopæi, i. 497. -

Bucolopolis, t. of Judæa, iii. 175. -

Bud&obreve;rus, r. of Eubœa, ii. 153. -

——, mtn of Salamis, ii. 153. +

Buchetium, city of the Cassopæi, i. 497. +

Bucolopolis, t. of Judæa, iii. 175. +

Budŏrus, r. of Eubœa, ii. 153. +

——, mtn of Salamis, ii. 153.

Budrun. See Teos. -

Bujæmum, i. 444. +

Bujæmum, i. 444.

Bulliones, people of Illyria, i. 500.

Buprasian district, ii. 18.

Buprasii, Buprasians, ii. 12, 13, 27.

Buprasium, ii. 12, 14, 23, 28, 74. -

——, t. of Elis, ii. 12, 13, 27, 32, 162. -

Būra, city of Achæa (Diakopton), i. 84, 92; ii. 71, 73. +

——, t. of Elis, ii. 12, 13, 27, 32, 162. +

Būra, city of Achæa (Diakopton), i. 84, 92; ii. 71, 73.

Burdegala (Bordeaux), i. 283.

Burum, Lake. See Bistonis.

Busiris, king of the Egyptians, iii. 240. -

——, city of Egypt, iii. 240. +

——, city of Egypt, iii. 240.

Busirite nome, iii. 240. -

Būthrōtum, t. of Epirus (Butrinto), i. 497. -

Butice-limné, lake of Egypt, iii. 239. -

Būtrium, t. of the Umbri (Butrio). i. 318. -

Būtus, t. of Egypt, iii. 239. -

Byblos (Gebail), city of the Phœnicians, iii. 170. +

Būthrōtum, t. of Epirus (Butrinto), i. 497. +

Butice-limné, lake of Egypt, iii. 239. +

Būtrium, t. of the Umbri (Butrio). i. 318. +

Būtus, t. of Egypt, iii. 239. +

Byblos (Gebail), city of the Phœnicians, iii. 170.

Bylliace, district of Illyria, i. 486.

Byrchanis, island (Borcum), i. 445. -

Byrebistas, Bœrebistas, king of the Getæ, i. 457, 466, 467; iii. 180. +

Byrebistas, Bœrebistas, king of the Getæ, i. 457, 466, 467; iii. 180.

Byrsa, acropolis of Carthage, iii. 285, 286.

Byzacii, people of Libya, i. 198

Byzantines, ii. 292, 332. -

——, Horn of the, i. 491. -

Byzantium (Constantinople), i. 78, 81. 100, 109, 110, 114, 160, 172–174, 188, 189, 202, 203, 491, 492, 505, 518; ii. 2, 286, 318; iii. 34, 62. -

——, Strait of, i. 80, 110, 189; ii. 314, 318. -

——, temple of, i. 491. -

Byzēres, a nation of Pontus, ii. 297. +

——, Horn of the, i. 491. +

Byzantium (Constantinople), i. 78, 81. 100, 109, 110, 114, 160, 172–174, 188, 189, 202, 203, 491, 492, 505, 518; ii. 2, 286, 318; iii. 34, 62. +

——, Strait of, i. 80, 110, 189; ii. 314, 318. +

——, temple of, i. 491. +

Byzēres, a nation of Pontus, ii. 297. -

CABÆUM, prom. of the Ostimii (Cape St. Mahé), i. 101. +

CABÆUM, prom. of the Ostimii (Cape St. Mahé), i. 101.

Cabaleis, same as Solymi, ii. 409.

Cabalis, c. and distr. of Phrygia and Lycia, ii. 408, 409.

Caballa, t. of Armenia, ii. 271. -

Caballiō, t. of Gaul (Cavaillon), i. 268, 276. +

Caballiō, t. of Gaul (Cavaillon), i. 268, 276.

Cabeira, t. of Pontus, ii. 190, 306.

Cabeirides, ii. 190.

Caberus, mtn of Berecyntia, ii. 189. @@ -94162,11 +94162,11 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Cabiorides, ii. 190.

Cabiri, i. 516; ii. 180, 189, 190.

Cabul. See Cophes. -

Cabyllīnum, t. of Gaul (Châlonssur-Saone), i. 286. -

Cadēna, t. of Cappadocia, ii. 281. +

Cabyllīnum, t. of Gaul (Châlonssur-Saone), i. 286. +

Cadēna, t. of Cappadocia, ii. 281.

Cadi, t. of Phrygia (Gadis), ii. 332.

Cadiz. See Gades, Gadeira. -

Cadmē, same as Priene, iii. 7. +

Cadmē, same as Priene, iii. 7.

Cadmeia, citadel of Thebes, ii. 108, 109. @@ -94175,41 +94175,41 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Cadmeian victory, i. 224. -

—— territory, i. 493; ii. 93. +

—— territory, i. 493; ii. 93.

Cadmus, founder of Cadmeia, i. 493, 500; ii. 93, 154. -

——, Melesian, i. 281; iii. 66. -

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 334. -

——, mtn of Phrygia, ii. 334. +

——, Melesian, i. 281; iii. 66. +

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 334. +

——, mtn of Phrygia, ii. 334.

Cadurci, a people of Gaul (Querci), i. 284. -

Cadusii, a people of Asia, ii. 240–242, 245, 248, 249, 263, 264. -

Cæcias, name of a wind (N.E.), i. 45. -

Cæcilius Bassus, iii. 165. -

Cæcubum, distr. of Latium, i. 345, 347. -

Cælius, Mount, i. 348. -

Cænepolis, ii. 36. -

Cæni, people of Thrace, ii. 401. -

Cænys, prom. of Italy, i. 385, 400. -

Cæpio, Q. S., a Roman general, i. 280. -

——, tower of, i. 211. -

Cæratus, same as Cnossus, ii. 190. -

Cærea, c. of Etruria, i. 328. -

Cæretana, hot-springs, i. 328. -

Cæretani, i. 327, 335. -

Cæsar, i. 213, 241, 242, 270, 271, 285, 290, 305; ii. 44, 270, 274, 278, 297. -

—— Augusta, c. of the Celtiberi (Saragossa), 1. 227, 242, 244. -

——, Augustus, i. 234, 265, 275, 286, 298, 304, 306, 308, 349–351, 369, 388, 404, 408, 411, 439, 441, 444, 446, 449, 467, 483, 484; ii. 294, 309, 334, 356–358, 392, 402; iii. 36, 53, 54, 58, 59, 74, 118, 159, 184, 209, 231, 233, 281, 296, 297. -

——, Julius or divus, i. 265, 285, 288, 297, 298, 317, 350, 439, 457, 497–499; ii. 65, 294, 308; iii. 20, 24, 227, 284, 287. -

Cæsarea, c. of Numidia, iii. 284. -

Cæsarium, temple of Alexandria, iii. 230. -

Cæsēna, c. of Italy, i. 322. +

Cadusii, a people of Asia, ii. 240–242, 245, 248, 249, 263, 264. +

Cæcias, name of a wind (N.E.), i. 45. +

Cæcilius Bassus, iii. 165. +

Cæcubum, distr. of Latium, i. 345, 347. +

Cælius, Mount, i. 348. +

Cænepolis, ii. 36. +

Cæni, people of Thrace, ii. 401. +

Cænys, prom. of Italy, i. 385, 400. +

Cæpio, Q. S., a Roman general, i. 280. +

——, tower of, i. 211. +

Cæratus, same as Cnossus, ii. 190. +

Cærea, c. of Etruria, i. 328. +

Cæretana, hot-springs, i. 328. +

Cæretani, i. 327, 335. +

Cæsar, i. 213, 241, 242, 270, 271, 285, 290, 305; ii. 44, 270, 274, 278, 297. +

—— Augusta, c. of the Celtiberi (Saragossa), 1. 227, 242, 244. +

——, Augustus, i. 234, 265, 275, 286, 298, 304, 306, 308, 349–351, 369, 388, 404, 408, 411, 439, 441, 444, 446, 449, 467, 483, 484; ii. 294, 309, 334, 356–358, 392, 402; iii. 36, 53, 54, 58, 59, 74, 118, 159, 184, 209, 231, 233, 281, 296, 297. +

——, Julius or divus, i. 265, 285, 288, 297, 298, 317, 350, 439, 457, 497–499; ii. 65, 294, 308; iii. 20, 24, 227, 284, 287. +

Cæsarea, c. of Numidia, iii. 284. +

Cæsarium, temple of Alexandria, iii. 230. +

Cæsēna, c. of Italy, i. 322.

Cafsa. See Capsa. -

Caiata, gulf of (Gaëta), i. 347 -

——, promontory of, i. 347 +

Caiata, gulf of (Gaëta), i. 347 +

——, promontory of, i. 347 -

Caicus, r. of Mysia (Bakyr- Tschai), ii. 326, 327, 339, 376, 383, 387–390, 395, 397, 401. -

——, plain of, ii. 332, 388–390, 401; iii. 82. -

Caieta, nurse of Æneas, i. 347. +

Caicus, r. of Mysia (Bakyr- Tschai), ii. 326, 327, 339, 376, 383, 387–390, 395, 397, 401. +

——, plain of, ii. 332, 388–390, 401; iii. 82. +

Caieta, nurse of Æneas, i. 347.

Cainochorion, fortress of Pontus, ii. 306.

Calabri, i. 422, 423.

Calabria, i. 430. @@ -94222,48 +94222,48 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Calauria, island (Poros), i. 187; ii. 49, 55.

Calbis, r. of Caria (Doloman Ischai), iii. 28.

Calchas the prophet, iii. 15, 50, 59, 60. -

——, shrine of, i. 434; ii. 324. +

——, shrine of, i. 434; ii. 324.

Calche, the, ii. 271.

Cale-Peuce, ii. 371.

Calenian wine, i. 361. -

Calēs, c. of Campania (Calvi), i. 352, 370. +

Calēs, c. of Campania (Calvi), i. 352, 370.

Caleti, people of Gaul, i. 281, 289. -

Callaïci, people of Spain, i. 222–251. +

Callaïci, people of Spain, i. 222–251.

Callanian plain, ii. 407. -

Callas, r. of Eubœa, ii. 152. +

Callas, r. of Eubœa, ii. 152.

Callateria (Galazze), i. 370. -

Callatis, t. of Mœsia (Mangalia), i. 489, 490; ii. 288. +

Callatis, t. of Mœsia (Mangalia), i. 489, 490; ii. 288.

Calliarus, t. of Locris, ii. 127.

Callias, ii. 393. -

Callicolōnē, ii. 362. -

Callidromus, part of Œta, ii. 129. -

Callimachus, i. 70–72, 321, 459; ii. 21, 29, 87, 141, 199, 206; iii. 9, 35, 245, 292. +

Callicolōnē, ii. 362. +

Callidromus, part of Œta, ii. 129. +

Callimachus, i. 70–72, 321, 459; ii. 21, 29, 87, 141, 199, 206; iii. 9, 35, 245, 292.

Callinicus, iii. 162, 168. See Seleucus. -

Callīnus, ii. 373, 405; iii. 3, 22, 23, 50. +

Callīnus, ii. 373, 405; iii. 3, 22, 23, 50. -

Calli&obreve;pe, ii. 189. -

Callipidæ, nation of Scythia, ii. 298. +

Calliŏpe, ii. 189. +

Callipidæ, nation of Scythia, ii. 298.

Callipolis, t. of Sicily, i. 412. -

——, t. of the Thracian Chersonesus (Gallipoli), i. 518; ii. 349. -

——, t. of Macedonia, i. 514. -

Calliste. See Thēra. +

——, t. of the Thracian Chersonesus (Gallipoli), i. 518; ii. 349. +

——, t. of Macedonia, i. 514. +

Calliste. See Thēra.

Callisthenes, ii. 39, 254, 288, 356, 383, 405; iii. 5, 49, 66, 225, 245, 261, passim.

Callydium, fortress of Mysia, ii. 330.

Calpas, r. of Bithynia, ii. 288. -

Calpé, t. of Spain, i. 81, 210, 212. -

——, rock of Spain (Gibraltar), i. 164, 234, 235, 253, 255. +

Calpé, t. of Spain, i. 81, 210, 212. +

——, rock of Spain (Gibraltar), i. 164, 234, 235, 253, 255.

Calvi. See Cales.

Calybe, t. of the Asti, i. 492. -

Calycadnus, r. of Cilicia (Kelikdni), ii. 405; iii. 53–55. +

Calycadnus, r. of Cilicia (Kelikdni), ii. 405; iii. 53–55.

Calydna, same as Tenedos, ii. 214, 372. -

Calydnæ, islands, ii. 212–214, 372. -

Calydōn, c. of Ætolia, ii. 127, 155, 159, 160, 171, 172, 175, 179. -

Calymna, Calymnæ, isl (Calimno), ii. 214. +

Calydnæ, islands, ii. 212–214, 372. +

Calydōn, c. of Ætolia, ii. 127, 155, 159, 160, 171, 172, 175, 179. +

Calymna, Calymnæ, isl (Calimno), ii. 214.

Calynda, c. of Caria, iii. 28.

Calypso, island of, i. 459.

Camarina, c. of Sicily (Torre di Camarana), i. 401, 411. @@ -94276,43 +94276,43 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Camillus, son of Vulcan, ii. 189.

Camisa, fortress of Pontus, ii. 310.

Camisene, distr. of Cappadocia, ii. 293, 310. -

Campanella, Puntadella. See Athenæum and Sirenussæ. +

Campanella, Puntadella. See Athenæum and Sirenussæ.

Campani, Campanians, i. 352, 357, 361. 366, 369, 371, 373; 377, 387, 404. -

Campania, i. 326, 344, 346, 360, 361, 369–371, 373, 379, 429, 431, 432. +

Campania, i. 326, 344, 346, 360, 361, 369–371, 373, 379, 429, 431, 432.

Campodunum, t. of the Vindelici, i. 307.

Campsiani, people of Germany, i. 445.

Campus Martius, i. 350, 371. -

Camuni, people of the Rhæti, i. 306. -

Canæ, c. of Æolia, ii. 153, 388. -

——, mtns (Adschane), ii. 339, 342, 376, 388, 390, 391. +

Camuni, people of the Rhæti, i. 306. +

Canæ, c. of Æolia, ii. 153, 388. +

——, mtns (Adschane), ii. 339, 342, 376, 388, 390, 391.

Canary Islands. See Blessed, Islands of the. -

Canan, Cape. See Cephalæ. -

Canastræum, prom. of Macedonia (Cape Pailuri), i. 510. +

Canan, Cape. See Cephalæ. +

Canastræum, prom. of Macedonia (Cape Pailuri), i. 510.

Canastrum, prom. of Pallene (Cape Pailuri), i. 511, 512.

Candace, queen of Ethiopia, iii. 268, 269.

Candavia, mtns of Illyria, i. 495, 500.

Candia. See Crete. -

Canēthus, hill of Eubœa, ii. 154. +

Canēthus, hill of Eubœa, ii. 154.

Canidius, ii. 231. -

Cannæ, t. of Apulia, i. 436. +

Cannæ, t. of Apulia, i. 436.

Canopic mouth of the Nile, i. 101; iii. 237, 238. See Nile. -

—— gate of Alexandria, iii. 231, 237. -

—— canal, iii. 231, 237, 239. -

Canōpus, constellation, i. 4, 180. -

——, c. of Egypt (Aboukir), i. 130; iii. 48, 222, 237, 238. +

—— gate of Alexandria, iii. 231, 237. +

—— canal, iii. 231, 237, 239. +

Canōpus, constellation, i. 4, 180. +

——, c. of Egypt (Aboukir), i. 130; iii. 48, 222, 237, 238.

Cantabria, i. 236, 247.

Cantabrian mtns, i. 250. -

Cantabrians, i. 230, 233, 234, 239, 241, 243, 246–248, 250, 439. -

——, Conish, the, i. 243. +

Cantabrians, i. 230, 233, 234, 239, 241, 243, 246–248, 250, 439. +

——, Conish, the, i. 243.

Cantharius, prom. of Samos, iii. 10. -

Cantharōlěthron, i. 511. +

Cantharōlěthron, i. 511.

Cantium. See Kent. -

Canusitæ, emporium of the, i. 433. +

Canusitæ, emporium of the, i. 433.

Canusium, t. of Apulia (Canosa), i. 431, 433.

Capedunum, t. of the Scordisci, i. 488. -

Caphareus, prom. of Eubœa, ii. 48. +

Caphareus, prom. of Eubœa, ii. 48.

Caphyeis, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75. @@ -94321,60 +94321,60 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Capitol, the, i. 298, 342, 348, 351, 424, 490; iii. 8. -

Capitūlum, t. of Latium, i. 353. -

Capnobatæ, i. 454, 455. -

Capo Boeo. See Lilybæum. -

Cappadocia, i. 113, 195, 262, 279; ii. 216, 218, 246, 259–261, 265, 273, 276–286, 301, 307, 310, 314, 319–322; iii. 35, 44, 54, 63–65, 137, 150, 232. -

——, the Great, ii. 278, 293, 294, 307, 321. -

——, Upper, ii. 259. -

——, on Pontus, ii. 278. -

Cappadocians, i. 440; ii. 273–286, 290, 301, 320, 322. -

Capreæ, Capriæ, Capria, isl. (Capri), i. 34, 93, 185, 368, 369, 387. +

Capitūlum, t. of Latium, i. 353. +

Capnobatæ, i. 454, 455. +

Capo Boeo. See Lilybæum. +

Cappadocia, i. 113, 195, 262, 279; ii. 216, 218, 246, 259–261, 265, 273, 276–286, 301, 307, 310, 314, 319–322; iii. 35, 44, 54, 63–65, 137, 150, 232. +

——, the Great, ii. 278, 293, 294, 307, 321. +

——, Upper, ii. 259. +

——, on Pontus, ii. 278. +

Cappadocians, i. 440; ii. 273–286, 290, 301, 320, 322. +

Capreæ, Capriæ, Capria, isl. (Capri), i. 34, 93, 185, 368, 369, 387.

Capria, 1. of Paphlagonia, iii. 49.

Caprus, port of Chalcidia, i. 512, 513. -

——, island, i. 512, 513. -

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 334. -

——, r. of Assyria (The Little Zab), iii. 144. +

——, island, i. 512, 513. +

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 334. +

——, r. of Assyria (The Little Zab), iii. 144.

Capsa, t. of Numidia (Cafsa), iii. 284.

Capua, (S. Maria di Capoa), i. 351, 360, 370, 431. -

Capyæ, t. of Arcadia, ii. 378. +

Capyæ, t. of Arcadia, ii. 378.

Capys, ii. 378.

Caracoma, i. 516.

Caralis, t. of Sardinia (Cagliari), i. 333.

Caraman. See Laranda.

Carambis, prom. of Paphlagonia (Kerempi-Burun), i. 188, 476; ii. 225, 291, 293.

Carana, t. of Pontus, ii. 310. -

Caranītis, ii. 310. +

Caranītis, ii. 310.

Carcathiocerta, t. of Armenia (Kharput), ii. 268.

Carchi. See Chalcia.

Carcinites Gulf, i. 471, 473, 474, 478.

Carcoras, r. of Noricus, i. 482.

Cardaces, iii. 138. -

Cardamylæ, t. of Messenia (Scardamula), ii. 35–37. +

Cardamylæ, t. of Messenia (Scardamula), ii. 35–37.

Cardia, t. of the Thracian Chersonesus, i. 517.

Cardiana. See Lagusa. -

Cardūchi, people of Asia, iii. 157. -

Carēnitis, distr. of Armenia, ii. 269. -

Carēsēnē, distr. of the Troad, ii. 371. -

Carēsus, t. of the Troad, ii. 304, 371. -

——, r. of the Troad, ii. 357, 371. -

Caria, i. 8, 102, 103, 133, 140, 172, 187, 190, 195, 202, 493; ii. 56, 68, 259, 298, 313, 329, 333, 334, 383, 407, 409; iii. 1, 2, 6, 27–44, 59. -

——, coast, iii. 34. -

Carians, i. 96, 103, 493, 494; ii. 50, 56, 88, 277, 327–329, 383; iii. 2, 35, 38–43, 63. -

Cariatæ, ii. 254. -

Carmalas, r. of Cataonia, ii. 280–283. -

Carmania (Kerman), i. 121–126, 129, 131, 132, 135, 196, 201; iii. 109, 120, 122, 124, 125, 127–133, 146, 152, 186, 187. +

Cardūchi, people of Asia, iii. 157. +

Carēnitis, distr. of Armenia, ii. 269. +

Carēsēnē, distr. of the Troad, ii. 371. +

Carēsus, t. of the Troad, ii. 304, 371. +

——, r. of the Troad, ii. 357, 371. +

Caria, i. 8, 102, 103, 133, 140, 172, 187, 190, 195, 202, 493; ii. 56, 68, 259, 298, 313, 329, 333, 334, 383, 407, 409; iii. 1, 2, 6, 27–44, 59. +

——, coast, iii. 34. +

Carians, i. 96, 103, 493, 494; ii. 50, 56, 88, 277, 327–329, 383; iii. 2, 35, 38–43, 63. +

Cariatæ, ii. 254. +

Carmalas, r. of Cataonia, ii. 280–283. +

Carmania (Kerman), i. 121–126, 129, 131, 132, 135, 196, 201; iii. 109, 120, 122, 124, 125, 127–133, 146, 152, 186, 187.

Carmanians, iii. 120. -

Carmēl, mtn of Judæa, iii. 175. +

Carmēl, mtn of Judæa, iii. 175.

Carmentis, mother of Evander, i. 343. -

Carmō, t. of Spain (Carmona), i. 213. +

Carmō, t. of Spain (Carmona), i. 213.

Carmylessus, t. of Lycia, iii. 46.

Carna, Carnana, c. of Arabia, iii. 190.

Carneades, iii. 293.

Carneates, mtn of Sicyonia, ii. 66. -

Carni, i. 307–309, 321, 448, 482, 483. +

Carni, i. 307–309, 321, 448, 482, 483.

Carnus, t. of Syria (Carnoon), iii. 167.

Carnutes (people of the Chartrain), i. 284, 289.

Carpasia, t. of Cyprus, iii. 69. @@ -94383,9 +94383,9 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Carpathus, ii. 212, 213.

Carpetani, i. 209, 212, 228, 229, 243.

Carpetania, distr. of Spain, i. 214. -

Carrhæ, c. of Mesopotamia, iii. 157. +

Carrhæ, c. of Mesopotamia, iii. 157.

Carseoli, t. of Latium (Carsoli), i. 353. -

Carsūli, t. of Umbria, i. 337. +

Carsūli, t. of Umbria, i. 337. @@ -94394,65 +94394,65 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Carta, t. of Hyrcania, ii. 242.

Cartalia, t. of Spain, i. 239. -

Carteïa, c. of Spain, i. 210, 213, 218, 226. -

Cartera, Comé, vill. of Thrace, i. 515. +

Carteïa, c. of Spain, i. 210, 213, 218, 226. +

Cartera, Comé, vill. of Thrace, i. 515.

Cartero. See Heracleium -

Carthæ, ii. 210. -

Carthage, in Africa, i. 101, 140, 180, 184, 197, 198, 201, 403, 411, 439; ii. 331; iii. 51, 282, 284–291. +

Carthæ, ii. 210. +

Carthage, in Africa, i. 101, 140, 180, 184, 197, 198, 201, 403, 411, 439; ii. 331; iii. 51, 282, 284–291.

Carthagena, in Spain, i. 222, 234, 238, 239, 245, 251, 262, 334; iii. 279.

Carthaginian Bay, iii. 285, 287. -

—— wars, iii. 284. +

—— wars, iii. 284.

Carthaginians, i. 104, 226, 238, 334, 377, 403, 404, 408, 424, 438, 439; ii. 71, 73; iii. 240, 275, 285.

Carura, t. of Phrygia, ii. 334, 336, 409; iii. 43.

Caryanda, t. and isl. of Caria, ii. 318, 340; iii. 37.

Caryandians, iii. 37.

Carystian marble, ii. 140, 153. -

Carystus (Castel Rosso), t. of Eubœa, ii. 153. -

——, in Laconia, ii. 153. +

Carystus (Castel Rosso), t. of Eubœa, ii. 153. +

——, in Laconia, ii. 153.

Casiana, fortress of Syria, iii. 165.

Casii, ii. 213, 214. -

Casilīnum, t. of Campania (Nova Capua), i. 351–353, 370, 431. -

Casīnum, t. of Latium, i. 352. +

Casilīnum, t. of Campania (Nova Capua), i. 351–353, 370, 431. +

Casīnum, t. of Latium, i. 352.

Casium, mtn of Egypt (El Kas), i. 62, 79, 87, 91; iii. 149, 233. -

——, mtn of Syria (Ras el Kasaroun), iii. 162, 164, 174–177. -

Caslona. See Castulōn. -

Caspian Sea, i. 54, 102, 109, 115, 122, 123, 132, 135–138, 183, 194, 451, 471; ii. 216–218, 226, 227, 230, 232, 235, 239, 240–246, 249, 255, 256, 260, 267, 270, 272. -

Caspian Gates (Firouz-Koh), i. 94, 100, 121, 124, 125. 127, 130–132, 136–139, 202; ii. 218, 237, 242, 249, 250, 259–265; iii. 120, 124, 125, 130, 153. -

—— tribes, ii. 234. +

——, mtn of Syria (Ras el Kasaroun), iii. 162, 164, 174–177. +

Caslona. See Castulōn. +

Caspian Sea, i. 54, 102, 109, 115, 122, 123, 132, 135–138, 183, 194, 451, 471; ii. 216–218, 226, 227, 230, 232, 235, 239, 240–246, 249, 255, 256, 260, 267, 270, 272. +

Caspian Gates (Firouz-Koh), i. 94, 100, 121, 124, 125. 127, 130–132, 136–139, 202; ii. 218, 237, 242, 249, 250, 259–265; iii. 120, 124, 125, 130, 153. +

—— tribes, ii. 234.

Caspiana, distr. of Albania, ii. 234, 269.

Caspii, ii. 226, 248, 253, 258. -

Caspius, mtn. of the Caucasus, i. 137–139; ii. 226. -

Cassander, king of Macedonia, i. 509–511; ii. 88, 89. +

Caspius, mtn. of the Caucasus, i. 137–139; ii. 226. +

Cassander, king of Macedonia, i. 509–511; ii. 88, 89.

Cassandra, i. 398, 511; ii. 367

Cassandria, i. 511. -

Cassi&obreve;pē, port of Epirus (Cassiopo), i. 497. +

Cassiŏpē, port of Epirus (Cassiopo), i. 497.

Cassiopeia, constellation, i. 202.

Cassiterides (Scilly Islands), i. 181, 194, 221, 262.

Cassius, i. 515; iii. 164. -

Cassōpæi. people of Epirus, i. 493, 496–498. +

Cassōpæi. people of Epirus, i. 493, 496–498.

Castabala, t. of Cilicia, ii. 278, 281.

Castalian fountain, ii. 116. -

Castel Franco. See Phœnix. +

Castel Franco. See Phœnix.

Castel Rosso. See Carystus.

Castellum, port of Firmum Picenum (Porto di Fermo), i. 357.

Castezzio. See Clastidium. -

Casthanæa, t. of Magnesia, ii. 148. +

Casthanæa, t. of Magnesia, ii. 148.

Castor, father of Deiotarus, ii. 314. -

——, son of Saocondarus, ii. 321. +

——, son of Saocondarus, ii. 321.

Castor and Pollux. See Dioscuri.

Castrum, Castrum Novum, t. of Picenum (Giulia Nova), i. 357, 358. -

Castulōn, Castlōn (Caslona), t. of Spain, i. 214, 222, 228, 211, 250. -

Casus, ii. 212–214. +

Castulōn, Castlōn (Caslona), t. of Spain, i. 214, 222, 228, 211, 250. +

Casus, ii. 212–214.

Casystes, iii. 17.

Catabathmus, mtn and t. of Egypt, Akabet-el-Kebira, iii. 226, 235, 275, 294.

Catacecaumene, distr. of Mysia, or Lydia, ii. 332, 335, 336, 403, 404, 406; iii. 8, 43.

Catacecaumene, wine of, ii. 406; iii. 8.

Catacolo, Cape. See Ichthys. -

Catana, c. of Sicily (Catania), i 356, 367, 402, 403–405, 411, 415. -

Catanæa, i. 405, 411. -

Catanæi, Catanæans, i. 405, 406, 412. +

Catana, c. of Sicily (Catania), i 356, 367, 402, 403–405, 411, 415. +

Catanæa, i. 405, 411. +

Catanæi, Catanæans, i. 405, 406, 412. @@ -94460,14 +94460,14 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Cataones, Cataonians, people inhabiting the Taurus, ii. 269, 276, 277; iii. 64. -

Cataonia, part of Cappadocia, i. 82, 202; ii. 259, 276–279, 280; iii. 59, 65. +

Cataonia, part of Cappadocia, i. 82, 202; ii. 259, 276–279, 280; iii. 59, 65.

Cataractes, r. of Pamphylia, iii. 49.

Cataracts, of Teverone, i. 353. -

——, of the Euphrates, iii. 147. -

——, of the Nile, iii. 217, 265. +

——, of the Euphrates, iii. 147. +

——, of the Nile, iii. 217, 265.

Catennenses, ntn of Pisidia, ii. 324. -

Cathæa (? Cathay), distr. of India, iii. 92. -

Cathæi, iii. 93. +

Cathæa (? Cathay), distr. of India, iii. 92. +

Cathæi, iii. 93.

Cathylci, people of Germany. See Caulci, i. 447.

Cato, Marcus, ii. 250; iii. 58, 72, 291.

Catocas. See Menippus. @@ -94475,55 +94475,55 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Catoriges, an Alpine nation, i. 303.

Cattabaneis, people of Arabia, iii. 190.

Cattabania, iii. 191. -

Caucasian mtns, i. 106, 115–117, 130, 131, 162, 177, 195, 273; ii. 219, 220, 230–232, 235, 258, 269; iii. 79. -

—— tribes, ii. 227. -

Caucasus, ii. 224–226, 229–235, 238, 239, 245, 267; iii. 77, 78, 80, 107, 125. +

Caucasian mtns, i. 106, 115–117, 130, 131, 162, 177, 195, 273; ii. 219, 220, 230–232, 235, 258, 269; iii. 79. +

—— tribes, ii. 227. +

Caucasus, ii. 224–226, 229–235, 238, 239, 245, 267; iii. 77, 78, 80, 107, 125.

Cauci, a people of Germany, i. 445.

Caucon, r. i. 14, 15; ii. 74. -

——, monument of a, ii. 18. -

Caucōnes, in Elis, i. 493, 494; ii. 8, 14, 15, 18, 19, 28, 31, 74, 286–288, 290, 327, 383, 394. +

——, monument of a, ii. 18. +

Caucōnes, in Elis, i. 493, 494; ii. 8, 14, 15, 18, 19, 28, 31, 74, 286–288, 290, 327, 383, 394.

Cauconia, ancient name of Elis, ii. 18. -

Cauconiatæ, Cauconītæ, in Paphlagonia, ii. 18, 286–288; iii. 63, 65. +

Cauconiatæ, Cauconītæ, in Paphlagonia, ii. 18, 286–288; iii. 63, 65.

Cauconis, Cauconitis, ii. 14, 74.

Caudium, t. of the Samnites (S. Maria di Goti, Paolisi), i. 370, 431.

Caulci, people of Germany, i. 445. -

Caulōnia, t. of the Bruttii, i. 392. See Aulonia. +

Caulōnia, t. of the Bruttii, i. 392. See Aulonia.

Caunians, iii. 28.

Caunus, t. of Caria (Dalian), iii. 28.

Cavaillon. See Caballio.

Cavaliere. See Zephyrium. -

Cavari, people of Gaul, i. 276–278. +

Cavari, people of Gaul, i. 276–278.

Cavo, Monte. See Albanus. -

Caÿster, r. of Ionia, ii. 145, 396, 397, 402–407; iii. 10, 14, 26. -

——, plain of, ii. 397; iii. 82. -

——, Larisæans in the. ii. 397. -

Caÿstrius, iii. 26. +

Caÿster, r. of Ionia, ii. 145, 396, 397, 402–407; iii. 10, 14, 26. +

——, plain of, ii. 397; iii. 82. +

——, Larisæans in the. ii. 397. +

Caÿstrius, iii. 26.

Ceans, ii. 210. -

Cěbrēn, Cebrēnē, t. of the Troad, ii. 373, 375, 376. -

Cěbrēni, in the Troad, ii. 361, 375. -

——, in Thrace, ii. 351. -

Cěbrēnia, a part of the Troad, ii. 360, 362. -

Cěbri&obreve;nes, ii. 360. -

Cecr&obreve;pia, citadel of Athens, ii. 88. -

Cěcrops, i. 493; ii. 87, 88, 101. +

Cěbrēn, Cebrēnē, t. of the Troad, ii. 373, 375, 376. +

Cěbrēni, in the Troad, ii. 361, 375. +

——, in Thrace, ii. 351. +

Cěbrēnia, a part of the Troad, ii. 360, 362. +

Cěbriŏnes, ii. 360. +

Cecrŏpia, citadel of Athens, ii. 88. +

Cěcrops, i. 493; ii. 87, 88, 101.

Ceii, inhabitants of Ceus, ii. 253. -

Cěladōn, r. of Elis, ii. 15, 22. -

Celænæ, hill of the Troad, ii. 333, 390. -

——, t. of Phrygia, ii. 333, 335, 407. -

Celæno, one of the Danaids, ii. 335. -

Celænus, son of Neptune, ii. 335. +

Cěladōn, r. of Elis, ii. 15, 22. +

Celænæ, hill of the Troad, ii. 333, 390. +

——, t. of Phrygia, ii. 333, 335, 407. +

Celæno, one of the Danaids, ii. 335. +

Celænus, son of Neptune, ii. 335.

Celenderis, t. of Cilicia (Kilandria), iii. 52, 177. -

Cělia, t. of Apulia (Ceglie), i. 431. +

Cělia, t. of Apulia (Ceglie), i. 431.

Celmis, one of the Dactyls, ii. 191. -

Cēlōssa, mtn of Sicyonia, ii. 66. +

Cēlōssa, mtn of Sicyonia, ii. 66.

Celsa, t. of Spain (Xelsa), i. 241, 242.

Celtica. See Keltica. -

Cemmenus, mtn (the Cevennes), i. 193, 264–267, 272, 276, 277, 279, 282, 283, 285, 310. -

Cēnæum, prom. of Eubœa (C. Lithada), i. 94; ii. 126, 130, 137, 150. -

Cenchreæ, port of the Corinthians, (Kankri), i. 85, 88; ii. 49, 62, 63. -

——, t. of Argolis, ii. 58. +

Cemmenus, mtn (the Cevennes), i. 193, 264–267, 272, 276, 277, 279, 282, 283, 285, 310. +

Cēnæum, prom. of Eubœa (C. Lithada), i. 94; ii. 126, 130, 137, 150. +

Cenchreæ, port of the Corinthians, (Kankri), i. 85, 88; ii. 49, 62, 63. +

——, t. of Argolis, ii. 58.

Cencrius, r. near Ephesus, iii. 11.

Cenomani, people of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 321. @@ -94535,25 +94535,25 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Centauri, Centaurs, ii. 20.

Centoripa, t. of Sicily (Centorbe), i. 411, 414.

Centrones, Alpine ntn, i. 303, 305, 309. -

Ceōs, island (Zia), ii. 156, 208, 210. -

Ceperano. See Fregellæ. -

Cephalæ, prom. (Cape Canan), iii. 289, 290, 291. -

Cephallēnes, Cephallenians, ii. 83, 161, 162, 166, 167, 173. -

Cephallenia (Cephalonia), i. 187; ii. 5, 9, 15, 25, 161–169; iii. 8. -

Cephalœdium, t. of Sicily (Cefalu), i. 401, 411. -

Cephalōn, ii. 350. -

Cephalus, son of Deïonius, ii. 162, 166, 170, 173. -

Cēphēnes, i. 67. +

Ceōs, island (Zia), ii. 156, 208, 210. +

Ceperano. See Fregellæ. +

Cephalæ, prom. (Cape Canan), iii. 289, 290, 291. +

Cephallēnes, Cephallenians, ii. 83, 161, 162, 166, 167, 173. +

Cephallenia (Cephalonia), i. 187; ii. 5, 9, 15, 25, 161–169; iii. 8. +

Cephalœdium, t. of Sicily (Cefalu), i. 401, 411. +

Cephalōn, ii. 350. +

Cephalus, son of Deïonius, ii. 162, 166, 170, 173. +

Cēphēnes, i. 67.

Cephisia, t. of Attica, ii. 88. -

Cēphissis, lake of Bœotia, ii. 102, 107. -

Cēphissus, r. of Phocis and Bœotia (Mauropotamos), i. 25; ii. 91, 98, 100–102, 123, 124, 128. -

——, r. of Attica, ii. 91, 124. -

——, r. of Salamis, ii. 124. -

——, r. of Sicyonia, Scyrus, Argolis, ii. 124. -

——, ftn of Apollonia, ii. 124. +

Cēphissis, lake of Bœotia, ii. 102, 107. +

Cēphissus, r. of Phocis and Bœotia (Mauropotamos), i. 25; ii. 91, 98, 100–102, 123, 124, 128. +

——, r. of Attica, ii. 91, 124. +

——, r. of Salamis, ii. 124. +

——, r. of Sicyonia, Scyrus, Argolis, ii. 124. +

——, ftn of Apollonia, ii. 124.

Cephisus, r. ii. 351. -

Cēpi, t. of the Cimmerian Bosporus, ii. 223. -

Ceramietæ, iii. 40. +

Cēpi, t. of the Cimmerian Bosporus, ii. 223. +

Ceramietæ, iii. 40.

Ceramus, t. of Caria, iii 34.

Cerasus, t. of Pontus, ii. 296.

Cerata, mtns of Attica, ii. 84. @@ -94563,30 +94563,30 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Cerbesii, people of Phrygia, ii. 337.

Cercaphus, father of Ormenus, ii. 142; iii. 32.

Cercesura, t. of Egypt, iii. 247. -

Cercetæ, people of Asia, ii. 219, 225. +

Cercetæ, people of Asia, ii. 219, 225.

Cerceteus, mtn of Icaria, ii. 212.

Cercinna, isl. and town (Karkenah), i. 185; iii. 285, 288. -

Cercinnītis, island, iii. 288. -

Cercītæ, people of Pontus, ii. 296. +

Cercinnītis, island, iii. 288. +

Cercītæ, people of Pontus, ii. 296.

Cercyra. See Corcyra.

Cereate, t. of Latium (Cerretano), i. 353.

Ceres. See Demeter, i. 95, 295, 516; ii. 66, 118, 130, 138, 139, 183. -

——, Eleusinian, temple of the, ii. 84; iii. 2. -

——, temples of, i. 411; ii. 17, 138, 139. -

——, grove of, ii. 17. -

Cēreus, r. of Eubœa, ii. 137. +

——, Eleusinian, temple of the, ii. 84; iii. 2. +

——, temples of, i. 411; ii. 17, 138, 139. +

——, grove of, ii. 17. +

Cēreus, r. of Eubœa, ii. 137.

Cerigo, isl. See Cythera.

Cerretano. See Cereate. -

Cērilli, t. of the Bruttii (Cirella), i. 380. -

Cērinthus, t. of Eubœa, ii. 152, 153. +

Cērilli, t. of the Bruttii (Cirella), i. 380. +

Cērinthus, t. of Eubœa, ii. 152, 153.

Cerne, island. See Kerne. -

Cersobleptes, king of the Odrysæ, i. 516. -

Ceryneia, t. of Achæa, ii. 73. +

Cersobleptes, king of the Odrysæ, i. 516. +

Ceryneia, t. of Achæa, ii. 73.

Cestrus, r. of Pamphylia (Ak-su), ii. 325; iii. 49. -

Cētæi, ii. 389, 395; iii. 63, 65. -

Cēteium, r. of Mysia, ii. 389. +

Cētæi, ii. 389, 395; iii. 63, 65. +

Cēteium, r. of Mysia, ii. 389.

Cevennes, the. See Cemmenus.

Ceylon. See Taprobane.

Chaa, c. of Triphylia, ii. 22. @@ -94594,83 +94594,83 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Chaarene, distr. of Ariana, iii 126.

Chabaca, c. of Pontus, ii. 296.

Chabrias, iii. 241. -

——, rampart of, vill. in the Delta of Egypt, iii. 177. +

——, rampart of, vill. in the Delta of Egypt, iii. 177.

Chabum, c. of the Tauric Chersonesus, i. 479. -

Chæanœtæ, Chamæeunæ, Chamæcœtæ, people of the Caucasus, ii. 239. -

Chærēmōn, iii. 246. -

Chærōneia, c. of Bœotia (Kapurna), ii. 101, 110, 111, 123. -

Chalcēdōn, c. of Bithynia, i. 491; ii. 286, 289, 314, 315, 318, 380. -

——, temple at, i. 491; ii. 289, 315. +

Chæanœtæ, Chamæeunæ, Chamæcœtæ, people of the Caucasus, ii. 239. +

Chærēmōn, iii. 246. +

Chærōneia, c. of Bœotia (Kapurna), ii. 101, 110, 111, 123. +

Chalcēdōn, c. of Bithynia, i. 491; ii. 286, 289, 314, 315, 318, 380. +

——, temple at, i. 491; ii. 289, 315.

Chalcedonian shore, i. 491. -

Chalcēdonians, i. 491, 492. +

Chalcēdonians, i. 491, 492. -

Chalcēt&obreve;res, Chalcētōr, c. of Caria, iii. 6, 37. -

Chalcia, Chalcis, mtn of Ætolia (Varassova), ii. 160, 171, 172. -

——, one of the Sporades (Carchi), ii. 212, 213. -

Chalcideis, in Eubœa, iii. 17. -

Chalcidenses, Chalcidians, in Eubœa, i. 361, 365, 369, 385, 404, 506; ii. 154, 157, 158. -

——, in Ionia, iii. 17. -

——, in Thrace, i. 506. +

Chalcētŏres, Chalcētōr, c. of Caria, iii. 6, 37. +

Chalcia, Chalcis, mtn of Ætolia (Varassova), ii. 160, 171, 172. +

——, one of the Sporades (Carchi), ii. 212, 213. +

Chalcideis, in Eubœa, iii. 17. +

Chalcidenses, Chalcidians, in Eubœa, i. 361, 365, 369, 385, 404, 506; ii. 154, 157, 158. +

——, in Ionia, iii. 17. +

——, in Thrace, i. 506.

Chalcidic cities, i. 513.

Chalcidica, distr. of Syria, iii 166.

Chalcis, iii. 33. -

——, c. of Eubœa, i. 65, 86, 90 ii. 96, 151–156, 160, 162, 178, 188. -

——, or Hypochalcis, c. of Ætolia, ii. 127, 155, 160, 172. -

——, c. of Triphylia, ii. 16, 25, 26. -

——, c. of Syria (Balbek and Kalkos), iii. 166, 170. -

——, r. of Triphylia, ii. 16. -

——, or Chalcia, mtn of Ætolia (Varassova), ii. 160, 171, 172. -

Chaldæans, i. 35; iii. 185. -

Chaldæi, people of Pontus, ii. 296, 297, 300, 304, 305. +

——, c. of Eubœa, i. 65, 86, 90 ii. 96, 151–156, 160, 162, 178, 188. +

——, or Hypochalcis, c. of Ætolia, ii. 127, 155, 160, 172. +

——, c. of Triphylia, ii. 16, 25, 26. +

——, c. of Syria (Balbek and Kalkos), iii. 166, 170. +

——, r. of Triphylia, ii. 16. +

——, or Chalcia, mtn of Ætolia (Varassova), ii. 160, 171, 172. +

Chaldæans, i. 35; iii. 185. +

Chaldæi, people of Pontus, ii. 296, 297, 300, 304, 305.

Chalestra, c. of Macedonia, i. 508, 509, 510. -

Châlons-sur-Saone. See Cabyllinum. -

Chalybē, c. of Pontus, ii. 297. +

Châlons-sur-Saone. See Cabyllinum. +

Chalybē, c. of Pontus, ii. 297.

Chalybes, people of Pontus, ii. 269, 297, 298, 300; iii. 63, 64.

Chalybonian wine, iii. 140. -

Chalonītis, distr. of Assyria, ii. 271; iii. 142. -

Chamæcœtæ, ii. 239. -

Chamanēnē, prefecture of Cappadocia, ii. 278, 284, 285. +

Chalonītis, distr. of Assyria, ii. 271; iii. 142. +

Chamæcœtæ, ii. 239. +

Chamanēnē, prefecture of Cappadocia, ii. 278, 284, 285.

Chanes, r. of Albania, ii. 230.

Chaones, nation of Epirus, i. 496, 497.

Charadra, c. of Messenia, ii. 36. -

Charadrūs, fortress of Cilicia (Charadran), iii. 52. +

Charadrūs, fortress of Cilicia (Charadran), iii. 52.

Charax. t. of Corsica, i. 333.

Charax, place near the Greater Syrtis, iii. 290. -

——, Chabriou. See Chabrias. -

——, Patr&obreve;clou. See Patr&obreve;clus. +

——, Chabriou. See Chabrias. +

——, Patrŏclou. See Patrŏclus.

Charaxus, iii. 250.

Chares, of Lindus, iii. 29. -

——, r. of Colchis, ii. 229. +

——, r. of Colchis, ii. 229.

Charilaus, king of Sparta, ii. 204.

Charimortus, altar of, on the coast of Egypt, iii. 201.

Charmides, father of Phidias, ii. 29. -

Charm&obreve;lěo, i. 247. -

Charm&obreve;thas, c. and port of Arabia, iii. 205. +

Charmŏlěo, i. 247. +

Charmŏthas, c. and port of Arabia, iii. 205.

Charon, of Lampsacus, ii. 340, 350.

Charondas, ii. 284.

Charonia, ii. 385. See Plutonium.

Charonitis, ii. 271.

Charonium, sacred cave, iii. 6, 25.

Charybdis, in the frith of Sicily (Garafalo), i. 31, 32, 35, 37, 39, 69, 404, 416. -

Chatramōtītæ, people of Arabia Felix, iii. 190. -

Chatramōtītis, iii. 191. -

Chatti, people of Germany, i. 415— 447. -

Chattuarii, people of Germany, 445–447. +

Chatramōtītæ, people of Arabia Felix, iii. 190. +

Chatramōtītis, iii. 191. +

Chatti, people of Germany, i. 415— 447. +

Chattuarii, people of Germany, 445–447.

Chaubi, i. 445. -

Chaulotæi, people of Arabia, iii. 189. -

Chazēnē, distr. of Assyria, iii. 142. -

Cheiměrium, prom. of Epirus, i. 497. +

Chaulotæi, people of Arabia, iii. 189. +

Chazēnē, distr. of Assyria, iii. 142. +

Cheiměrium, prom. of Epirus, i. 497.

Cheirocrates (leg. Deinocrates), architect, iii. 12. -

Chelidoniæ, islands, near the coast of Pamphylia (Schelidan Adassi), ii. 259; iii. 27, 43, 47, 48, 61, 62, 68. -

Chělōnatas, prom. of Elis (Cape Tornese), ii. 5, 9, 15, 22, 167; iii. 291. -

Chělōnophagi, iii. 199. +

Chelidoniæ, islands, near the coast of Pamphylia (Schelidan Adassi), ii. 259; iii. 27, 43, 47, 48, 61, 62, 68. +

Chělōnatas, prom. of Elis (Cape Tornese), ii. 5, 9, 15, 22, 167; iii. 291. +

Chělōnophagi, iii. 199.

Chenab. See Acesines.

Cherronesus, t. of Spain (Peniscola), i. 239.

Chersicrates, i. 407. @@ -94682,49 +94682,49 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Cherso and Ossero. See Absyrtides. -

Chersonesus, c. of the Tauric Chersonese, i. 474–480; ii. 288. -

——, same as Apamea in Syria, iii. 165. -

——, port of Lyctus in the isl. of Crete, ii. 199, 200; iii. 294. -

——, fortress of Egypt, iii. 236. -

——, prom. and port of Cyrenæa (Ras-el-Tyn), iii. 294. -

——, Thracian, by the Hellespont (Peninsula of Gallipoli), i. 140, 506, 517; ii. 171, 291, 349, 357, 358. -

——, Tauric or Scythian, by the Palus Mæotis, i. 474–480 ii. 291; iii. 61. -

——, Greater, i. 471, 474, 475, 478. -

——, Smaller, i. 475. -

Chersonitæ, i. 475–480. -

Cherūsci, people of Germany, i. 445–447. +

Chersonesus, c. of the Tauric Chersonese, i. 474–480; ii. 288. +

——, same as Apamea in Syria, iii. 165. +

——, port of Lyctus in the isl. of Crete, ii. 199, 200; iii. 294. +

——, fortress of Egypt, iii. 236. +

——, prom. and port of Cyrenæa (Ras-el-Tyn), iii. 294. +

——, Thracian, by the Hellespont (Peninsula of Gallipoli), i. 140, 506, 517; ii. 171, 291, 349, 357, 358. +

——, Tauric or Scythian, by the Palus Mæotis, i. 474–480 ii. 291; iii. 61. +

——, Greater, i. 471, 474, 475, 478. +

——, Smaller, i. 475. +

Chersonitæ, i. 475–480. +

Cherūsci, people of Germany, i. 445–447.

Chian pottery, i. 487.

Chiana, i. 349.

Chians, ii. 396; iii. 19.

Chieti. See Teatea. -

Chiliocōmon, ii. 312. -

Chimæra, monster, iii. 46. -

——, valley of Lycia, iii. 46, 47. -

——, mtns of, in Albania. See Ceraunian mountains. +

Chiliocōmon, ii. 312. +

Chimæra, monster, iii. 46. +

——, valley of Lycia, iii. 46, 47. +

——, mtns of, in Albania. See Ceraunian mountains.

Chimerium, promontory, i. 497.

Chios, isl. (Skio), i. 187; ii. 204, 213, 349, 368, 394; iii. 2, 3, 8, 19. -

——, wine of, iii. 36. +

——, wine of, iii. 36.

Chiusi. See Clusium.

Chlomos. See Cnemis. -

Chlōris, mother of Nestor, ii. 20. +

Chlōris, mother of Nestor, ii. 20.

Choaspes, r. of India (Attock), iii. 89. -

——, r. of Persia (Ab-Zal), i. 75; iii. 131, 132. -

Chœnicides, ii. 292. -

Chœrilus, poet, i. 465; iii. 55. -

Chōne, c. of Lucania, i. 378, 380. +

——, r. of Persia (Ab-Zal), i. 75; iii. 131, 132. +

Chœnicides, ii. 292. +

Chœrilus, poet, i. 465; iii. 55. +

Chōne, c. of Lucania, i. 378, 380. -

Chōnes, inhabitants of Lucania, i. 377, 378, 380. -

Chōnia, iii. 33. -

Chorasmii, people of the Sacæ or -

Massagetæ, ii. 248. +

Chōnes, inhabitants of Lucania, i. 377, 378, 380. +

Chōnia, iii. 33. +

Chorasmii, people of the Sacæ or +

Massagetæ, ii. 248.

Chordiraza, c. of the Mygdones in Mesopotamia (Racca), iii. 157.

Chorene, ii. 250. -

Chorzēne, distr. of Armenia (Kars), ii. 269. -

Chrysa, c. of the Troad, ii. 373, 374, 384–386. -

——, Cilician, ii. 385. +

Chorzēne, distr. of Armenia (Kars), ii. 269. +

Chrysa, c. of the Troad, ii. 373, 374, 384–386. +

——, Cilician, ii. 385.

Chrysaoreon, Chrysaoric body, in Caria, iii. 39, 40. -

Chryseïs, ii. 343, 384, 385. +

Chryseïs, ii. 343, 384, 385.

Chryses, ii. 385.

Chrysippus, Stoic, i. 463; ii. 382; iii. 55.

Chryso. See Crisa. @@ -94734,68 +94734,68 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Chytrium, place near Clazomene, iii. 20.

Cibotus, port of Alexandria, iii. 230.

Cibyra, Great, city of Phrygia (Chorsum), ii. 499, 410; iii. 27, 45. -

Cibyratæ, ii. 409, 410; iii. 50. -

——, the Little, in Pamphylia, iii. 50. -

Cibyrātis, Cibyratica, ii. 408, 410; iii. 27. +

Cibyratæ, ii. 409, 410; iii. 50. +

——, the Little, in Pamphylia, iii. 50. +

Cibyrātis, Cibyratica, ii. 408, 410; iii. 27.

Cicero, ii. 166; iii. 40, 234.

Cichyrus, i. 497; ii. 10. -

Cic&obreve;nes, people of Thrace, i. 508, 515, 519. -

Cicynēthus, isl. (Trikeri), ii. 140. +

Cicŏnes, people of Thrace, i. 508, 515, 519. +

Cicynēthus, isl. (Trikeri), ii. 140.

Cicysium, ii. 32. -

Cidēnas, iii. 146. +

Cidēnas, iii. 146.

Cierus, t. of Thessaly, ii. 138.

Cilbianum, plain, in Lydia, ii. 407. -

Cilicia, i. 75, 76, 82, 96, 105, 107, 109, 110, 130, 189, 190; ii. 74, 115, 244, 259, 276, 278–281, 285, 404; iii. 28, 44, 50–64, 73, 160, 162, 177, 216. +

Cilicia, i. 75, 76, 82, 96, 105, 107, 109, 110, 130, 189, 190; ii. 74, 115, 244, 259, 276, 278–281, 285, 404; iii. 28, 44, 50–64, 73, 160, 162, 177, 216. -

Cilicia, Tracheia, ii. 276–278, 281, 285, 322; iii. 44, 45, 50, 54, 68. -

——, Lyrnessian, ii. 345. -

—— Pedias, iii. 50. -

——, sea of, i. 129; ii. 218, 281. +

Cilicia, Tracheia, ii. 276–278, 281, 285, 322; iii. 44, 45, 50, 54, 68. +

——, Lyrnessian, ii. 345. +

—— Pedias, iii. 50. +

——, sea of, i. 129; ii. 218, 281.

Cilician Gates, ii. 281, 283; iii. 53, 61. -

Cilicians, i. 196; ii. 197, 216, 345, 322, 327, 329; iii. 1, 50–64. -

——, in the Troad, ii. 375, 383, 385, 389, 394, 395; iii. 49, 63. +

Cilicians, i. 196; ii. 197, 216, 345, 322, 327, 329; iii. 1, 50–64. +

——, in the Troad, ii. 375, 383, 385, 389, 394, 395; iii. 49, 63.

Cilla, t. of the Troad, ii. 384, 385. -

Cillæum, mtn of the Troad, ii. 384. -

——, mtn of Lesbos, ii. 384. -

Cillæan Apollo, ii. 384, 385. +

Cillæum, mtn of the Troad, ii. 384. +

——, mtn of Lesbos, ii. 384. +

Cillæan Apollo, ii. 384, 385.

Cillanian plain, in Phrygia, ii. 407.

Cillus, r. near Cilla, ii. 385. -

——, charioteer of Pelops, ii. 385. +

——, charioteer of Pelops, ii. 385.

Cimarus, prom. of Crete, ii. 193, 195. -

Cimbri, nation of Germany, i. 154, 288, 292, 319, 445, 448–451. +

Cimbri, nation of Germany, i. 154, 288, 292, 319, 445, 448–451.

Cimiata, fortress of Paphlagonia, ii. 314. -

Cimiatēnē, distr. of Paphlagonia, ii. 314. +

Cimiatēnē, distr. of Paphlagonia, ii. 314.

Ciminius, lake, in Etruria (Lago di Vico or di Ronciglione), i. 336.

Cimmerian Bosporus. See Bosporus. -

——, village, ii. 222. +

——, village, ii. 222.

Cimmerians, Cimmerii, Kimmerii, i. 8, 31, 96, 223, 224, 363, 364, 476; ii. 221, 246, 301, 329, 405. -

——, Cimbri Cimmerii, i. 450. +

——, Cimbri Cimmerii, i. 450.

Cimmericum, city of the Cimmerian Bosporus, ii. 221.

Cimmeris, i. 459.

Cimmerium, hill in the Tauric Chersonesus, i. 476. -

Cimōlus, isl. Argentiére, ii. 207, 208. +

Cimōlus, isl. Argentiére, ii. 207, 208.

Cindya, vill. of Caria, iii. 37.

Cindyas Artemis, iii. 37.

Cineas, historian, i. 503.

Cingulum, Mount, i. 337.

Cinifo, r. See Cinyps. -

Cinnamon country, i. 99, 111, 115, 144, 171, 179–181, 199, 200. -

Cirtōlis, t. of Paphlagonia (Kinoli), ii. 291. +

Cinnamon country, i. 99, 111, 115, 144, 171, 179–181, 199, 200. +

Cirtōlis, t. of Paphlagonia (Kinoli), ii. 291. -

Cinōlis, Anti, ii. 291. +

Cinōlis, Anti, ii. 291.

Cinyras, tyrant of Byblus, i. 63; iii. 170. -

Circæum, prom. of Latium (Monte Circello), i. 35, 344, 346. +

Circæum, prom. of Latium (Monte Circello), i. 35, 344, 346.

Circe, i. 31, 69, 70, 73, 332, 346; ii. 85. -

Circello, Monte. See Circæum. +

Circello, Monte. See Circæum.

Cirella. See Cerilli.

Cirphis, t. of Phocis, ii. 114. -

——, mtn of Phocis, ii. 116. +

——, mtn of Phocis, ii. 116.

Cirra, t. of Phocis, ii. 114, 116.

Cirrha, ii. 77.

Cirta, c. of Numidia (Constantine), iii. 280, 285. @@ -94804,24 +94804,24 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Cisseus, i. 509, 510.

Cissia, mother of Memnon, iii. 130.

Cissii, same as Susii, iii. 130. -

Cissus, father of Althæmenes, ii. 77, 203. +

Cissus, father of Althæmenes, ii. 77, 203.

Cissus, t. of Macedonia, i. 509, 510. -

Cisthēnē, t. of Mysia, ii. 376. -

——, isl. and t. near Lycia, iii. 47. -

Cithærōn, i. 40; ii. 62, 82, 97, 99, 103, 107, 108. +

Cisthēnē, t. of Mysia, ii. 376. +

——, isl. and t. near Lycia, iii. 47. +

Cithærōn, i. 40; ii. 62, 82, 97, 99, 103, 107, 108.

Citium, c. of Cyprus, i. 24; ii. 382; iii. 69.

Citrum, t. of Macedonia, i. 509.

Cius, friend of Hercules, ii. 315. -

——, c. of Bithynia, ii. 314. +

——, c. of Bithynia, ii. 314.

Civita Lavinia. See Lanuvium.

Cizari, citadel of Phazemonitis, ii. 311.

Clanis, r. in the Norican Alps, i. 308. -

——, r. of Latium, i. 347. +

——, r. of Latium, i. 347.

Clarus, c. of Ionia, iii. 15, 50.

Clastidium, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Castezzio), i. 323.

Claterna (Quaderna), i. 322.

Clautinatii, people of the Vindelici, i. 307. -

Clazomenæ, c. of Ionia (Kelisman), i. 91; iii. 3, 20. +

Clazomenæ, c. of Ionia (Kelisman), i. 91; iii. 3, 20.

Clazomenians, i. 517; ii. 221; iii. 17. @@ -94829,60 +94829,60 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221. -

Cleanactidæ, tyrants of Mitylene, ii. 391. +

Cleanactidæ, tyrants of Mitylene, ii. 391.

Cleandria, t. of the Troad, ii. 371.

Cleandridas, leader of the Thurii, i. 398.

Cleanthes, Stoic, ii. 382. -

——, painter, ii. 16. -

Cleides, islands, iii. 68–70. +

——, painter, ii. 16. +

Cleides, islands, iii. 68–70.

Cleitor, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75. -

Cleobūlus, iii. 33. +

Cleobūlus, iii. 33.

Cleomachus, iii. 23. -

Cleombrotus, founder of Heræa, ii. 8. -

Cleōn, ii. 330. -

Cleōnæ, t. on Mt Athos, i. 512, 513. -

——, city of Argolis, ii. 59, 60, 66. -

Cleōnæi, ii. 60. +

Cleombrotus, founder of Heræa, ii. 8. +

Cleōn, ii. 330. +

Cleōnæ, t. on Mt Athos, i. 512, 513. +

——, city of Argolis, ii. 59, 60, 66. +

Cleōnæi, ii. 60.

Cleonymus, i. 427; ii. 8. -

Cleopatra, daughter of Auletes, i. 440, 499; iii. 52–56, 71, 72, 231–234, 281. -

——, wife of Euergetes II., i. 149, 150. -

—— Selene, iii. 161. +

Cleopatra, daughter of Auletes, i. 440, 499; iii. 52–56, 71, 72, 231–234, 281. +

——, wife of Euergetes II., i. 149, 150. +

—— Selene, iii. 161.

Cleopatris, t. of Egypt, iii. 210, 243, 244.

Cleophanes, rhetorician, ii. 318. -

Cleuas, leader of the Æolians, ii. 340. +

Cleuas, leader of the Æolians, ii. 340.

Climax, mtn of Lycia, iii. 48. -

——, mtn of Cœle-Syria, iii. 170. +

——, mtn of Cœle-Syria, iii. 170.

Clitarchus, i. 332, 449; ii. 217, 237; iii. 117.

Clusium (Chiusi), city of Etruria, i. 327, 336, 349. -

Clyměnē, i. 52. +

Clyměnē, i. 52.

Clypea, city of the Carthaginians. See Aspis.

Clytemnestra, i. 25. -

Cnemīdes, t. of the Locrians, ii. 126. +

Cnemīdes, t. of the Locrians, ii. 126.

Cnemis, mtn in Locris (Chlomos), ii. 114, 125.

Cnidian wine, iii. 8. -

—— territory, ii. 213. +

—— territory, ii. 213.

Cnidii, Cnidians, i. 417, 484; iii. 30.

Cnidus, city of Caria (Crio), i. 180, 187; iii. 8, 31, 34, 227, 247. -

Cnōpia, Thebaïc, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 96. +

Cnōpia, Thebaïc, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 96. -

Cnōpus, son of Codrus, iii. 2. -

Cnossus, city of Crete (Makro Teichos), i. 430; ii. 195–197, 200. 202. +

Cnōpus, son of Codrus, iii. 2. +

Cnossus, city of Crete (Makro Teichos), i. 430; ii. 195–197, 200. 202.

Cnuphis, god of the Egyptians, iii. 263.

Coa, same as Cos.

Coans, iii. 31, 36. -

Cōbialus, vill. of Paphlagonia, ii. 291. -

Cōbus, of Trerus, i. 96. -

Cōcalus, i. 413, 425. -

Coccēius, i. 364. -

Coccēs. See Ptolemy. -

C&obreve;dridæ, ii. 68. -

C&obreve;drus, i 493; ii. 68, 82; iii. 2, 3, 30. -

Cœle-Syria, i. 201. -

—— Elis, ii. 7, 8. -

Cœlius, Roman historian, i. 343. -

Cœus, ii. 208. -

Cōgæōnus, mtn and r. of the Getæ, i. 457. +

Cōbialus, vill. of Paphlagonia, ii. 291. +

Cōbus, of Trerus, i. 96. +

Cōcalus, i. 413, 425. +

Coccēius, i. 364. +

Coccēs. See Ptolemy. +

Cŏdridæ, ii. 68. +

Cŏdrus, i 493; ii. 68, 82; iii. 2, 3, 30. +

Cœle-Syria, i. 201. +

—— Elis, ii. 7, 8. +

Cœlius, Roman historian, i. 343. +

Cœus, ii. 208. +

Cōgæōnus, mtn and r. of the Getæ, i. 457.

Colapis, r. (Kulp), i. 309, 483.

Colchis (Mingrelia), i. 8, 22, 31, 72, 76, 82, 89, 95, 96, 106, 107, 109, 137, 142, 195, 440, 476; ii. 216, 217, 226, 227, 230, 231, 238, 269, 273, 276, 286, 294, 296, 304, 305, 315.

Colchians, i. 73, 321; ii. 188, 225, 229, 235, 238. @@ -94891,15 +94891,15 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Collatia, i. 341.

Colline (or Quirinal) Gate, at Rome, i. 339, 348, 412.

Colobi, iii. 196, 198. -

Coloë, lake of Lydia, ii. 403, 405. -

Colōnæ, t. near Lampsacus, ii. 350. -

——, in the Troad, ii. 350, 373, 381. +

Coloë, lake of Lydia, ii. 403, 405. +

Colōnæ, t. near Lampsacus, ii. 350. +

——, in the Troad, ii. 350, 373, 381.

Colonna, Cape. See Sunium. -

Colophōn, city of Ionia, iii. 2–4, 15, 16. +

Colophōn, city of Ionia, iii. 2–4, 15, 16.

Colophonii, iii. 16. -

Colossæ, t. of Phrygia (Konos), ii. 332. +

Colossæ, t. of Phrygia (Konos), ii. 332.

Colosseni, ii. 334. -

C&obreve;lōtes, sculptor, ii. 9. +

Cŏlōtes, sculptor, ii. 9. @@ -94909,147 +94909,147 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Columna Rheginorum, i. 384, 400, 404.

Colus, i. 480.

Colyttus, vill. of Attica, i. 102, 103. -

C&obreve;mana, city of Cataonia, ii. 259, 279, 281, 306–310, 330. -

——, city of Pontus, ii. 279, 295, 308, 309; iii. 232. +

Cŏmana, city of Cataonia, ii. 259, 279, 281, 306–310, 330. +

——, city of Pontus, ii. 279, 295, 308, 309; iii. 232.

Comarus, port of Epirus (Porto Fanari), i. 497. -

Comisēnē, distr. of Parthia (?), ii. 250. -

——, distr. of Armenia, ii. 268. -

Commagene, distr. of Syria (Camasch), ii. 259, 261, 267, 276, 278; iii. 44, 63, 157, 160–163. +

Comisēnē, distr. of Parthia (?), ii. 250. +

——, distr. of Armenia, ii. 268. +

Commagene, distr. of Syria (Camasch), ii. 259, 261, 267, 276, 278; iii. 44, 63, 157, 160–163.

Commageni, ii. 267, 268. -

Comminges, canton of. See Convenæ. +

Comminges, canton of. See Convenæ.

Como, t. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 287, 304, 306, 317. -

——, Lake of. See Larius. +

——, Lake of. See Larius.

Concordia, t. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 319.

Coniaci, people of Spain, i. 234. -

——, people of India, iii. 80, 81. +

——, people of India, iii. 80, 81.

Conisalus, ii. 347.

Conisci. See Cantabri.

Conistorgis, t. of Spain, i. 213. -

C&obreve;nōn, altars of, in the Troglodytic, iii. 196. -

Cōnōpa, city of Ætolia. See Arsinoe. +

Cŏnōn, altars of, in the Troglodytic, iii. 196. +

Cōnōpa, city of Ætolia. See Arsinoe.

Constantine. See Cirta.

Constantinople, Strait of, i. 32, 86. -

Convěnæ, people of Gaul (the canton of Comminges), i. 284. -

Cōpæ, t. of Bœotia, ii. 100, 106, 107. -

Cōpaïs, lake, i. 92; ii. 100–102, 107–109, 113, 124. -

Cophēs, r. of India (river of Cabul), iii. 90. +

Convěnæ, people of Gaul (the canton of Comminges), i. 284. +

Cōpæ, t. of Bœotia, ii. 100, 106, 107. +

Cōpaïs, lake, i. 92; ii. 100–102, 107–109, 113, 124. +

Cophēs, r. of India (river of Cabul), iii. 90.

Cophus-Limen (Deaf-Harbour), port of Pallene, i. 511. -

Cōpiæ, see Thurii, i. 397. -

C&obreve;pratas, r. of Susiana (Ab-Zal), iii. 132. +

Cōpiæ, see Thurii, i. 397. +

Cŏpratas, r. of Susiana (Ab-Zal), iii. 132.

Coptus, city of Egypt (Koft), iii. 211, 213, 260, 261. -

C&obreve;ra, t. of Latium (Core), i. 352. +

Cŏra, t. of Latium (Core), i. 352. -

Coracēsium, t. of Cilicia, iii. 50, 52, 53. +

Coracēsium, t. of Cilicia, iii. 50, 52, 53.

Coracium, mtn of Ionia, iii. 16.

Coracius, Country of, in Ethiopia, iii. 196. -

C&obreve;rălis, lake, in Lycaonia, ii. 322. -

C&obreve;ralius, r. of Bœotia, ii. 108. +

Cŏrălis, lake, in Lycaonia, ii. 322. +

Cŏralius, r. of Bœotia, ii. 108.

Coralli, people of Thrace, i. 489. -

Corassiæ, or Corsiæ, islands, the Furni, ii. 212; iii. 7. +

Corassiæ, or Corsiæ, islands, the Furni, ii. 212; iii. 7.

Coraus, iii. 196. -

C&obreve;rax, mtn of Ætolia (M. Coraca), i. 505; ii. 115, 160. +

Cŏrax, mtn of Ætolia (M. Coraca), i. 505; ii. 115, 160.

Coraxi, i. 217. -

Corbiane, province of the Elymæi, iii. 154. -

Corbilōn, t. of Gaul, i. 283. +

Corbiane, province of the Elymæi, iii. 154. +

Corbilōn, t. of Gaul, i. 283.

Corcan. See Hyrcania.

Corcoras, r., i. 482.

Corcyra, Cercyra (Pantalaria? Corfu), i. 71, 159, 161, 187, 407, 459, 497, 500, 505; ii. 158. -

——, Black (Curzola), i. 186, 484. -

Corcyræan Sea, i. 505. -

Corcyræans, Corcyræi, Cercyræi, i 485, 486, 504. -

Corduba, c. of Bætica (Cordova), i. 212–214, 241. +

——, Black (Curzola), i. 186, 484. +

Corcyræan Sea, i. 505. +

Corcyræans, Corcyræi, Cercyræi, i 485, 486, 504. +

Corduba, c. of Bætica (Cordova), i. 212–214, 241.

Corean Games, i. 149.

Coressia, ii. 210.

Coressus, mtn near Ephesus, iii. 11.

Corfinium (Pentima near Popoli), i. 353, 358, 359; iii. 3.

Corfu. See Corcyra. -

Corinth, i. 326; ii. 5, 21, 38, 53, 58–61, 63–66, 77, 129, 208, 209, 309, 347; iii. 287. -

——, isthmus of, i. 85, 256, 406, 497; ii. 49, 79, 80. -

——, Gulf of (Gulf of Lepanto), i. 85, 186, 187, 496; ii. 2, 4–6, 25, 63, 79, 105, 158, 159, 192. -

Corinthian territory, ii. 62–64, 66. +

Corinth, i. 326; ii. 5, 21, 38, 53, 58–61, 63–66, 77, 129, 208, 209, 309, 347; iii. 287. +

——, isthmus of, i. 85, 256, 406, 497; ii. 49, 79, 80. +

——, Gulf of (Gulf of Lepanto), i. 85, 186, 187, 496; ii. 2, 4–6, 25, 63, 79, 105, 158, 159, 192. +

Corinthian territory, ii. 62–64, 66.

Corinthians, i. 486, 511; ii. 49, 63, 64, 78, 82, 111.

Coriscus, ii. 378.

Cornelius Gallus, prefect of Egypt, iii. 267. -

Corœbus, ii. 30. +

Corœbus, ii. 30. -

Corocondamē, t. of the Cimmerian Bosporus (Taman), ii. 222, 225. +

Corocondamē, t. of the Cimmerian Bosporus (Taman), ii. 222, 225.

Corocondamitis, lake, ii. 222. -

Corōne, city of Messenia, ii. 37. -

Corōneia, city of Bœotia, ii. 101, 107, 108, 111, 136. -

——, city of Thessaly, ii. 136. -

——, Messenian, ii. 108, 136. -

Corōnii, Coronenses, ii. 108. +

Corōne, city of Messenia, ii. 37. +

Corōneia, city of Bœotia, ii. 101, 107, 108, 111, 136. +

——, city of Thessaly, ii. 136. +

——, Messenian, ii. 108, 136. +

Corōnii, Coronenses, ii. 108.

Coropassus, t. of Lycaonia, ii. 322; iii. 43. -

Corpīli, people of Thrace, i. 516. +

Corpīli, people of Thrace, i. 516.

Corpilice, in the Hellespont, i. 519.

Corsica. See Cyrnus. -

Corsiæ, the Furni Islands, ii. 212; iii. 7. -

Corsūra, island (Pantalaria), iii. 287. +

Corsiæ, the Furni Islands, ii. 212; iii. 7. +

Corsūra, island (Pantalaria), iii. 287.

Corus, r. of Iberia, same as Cyrus, ii. 230.

Corybantes, i. 516; ii. 180, 184, 188, 191.

Corybantium, ii. 190. -

C&obreve;rybissa, near Scepsis, ii. 190. +

Cŏrybissa, near Scepsis, ii. 190.

Corybus, ii. 188. -

Cōrycæans, pirates of Ionia, iii. 18. -

Cōrycian cave, ii. 405; iii. 54. +

Cōrycæans, pirates of Ionia, iii. 18. +

Cōrycian cave, ii. 405; iii. 54.

Corycium, ii. 115. -

Cōrycus, mtn and prom. of Ionia, iii. 17, 18. -

——, prom. of Crete (Grabusa), ii. 41; iii. 294. -

——, prom. of Cilicia, iii. 54, 70. -

——, coast of Lycia, iii. 48. -

——, city of Lycia, iii. 49, 55. +

Cōrycus, mtn and prom. of Ionia, iii. 17, 18. +

——, prom. of Crete (Grabusa), ii. 41; iii. 294. +

——, prom. of Cilicia, iii. 54, 70. +

——, coast of Lycia, iii. 48. +

——, city of Lycia, iii. 49, 55.

Corydalleis, ii. 85.

Corydallus, mtn of Attica (San Giorgio), ii. 85, 90. -

Coryphantis, t. of the Mitylenæans, ii. 376. +

Coryphantis, t. of the Mitylenæans, ii. 376.

Coryphasium, mtn and prom. of Messenia (Mount St. Nicolas), ii. 11, 21, 22, 26, 28, 35. -

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 211. -

Cos, island (Stanko), i. 187, 519; ii. 212–214; iii. 8, 30, 36, 74, 94. -

——, city, ii. 56, 328; iii. 74, 94. -

C&obreve;ssa, r. of Latium, i. 352. +

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 211. +

Cos, island (Stanko), i. 187, 519; ii. 212–214; iii. 8, 30, 36, 74, 94. +

——, city, ii. 56, 328; iii. 74, 94. +

Cŏssa, r. of Latium, i. 352.

Coscinia, t. of Caria (Arpas-Kalessi), iii. 26.

Coscinii, ii. 347.

Cosentia (Cosenza), i. 382. -

Cossa, Cossæ, city of Etruria, i. 330, 334, 335. -

Cossæa, distr. of Asia, iii. 153. -

Cossæan mtns, iii. 150. -

Cossæi, ii. 261, 264; iii. 148, 153. -

Cossūra, island and town (Pantalaria), i. 185, 421; iii. 288. -

Cōteis, prom. of Mauritania (Cape Espartel), iii. 276, 279. -

Cōthōn, island and port of the Carthaginians, iii. 285, 286. -

C&obreve;thus, i. 493; ii. 152, 154. -

C&obreve;tiaeium, t. of Phrygia (Kiutaha), ii. 332. -

Cotinæ, t. of Bætica, i. 214. +

Cossa, Cossæ, city of Etruria, i. 330, 334, 335. +

Cossæa, distr. of Asia, iii. 153. +

Cossæan mtns, iii. 150. +

Cossæi, ii. 261, 264; iii. 148, 153. +

Cossūra, island and town (Pantalaria), i. 185, 421; iii. 288. +

Cōteis, prom. of Mauritania (Cape Espartel), iii. 276, 279. +

Cōthōn, island and port of the Carthaginians, iii. 285, 286. +

Cŏthus, i. 493; ii. 152, 154. +

Cŏtiaeium, t. of Phrygia (Kiutaha), ii. 332. +

Cotinæ, t. of Bætica, i. 214.

Cottius, country of, in the Alps, i. 268, 303, 323. -

C&obreve;tuantii, i. 307. -

Cotyliæ, waters at, i. 338. -

C&obreve;tylus, summit of Mt Ida, ii. 369. -

C&obreve;tys, prince of the Sapæi, ii. 305. -

——, king of the Odrysæ, i. 516. -

——, goddess of the Edoni, ii. 187, 189. +

Cŏtuantii, i. 307. +

Cotyliæ, waters at, i. 338. +

Cŏtylus, summit of Mt Ida, ii. 369. +

Cŏtys, prince of the Sapæi, ii. 305. +

——, king of the Odrysæ, i. 516. +

——, goddess of the Edoni, ii. 187, 189.

Cotytia, rites of, ii. 186.

Cragus, c. of Lycia, iii. 46. -

——, mtn. and prom. of Lycia, iii. 46. -

——, rocks of Cilicia, iii. 52. -

Crambūisa, t. of Lycia (Garabusa), iii. 48. -

——, isl. of Cilicia, iii. 54. -

Cranaë, island, ii. 90. -

Cranaï, ii. 87. -

Cranaüs, king of the Athenians, ii. 87. +

——, mtn. and prom. of Lycia, iii. 46. +

——, rocks of Cilicia, iii. 52. +

Crambūisa, t. of Lycia (Garabusa), iii. 48. +

——, isl. of Cilicia, iii. 54. +

Cranaë, island, ii. 90. +

Cranaï, ii. 87. +

Cranaüs, king of the Athenians, ii. 87.

Cranes, battles of the, i. 109.

Cranii, t. of Cephallenia, ii. 166, 167. -

Crannōn, t. of Thessaly, i. 507; ii. 146, 147. +

Crannōn, t. of Thessaly, i. 507; ii. 146, 147.

Crannonii, i. 507; ii. 10, 147. -

Crapathus or Carpathus, ii. 212–214. +

Crapathus or Carpathus, ii. 212–214.

Crassus, Publius, i. 263; iii. 21. -

——, triumvir, iii. 157, 159. +

——, triumvir, iii. 157, 159.

Crater (Bay of Naples), i. 360, 369

Craterus, iii. 96, 121, 127. @@ -95059,151 +95059,151 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Crates, the miner of Chalcis, ii. 101. -

——, of Mallos, i. 4, 6, 48, 49, 57, 60, 155, 156, 176, 237; ii. 143, 380; iii. 60. -

Crāthis, r. of Achæa, ii. 72. -

——, r. of Italy (Crati), i. 396; ii. 72, 157. +

——, of Mallos, i. 4, 6, 48, 49, 57, 60, 155, 156, 176, 237; ii. 143, 380; iii. 60. +

Crāthis, r. of Achæa, ii. 72. +

——, r. of Italy (Crati), i. 396; ii. 72, 157.

Cratippus, iii. 25. -

Crěmaste, t. of Thessaly, ii. 138. +

Crěmaste, t. of Thessaly, ii. 138.

Cremna, t. of Pisidia, ii. 323. -

Crěmōna, t. of Italy, i. 322, 367. +

Crěmōna, t. of Italy, i. 322, 367.

Crenides, t. of Macedonia, i. 512, 515.

Creontiades, founder of Elea, i. 376.

Creophagi, a nation of Ethiopia, iii. 196, 198, 199. -

Creōphylus, iii. 9, 10. -

Creopōlus, mtn of Argolis, ii. 58. +

Creōphylus, iii. 9, 10. +

Creopōlus, mtn of Argolis, ii. 58.

Cresphontes, ii. 38, 77.

Crestonia, t. of Thrace, i. 515.

Cretan code, i. 390. -

—— sea, i. 187, 496; ii. 6, 49, 57, 193, 212. -

—— rites, ii. 185. +

—— sea, i. 187, 496; ii. 6, 49, 57, 193, 212. +

—— rites, ii. 185.

Cretans, i. 425, 428, 430; ii. 58, 83, 287, 328; iii. 4. -

Crēte (Candia), i. 40, 72, 78, 89, 160, 186, 187, 328, 400; ii. 21, 41, 58, 175, 180–206, 212, 213, 328, 373, 374; iii. 4, 7, 10, 28, 30–32, 49, 292, 294, 297. -

Creūsa, Creusia, t. of Bœotia, ii. 6, 92, 99, 104, 105. +

Crēte (Candia), i. 40, 72, 78, 89, 160, 186, 187, 328, 400; ii. 21, 41, 58, 175, 180–206, 212, 213, 328, 373, 374; iii. 4, 7, 10, 28, 30–32, 49, 292, 294, 297. +

Creūsa, Creusia, t. of Bœotia, ii. 6, 92, 99, 104, 105.

Crimissa, fortress of Lucania, i. 378.

Crinacus, i. 493.

Crinagoras, ii. 392.

Crisa, city of Phocis (Krisso), i. 399; ii. 79, 114, 116. -

Crisæans, ii. 116, 117, 120. -

Crissæan Sea, ii. 99. -

—— Gulf, i. 388, 496, 506; ii. 4, 6, 62, 79, 92, 99, 104–106, 114–116. -

Crissæan plain, ii. 116, 128. +

Crisæans, ii. 116, 117, 120. +

Crissæan Sea, ii. 99. +

—— Gulf, i. 388, 496, 506; ii. 4, 6, 62, 79, 92, 99, 104–106, 114–116. +

Crissæan plain, ii. 116, 128.

Critasirus, king of the Boii, i. 466, 482. -

Crithōte, prom. of Acarnania (Dragomestre), ii. 171. -

——, t. of the Thracian Chersonesus, i. 518; ii. 171. +

Crithōte, prom. of Acarnania (Dragomestre), ii. 171. +

——, t. of the Thracian Chersonesus, i. 518; ii. 171. -

Criumetopon, prom. of Crete (Cape Krio), i. 160; ii. 193–195; iii. 292. -

——, prom. of the Tauric Chersonesus (Karadje-Burun), i. 188, 475, 476; ii. 225, 291. +

Criumetopon, prom. of Crete (Cape Krio), i. 160; ii. 193–195; iii. 292. +

——, prom. of the Tauric Chersonesus (Karadje-Burun), i. 188, 475, 476; ii. 225, 291.

Crobyzi, a Thracian race, i. 489.

Crocian plain, in Thessaly, ii. 135, 138. -

Crocodeilop&obreve;lis, t. of Egypt, iii. 256, 263. -

——, t. of Judæa, iii. 175. +

Crocodeilopŏlis, t. of Egypt, iii. 256, 263. +

——, t. of Judæa, iii. 175.

Crocyleia, ii. 58, 161, 163. -

Crœsus, ii. 118, 119, 277, 316, 354, 368, 403, 405; iii. 11, 66, 141. -

Crommyōn, t. of Megaris, ii. 63, 78, 80. +

Crœsus, ii. 118, 119, 277, 316, 354, 368, 403, 405; iii. 11, 66, 141. +

Crommyōn, t. of Megaris, ii. 63, 78, 80.

Crommyonia, ii. 63, 81.

Crommyonian sow, ii. 63.

Crommyum Acra, prom. of Cyprus (Kormakiti), iii. 52, 68, 70. -

Crōmna, t. of Paphlagonia, ii. 288, 291. -

Cr&obreve;nium, temple of Saturn, i. 254. -

Cr&obreve;tōn, ii. 73. -

Crotona, i. 378, 388, 392–395, 407. -

Crotoniatæ, i. 391, 392, 395, 396, 407. -

Crotoniātis, i. 378, 392, 411. +

Crōmna, t. of Paphlagonia, ii. 288, 291. +

Crŏnium, temple of Saturn, i. 254. +

Crŏtōn, ii. 73. +

Crotona, i. 378, 388, 392–395, 407. +

Crotoniatæ, i. 391, 392, 395, 396, 407. +

Crotoniātis, i. 378, 392, 411.

Crows, the Port of Two, i. 295.

Crucis, distr. of Macedonia, i. 509. -

Cruni, t. of Mœsia, i. 490. -

——, ftn of Triphylia, ii. 16, 25, 26, 155. -

Ctěnus, port of the Tauric Chersonesus, i. 475, 480. +

Cruni, t. of Mœsia, i. 490. +

——, ftn of Triphylia, ii. 16, 25, 26, 155. +

Ctěnus, port of the Tauric Chersonesus, i. 475, 480.

Ctesias, Cnidian, i. 69; ii. 241; iii. 34, 80, 208, 216. -

Ctesiphōn, city of Assyria (Al-Madain), iii. 152. -

Ctiměnē, ii. 163. -

Ctistæ, i. 454. -

Cuarius, r. of Thessaly and Bœotia, ii. 108, 109, 138. +

Ctesiphōn, city of Assyria (Al-Madain), iii. 152. +

Ctiměnē, ii. 163. +

Ctistæ, i. 454. +

Cuarius, r. of Thessaly and Bœotia, ii. 108, 109, 138.

Cubi. See Bituriges. -

Cucūlum, t. of Latium, i. 353. -

Cūlūpēnē, distr. of Pontus, ii. 310. -

Cumæ (Grotta di Pausilipo), i. 39 361, 362, 364, 366, 369. -

Cumæa, in Campania, i. 369, 415. +

Cucūlum, t. of Latium, i. 353. +

Cūlūpēnē, distr. of Pontus, ii. 310. +

Cumæ (Grotta di Pausilipo), i. 39 361, 362, 364, 366, 369. +

Cumæa, in Campania, i. 369, 415. -

Cumæa, in Æolis, i. 369; ii. 350, 397; iii. 21. -

——, gulf of, i. 34. -

Cumsæi, Cumæans, i. 360, 361, 364, 365, 516; ii. 398; iii. 50. -

Cume, in Ætolia, ii. 104, 145. -

Cumē, city of Æolis, ii. 237, 298, 395–399, 404. -

Cūneus, prom. of Lusitania, i. 206. +

Cumæa, in Æolis, i. 369; ii. 350, 397; iii. 21. +

——, gulf of, i. 34. +

Cumsæi, Cumæans, i. 360, 361, 364, 365, 516; ii. 398; iii. 50. +

Cume, in Ætolia, ii. 104, 145. +

Cumē, city of Æolis, ii. 237, 298, 395–399, 404. +

Cūneus, prom. of Lusitania, i. 206.

Cupid, statue of, ii. 105.

Cupra, Tyrrhenian name of Juno, i. 357.

Curalius, r. of Thessaly, ii. 142.

Curbantes, i. 516.

Cures, vill., i. 338. -

Curētes, i. 516; ii. 12, 202; iii. 11. -

Curētěs, people of Ætolia, i. 494; ii. 130, 160, 175–192. -

Curētis, Curētica, same as Pleurōnia, ii. 178. +

Curētes, i. 516; ii. 12, 202; iii. 11. +

Curētěs, people of Ætolia, i. 494; ii. 130, 160, 175–192. +

Curētis, Curētica, same as Pleurōnia, ii. 178.

Curias, prom. of Cyprus (Cape Gata), iii. 69, 70.

Curium, t. of Cyprus (Piscopia), iii. 69, 70. -

——, mtn of Ætolia, ii. 160, 179. +

——, mtn of Ætolia, ii. 160, 179.

Curtii, people of Media, ii. 263.

Curzola. See Corcyra, Black.

Curzolari. See Echinades. -

Cyanæan rocks, same as the Symplēgades, i. 32, 137, 138, 224, 490, 491, 518; ii. 292. -

Cyané, lake. See Mantianē. +

Cyanæan rocks, same as the Symplēgades, i. 32, 137, 138, 224, 490, 491, 518; ii. 292. +

Cyané, lake. See Mantianē.

Cyaxares, king of the Medes, iii. 239. -

Cybēbe, same as Cyběle. -

Cyběia, mtn of Phrygia, ii. 321. -

Cyběle, or Cyběbe, name of Rhea, ii. 184–186, 321. -

Cybělia, t. of Ionia, iii. 18. +

Cybēbe, same as Cyběle. +

Cyběia, mtn of Phrygia, ii. 321. +

Cyběle, or Cyběbe, name of Rhea, ii. 184–186, 321. +

Cybělia, t. of Ionia, iii. 18.

Cybiosactes, king of the Egyptians, iii. 232.

Cybistra, t. of Cataonia (Eregli), ii. 278, 281, 284.

Cybrene, ii. 360.

Cychreia, same as Salamis, ii. 82.

Cychreus, ii. 83.

Cychrides, serpent, ii. 83. -

Cyclades, islands, i. 90, 187; ii. 47, 192, 207–214; iii. 7. +

Cyclades, islands, i. 90, 187; ii. 47, 192, 207–214; iii. 7. -

Cyclopæ, Cyclops, i. 31–33, 64; ii. 54, 354. +

Cyclopæ, Cyclops, i. 31–33, 64; ii. 54, 354.

Cyclopean mode of life, ii. 233.

Cyclopeia, ii. 48. -

Cycnus, king of the Colonæ, ii. 64, 350, 373. +

Cycnus, king of the Colonæ, ii. 64, 350, 373.

Cydippe, wife of Cercaphus, iii. 32.

Cydnus, r. of Cilicia (Karasui), i. 75; iii. 56, 57, 59.

Cydonia, city of Crete, ii. 58, 195, 198, 200.

Cydonians, people of Crete, i. 328; ii. 195. -

Cydoniatæ, ii. 199, 200. -

Cydrēlus, son of Codrus, iii. 2. -

Cydriæ, t. of Epirus, i. 501. +

Cydoniatæ, ii. 199, 200. +

Cydrēlus, son of Codrus, iii. 2. +

Cydriæ, t. of Epirus, i. 501.

Cyinda, fortress of Cilicia, iii. 55. -

Cyllēnē, city of Elis, ii. 9, 13. -

——, mtn of Arcadia, ii. 75, 76. -

Cynætha, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75. +

Cyllēnē, city of Elis, ii. 9, 13. +

——, mtn of Arcadia, ii. 75, 76. +

Cynætha, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75.

Cynamolgi, people of Ethiopia, iii. 196. -

Cynia, lake, in Ætolia, ii. 171. +

Cynia, lake, in Ætolia, ii. 171.

Cynocephali, people of Ethiopia, i. 68, 458; iii. 200. -

——, in Thessaly, ii. 146. -

Cynōpolis, city of Egypt, iii. 240, 257. +

——, in Thessaly, ii. 146. +

Cynōpolis, city of Egypt, iii. 240, 257.

Cynopolite nome, iii. 257.

Cynos-sema, ii. 357; iii. 34, 236.

Cynthus, Cythnus, mtn of Delos, ii. 208.

Cynthus (Thermia), ii. 207. -

Cynūria, distr. of Argolis, ii. 51, 58. +

Cynūria, distr. of Argolis, ii. 51, 58.

Cynus, t. and prom. of Locris (Kyno), i. 95; ii. 125, 126, 153, 388.

Cynyps, r. (Cinifo), iii. 289. -

Cyparisseïs, r. of Messenia, ii. 24. -

——, r. of Triphylia, ii. 24. +

Cyparisseïs, r. of Messenia, ii. 24. +

——, r. of Triphylia, ii. 24.

Cyparissenses, Cyparissii, ii. 18, 22, 36.

Cyparissia, t. of Triphylia, ii. 22, 35. -

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 24, 35, 37. -

——, t. of Laconia, ii. 41. +

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 24, 35, 37. +

——, t. of Laconia, ii. 41.

Cyparisson, iii. 144.

Cyparissus, ii. 122.

Cyphus, mtn. of Thessaly, ii. 147. -

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 145, 147. +

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 145, 147. @@ -95213,71 +95213,71 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Cypria, same as Cyprus.

Cyprian copper, i. 245.

Cyprians, ii. 13. -

Cyprus, i. 8, 15, 41, 59, 61, 63, 65, 82, 189, 381; ii. 13, 92, 213, 280; iii. 31, 32, 51, 52, 67–72, 148, 226, 297. +

Cyprus, i. 8, 15, 41, 59, 61, 63, 65, 82, 189, 381; ii. 13, 92, 213, 280; iii. 31, 32, 51, 52, 67–72, 148, 226, 297.

Cypsela, city of Thrace (Ipsala), i. 495, 505, 516, 518.

Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth, i. 498; ii. 29, 60, 61, 161.

Cyra, city of Bactriana, ii. 254.

Cyrbantes, same as Corybantes. -

Cyrlēnæa, ii. 21; iii. 226, 235, 260, 294, 295, 297. -

Cyrenæans, ii. 206. -

Cyrenaic, the, i. 89, 185, 186, 196–198. -

—— juice, iii. 292. -

—— philosophy, iii. 293. -

—— sect, iii. 293. -

Cyrenaica, ii. 41, 193–195; iii. 290, 292–294. -

Cyrene, i. 78, 88, 89, 201, 237; iii. 281, 290, 292–294. +

Cyrlēnæa, ii. 21; iii. 226, 235, 260, 294, 295, 297. +

Cyrenæans, ii. 206. +

Cyrenaic, the, i. 89, 185, 186, 196–198. +

—— juice, iii. 292. +

—— philosophy, iii. 293. +

—— sect, iii. 293. +

Cyrenaica, ii. 41, 193–195; iii. 290, 292–294. +

Cyrene, i. 78, 88, 89, 201, 237; iii. 281, 290, 292–294.

Cyrictica, i. 186, 484.

Cyrinius (Quirinus), ii. 323.

Cyrnus (Corsica), i. 185, 332, 333, 335, 376; iii. 32, 297. -

Cyrrhēstica, part of Syria, iii. 163. +

Cyrrhēstica, part of Syria, iii. 163.

Cyrsilus, historian, ii. 272.

Cyrus, king of the Persians, i. 96, 376; ii. 246, 247, 254, 264, 283, 316, 405; iii. 74, 75, 122, 126, 133, 141. -

——, r. of Persia (Kur), i. 96; iii. 132. -

——, r. of Iberia and Albania (Kur or Kour), ii. 217, 227, 230–233, 240, 243, 268–270, 403, 407. -

Cytæan Œeta. See Œeta. -

Cythēra, island and town (Cerigo), i. 187; ii. 41, 48, 195. +

——, r. of Persia (Kur), i. 96; iii. 132. +

——, r. of Iberia and Albania (Kur or Kour), ii. 217, 227, 230–233, 240, 243, 268–270, 403, 407. +

Cytæan Œeta. See Œeta. +

Cythēra, island and town (Cerigo), i. 187; ii. 41, 48, 195.

Cytherius, r. of Pisatis, ii. 32.

Cytherus, t. of Attica, ii. 88.

Cythnus, island, ii. 208.

Cytinium, t. of Locris, ii. 128, 195. -

Cytōrum, t. of Paphlagonia, ii. 288, 291 +

Cytōrum, t. of Paphlagonia, ii. 288, 291 -

Cytōrus, t. of Pontus, ii. 296. -

——, son of Phrixus, ii. 291. -

Cyzicene, ii. 317, 338–341, 347. +

Cytōrus, t. of Pontus, ii. 296. +

——, son of Phrixus, ii. 291. +

Cyzicene, ii. 317, 338–341, 347.

Cyziceni, i. 189; ii. 299, 331, 332, 340, 341, 347, 349; iii. 5. -

Cyzicus, island and city (Artaki), i. 71, 152, 189, 518; ii. 316, 330–332, 346, 348, 349, 402; iii. 5, 30, 34, 67. -

Daci, Dacians, Daæ, i. 309, 317, 467, 468, 481. -

Dactyli, Idæan, ii. 30, 180, 191. -

Dædala, t. of Caria, iii. 28, 45, 46. -

——, mtn of Lycia, iii. 45, 46. -

Dædalus, father of Iapyx, i. 425; ii. 197; iii. 10. -

Daēs, of Colonæ, ii. 384. -

Dahæ, ii. 241, 245, 257. -

Daisitiatæ, nation of Hungary, i. 483. +

Cyzicus, island and city (Artaki), i. 71, 152, 189, 518; ii. 316, 330–332, 346, 348, 349, 402; iii. 5, 30, 34, 67. +

Daci, Dacians, Daæ, i. 309, 317, 467, 468, 481. +

Dactyli, Idæan, ii. 30, 180, 191. +

Dædala, t. of Caria, iii. 28, 45, 46. +

——, mtn of Lycia, iii. 45, 46. +

Dædalus, father of Iapyx, i. 425; ii. 197; iii. 10. +

Daēs, of Colonæ, ii. 384. +

Dahæ, ii. 241, 245, 257. +

Daisitiatæ, nation of Hungary, i. 483.

Dalian. See Caunus. -

Daliōn, r. of Triphylia, ii. 17. -

Dalmatæ, Dalmatians, i. 484, 487. +

Daliōn, r. of Triphylia, ii. 17. +

Dalmatæ, Dalmatians, i. 484, 487.

Dalmatia, Dalmatice, i. 483, 484. -

Dalmatium, city of the Dalmatæ, i. 484. -

Damascus, city of Syria, iii. 169–171. +

Dalmatium, city of the Dalmatæ, i. 484. +

Damascus, city of Syria, iii. 169–171.

Damasia, t. of the Licattii, i. 307.

Damastes, historian, i. 74, 75; ii. 340; iii. 70, 71.

Damastium, in Epirus, i. 500.

Damasus the Athenian, iii. 2. -

—— Scombrus, iii. 25. -

Damnamenus, one of the Idæan Dactyli, ii. 191. -

Danaë, mother of Perseus, ii. 211. -

——, play of Æschylus, i. 329. +

—— Scombrus, iii. 25. +

Damnamenus, one of the Idæan Dactyli, ii. 191. +

Danaë, mother of Perseus, ii. 211. +

——, play of Æschylus, i. 329.

Danai, i. 329; ii. 49, 52, 133, 329. -

Danaïdes, ii. 52, 335; iii. 33. -

Danala, fortress of the Galatæ, ii. 320. +

Danaïdes, ii. 52, 335; iii. 33. +

Danala, fortress of the Galatæ, ii. 320.

Danaus, i. 35, 329, 493; ii. 52, 53; iii. 51.

Dandarii, ii. 223, 224. -

Danthēlētæ, people of Thrace, i. 489. +

Danthēlētæ, people of Thrace, i. 489.

Danube. See Ister. @@ -95288,27 +95288,27 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Daorizi, a nation of Dalmatia, i. 484.

Daphitas, the grammarian, iii. 22.

Daphne, city of Syria (Beit-el-ma), iii. 118, 162. -

Daphnus, t. of Phocis or Locris, (?) i. 95; ii. 114, 124–126. -

——, port of Ethiopia, iii. 200. +

Daphnus, t. of Phocis or Locris, (?) i. 95; ii. 114, 124–126. +

——, port of Ethiopia, iii. 200.

Darada, city of, iii. 197.

Darapsa, city of Bactriana, ii. 253.

Dardanelles, Strait of the. See Hellespont.

Dardani, Dardanii, Dardanians, i. 485, 489; ii. 77, 62, 353, 375; iii. 41.

Dardania, distr. of the Troad, i. 481, 516; ii. 317, 353, 354, 360, 369, 371, 375. -

Dardaniatæ, Dardanii, a people of Illyria, i. 485, 505; ii. 3. +

Dardaniatæ, Dardanii, a people of Illyria, i. 485, 505; ii. 3.

Dardanica, a region of Illyria, i. 485.

Dardanis, Dardanian prom. ii. 357.

Dardanium, i. 347.

Dardanus, t. of the Troad, ii. 347, 352, 357, 366. -

——, brother of Jasion, i. 516; ii. 19, 353, 354. +

——, brother of Jasion, i. 516; ii. 19, 353, 354.

Darieces, name of Darius, iii. 216.

Darius, i. 148, 152, 462, 463, 465, 468, 469; ii. 347; iii. 60, 89, 133, 134, 141, 144, 188, 216, 244, 259. -

——, son of Hystaspes, iii. 5, 9, 163. -

——, father of Xerxes, ii. 352. -

——, conquered by Alexander, ii. 291. -

—— Longimanus, iii. 140. -

Dasarētii, a people of Illyria, i. 485, 489. -

Dascylītis, lake of Mysia (Jaskili), ii. 329–332, 346. +

——, son of Hystaspes, iii. 5, 9, 163. +

——, father of Xerxes, ii. 352. +

——, conquered by Alexander, ii. 291. +

—— Longimanus, iii. 140. +

Dasarētii, a people of Illyria, i. 485, 489. +

Dascylītis, lake of Mysia (Jaskili), ii. 329–332, 346.

Dascylium, t. of Mysia, ii. 331, 340.

Daskalio. See Asteria.

Dasmenda, fortress of Cappadocia, ii. 284. @@ -95318,183 +95318,183 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Dateni, people of Macedonia, i. 513.

Datis, ii. 90. -

Datum, city of Thrace, i. 512–514. +

Datum, city of Thrace, i. 512–514.

Daulia, Daulis, city of Phocis, ii. 114, 122.

Daulieis, i. 493; ii. 123.

Daulius, king of Crissa, i. 399.

Daunia, see Apulia, i. 425, 434; iii. 32. -

Daunii, i. 320, 360, 422, 428, 431–433, 436. +

Daunii, i. 320, 360, 422, 428, 431–433, 436.

Davi, i. 467.

Dazimonitis, distr. of Pontus (Kas Owa), ii. 295. -

Debæ, people of Arabia, iii. 206. -

Dēcæneus, Getæan bard, i. 457, 467; iii. 180. +

Debæ, people of Arabia, iii. 206. +

Dēcæneus, Getæan bard, i. 457, 467; iii. 180.

Deceleia, t. of Attica, ii. 88. -

Deciētæ, a people of the Ligurians, i. 301. +

Deciētæ, a people of the Ligurians, i. 301.

Decimus Brutus, i. 305.

Degmenus, ii. 33. -

Deïaneira, daughter of Œneus, ii. 64, 160, 170. -

Deïmachus, historian, i. 107–109, 112, 114, 117, 118, 120; iii. 80. -

Deïoneus, father of Cephalus, ii. 162, 166, 170. -

Deï&obreve;tarus, prince of the Galatæ, ii 320, 321. -

——, king of Paphlagonia, ii. 314. -

Deïphontes, ii. 77. +

Deïaneira, daughter of Œneus, ii. 64, 160, 170. +

Deïmachus, historian, i. 107–109, 112, 114, 117, 118, 120; iii. 80. +

Deïoneus, father of Cephalus, ii. 162, 166, 170. +

Deïŏtarus, prince of the Galatæ, ii 320, 321. +

——, king of Paphlagonia, ii. 314. +

Deïphontes, ii. 77.

Deire, c. and prom. of Ethiopia, iii. 191, 193, 198, 199, 201. -

——, straits of, iii. 191. +

——, straits of, iii. 191.

Dekoie. See Sinda.

Deliaca, iii. 130.

Delians, iii. 5. -

Delium, city of Bœotia (Dramesi) ii. 95. -

——, temple of Apollo, in Argolis, ii. 47. +

Delium, city of Bœotia (Dramesi) ii. 95. +

——, temple of Apollo, in Argolis, ii. 47.

Dellius, ii. 263. -

Delos, isl. (Dhiles), i. 410; ii. 55, 95, 207–210; iii. 51. -

——, city of, ii. 207–210. -

Delphi, a city of Phocis (Kastri), i. 280, 318, 328, 385, 391, 398, 399, 406, 502; ii. 21, 97, 114–123, 176, 204; iii. 179. +

Delos, isl. (Dhiles), i. 410; ii. 55, 95, 207–210; iii. 51. +

——, city of, ii. 207–210. +

Delphi, a city of Phocis (Kastri), i. 280, 318, 328, 385, 391, 398, 399, 406, 502; ii. 21, 97, 114–123, 176, 204; iii. 179. -

Delphi, inhabitants of ii. 116, 120–123; iii. 22. -

——, temple at, ii. 114–123. -

Delphinium, t. and port of Bœotia, ii. 95. -

Delta, of the Nile, i. 47, 103; iii. 95, 221–223, 239, 242, 245, 266. -

——, of India, iii. 95. -

——, vill. of Egypt, iii. 223. +

Delphi, inhabitants of ii. 116, 120–123; iii. 22. +

——, temple at, ii. 114–123. +

Delphinium, t. and port of Bœotia, ii. 95. +

Delta, of the Nile, i. 47, 103; iii. 95, 221–223, 239, 242, 245, 266. +

——, of India, iii. 95. +

——, vill. of Egypt, iii. 223.

Demaratus, father of Lucumo, i. 326; ii. 61.

Demass. See Thapsus. -

Dēmēter. See Ceres. +

Dēmēter. See Ceres.

Demetrias, city of Assyria, iii. 144. -

——, city of Thessaly, ii. 130, 139, 140, 142, 146, 148. +

——, city of Thessaly, ii. 130, 139, 140, 142, 146, 148.

Demetrium, temple of Ceres, ii. 64, 138.

Demetrius, watch-towers of, iii. 196. -

——, of Callatis, i. 94. -

——, grandson of Poliorcětes, i. 85, 345; ii. 139. -

——, of Pharos, i. 484; ii. 38. -

——, of Phalaris, i. 221; ii. 88. -

——, Ætolian, ii. 160. -

—— Lacōn, iii. 37. -

——, son of Rathenus, ii. 296. -

——, son of Seleucus, ii. 401. -

——, of Skepsis, i. 71, 74, 90, 502, 513, 518; ii. 10, 11, 17, 56, 142, 143, 168, 189, 190, 298–300, 355, 360, 364, 375, 377, 380, 383, 404, 405; iii. 66. -

——, son of Euthydemus, ii. 253. +

——, of Callatis, i. 94. +

——, grandson of Poliorcětes, i. 85, 345; ii. 139. +

——, of Pharos, i. 484; ii. 38. +

——, of Phalaris, i. 221; ii. 88. +

——, Ætolian, ii. 160. +

—— Lacōn, iii. 37. +

——, son of Rathenus, ii. 296. +

——, son of Seleucus, ii. 401. +

——, of Skepsis, i. 71, 74, 90, 502, 513, 518; ii. 10, 11, 17, 56, 142, 143, 168, 189, 190, 298–300, 355, 360, 364, 375, 377, 380, 383, 404, 405; iii. 66. +

——, son of Euthydemus, ii. 253.

Demi, ii. 90. -

Dēmocles, historian, i. 91. -

Dēm&obreve;c&obreve;ōn, son of Priam, ii. 344. -

Dēmocritus, i. 95, 102, 103; iii. 98. +

Dēmocles, historian, i. 91. +

Dēmŏcŏōn, son of Priam, ii. 344. +

Dēmocritus, i. 95, 102, 103; iii. 98.

Demosthenes, i. 182; ii. 55, 56, 123, 152, 188. -

Dēmus, i. 460; ii. 374. +

Dēmus, i. 460; ii. 374.

Denia. See Dianium.

Deras, Cape. See Derhis.

Derbe, t. of Lycaonia, ii. 278, 322; iii. 64.

Derbices, people of Margiana, i. 249, 258. -

Dercěto. See Atargatis. -

Derdæ, iii. 101. +

Dercěto. See Atargatis. +

Derdæ, iii. 101.

Derekoi. See Myus.

Derhis, a port of Marmara (Deras), iii. 236.

Derrhis, prom. of Macedonia, i. 511, 512.

Derthon (Tortona), i. 323. -

Dertōssa, t. of Spain (Tortosa), i. 239, 241. +

Dertōssa, t. of Spain (Tortosa), i. 239, 241.

Descura. See Sitacene.

Deucalion, king of Thessaly, i. 494; ii. 67, 125, 134, 139, 140, 149. -

——, island, ii. 139. +

——, island, ii. 139.

Deudorix, the Sicambrian, i. 446. -

Deuri&obreve;pes, people of Macedonia, i. 501. -

Deuri&obreve;pus, district of Macedonia, i. 500. +

Deuriŏpes, people of Macedonia, i. 501. +

Deuriŏpus, district of Macedonia, i. 500.

Dexia, or the right of Pontus, ii. 286.

Dhiles. See Delos. -

Dïa, temple of, at Sicyon, ii. 66. -

——, isl. near Crete (Standia), ii. 207. -

——, in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 205. -

Diac&obreve;pēne, district of Pontus, ii. 312. -

Diades. See Athenæ Diades. +

Dïa, temple of, at Sicyon, ii. 66. +

——, isl. near Crete (Standia), ii. 207. +

——, in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 205. +

Diacŏpēne, district of Pontus, ii. 312. +

Diades. See Athenæ Diades.

Diagesbes, people of Sardinia, i. 333.

Diakopton. See Bura.

Diana (Artemis), i. 270, 385; ii. 16, 73, 208, 348; iii. 146, 153, 162. -

——, of Ephesus, i. 268, 269. -

——, of Ephesus, temple of (the Ephesium), i. 238–240, 268, 275; iii. 11. -

—— Brauronia, ii. 90. -

—— Perasia, ii. 281. -

—— Astyrene, ii. 376, 386. -

—— Munychia, iii. 10. -

—— Leucophryēne, iii. 22. -

——, Pergæan, iii. 49. -

——, Sarped&obreve;nian, iii. 61. +

——, of Ephesus, i. 268, 269. +

——, of Ephesus, temple of (the Ephesium), i. 238–240, 268, 275; iii. 11. +

—— Brauronia, ii. 90. +

—— Perasia, ii. 281. +

—— Astyrene, ii. 376, 386. +

—— Munychia, iii. 10. +

—— Leucophryēne, iii. 22. +

——, Pergæan, iii. 49. +

——, Sarpedŏnian, iii. 61. -

Diana, Coloēne, ii. 403. -

—— Taurica, temple of, i. 355. -

——, Lindian, temple of, iii. 33. -

—— Daphnia, ii. 16. -

—— Elaphia, ii. 16. -

—— Amarynthia, ii. 155. -

—— Tauropola, ii. 90, 279, 281; iii. 186. -

——, temple of, ii. 16; iii. 10. -

—— Cyrrhestis, iii. 163. -

—— Nemydia (? Nemeæa), temple of, ii. 14. -

——, Eleian, ii. 24. -

—— in Limnæ (in the marshes), ii. 39. -

——, Limnæan (in Sparta), ii. 39. -

——, grove of the Ætolian, i. 320. -

—— Alphei&obreve;nia, Alpheiusa, ii. 16. -

—— Artemisium, Dianium. See Artemisium. +

Diana, Coloēne, ii. 403. +

—— Taurica, temple of, i. 355. +

——, Lindian, temple of, iii. 33. +

—— Daphnia, ii. 16. +

—— Elaphia, ii. 16. +

—— Amarynthia, ii. 155. +

—— Tauropola, ii. 90, 279, 281; iii. 186. +

——, temple of, ii. 16; iii. 10. +

—— Cyrrhestis, iii. 163. +

—— Nemydia (? Nemeæa), temple of, ii. 14. +

——, Eleian, ii. 24. +

—— in Limnæ (in the marshes), ii. 39. +

——, Limnæan (in Sparta), ii. 39. +

——, grove of the Ætolian, i. 320. +

—— Alpheiŏnia, Alpheiusa, ii. 16. +

—— Artemisium, Dianium. See Artemisium.

Dianium, t. of Spain (Denia), i. 239. -

Dicæa, t. of Thrace, i. 515. -

Dicæarchia, city of Campania (Puteoli), i. 39, 150, 217, 364–366, 369; iii. 228. -

Dicæarchus, the geographer, i. 1, 157–159, 256. +

Dicæa, t. of Thrace, i. 515. +

Dicæarchia, city of Campania (Puteoli), i. 39, 150, 217, 364–366, 369; iii. 228. +

Dicæarchus, the geographer, i. 1, 157–159, 256.

Dicte, mtn of Crete (Mt Sitia), ii. 189, 199. -

——, place near Scepsis, in the Troad, ii. 189. +

——, place near Scepsis, in the Troad, ii. 189.

Dictynna, see Britomartis, ii. 199, 200. -

Dictynnæan prom., ii. 207. +

Dictynnæan prom., ii. 207.

Dictys, ii. 211.

Dido, queen, iii. 286. -

Didyma, city of the Branchidæ, ii 120. -

——, isl. near Sicily, i. 419, 421. -

——, city of Spain, i. 254. See Gadeira. -

Didymæan mountains, iii. 22. +

Didyma, city of the Branchidæ, ii 120. +

——, isl. near Sicily, i. 419, 421. +

——, city of Spain, i. 254. See Gadeira. +

Didymæan mountains, iii. 22.

Didymi, ii. 254; iii. 22. -

Diēgylis, king of the Cæni, ii. 401. +

Diēgylis, king of the Cæni, ii. 401.

Dikeli-koi. See Atarneus.

Dindymene, mother of the gods, ii. 184, 186, 321, 331, 403; iii. 22.

Dindymum, mtn near Pessinus, ii. 321. -

——, near Cyzicus, ii. 331. +

——, near Cyzicus, ii. 331.

Dinear. See Apameia, ii. 332.

Diochares, gate of, at Athens, ii. 88.

Diocles, ii. 46. -

Diodōrus, grammarian of Tarsus, iii. 59. -

——, leader of the Adramytteni, ii. 386. -

—— Zonas, the orator, ii. 405. -

——, junior, friend of Strabo, ii. 405. -

—— Cronus, the Dialectician, iii. 37, 294. +

Diodōrus, grammarian of Tarsus, iii. 59. +

——, leader of the Adramytteni, ii. 386. +

—— Zonas, the orator, ii. 405. +

——, junior, friend of Strabo, ii. 405. +

—— Cronus, the Dialectician, iii. 37, 294.

Diodotus, the Sidonian, iii. 173. -

——, sculptor, ii. 87. -

—— Tryphōn, ii. 251; iii. 51, 165, 173. +

——, sculptor, ii. 87. +

—— Tryphōn, ii. 251; iii. 51, 165, 173.

Diogenes, the Cynic, ii. 293; iii. 114. -

——, of Tarsus, iii. 59, 114. -

——, of Seleucia, the Babylonian Stoic, iii. 152. +

——, of Tarsus, iii. 59, 114. +

——, of Seleucia, the Babylonian Stoic, iii. 152.

Diolcus, ii. 49, 63. -

Diomēdes, king of Argos, i. 26, 225, 320, 433, 434, 499, 515; ii. 122, 174. -

——, king of the Bistones, i. 515. -

——, plain of, i. 433. +

Diomēdes, king of Argos, i. 26, 225, 320, 433, 434, 499, 515; ii. 122, 174. +

——, king of the Bistones, i. 515. +

——, plain of, i. 433.

Diomede, islands of (Islands of Tremiti), i. 186, 320, 433, 434. -

——, temple of, i. 319. +

——, temple of, i. 319.

Dion, the Syracusan, i. 380. -

——, the Academician, iii. 232. +

——, the Academician, iii. 232.

Dione, worshipped at Dodona, i. 503.

Dionysides, tragic poet, iii. 59.

Dionysius (the Elder), tyrant of Sicily, i. 316, 335, 357, 387, 392. -

—— (the Younger), i. 380, 387, 389. -

Dionysius, tyrant of Heraclæa, ii. 291. -

——, Bithynian, ii. 318. -

——, of Attica, ii. 402. +

—— (the Younger), i. 380, 387, 389. +

Dionysius, tyrant of Heraclæa, ii. 291. +

——, Bithynian, ii. 318. +

——, of Attica, ii. 402. @@ -95502,55 +95502,55 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Dionysius, of Halicarnassus, the historian, iii. 35. -

——, the Thracian, iii. 34. -

——, the Syrian, iii. 163. +

——, the Thracian, iii. 34. +

——, the Syrian, iii. 163.

Dionysocles, the orator, iii. 25.

Dionysodorus, the mathematician, ii. 296.

Dionysus. See Bacchus. -

Diophanes, the Mytilenæan, ii. 292. +

Diophanes, the Mytilenæan, ii. 292.

Diophantus, general of Mithridates, i. 471, 479. -

Dioscūri (Castor and Pollux), i. 76, 345, 391; ii. 42, 86, 224. -

Dioscurias, city of Colchis (Iskuriah), i. 75, 138, 188, 190; ii. 225–229, 238. +

Dioscūri (Castor and Pollux), i. 76, 345, 391; ii. 42, 86, 224. +

Dioscurias, city of Colchis (Iskuriah), i. 75, 138, 188, 190; ii. 225–229, 238.

Diospolis, city of Pontus, ii. 306. -

——, city of Egypt, iii. 240. -

——, same as Thebes, iii. 245, 261. -

——, Lesser (Hu), iii. 260. +

——, city of Egypt, iii. 240. +

——, same as Thebes, iii. 245, 261. +

——, Lesser (Hu), iii. 260.

Diotimus, son of Strombichus, i. 75.

Diotrephes, the Sophist, of Antioch, ii. 409; iii. 38.

Diphilus, comic poet, ii. 293.

Dipso. See Edepsus. -

Dircæan Thebes, ii. 74. +

Dircæan Thebes, ii. 74.

Dirce, ftn near Thebes, ii. 74, 103. -

——, near Phara, ii. 74. +

——, near Phara, ii. 74.

Distomo. See Ambrysus. -

Ditiōnes, nation of Hungary, i. 483. +

Ditiōnes, nation of Hungary, i. 483.

Dium, t. of Macedonia, near Olympus, i. 507, 508, 512, 513. -

——, at Athone, i. 512, 513. -

——, t. of Eubœa, ii. 153. +

——, at Athone, i. 512, 513. +

——, t. of Eubœa, ii. 153.

Dius, i. 399. -

——, father of Hesiod, ii. 104, 398. +

——, father of Hesiod, ii. 104, 398.

Djanik. See Themiscyra.

Dnieper. See Borysthenes.

Dniester, r. See Tyras, i. 22, 162.

Dobera, mtn of Macedonia, i. 514.

Docimia, t. of Phrygia, ii. 333. -

Dōdōna, city of Epirus, seat of an oracle, i. 441, 496, 501, 502, 504; ii. 42, 94, 145, 146; iii. 179. -

——, oak of, i. 504. -

Dodonæan Jove, i. 501. +

Dōdōna, city of Epirus, seat of an oracle, i. 441, 496, 501, 502, 504; ii. 42, 94, 145, 146; iii. 179. +

——, oak of, i. 504. +

Dodonæan Jove, i. 501.

Dodone, ii. 145.

Dcedalsus, ii. 315.

Dolabella, Dolobella, iii. 20, 164

Dolicha. See Dulichium, ii. 169. -

Doli&obreve;nes, people of Mysia, ii. 316, 330; iii. 63, 67. -

Doli&obreve;nis, district of Mysia, ii. 332; iii. 67. +

Doliŏnes, people of Mysia, ii. 316, 330; iii. 63, 67. +

Doliŏnis, district of Mysia, ii. 332; iii. 67.

Doloman-Ischai. See Calbis. -

Dolomēnē, district of Assyria, iii. 142. +

Dolomēnē, district of Assyria, iii. 142.

Dolopes, Dolopians, i. 43; ii. 133, 135, 137, 141, 144, 158.

Dolopia, ii. 132, 133, 135, 141. -

Domanītis, district of Paphlagonia, ii. 313. -

Domitius, Domētius Ænobarbus, i. 285; iii. 24. +

Domanītis, district of Paphlagonia, ii. 313. +

Domitius, Domētius Ænobarbus, i. 285; iii. 24.

Domnecleius, tetrarch of Galatia, ii. 288.

Don, r. See Tanais.

Doracta or Oaracta, an island in the Persian Gulf, iii. 188. @@ -95560,19 +95560,19 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Dorians, i. 96, 328, 404, 407; ii. 2, 3, 43, 58, 67, 81, 82, 114, 115, 125, 128, 131, 147; iii. 30, 31, 40, 43.

Doric dialect, ii. 2, 3.

Doricha, courtesan, iii. 250. -

Dōris, at Parnassus, ii. 55, 136. -

Doris, or Histiæotis, in Thessaly, ii. 141, 195. +

Dōris, at Parnassus, ii. 55, 136. +

Doris, or Histiæotis, in Thessaly, ii. 141, 195.

Doriscus, t. of Thrace, i. 5, 6.

Dorium, in Messenia, ii. 23, 24. -

Dōrus, son of Hellen, ii. 67, 340. -

Dorylæum, t. of Phrygia (EskiSchehr), ii. 332. -

Dorylaüs, the tactician, great-great-grandfather of Strabo, ii. 198, 307. -

——, son of Philetærus, ii. 198, 307. -

Dosci, a Mæotic race, ii. 223. +

Dōrus, son of Hellen, ii. 67, 340. +

Dorylæum, t. of Phrygia (EskiSchehr), ii. 332. +

Dorylaüs, the tactician, great-great-grandfather of Strabo, ii. 198, 307. +

——, son of Philetærus, ii. 198, 307. +

Dosci, a Mæotic race, ii. 223.

Dotium, c. and plain of Thessaly, i. 96; ii. 147.

Doubs, r. of Gaul, i. 278, 281, 286. See Dubis.

Douro, r. See Durius. -

Drabēscus, t. of Macedonia, i. 512. +

Drabēscus, t. of Macedonia, i. 512.

Drabus, t. of Thrace, i. 517. @@ -95585,42 +95585,42 @@ i. 172, 173, 194, 196, 221.

Draco, companion of Ulysses, tomb of, i. 376. -

——, Python, ii. 120. +

——, Python, ii. 120.

Dragomestre. See Crithote.

Dragone, Monte. See Sinuessa.

Dramnesi. See Delium. -

Drangæ, people of Ariana, iii. 122, +

Drangæ, people of Ariana, iii. 122, -124–126. -

Drangē, Drangianē, district of Ariana (Sigistan), ii. 249; iii. 142. +124–126. +

Drangē, Drangianē, district of Ariana (Sigistan), ii. 249; iii. 142.

Drave, r. See Drabus.

Drecanum, in the island of Cos, iii. 10, 36.

Drepanum, prom. of Achaia, ii. 6. -

——, of Icaria, iii. 8, 10. -

——, of Marmara, iii. 235. +

——, of Icaria, iii. 8, 10. +

——, of Marmara, iii. 235.

Drilon, r. of Dalmatia (Drin), i. 485.

Drium, hill in Daunia, i. 434. -

——, c. of Macedonia, i. 509. +

——, c. of Macedonia, i. 509.

Dromi, iii. 245. -

Dromichætes, king of the Getæ, i. +

Dromichætes, king of the Getæ, i. 464, 469.

Dromos, iii. 245, 248.

Druentia, i. 268. -

——, r. of Gaul (Durance), i. +

——, r. of Gaul (Durance), i. 276, 303, 323.

Druids, Keltic priests, i. 294, 295.

Drusus Germanicus, brother of Tiberius, i. 307, 444, 445. -

——, son of Tiberius, i. 441. +

——, son of Tiberius, i. 441.

Drymas, i. 493.

Drymus, ii. 152. -

Drynemětum, in Galatia, ii. 320. -

Dry&obreve;pes, people of Greece, i. 493; +

Drynemětum, in Galatia, ii. 320. +

Dryŏpes, people of Greece, i. 493; ii. 55, 136, 346.

Dryopis, ii. 136. @@ -95631,7 +95631,7 @@ ii. 55, 136, 346. 281, 286.

Dulichium, island, ii. 5, 12, 162, -163, 166–170. +163, 166–170.

Dunax, mtn of Thrace, i. 311.

Durance. See Druentia.

Duras, r. in the Norican Alps, i. @@ -95643,7 +95643,7 @@ ii. 55, 136, 346.

Durias, r. of Italy (Doria Baltea), i. 305. -

——, r. of Italy (Doria Riparia), +

——, r. of Italy (Doria Riparia), i. 303, 323.

Duricortora, t. of Gaul, i. 290. @@ -95651,10 +95651,10 @@ i. 303, 323.

Durius, r. of Spain (Douro), i. 228, 229, 231, 243, 250. -

Dymæa, ii. 32. -

Dymæi, ii. 14, 74. +

Dymæa, ii. 32. +

Dymæi, ii. 14, 74.

Dymas, ii. 351. -

Dyme, city of Achæa, ii. 8, 12, 13– +

Dyme, city of Achæa, ii. 8, 12, 13– 15, 18, 19, 67, 69, 71, 74, 145, @@ -95663,7 +95663,7 @@ i. 303, 323.

Dyris, or Atlas, iii. 276.

Dyrrachium, city of Illyria (Durazzo), i. 485, 506.

Dyspontium, city of Pisatis, ii. 32. -

Dyteutus, son of Adiatorix, ii. 308–310. +

Dyteutus, son of Adiatorix, ii. 308–310.

Eastern Sea (Bay of Bengal), i. 194, 196. @@ -95672,10 +95672,10 @@ i. 303, 323.

Ebro, r. See Iberus.

Ebrodunum, vill. of Gaul (Embrun), i. 268.

Ebura, t. of Spain, i. 211. -

Eburōnes, people of Gaul, i. 289, +

Eburōnes, people of Gaul, i. 289, 290. -

Ebusus, isl. and t. (Iviça), i. 185, +

Ebusus, isl. and t. (Iviça), i. 185, 239, 251.

Ecbatana (Hamedan), i. 123; ii. @@ -95683,18 +95683,18 @@ i. 303, 323. 262, 264, 273; iii. 125, 134, 140, 150, 152. -

Echedōrus, r. of Macedonia (Gallico), i. 509. -

Echeiæ, t. of Laconia, ii. 37. +

Echedōrus, r. of Macedonia (Gallico), i. 509. +

Echeiæ, t. of Laconia, ii. 37.

Echinades, islands (Curzolari), i. 93, 187; ii. 5, 12, 25, 162, 167, -169–171. -

Echīnus, t. of Phthiotis (Echino), i. +169–171. +

Echīnus, t. of Phthiotis (Echino), i. 94; ii. 136, 138, 147.

Ecija. See Astygis. -

Ecrēgma (mouth of the lake Sirbonis), i. 102; iii. 176. +

Ecrēgma (mouth of the lake Sirbonis), i. 102; iii. 176.

Edessa, city of Macedonia (Vodna), i. 495; ii. 157. @@ -95706,18 +95706,18 @@ i. 303, 323.

Edessa, city of Syria, iii. 158. See Bambyce. -

Edōtani, people of Spain, i. 234, 235, 243. See Sidētani. -

Edōni, people of Thrace, i. 506, 514. -

Edschise-Dagh. See Argæus. -

Eētiōn, king of Thebes, ii. 313, 384, 394. -

Egelastæ, t. of Spain (Yniesta), i. 241. -

Egěria, ftn, i. 356. +

Edōtani, people of Spain, i. 234, 235, 243. See Sidētani. +

Edōni, people of Thrace, i. 506, 514. +

Edschise-Dagh. See Argæus. +

Eētiōn, king of Thebes, ii. 313, 384, 394. +

Egelastæ, t. of Spain (Yniesta), i. 241. +

Egěria, ftn, i. 356.

Egertius, founder of Chios, iii. 3.

Egnatia, city and port of Apulia (Torre d'Agnazzo), i. 431, 432.

Egnatian Way, i. 495, 500, 506, 507, 509.

Egra, city of Arabia, iii. 212. -

Egripo. See Eubœa. -

Egypt, i. 8, 15, 25, 46, 47, 49, 50, 52, 55–64, 67, 68, 79, 87, 88, +

Egripo. See Eubœa. +

Egypt, i. 8, 15, 25, 46, 47, 49, 50, 52, 55–64, 67, 68, 79, 87, 88, 90, 91, 103, 129, 130, 134, 136, @@ -95727,23 +95727,23 @@ i. 303, 323. 493; ii. 89, 92, 280; iii. 51, 67, -74, 81–84, 88, 90, 95, 102, 103, +74, 81–84, 88, 90, 95, 102, 103, -190, 210, 211, 217–270, 272, 273, 275, 292–294. -

——, name of the Nile, i. 46, 56. -

——, Lower, i. 47, 103, 316; iii. 177. +190, 210, 211, 217–270, 272, 273, 275, 292–294. +

——, name of the Nile, i. 46, 56. +

——, Lower, i. 47, 103, 316; iii. 177.

Egyptian screws, i. 221. -

—— exiles, island of the, i. 179. -

—— Sea, same as Mediterranean, i. 56, 91, 185, 189, +

—— exiles, island of the, i. 179. +

—— Sea, same as Mediterranean, i. 56, 91, 185, 189, 458; iii. 68, 142, 160, 224, 228, 266. -

Egyptians, i. 41, 49, 63–65, 155, 197, 233, 440, 456, 463; ii. 304, 308. -

——, priests of the, i. 35, 96, 154, 180, 196. -

——, island of the, i. 99. +

Egyptians, i. 41, 49, 63–65, 155, 197, 233, 440, 456, 463; ii. 304, 308. +

——, priests of the, i. 35, 96, 154, 180, 196. +

——, island of the, i. 99.

Eidomene, t. of Macedonia. See Idomene.

Eileithyia, city of Egypt, iii. 263.

Eilesium, ii. 196. -

Eïones, vill. of Argolis, ii. 54, 55, 58. +

Eïones, vill. of Argolis, ii. 54, 55, 58.

Eisadici, ii. 239. @@ -95752,32 +95752,32 @@ i. 303, 323.

El-Aliah. See Acholla.

El-Arish. See Rhinocolura.

El-Asi. See Orontes. -

El-Baretun. See Parætonium. +

El-Baretun. See Parætonium.

El-Der. See Thapsacus.

El-Kas. See Casius.

Ela. See Hyela or Elea. -

Elæa, t. of Mysia (Ialea), ii. 326, 376, 387, 389, 396–398. -

——, port on the Arabian Gulf, iii. 196. -

Elæussa, isl. and t. of Cilicia (Alessa), ii. 278, 281, 387; iii. 28, 29, 54. +

Elæa, t. of Mysia (Ialea), ii. 326, 376, 387, 389, 396–398. +

——, port on the Arabian Gulf, iii. 196. +

Elæussa, isl. and t. of Cilicia (Alessa), ii. 278, 281, 387; iii. 28, 29, 54.

Elaitic Gulf, ii. 339, 376, 387, 388, 397, 400. -

Elaïtis, ii. 326, 389. +

Elaïtis, ii. 326, 389.

Elara, mother of Tityus, ii. 123. -

Elarium, cave in Eubœa, ii. ]23. +

Elarium, cave in Eubœa, ii. ]23.

Elateia, t. of Phocis (Elefta), i. 95; ii. 101, 115, 123, 126. -

Elatria, t. of the Cassopæi, i. 497. -

Elba. See Æthalia. +

Elatria, t. of the Cassopæi, i. 497. +

Elba. See Æthalia.

Elbe. See Albis.

Elea, Velia, city of Lucania, i. 375; ii. 145, 155. -

Eleātis, i. 376. +

Eleātis, i. 376.

Electrides, islands, i. 320. -

Eleēs, r. of Lucania (Alento), i. 376. -

Eleia, ii. 7–9, 12, 13, 25–27, 30, 31, 33, 45, 74, 347. +

Eleēs, r. of Lucania (Alento), i. 376. +

Eleia, ii. 7–9, 12, 13, 25–27, 30, 31, 33, 45, 74, 347.

Eleian territory, ii. 7, 35, 45, 67, 74. -

Eleians, ii. 3, 8, 9, 12–14, 26–28, 30, 31, 34, 39, 176, 177. -

——, philosophers of, ii. 83. +

Eleians, ii. 3, 8, 9, 12–14, 26–28, 30, 31, 34, 39, 176, 177. +

——, philosophers of, ii. 83.

Eleithyia, temple of, ii. 196.

Eleon, ii. 106, 143. -

Elephantina, isl., iii. 220, 243, 258, 263–266. +

Elephantina, isl., iii. 220, 243, 258, 263–266.

Elephantophagi, iii. 197.

Elephas, mtn of Mauritania, iii. 279.

Elephas, mtn of Ethiopia (Fellis or Fel), iii. 200. @@ -95790,70 +95790,70 @@ i. 303, 323.

Eleusiniac Gulf, ii. 63.

Eleusis, city and village of Attica, ii. 81, 83, 84, 86, 88. -

——, t. of Bœotia, ii. 101. -

——, t. of Egypt, iii. 237, 238. -

Eleüssa, or Elisa, isl. near Attica, ii. 89. -

——, near Rhodes (Alessa), iii. 28, 29, 34. -

Eleutheræ, city of Bœotia, ii. 57, 108. +

——, t. of Bœotia, ii. 101. +

——, t. of Egypt, iii. 237, 238. +

Eleüssa, or Elisa, isl. near Attica, ii. 89. +

——, near Rhodes (Alessa), iii. 28, 29, 34. +

Eleutheræ, city of Bœotia, ii. 57, 108.

Eleutherius, the Eleutherian, ii. 108.

Eleutherus, r. of Syria, iii. 167, 169.

Elian district, ii. 74.

Elimia, i. 500. -

Elimiotæ, ii. 137. -

Elis, i. 502; ii. 5, 7, 8–10, 12–15, 17–19, 25, 27, 28, 31–33, +

Elimiotæ, ii. 137. +

Elis, i. 502; ii. 5, 7, 8–10, 12–15, 17–19, 25, 27, 28, 31–33, 45, 73, 77, 122, 126, 156, 162, 167, 169, 170, 176, 177. -

——, Cœlē, or Hollow, ii. 7–9, 12, 18, 23, 25, 30. -

Elisa, modern name of Eleüssa. +

——, Cœlē, or Hollow, ii. 7–9, 12, 18, 23, 25, 30. +

Elisa, modern name of Eleüssa.

Elisson, or Elissa, r., ii. 9.

Elixus, ii. 210.

Ellopia, ii. 152, 153.

Ellopians, ii. 152, 153.

Ellops, ii. 152. -

Elōne, t. of Thessaly, ii. 143, 145. -

Elpiæ, city of the Daunii, iii. 32. +

Elōne, t. of Thessaly, ii. 143, 145. +

Elpiæ, city of the Daunii, iii. 32.

Elui, people of Gaul (inhabitants of Vivarais), i. 284. -

Elymæa, Elymaïs, district of Persis, ii. 264; iii. 153, 154. -

Elymæi, ii. 261, 264; iii. 135, 142, 146. +

Elymæa, Elymaïs, district of Persis, ii. 264; iii. 153, 154. +

Elymæi, ii. 261, 264; iii. 135, 142, 146.

Elymus, Trojan, ii. 378.

Elysian Fields, in Spain, i. 3, 62, 225.

Emathia, district of Macedonia, i. 41, 506. -

——, city of Macedonia, i. 506. +

——, city of Macedonia, i. 506.

Emathoeis, Emathois, same as Pylus, ii. 7, 11, 16.

Emboli. See Amphipolis.

Embrun. See Ebrodunum.

Emerita. See Augusta. -

Emesēni, people of Syria, iii. 166. +

Emesēni, people of Syria, iii. 166. -

Emōdi mtns, ii. 245; iii. 91, 118. +

Emōdi mtns, ii. 245; iii. 91, 118.

Emodus, iii. 78.

Empodocles, philosopher, i. 414, 418; ii. 42.

Emporicus, bay, on the Mauritanian shore, iii. 276, 277. -

Emporītæ, in Spain, i. 240. +

Emporītæ, in Spain, i. 240.

Emporium, t. of Spain (Ampurias), i. 239. -

——, of Alexandria, iii. 230. -

——, of Medma, i. 383. -

——, of the Segestani (Castel á Mare), i. 401, 411. +

——, of Alexandria, iii. 230. +

——, of Medma, i. 383. +

——, of the Segestani (Castel á Mare), i. 401, 411.

Ems. See Amasias.

Enchelii, people of Epirus, i. 500. -

Enděra, city of Ethiopia, iii. 196. -

Endymiōn, father of Ætolus, ii. 176; iii. 6. -

Enea (see Ænea), t. of the Troad, ii. 300. +

Enděra, city of Ethiopia, iii. 196. +

Endymiōn, father of Ætolus, ii. 176; iii. 6. +

Enea (see Ænea), t. of the Troad, ii. 300.

Eneta. See Heneta.

Eneti, people of Paphlagonia, i. 316. See Heneti.

Engia, Gulf of. See Saronic Sea. -

Enic&obreve;niæ, t. of Corsica, i. 333. +

Enicŏniæ, t. of Corsica, i. 333.

Enienes, ii. 145.

Enipeus, r. of Pisatis, ii. 32. -

——, r. of Thessaly (Vlacho), ii. 32, 134. +

——, r. of Thessaly (Vlacho), ii. 32, 134.

Enispe, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75.

Enna, t. of Sicily (Castro Johanni), i. 411, 413.

Ennea-Hodoi, t. of Macedonia, i. 513.

Ennius, the poet, i. 429. -

En&obreve;pe, t. of Messenia, ii. 35, 37. +

Enŏpe, t. of Messenia, ii. 35, 37.

Enops, ii. 394. -

Enotocoitæ, iii. 107. +

Enotocoitæ, iii. 107.

Enydra, t. of Syria (Ain-el-Hiyeh), iii. 167.

Enyus (Bellona), temple of, ii. 279.

Eordi, people of Macedonia, i. 495, 500. @@ -95870,9 +95870,9 @@ i. 303, 323.

Epeius, i. 397; ii. 122.

Ephesians, ii. 284; iii. 3, 10.

Ephesium, the. See Diana. -

Ephesus, city of Ionia, i. 268; ii. 73, 237, 298, 299, 333, 396; iii. 1–4, 10, 11, 14, 15, 21, 22, 43. +

Ephesus, city of Ionia, i. 268; ii. 73, 237, 298, 299, 333, 396; iii. 1–4, 10, 11, 14, 15, 21, 22, 43.

Ephialtes, traitor, i. 17. -

——, i. 29. +

——, i. 29.

Ephorus, i. 1, 51, 52, 207, 296, 328, 329, 363, 388, 390, 394, 399, 402, 403, 407, 425, 449, 464, 465, 469, 499, 501; ii. 1, 3, 33, 38, 42, 44, @@ -95881,55 +95881,55 @@ i. 303, 323. 174, 176, 177, 196, 197, 200, -201, 204, 291, 298, 299, 341, 366, 398, 399; iii. 4, 62–65. +201, 204, 291, 298, 299, 341, 366, 398, 399; iii. 4, 62–65.

Ephyra, t. of Elis, i. 502; ii. 9, 10, 52. -

——, t. of Epirus, i. 497. -

——, t. of Thesprotia, i. 502; ii. 9, 10, 149. -

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 9, 10. -

——, t. of Perrhæbia, ii. 10. -

——, vill. of Ætolia, ii. 9, 10. See Corinth, Crannōn. +

——, t. of Epirus, i. 497. +

——, t. of Thesprotia, i. 502; ii. 9, 10, 149. +

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 9, 10. +

——, t. of Perrhæbia, ii. 10. +

——, vill. of Ætolia, ii. 9, 10. See Corinth, Crannōn.

Ephyri, i. 507; ii. 10, 147. -

——, Thesprotic, ii. 10. +

——, Thesprotic, ii. 10.

Epicarus. See Epidaurus.

Epicharmus, poet, ii. 42.

Epicnemidii. See Locri.

Epicteti, in Phrygia, ii. 314, 330, 402. -

Epictetus, Ætolia, ii. 159, 172. -

——, Phrygia, ii. 277, 289, 315, 316, 332. +

Epictetus, Ætolia, ii. 159, 172. +

——, Phrygia, ii. 277, 289, 315, 316, 332.

Epicurus, philosopher, ii. 350; iii. 9.

Epidamnus, city of Illyria (Durazzo), i. 140, 161, 432, 485, 495, 500; ii. 33, 134.

Epidanus (the Jura), ii. 134.

Epidaphne (Antakieh), iii. 161.

Epidaurian territory, ii. 47, 75.

Epidaurii, Epidaurians, ii. 58. -

Epidaurus, city of Argolis (Pidauro), ii. 54–57, 321. -

——, Limēra, t. of Laconia, ii. 48. +

Epidaurus, city of Argolis (Pidauro), ii. 54–57, 321. +

——, Limēra, t. of Laconia, ii. 48.

Epigoni, expedition of the, i. 499; ii. 93, 109, 111, 174. -

Epii, people of Elis, ii. 7–10, 12, +

Epii, people of Elis, ii. 7–10, 12, -13, 15, 18, 25–28, 30, 33, 167, 176. +13, 15, 18, 25–28, 30, 33, 167, 176.

Epimenides, of Crete, ii. 200. -

Epirōtæ, i. 493, 495, 498–500, 506; ii. 2, 128, 131, 137; iii. 297. +

Epirōtæ, i. 493, 495, 498–500, 506; ii. 2, 128, 131, 137; iii. 297.

Epirotic nations, i. 495, 496, 516; ii. 2, 3, 114, 131.

Epirus, i. 186, 187, 194, 329, 429, 432, 481, 496, 497, 501, 506; ii. 161, 163, 164, 174, 183; iii. 297.

Episarosis, a religious rite, ii. 82. -

Epistrophus, leader of the Halizoni, ii. 297–299, 343, 384, 394. +

Epistrophus, leader of the Halizoni, ii. 297–299, 343, 384, 394.

Epitalium, t. of Triphylia, ii. 16, 23, 24. -

Epitimæus. See Timæus. +

Epitimæus. See Timæus.

Epizephyrii, ii. 128. -

Epōmeus, Mount, i. 369. -

Eporědia (Ivrea), i. 306. -

Eræ, t. of Ionia (Sighadschik), iii. 17. +

Epōmeus, Mount, i. 369. +

Eporědia (Ivrea), i. 306. +

Eræ, t. of Ionia (Sighadschik), iii. 17.

Erana, t. of Messenia, ii. 22, 37.

Erannoboas (Hiranjavahu), iii. 97. -

Erasīnus, Arsīnus, r. of Argolis, i. 416; ii. 52, 76. +

Erasīnus, Arsīnus, r. of Argolis, i. 416; ii. 52, 76.

Erasistratus, physician of Ceos, ii. 210, 337.

Erastus, the Scepsian, ii. 378. -

Eratosthenes, i. 1, 9, 12, 13, 22–26, 28, 29, 33–36, 38, 39, 42, +

Eratosthenes, i. 1, 9, 12, 13, 22–26, 28, 29, 33–36, 38, 39, 42, -43, 45, 61, 70, 74, 77, 80, 84–88, 97, 98, 100, 103–110, 114, +43, 45, 61, 70, 74, 77, 80, 84–88, 97, 98, 100, 103–110, 114, -117–120, 122–135, 138–142, +117–120, 122–135, 138–142, 144, 147, 457, 158, 161, 163, @@ -95941,7 +95941,7 @@ i. 303, 323. 240, 243, 244, 248, 261, 271 iii. 44, 70, 71, 75, 78, 79, 84, 124, -130, 149–151, 156, 183, 186, +130, 149–151, 156, 183, 186, 188, 189, 192, 208, 220, 276, 281, 293.

Eratyra, t. of Macedonia, i. 50. @@ -95958,170 +95958,170 @@ i. 303, 323.

Eressus t. of Lesbos (Eresso), ii. 392. -

Eretria, city of Eubœa (Vathy), i. 65; ii. 95, 152, 154–156, 162. -

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 136, 154. -

——, vill. of Attica (Paleocastro), ii. 95, 152, 154. +

Eretria, city of Eubœa (Vathy), i. 65; ii. 95, 152, 154–156, 162. +

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 136, 154. +

——, vill. of Attica (Paleocastro), ii. 95, 152, 154.

Eretrici, a sect of philosophers, ii. 82, 156.

Eretrieis, Eretrians, i. 368; ii. 152, 155.

Eretrieus, founder of Eretria, ii. 155. -

Erētum, t. of the Sabines, i. 338, 339, 354. +

Erētum, t. of the Sabines, i. 338, 339, 354.

Erginus, king of the Orchomenii, ii. 112.

Ericthonius, ii. 374. -

Ericūssa, Ericōdes, one of the Æolian islands, i. 419, 421. +

Ericūssa, Ericōdes, one of the Æolian islands, i. 419, 421.

Eridanus, r. of Attica, i. 320; ii. 88. -

Erigōn, r. of Macedonia, i. 501, 506, 508, 509. -

——, r. of Thrace, i. 516. +

Erigōn, r. of Macedonia, i. 501, 506, 508, 509. +

——, r. of Thrace, i. 516.

Erineum, ii. 39, 195.

Erineus, t. of Doris, ii. 128, 361, 363. -

——, of Phthiotis, ii. 136. -

Erōs, a work of Praxiteles, ii. 105. +

——, of Phthiotis, ii. 136. +

Erōs, a work of Praxiteles, ii. 105.

Erymanthus, r. of Arcadia, ii. 15, 33. -

Erymnæ, t. of Magnesia, ii. 148. -

Eryschæi, people of Ætolia, ii. 172. +

Erymnæ, t. of Magnesia, ii. 148. +

Eryschæi, people of Ætolia, ii. 172.

Erythia, isl., i. 222, 223, 254, 406. -

Erythīni, Erythrīni rocks, ii. 288, 291. -

Erythræ, t. of Bœotia, ii. 97, 104, 106. -

——, of Ionia (Ritri), ii. 97, 259; iii. 2, 17, 18. -

Erythræan Sea (Red Sea), i. 52, 68, 87, 88, 91, 102, 261; iii. 186. -

—— Gulf, i. 87. -

Erythræans, ii. 349, 350, 386; iii. 17, 18. +

Erythīni, Erythrīni rocks, ii. 288, 291. +

Erythræ, t. of Bœotia, ii. 97, 104, 106. +

——, of Ionia (Ritri), ii. 97, 259; iii. 2, 17, 18. +

Erythræan Sea (Red Sea), i. 52, 68, 87, 88, 91, 102, 261; iii. 186. +

—— Gulf, i. 87. +

Erythræans, ii. 349, 350, 386; iii. 17, 18.

Erythras, iii. 187, 208.

Eryx, mtn of Sicily, i. 378, 412, 413, 378. -

——, t. of Sicily, i. 412; ii. 378. -

Esaro. See Æsar. +

——, t. of Sicily, i. 412; ii. 378. +

Esaro. See Æsar.

Esdod. See Gadaris.

Eshinoon. See Hermopolis. -

Esino. See Æsis. +

Esino. See Æsis.

Esioneis, Asioneis, ii. 405.

Eski-Hissar. See Stratoniceis and Laodicea. -

Eski-Scheur. See Dorylaæum. +

Eski-Scheur. See Dorylaæum.

Eski-Stamboul, See Alexandria Troad in the. -

Esōpis, mtn (Monte Esope), i. 389. +

Esōpis, mtn (Monte Esope), i. 389.

Espartel, Cape. See Coteis.

Espichel, Capo. See Barbarium.

Esquiline hill, i. 348. -

—— plain, i. 352. -

—— gate, i. 348, 352. -

Estiōnes, people of the Vindelici, i. 307. +

—— plain, i. 352. +

—— gate, i. 348, 352. +

Estiōnes, people of the Vindelici, i. 307.

Eteocles, king of Orchomenus, ii. 112. -

Eteocrētans, people of Crete, ii. 195, 199. -

Eteōnus, t. of Bœotia, i. 457; ii. 103, 104. -

Ethiopia, Æthiopia, i. 2, 4, 13, 15, 32, 46–54, 60, 64, 67, 68, 96, +

Eteocrētans, people of Crete, ii. 195, 199. +

Eteōnus, t. of Bœotia, i. 457; ii. 103, 104. +

Ethiopia, Æthiopia, i. 2, 4, 13, 15, 32, 46–54, 60, 64, 67, 68, 96, 97, 100, 111, 130, 142, 148, 153, 177, 178, 197, 274, 458; ii. 257, -304; iii. 81–86, 88, 190, 191, +304; iii. 81–86, 88, 190, 191, 207, 210, 217, 220, 222, 224, 233, -235, 250, 257, 263, 265, 269–275, 282, 290, 295. +235, 250, 257, 263, 265, 269–275, 282, 290, 295.

Ethiopian zone, i. 147. -

Ethiopians, i. 3, 16, 25, 41, 47–55, 60, 62–67, 143, 151, 155, 156, +

Ethiopians, i. 3, 16, 25, 41, 47–55, 60, 62–67, 143, 151, 155, 156, 181, 196, 197, 458, 462; iii. 296. -

——, Western, i. 3, 153, 236. -

——, Egyptian, i. 54, 156. -

——, of Libya, i. 155. +

——, Western, i. 3, 153, 236. +

——, Egyptian, i. 54, 156. +

——, of Libya, i. 155.

Etrusci. See Tyrrheni. -

Euæmōn, son of Ormenus, ii. 142. +

Euæmōn, son of Ormenus, ii. 142.

Euanthes, leads a colony to Locris, i. 388. -

Eubœa, isl. (Negropont), i. 65, 90, 94, 95, 187, 502, 506; ii. 24, 81, +

Eubœa, isl. (Negropont), i. 65, 90, 94, 95, 187, 502, 506; ii. 24, 81, 85, 90, 92, 95, 98, 99, 114, 115, 122, 125, 127, 131, 138, 141, -142, 150–158, 162, 175, 181; iii. 32. -

——, t. of Eubœa, ii. 32. -

——, t. of Sicily, i. 404, 412; ii. 158. +142, 150–158, 162, 175, 181; iii. 32. +

——, t. of Eubœa, ii. 32. +

——, t. of Sicily, i. 404, 412; ii. 158. -

Eubœa, t. of Macedonia, ii. 158. -

—— in Lemnos, ii. 158. -

—— in Corcyra, ii. 158. -

——, a hill in Argolis, ii. 158. -

Eubœan Sea, ii. 92, 124. -

—— talent, i. 221. +

Eubœa, t. of Macedonia, ii. 158. +

—— in Lemnos, ii. 158. +

—— in Corcyra, ii. 158. +

——, a hill in Argolis, ii. 158. +

Eubœan Sea, ii. 92, 124. +

—— talent, i. 221.

Eucarpia, t. of Phrygia, ii. 332.

Euclides, ii. 82.

Eucratidas, king of the Bactrians, ii. 251, 253; iii. 74.

Eucratidia, city of the Bactrians, ii. 253. -

Eudeielus, see Asplēdōn, ii. 113. -

Eudēmus, Rhodian, iii. 33. +

Eudeielus, see Asplēdōn, ii. 113. +

Eudēmus, Rhodian, iii. 33.

Eudorus, iii. 225, 226. -

Eudoxus of Cyzicus, i. 1, 149–153, 156, 180, 517; ii. 61, 78, 79. -

——, mathematician, of Cnidus, ii. 110, 177, 193, 298, 340, iii. 34, 246, 247. -

Euergetæ, people of Ariana, iii. 126. +

Eudoxus of Cyzicus, i. 1, 149–153, 156, 180, 517; ii. 61, 78, 79. +

——, mathematician, of Cnidus, ii. 110, 177, 193, 298, 340, iii. 34, 246, 247. +

Euergetæ, people of Ariana, iii. 126.

Euergetes. See Mithridates, Ptolemy.

Eugubbio. See Iguvium. -

Euhēmerus, Messenian, i. 74, 154, 157, 158, 459. -

Eulæus, r. of Susiana, iii. 131, 140. -

Eumæus, ii. 364. -

Eumēdes, founder of Ptolemaïs, iii. 194. -

Eumēlus, son of Admētus, i. 72; ii. 139, 143, 146, 148. +

Euhēmerus, Messenian, i. 74, 154, 157, 158, 459. +

Eulæus, r. of Susiana, iii. 131, 140. +

Eumæus, ii. 364. +

Eumēdes, founder of Ptolemaïs, iii. 194. +

Eumēlus, son of Admētus, i. 72; ii. 139, 143, 146, 148.

Eumeneia, city of Phrygia (Ischekli), ii. 332.

Eumenes, brother of Philetaerus, ii. 400. -

——, son of Eumenes, ii. 400. -

——, son of Attalus, ii. 281, 333, 400; iii. 46, 55. -

——, grove of, iii. 197. -

——, harbour of, iii. 198. +

——, son of Eumenes, ii. 400. +

——, son of Attalus, ii. 281, 333, 400; iii. 46, 55. +

——, grove of, iii. 197. +

——, harbour of, iii. 198.

Eumolpus, Thracian, i. 493; ii. 67, 187. -

Eunēos, son of Jason, i. 66, 71, 73. -

Eunomia, elegy of Tyrtæus, ii. 39. +

Eunēos, son of Jason, i. 66, 71, 73. +

Eunomia, elegy of Tyrtæus, ii. 39.

Eunomus, i. 390, 391.

Eunostus, harbour of, near Alexandria, iii. 227, 230.

Eunus, i. 412, 413. -

Euōnymus, one of the Lipari islands, i. 420. +

Euōnymus, one of the Lipari islands, i. 420.

Eupalium, ii. 128, 159.

Eupator. See Mithridates. -

Eupat&obreve;ria, t. of Pontus, see Magnopolis, ii. 306. -

Eupat&obreve;rium, t. of the Tauric Chersonnesus, i. 479. -

Euph&obreve;riōn, poet, ii. 42, 318; iii. 67. +

Eupatŏria, t. of Pontus, see Magnopolis, ii. 306. +

Eupatŏrium, t. of the Tauric Chersonnesus, i. 479. +

Euphŏriōn, poet, ii. 42, 318; iii. 67.

Euphrantas, tower, iii. 290. -

Euphrates(the Forat, Ferat, or Frat), i. 75, 100, 101, 122–124, 126, +

Euphrates(the Forat, Ferat, or Frat), i. 75, 100, 101, 122–124, 126, -127, 129, 134, 135, 137, 196, 440 ii. 251, 259–263, 267, 268, 270, +127, 129, 134, 135, 137, 196, 440 ii. 251, 259–263, 267, 268, 270, 274, 278, 283, 343, 345; iii. 44, 52, 63, 108, 109, 131, 132, 142, -145–151, 156–163, 166, 185, 186–188. -

Euphr&obreve;nius, poet, ii. 66. -

Eureïs, r. of Mysia, ii. 190. +145–151, 156–163, 166, 185, 186–188. +

Euphrŏnius, poet, ii. 66. +

Eureïs, r. of Mysia, ii. 190.

Euripides, tragic poet, i. 52, 274, 329; ii. 32, 45, 52, 60, 62, 185, 189, 389, 390; iii. 20, 53, 75.

Euripus, ii. 92, 96. -

——, Chalcidian, i. 17, 57, 94; ii. 96, 130, 148, 151, 154. -

——, Pyrrhæan, ii. 391. -

Eurōmus, t. of Caria, iii. 6, 37. -

Europe, i. 22, 52, 78, 88, 103, 140, 157–164, 183, 188, 191–194, +

——, Chalcidian, i. 17, 57, 94; ii. 96, 130, 148, 151, 154. +

——, Pyrrhæan, ii. 391. +

Eurōmus, t. of Caria, iii. 6, 37. +

Europe, i. 22, 52, 78, 88, 103, 140, 157–164, 183, 188, 191–194, 205, 206, 303, 442, 453, 464, 477, 480, 490, 505, 517; ii. 1, 4, passim.

Europeans, ii. 240. -

Eurōpus, city of Media, ii. 264. -

——, same as Rhaga, ii. 284. -

——, city of Macedonia, i. 501. -

——, r. of Thessaly, i. 501, 507. -

Eurōtas, r. of Laconia (the Iri or Vasili Potamo), i. 417, 507; ii. 15, 41, 42, 76, 145. +

Eurōpus, city of Media, ii. 264. +

——, same as Rhaga, ii. 284. +

——, city of Macedonia, i. 501. +

——, r. of Thessaly, i. 501, 507. +

Eurōtas, r. of Laconia (the Iri or Vasili Potamo), i. 417, 507; ii. 15, 41, 42, 76, 145.

Eurus (south-east wind), i. 45.

Eurycleia, iii. 13. -

Eurycles, leader of the Lacedæmonians, ii. 41, 44. +

Eurycles, leader of the Lacedæmonians, ii. 41, 44.

Eurycydeium, grove, in Elis, ii. 19.

Eurydice, mother of Philip, i. 500.

Eurylochus, ii. 83. -

——, Thessalian, ii. 116, 120. +

——, Thessalian, ii. 116, 120.

Eurymachus, ii. 173. @@ -96129,26 +96129,26 @@ i. 303, 323. -

Eurymedōn, leader of the Athenians, ii. 35. -

——, r. of Pamphylia (Koprusu), ii. 325; iii. 49. -

Eurypōn, son of Procles, ii. 44. -

Eurypōntidæ, ii. 44. -

Eurypylus, son of Euæmon, ii. 134, 136, 138, 142, 143. -

——, son of Telephus, ii. 343, 345, 389, 395. -

Eurysthenes, brother of Procles, ii. 42–44, 77. -

Eurysthěnidæ, ii. 44. -

Eurystheus, king of Mycenæ, ii. 59. +

Eurymedōn, leader of the Athenians, ii. 35. +

——, r. of Pamphylia (Koprusu), ii. 325; iii. 49. +

Eurypōn, son of Procles, ii. 44. +

Eurypōntidæ, ii. 44. +

Eurypylus, son of Euæmon, ii. 134, 136, 138, 142, 143. +

——, son of Telephus, ii. 343, 345, 389, 395. +

Eurysthenes, brother of Procles, ii. 42–44, 77. +

Eurysthěnidæ, ii. 44. +

Eurystheus, king of Mycenæ, ii. 59.

Eurystheus's-head, ii. 59. -

Eurytānes, people of Ætolia, ii. 156, 160, 179. +

Eurytānes, people of Ætolia, ii. 156, 160, 179.

Eurytus, ii. 10, 11, 23, 24, 142; iii. 10.

Eusebeia, ii. 281, 282. See Tyana and Mazaca. -

Euthydēmus, king of the Bactrians, ii. 251, 253. -

——, orator, iii. 38, 39. +

Euthydēmus, king of the Bactrians, ii. 251, 253. +

——, orator, iii. 38, 39.

Euthymus, i. 381.

Eutresis, ii. 106.

Euxine, i. 8, 31, 32, 68, 75, 76, 78 -81, 84, 86, 89, 95, 96, 102, 106, -113, 139, 163, 177, 183, 188–190, 193–195, 202, 245, 440, +113, 139, 163, 177, 183, 188–190, 193–195, 202, 245, 440, 442, 443, 451, 452, 467, 474, 476, @@ -96161,12 +96161,12 @@ i. 303, 323. 286, 290, 295; iii. 1, 61, 63, 64, 142, 186. See Pontus.

Euxynthetus, ii. 199.

Evander, i. 343. -

Evenus, r. of Ætolia (Fidari), i. 501; ii. 6, 160, 171. -

—— r. of Mysia, ii. 387. -

Exitani, city of the, in Bætica, i. 235, 255. +

Evenus, r. of Ætolia (Fidari), i. 501; ii. 6, 160, 171. +

—— r. of Mysia, ii. 387. +

Exitani, city of the, in Bætica, i. 235, 255.

Exterior Sea. See Atlantic.

Fabius, the historian, i. 339. -

—— Maximus, i. 424. +

—— Maximus, i. 424.

Fabrateria (Falvaterra), i. 352.

Faenza. See Faventia.

Falerium (Sta Maria di Falari), i. 335. @@ -96183,32 +96183,32 @@ i. 303, 323.

Faustulus, i. 340.

Faventia, c. of Cisalpine Gaul (Faenza), i. 322.

Fellis. See Elephas. -

Ferentīnum, t. of Etruria, i. 335. -

——, t. of Latium (Ferentino), i. 352. +

Ferentīnum, t. of Etruria, i. 335. +

——, t. of Latium (Ferentino), i. 352.

Feronia, t. of Etruria, i. 336. -

Fesa. See Pasaryadæ. +

Fesa. See Pasaryadæ.

Festi, i. 341. -

Fidēnæ, i. 335, 341. +

Fidēnæ, i. 335, 341.

Fimbrias, ii. 356.

Finisterre, Cape. See Nerium.

Firmum Picenum (Fermo), i. 357.

Firouz-Koh. See Caspian, Gates of the. -

Fiumesino. See Æsis. +

Fiumesino. See Æsis.

Flaminia Via, in Italy, i. 323, 336, 337.

Flaminius, Caius, consul, i. 323. -

——, Titus, proprietor of Sicily, i. 421. -

Formiæ, t. of Latium (Mola di Gaeta), i. 347. +

——, Titus, proprietor of Sicily, i. 421. +

Formiæ, t. of Latium (Mola di Gaeta), i. 347.

Fortune, temple of, i. 354, 370.

Fortunate Islands. See Blest, Isles of the.

Foruli, i. 338.

Forum Julium, t. of Gaul (Frejus), i. 275, 276. -

—— Vulcani (La Solfaterra), i. 365. -

—— Cornelium, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Imola), i. 322. -

—— Flaminium, t. of Umbria, i. 337. -

—— Semprōnium, t. of Umbria (Fossembruno), i. 337. +

—— Vulcani (La Solfaterra), i. 365. +

—— Cornelium, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Imola), i. 322. +

—— Flaminium, t. of Umbria, i. 337. +

—— Semprōnium, t. of Umbria (Fossembruno), i. 337.

France. See Keltica. -

Fregellæ, t. of Latium (Ceperano), i. 347, 352, 353. -

Fregēna, t. of Etruria (Torre Macarese) i. 335. +

Fregellæ, t. of Latium (Ceperano), i. 347, 352, 353. +

Fregēna, t. of Etruria (Torre Macarese) i. 335. @@ -96216,67 +96216,67 @@ i. 303, 323.

Frejus. See Forum Julium. -

Frentani, people of Italy, i. 358–360, 432, 436. +

Frentani, people of Italy, i. 358–360, 432, 436.

Frozen Sea, i. 99. -

Frūsino, c. of Latium (Frusinone), i. 352. +

Frūsino, c. of Latium (Frusinone), i. 352.

Fucinus, Lake, i. 356.

Fugitives, t. of, i. 73.

Fundi, t. of Latium, i. 347.

Furies, the, i. 262. -

Furni Islands. See Corsiæ. +

Furni Islands. See Corsiæ.

Fusaro, Lago di. See Acherusian Lake. -

Gabæ, city of Persis, iii. 131. +

Gabæ, city of Persis, iii. 131.

Gabala, city of Syria, iii. 167.

Gabales, a people of Aquitania, i. 284. -

Gabianē, a province of Elymais, iii. 154. +

Gabianē, a province of Elymais, iii. 154.

Gabii, t. of Latium (L'Osteria del Pantano), i. 353, 354.

Gabinius, historian, iii. 281. -

——, consul, ii. 308; iii. 232. +

——, consul, ii. 308; iii. 232.

Gabreta, forest of Germany, i. 448. -

Gadara, t. of Judæa, iii. 175. +

Gadara, t. of Judæa, iii. 175.

Gadaris (Esdod), iii. 175, 183.

Gades, Gadeira (Cadiz), i. 60, 150, 152, 153, 157, 161, 164, 180, 208, -210–212, 222, 223, 226, 235, +210–212, 222, 223, 226, 235, -236, 241, 253–262, 296; iii. 276, 278. -

——, Gates of, i. 256, 258. -

Gadilōn (Wesir Kopti), ii. 294. -

Gadilonītis, ii. 294. +236, 241, 253–262, 296; iii. 276, 278. +

——, Gates of, i. 256, 258. +

Gadilōn (Wesir Kopti), ii. 294. +

Gadilonītis, ii. 294.

Gaditanians, i. 212, 213, 255, 260. -

Gæsatæ, people of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 317, 322. -

Gaëta. See Caiata. -

Gaeta, Mola di. See Formiæ. -

Gætuli, people of Libya, i. 198; iii. 276, 282, 289, 294. +

Gæsatæ, people of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 317, 322. +

Gaëta. See Caiata. +

Gaeta, Mola di. See Formiæ. +

Gætuli, people of Libya, i. 198; iii. 276, 282, 289, 294.

Galabrii, people of Illyria, i. 485.

Galactophagi, i. 453, 458, 461, 465, 479; ii. 304. -

Galatæ (see Celtæ), in Europe, i. 96, 161, 219, 264, 270, 271, 282, 286, 327, 482, 485; ii. 71. +

Galatæ (see Celtæ), in Europe, i. 96, 161, 219, 264, 270, 271, 282, 286, 327, 482, 485; ii. 71.

Cisalpine, i. 313. -

Galatæ, Scordisci, i. 482. -

——, Alabroges, iii. 184. -

Galatia, part of Phrygia, i. 195; ii. 310, 319–321. -

Galatians, ii. 282–284, 286, 290, 293, 294, 310, 319, 320, 329, 355; iii. 297. +

Galatæ, Scordisci, i. 482. +

——, Alabroges, iii. 184. +

Galatia, part of Phrygia, i. 195; ii. 310, 319–321. +

Galatians, ii. 282–284, 286, 290, 293, 294, 310, 319, 320, 329, 355; iii. 297.

Galatic or Gallic race, i. 282, 283, 291, 443. -

—— or Celtic Gulf (Gulf of Lyons), i. 160, 174, 184, 192, +

—— or Celtic Gulf (Gulf of Lyons), i. 160, 174, 184, 192, 206, 249, 271, 283. -

—— (Gulf of Aquitaine), i. 192, 249. -

Galēpsus, t. of Macedonia, i. 512, 513, 515. +

—— (Gulf of Aquitaine), i. 192, 249. +

Galēpsus, t. of Macedonia, i. 512, 513, 515.

Galazze. See Callateria. -

Galilee, district of Judæa, iii. 177, 181. +

Galilee, district of Judæa, iii. 177, 181.

Gallesius, mtn of Ionia, iii. 15.

Gallia Cispadana. See Keltica.

Gallicians, the, i. 228, 229, 233, 243, 246, 250; iii. 63, 65.

Gallinarian Wood, in Campania (Pineta di Castel Volturno), i. 362.

Gallipoli. See Chersonesus, Thracian, Callipolis. -

Gallo-Græcia, i. 195. -

Gallus, r. of Phrygia, ii. 289. See Ælius and Cornelius. +

Gallo-Græcia, i. 195. +

Gallus, r. of Phrygia, ii. 289. See Ælius and Cornelius.

Gamabrivi, people of Germany, i. 445.

Gambarus, prince of Syria, iii. 167.

Gandaris, district of India, iii. 92. -

Gandarītis, district of India, iii. 89. +

Gandarītis, district of India, iii. 89.

Ganges, r. of India, iii. 74, 79, 80, 90, 96, 97, 108, 117, 118.

Gangitis, iii. 157.

Gangra, ii. 314. @@ -96284,7 +96284,7 @@ i. 303, 323.

Garamantes, a people of Libya, i. 198; iii. 289, 294, 295.

Garescus, t. of Macedonia, i. 509, 514.

Gargara, t. of the Troad, ii. 342, 375, 376, 382, 384. -

Garganum, mtn of Italy (Punta di Viesti), i. 434–436. +

Garganum, mtn of Italy (Punta di Viesti), i. 434–436. @@ -96292,34 +96292,34 @@ i. 303, 323.

Gargareis, Gargarenses, inhabitants of the Gargari, ii. -

——, people of the Caucasus, ii. 235, 236. +

——, people of the Caucasus, ii. 235, 236.

Gargaris, ii. 381.

Gargarum, peak of Mount Ida, i. 64; ii. 342.

Gargasus, son of Cypselus. See Gorgus.

Gargettus, vill. of Attica, ii. 59.

Garigliano. See Liris. -

Garindæi, a people of Arabia, iii. 204. -

Garmānes, philosophers of India, iii. 109, 110. +

Garindæi, a people of Arabia, iii. 204. +

Garmānes, philosophers of India, iii. 109, 110.

Garonne, r. See Garuna. -

Garsaurītis, province of Cappadocia, ii. 278. +

Garsaurītis, province of Cappadocia, ii. 278.

Garsavira, vill. of Cappadocia (Mekran), ii. 281, 284; iii. 74, 121, 124, 125, 128, 156. -

Garuna (Garonne), r., i. 265, 282–284, 288, 297. +

Garuna (Garonne), r., i. 265, 282–284, 288, 297.

Gasterocheires, ii. 54.

Gasys, ii. 302.

Gata. See Curias.

Gaudus, island (Gozo), i. 71, 421, 459. -

Gaugamēla, village of Aturia (Karmelis), i. 123; iii. 144. -

Gaul, i. 192, 264–296, 439. See Keltica. +

Gaugamēla, village of Aturia (Karmelis), i. 123; iii. 144. +

Gaul, i. 192, 264–296, 439. See Keltica.

Gaul, Cisalpine, i. 287, 324, 357. -

——, Transalpine, i. 264. -

Gauls, the, i. 292–294. -

Gaza, city of Judæa, iii. 171, 176, 191. +

——, Transalpine, i. 264. +

Gauls, the, i. 292–294. +

Gaza, city of Judæa, iii. 171, 176, 191.

Gazaka, city of Media, ii. 263.

Gazacene, district of Pontus, ii. 302. -

Gazæans, iii. 160. -

Gazaluītis, district of Pontus, ii. 302. -

Gazelonītis, ii. 311. -

Gaziūra, t. of Pontus (Turchal), ii. 295. +

Gazæans, iii. 160. +

Gazaluītis, district of Pontus, ii. 302. +

Gazelonītis, ii. 311. +

Gaziūra, t. of Pontus (Turchal), ii. 295.

Gedis. See Cadi.

Gedis-Tschai. See Hermus.

Gedrosia, i. 196, 197; iii. 74, 121, 128, 156, 190. @@ -96329,30 +96329,30 @@ i. 303, 323.

Gedrosii, Gedroseni, people of Ariana, iii. 124, 125.

Geihun. See Pyramus.

Geira, see Aphrodisias, ii. 332. -

Gěla, city of Sicily, i. 412. -

Gēlæ, ii. 235, 241, 245. +

Gěla, city of Sicily, i. 412. +

Gēlæ, ii. 235, 241, 245.

Geloi, i. 411. -

Gelōn, tyrant of Syracuse, i. 149; ii. 158. +

Gelōn, tyrant of Syracuse, i. 149; ii. 158.

Genabum (Orleans), i. 284.

Genauni, people of Illyria, i. 306. -

Genētes, prom. and river of Pontus (C. Vona), ii. 296. -

Gennesarītis, lake and district of Judæa, iii. 169. -

Genoa, i. 300–302, 314, 322, 323. +

Genētes, prom. and river of Pontus (C. Vona), ii. 296. +

Gennesarītis, lake and district of Judæa, iii. 169. +

Genoa, i. 300–302, 314, 322, 323.

Genoa, Gulf of. See Liguria.

Georgi, i. 479; ii. 219.

Gephyra, Gephyrismi, in Attica, ii. 91. -

Gephyræans, ii. 96. See Tanagræi. -

Geræstus, t. and prom. of Eubœa (C. Mantelo), ii. 150, 151, 153 154. +

Gephyræans, ii. 96. See Tanagræi. +

Geræstus, t. and prom. of Eubœa (C. Mantelo), ii. 150, 151, 153 154.

Geranius, r. of Elis, ii. 11. -

Gerēna, Gerēnia, city of Messenia, i. 459; ii. 12, 28, 36, 37. +

Gerēna, Gerēnia, city of Messenia, i. 459; ii. 12, 28, 36, 37.

Gerenius, epithet of Nestor, ii. 11, 36. -

Gerēnus, a place in Elis, ii. 11. -

Geres, a Bœotian, iii. 2. +

Gerēnus, a place in Elis, ii. 11. +

Geres, a Bœotian, iii. 2.

Gergitha, t. of the Troad, ii. 350, 390. -

——, vill. near the sources of the Caïcus, ii. 390. -

Gergitheis, t. of Cymæa, ii. 350. +

——, vill. near the sources of the Caïcus, ii. 390. +

Gergitheis, t. of Cymæa, ii. 350.

Gergithium, a place near Lampsacus, ii. 350. -

——, in Cymæa, ii. 350. +

——, in Cymæa, ii. 350.

Gergithius, Cephalon, the, ii. 350.

Gergovia, city of the Arverni, i. 285.

German tribes, i. 445. @@ -96366,57 +96366,57 @@ i. 303, 323. -

Gerræi, iii. 191, 204, 207. -

Gerræidæ, port of the Teii, iii. 17. +

Gerræi, iii. 191, 204, 207. +

Gerræidæ, port of the Teii, iii. 17.

Gerrha, t. of Egypt, i. 79, 87; iii. 177. -

——, t. of Arabia, iii. 186, 187. -

Gerōn, r, of Elis, ii. 11. -

Gēryon, i. 33, 225, 254, 255, 313, 364. +

——, t. of Arabia, iii. 186, 187. +

Gerōn, r, of Elis, ii. 11. +

Gēryon, i. 33, 225, 254, 255, 313, 364.

Gezatorix, prince of Paphlagonia, ii. 314.

Ghela. See Acila. -

Giaretta. See Symæthus. +

Giaretta. See Symæthus.

Gibraleon. See Onoba. -

Getæ, i. 141, 177, 193, 445, 452–457, 461, 463, 464, 466–470, 481; iii. 180. -

——, desert of the, i. 468, 469. +

Getæ, i. 141, 177, 193, 445, 452–457, 461, 463, 464, 466–470, 481; iii. 180. +

——, desert of the, i. 468, 469.

Giaur-Kalessi. See Balbura.

Gibraltar, Strait of, i. 62. -

—— and Ceuta, rocks of. See Pillars of Hercules. +

—— and Ceuta, rocks of. See Pillars of Hercules.

Gigartus, a fortress of Syria, iii. 170.

Gindarus, t. of Syria, iii. 163.

Gira-petra. See Therapytna.

Giulia Nova. See Castrum.

Glaucias, tyrant, ii. 368. -

Glaucōpium, citadel of Athens, i. 460. +

Glaucōpium, citadel of Athens, i. 460.

Glaucus, the Anthedonian, ii. 98. -

—— Pontius, play of Æschylus, ii. 155. -

——, of Potniæ, ii. 103. -

——, r. of Colchis (Tschorocsu), ii. 227, 231. -

——, bay of Caria, iii. 28. +

—— Pontius, play of Æschylus, ii. 155. +

——, of Potniæ, ii. 103. +

——, r. of Colchis (Tschorocsu), ii. 227, 231. +

——, bay of Caria, iii. 28.

Glechon, ii. 124. -

Glissas, t. of Bœotia, ii. 107, 108. +

Glissas, t. of Bœotia, ii. 107, 108.

Glycera, courtesan, ii. 105.

Glycys-Limen, bay and port of Epirus, i. 497. -

Gōgarene, distr. of Armenia, ii. 268, 269. +

Gōgarene, distr. of Armenia, ii. 268, 269.

Gok-Irmak. See Amnias.

Gomphi, t. of Thessaly, ii. 141.

Gonnus, t. of Thessaly, ii. 145.

Gonoessa, ii. 59. -

Gorbeüs, t. of Phrygia, ii. 321. +

Gorbeüs, t. of Phrygia, ii. 321.

Gordium, t. of Phrygia (Juliopolis), ii. 321, 330.

Gordius, king of Phrygia, ii. 321.

Gordus, place in the Troad, ii. 371. -

Gordyæa, Gordyene, a province of Armenia, i. 123; ii. 268; iii. 146, 156, 157, 162. -

Gordyæan mountains, i. 124; ii. 261. -

Gordyæi, people of Mesopotamia (the Kurds), ii. 271, 274; iii. 142, 157. -

Gordyæus, prince of the Gordyæi, ii. 274. +

Gordyæa, Gordyene, a province of Armenia, i. 123; ii. 268; iii. 146, 156, 157, 162. +

Gordyæan mountains, i. 124; ii. 261. +

Gordyæi, people of Mesopotamia (the Kurds), ii. 271, 274; iii. 142, 157. +

Gordyæus, prince of the Gordyæi, ii. 274.

Gordys, son of Triptolemus, iii. 153, 162.

Gorgipia, city of the Sindi, ii. 223, 224.

Gorgons, Gorgo, i. 29, 33, 459; ii. 211. -

——, Gorgon's Head, the, ii. 62, 211. +

——, Gorgon's Head, the, ii. 62, 211.

Gorgus, son of Cypselus, i. 498; ii. 161. See Gargasus. -

——, the miner, iii. 93. +

——, the miner, iii. 93.

Gortyna, city of Crete (Hagius Dheka), ii. 195, 196, 198, 200; iii. 22.

Gortynii, ii. 197, 202.

Gortynium, city of Macedonia, i 504. @@ -96426,15 +96426,15 @@ i. 303, 323.

Grabusa. See Corycus.

Gracchus, Tiberius, i. 244.

Graces, temple of the, ii. 112. -

Græcia, Magna, i. 377. -

Græa, Graia, t. of Bœotia, ii. 58, 96, 106. +

Græcia, Magna, i. 377. +

Græa, Graia, t. of Bœotia, ii. 58, 96, 106.

Granicus, r. of Mysia (Kodscha-Tschai), ii. 338, 340, 347, 349, 371.

Gras, son of Penthilus, ii. 340.

Gravisci, t. of Etruria, i. 335.

Grecian cities, i. 350. -

—— nations, i. 372; ii. 3. -

—— shore, the, i. 9. -

—— territories, i. 43. +

—— nations, i. 372; ii. 3. +

—— shore, the, i. 9. +

—— territories, i. 43.

Grecians, i. 256, 282.

Greece, i. 17, 24, 28, 40, 77, 90 94, 96, 103, 164, 188, 194, 311, 316, 328, 329, 345, 366, 431, 432, @@ -96444,69 +96444,69 @@ i. 303, 323. -437, 442, 443, 457, 461, 481, 492–494, 496, 501, 505; ii. 1, 3, 4, 12, 28, 29, 49, 50, 71, 78, 158, 159, 177, 178, 185, 193; iii. 41, 42, et passim. +437, 442, 443, 457, 461, 481, 492–494, 496, 501, 505; ii. 1, 3, 4, 12, 28, 29, 49, 50, 71, 78, 158, 159, 177, 178, 185, 193; iii. 41, 42, et passim.

Greego. See Theoprosopon.

Greek language, i. 149. -

—— tribes, ii. 2. -

—— cities, i. 393. -

—— states, i. 427. -

—— laws, i. 240. -

—— dialects, ii. 2. -

—— literature, i. 271. -

Greeks, i. 16, 49, 51, 54, 57, 67, 70, 73, 77, 102, 104, 191, 192, 194, 224, 232, 233, 237, 240, 249, 274, 296, 302, 317, 326, 328, 330, 345, 350, 360, 372, 377, 378, 392, 394–396, 403, 407, 408, 411, 422, 427, 439, 450, 453, 462, 463, 468, 478, 492, 496, 498, 505, 514; ii. 33, 43, 44, 50, 54, 55, 132, 134, 158, 169, 172, 174, 182–184; iii. 40–43, 110, 114. -

——, Italian, i. 376, 377, 433; ii. 68. +

—— tribes, ii. 2. +

—— cities, i. 393. +

—— states, i. 427. +

—— laws, i. 240. +

—— dialects, ii. 2. +

—— literature, i. 271. +

Greeks, i. 16, 49, 51, 54, 57, 67, 70, 73, 77, 102, 104, 191, 192, 194, 224, 232, 233, 237, 240, 249, 274, 296, 302, 317, 326, 328, 330, 345, 350, 360, 372, 377, 378, 392, 394–396, 403, 407, 408, 411, 422, 427, 439, 450, 453, 462, 463, 468, 478, 492, 496, 498, 505, 514; ii. 33, 43, 44, 50, 54, 55, 132, 134, 158, 169, 172, 174, 182–184; iii. 40–43, 110, 114. +

——, Italian, i. 376, 377, 433; ii. 68.

Grego. See Throni.

Grium, mtn of Caria, iii. 6. -

Grotta di Pausilipo. See Cumæ. -

Grūmentum, t. of Lucania, i. 379. +

Grotta di Pausilipo. See Cumæ. +

Grūmentum, t. of Lucania, i. 379.

Gryllus, ii. 95.

Gryneus, name of Apollo, ii. 393. -

Grynium, city of Æolis, ii. 397. -

Guadalquiver, r. See Bætis. +

Grynium, city of Æolis, ii. 397. +

Guadalquiver, r. See Bætis.

Guadiana. See Anas.

Gumusch-dagh. See Thorax.

Gura. See Othrys.

Gura, r. See Epidanus.

Guranii, a people of Armenia, ii. 273. -

Gutōnes, i. 444. +

Gutōnes, i. 444.

Gyarus, island (Jura), ii. 208. -

Gygæa, a lake of Lydia, afterwards Coloe, ii. 403. +

Gygæa, a lake of Lydia, afterwards Coloe, ii. 403.

Gygas, prom. of the Troad, ii. 352.

Gyges, king of the Lydians, ii. 119, 351; iii. 66.

Gymnesian or Balearic islands (Majorca and Minorca), i. 185, 194, 216, 217, 239, 251; iii. 32. -

Gymnetæ, iii. 117. +

Gymnetæ, iii. 117.

Gymnosophists, Indian philosophers, iii. 180. -

Gynæcopolis, t. of Egypt, iii. 241. -

Gynæcopolite nome, iii. 241. -

Gyrtōn, Gyrtōne, city of Thessaly (Tcheritchiano), i. 507; ii. 143–148. -

Gyrtōnii, Gyrtonians, i. 507; ii. 147. +

Gynæcopolis, t. of Egypt, iii. 241. +

Gynæcopolite nome, iii. 241. +

Gyrtōn, Gyrtōne, city of Thessaly (Tcheritchiano), i. 507; ii. 143–148. +

Gyrtōnii, Gyrtonians, i. 507; ii. 147.

Gythium, t. of Laconia, ii. 15, 41. -

Hades, i. 31, 33, 223–225; ii. 17, 41, 51; iii. 110, 111. +

Hades, i. 31, 33, 223–225; ii. 17, 41, 51; iii. 110, 111.

Hadylium, ii. 123, 124. -

Hæmon. See Hæmus. -

Hæmin, father of Thessalus, ii. 149. -

——, father of Oxylus, ii. 176. -

Hæm&obreve;nia, ancient name of Thessaly, i. 73; ii. 149. -

Hæmus, mtn of Thrace (Velikidagh), i. 311, 463, 481, 489, 490, 496, 506, 514; ii. 145. +

Hæmon. See Hæmus. +

Hæmin, father of Thessalus, ii. 149. +

——, father of Oxylus, ii. 176. +

Hæmŏnia, ancient name of Thessaly, i. 73; ii. 149. +

Hæmus, mtn of Thrace (Velikidagh), i. 311, 463, 481, 489, 490, 496, 506, 514; ii. 145.

Hagius Dheka. See Gortyna. -

Halæ, t. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 125. -

——, in Attica, ii. 98. -

——, Araphenides, ii. 90, 153. -

——, Æxoneis, ii. 89. +

Halæ, t. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 125. +

——, in Attica, ii. 98. +

——, Araphenides, ii. 90, 153. +

——, Æxoneis, ii. 89.

Halesian plain, ii. 374.

Halex, r. (Alece), i. 390. -

Haliacmon, r. in Macedonia (Indesche Karasu), i. 505–509. +

Haliacmon, r. in Macedonia (Indesche Karasu), i. 505–509.

Haliartia, ii. 107. -

Haliartus, city of Bœotia, i. 25, 457; ii. 101, 106–109. +

Haliartus, city of Bœotia, i. 25, 457; ii. 101, 106–109.

Halicarnassus, ii. 56, 374; iii. 5, 30, 34, 35.

Halieis, ii. 54.

Halikes. See Zoster.

Halimusii, ii. 89.

Halisarna, iii. 36.

Halius, ii. 135. -

Halizoni, Halizones, ii. 297, 299, 300, 371; iii. 63–66. +

Halizoni, Halizones, ii. 297, 299, 300, 371; iii. 63–66.

Halonnesus, ii. 140, 393; iii. 18. -

Halys (Kizil-Ermak), i. 190, 195, 439, 457; ii. 135, 139, 218, 276, 277, 283, 285, 286, 290, 293, 294, 301, 302, 311–313, 327; iii. 61 141, 297. +

Halys (Kizil-Ermak), i. 190, 195, 439, 457; ii. 135, 139, 218, 276, 277, 283, 285, 286, 290, 293, 294, 301, 302, 311–313, 327; iii. 61 141, 297. @@ -96514,25 +96514,25 @@ i. 303, 323.

Halys, Phthiotic, ii. 135. -

Hamaxitus, ii. 145, 373–375, 385, 395. -

Hamaxœci, i. 191, 453, 461; ii. 219. +

Hamaxitus, ii. 145, 373–375, 385, 395. +

Hamaxœci, i. 191, 453, 461; ii. 219.

Hamedan. See Ecbatana.

Hannibal, i. 238, 239, 311, 321, 323, 336, 364, 370, 373, 374, 381,

382, 428, 436, 439.

Haran. See Niciphorium. -

Harma, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 97, 99, 106. -

——, t. of Attica, ii. 96, 97. -

Harmatus, prom. of Æolia, ii. 397. +

Harma, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 97, 99, 106. +

——, t. of Attica, ii. 96, 97. +

Harmatus, prom. of Æolia, ii. 397.

Harmonia, i. 73, 500.

Harmozi, prom. of Carmania, iii. 186. -

Harpagīa, t. of Mysia, ii. 347. +

Harpagīa, t. of Mysia, ii. 347.

Harpagus, general of Cyrus, i. 376.

Harpalus, iii. 292.

Harpies, the, i. 465.

Harpina, t. of Pisatis, ii. 32.

Hebe, Dia, ii. 66. -

Hěbrus, r. of Thrace (Maritza), i. 495, 505, 516, 518; ii. 351. -

Hecatæus, the Milesian, i. 1, 12, 13, 28, 410, 459, 486, 492; ii. 13, 299, 300, 302; iii. 5, 6. -

——, of Teïos or Abdera, iii. 17. +

Hěbrus, r. of Thrace (Maritza), i. 495, 505, 516, 518; ii. 351. +

Hecatæus, the Milesian, i. 1, 12, 13, 28, 410, 459, 486, 492; ii. 13, 299, 300, 302; iii. 5, 6. +

——, of Teïos or Abdera, iii. 17.

Hecate, ii. 183, 189; iii. 39.

Hecaterus, ii. 188.

Hecatomnus, king of Caria, iii. 35, 38. @@ -96543,46 +96543,46 @@ i. 303, 323.

Hector, i. 64; ii. 344, 356, 357, 360, 363, 365, 394, 395.

Hecuba, ii. 168, 351.

Hecuba's monument i. 517. -

Hēdylus, poet, iii. 69 -

Hēdyphōn, r. of Baby on, iii. 154. +

Hēdylus, poet, iii. 69 +

Hēdyphōn, r. of Baby on, iii. 154.

Hegesianax, historian, ii. 355.

Hegesias, orator, ii. 86; iii. 23. -

Heilěsium, t. of Bœotia, ii. 100. -

Heilotæ. See Helots. +

Heilěsium, t. of Bœotia, ii. 100. +

Heilotæ. See Helots.

Heleii, ii. 43; iii. 195.

Helen, i. 65, 274; ii. 52, 86, 90, 360; iii. 238. -

—— Claimed, play of Sophocles, iii. 15. +

—— Claimed, play of Sophocles, iii. 15.

Helena (Isola Longa or Macronisi), ii. 90, 208. -

Helēne, isl. See Cranæ. -

Heleōn, vill. of Tanagria, ii. 98–100, 143. -

Heliadæ, sons of the Sun, iii. 32. +

Helēne, isl. See Cranæ. +

Heleōn, vill. of Tanagria, ii. 98–100, 143. +

Heliadæ, sons of the Sun, iii. 32.

Heliades, drs of the Sun, i. 320. -

Helice, city of Achæa, i. 92; ii. 59, 69–73. -

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 71. +

Helice, city of Achæa, i. 92; ii. 59, 69–73. +

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 71.

Helicon, mtn of B$eotia (Zagaro Voreni), i. 40; ii. 62, 99, 101, 104, 105, 107, 109, 122, 187, 398.

Helius, son of Perseus, ii. 41.

Heliopolis, city of Syria, iii. 166. -

——, city of Egypt, iii. 241, 245–247. -

Heliopolītæ, iii. 21. +

——, city of Egypt, iii. 241, 245–247. +

Heliopolītæ, iii. 21.

Heliopolite nome, iii. 245.

Hella, strait, i. 519.

Hellada. See Spercheius.

Hellanicus, historian of Lesbos, i. 69; ii. 44, 127, 167, 241, 298, 368, 382, 393.

Hellas. See Greece. -

——, city of Phthiotis, ii. 133 134. -

——, Southern Thessaly, ii. 149. +

——, city of Phthiotis, ii. 133 134. +

——, Southern Thessaly, ii. 149.

Hellen, son of Deucalion, ii. 67, 131, 149. Hellenes. See Greeks. -

——, t. of Spain, i. 236. -

Hellespont (Strait of the Dardanelles), i. 72, 78, 99, 106, 107, 164, 187, 188, 195, 453, 481, 496, 517–519; ii. 92, 289, 319, 326 341, 346, 350, 352. -

——, mouth of, ii. 352 +

——, t. of Spain, i. 236. +

Hellespont (Strait of the Dardanelles), i. 72, 78, 99, 106, 107, 164, 187, 188, 195, 453, 481, 496, 517–519; ii. 92, 289, 319, 326 341, 346, 350, 352. +

——, mouth of, ii. 352

Hellespontia, ii. 277.

Hellespontiac Phrygia. See Phrygia.

Helli, inhabitants of Dodona, i. 502. -

Hell&obreve;pia, district adjacent to Dodona, i. 502. -

——, same as Eubœa, ii. 152. -

——, t. of Eubœa, ii. 152. +

Hellŏpia, district adjacent to Dodona, i. 502. +

——, same as Eubœa, ii. 152. +

——, t. of Eubœa, ii. 152.

Helos, t. of Laconia, ii. 15, 23, 24, 41, 43, 100 @@ -96590,65 +96590,65 @@ Hellenes. See Greeks. -

Hělos, in Triphylia or Messenia, ii. 23, 24, 100. +

Hělos, in Triphylia or Messenia, ii. 23, 24, 100.

Helots, ii. 43, 44, 287; iii. 96.

Helvetii (the Swiss), i. 287, 288, 293, 306, 310, 447, 448, 450, 482. -

Hēmeroscopium, city of Spain (? Denia or Artemus), i. 238, 242. +

Hēmeroscopium, city of Spain (? Denia or Artemus), i. 238, 242.

Hemicynes, i. 68, 458.

Heneta, ii. 289, 302. -

Henēti, people of Italy (Venetians), i. 76, 96, 225, 313–316, 319–322, 433, 434; ii. 288, 301, 378. +

Henēti, people of Italy (Venetians), i. 76, 96, 225, 313–316, 319–322, 433, 434; ii. 288, 301, 378.

Henetian horses, i. 316.

Henetica, the Venetian territory, i. 483; ii. 378. -

Hēniochi, people of Asia, i. 195; ii. 219, 224, 225, 238; iii. 296. -

Hēniochia, ii. 224. +

Hēniochi, people of Asia, i. 195; ii. 219, 224, 225, 238; iii. 296. +

Hēniochia, ii. 224.

Heorta, t. of the Scordisci, i. 488. -

Hephæsteium, iii. 248. -

Hēphæstus. See Vulcan. -

Heptacōmētæ, people of Pontus, ii. 296, 297. +

Hephæsteium, iii. 248. +

Hēphæstus. See Vulcan. +

Heptacōmētæ, people of Pontus, ii. 296, 297.

Heptaporus, r. of Mysia, ii. 304, 341, 347, 357, 371.

Heptastadium, on the Hellespont, ii. 352. -

——, between Alexandria and Pharus, iii. 227, 230. -

Hēra. See Juno. -

Heraclæa, city of Magna Grecia, i. 397, 398, 427, 428. -

——, city of Elis, ii. 32. -

——, city of Media, ii. 250, 264. -

——, city of Pontus (Erekli), ii. 285–290, 293, 302. 474. -

——, city of the Mytilenæans, in the Troad, ii. 376. -

——, city of Ionia, iii. 6. -

——, city of Caria, iii. 37. -

——, city of Syria, iii. 163, 164 -

——, city of Thessaly, i. 94; ii. 32, 77, 103, 129, 130, 136, 147. -

——, city of Spain, see Calpe, i. 210. -

Heraclæa, poem of Pisander, iii. 34, 78. -

Heraclæum (Ercolano, Herculaneum), i. 366, 401. +

——, between Alexandria and Pharus, iii. 227, 230. +

Hēra. See Juno. +

Heraclæa, city of Magna Grecia, i. 397, 398, 427, 428. +

——, city of Elis, ii. 32. +

——, city of Media, ii. 250, 264. +

——, city of Pontus (Erekli), ii. 285–290, 293, 302. 474. +

——, city of the Mytilenæans, in the Troad, ii. 376. +

——, city of Ionia, iii. 6. +

——, city of Caria, iii. 37. +

——, city of Syria, iii. 163, 164 +

——, city of Thessaly, i. 94; ii. 32, 77, 103, 129, 130, 136, 147. +

——, city of Spain, see Calpe, i. 210. +

Heraclæa, poem of Pisander, iii. 34, 78. +

Heraclæum (Ercolano, Herculaneum), i. 366, 401.

Heracleia, i. 495, 514. -

Heracleidæ, i. 407; ii. 3, 30, 33, 35, 39, 42, 43, 45, 53, 56, 59, 68, 70, 77, 81, 82, 127, 128, 160, 340; iii. 31. +

Heracleidæ, i. 407; ii. 3, 30, 33, 35, 39, 42, 43, 45, 53, 56, 59, 68, 70, 77, 81, 82, 127, 128, 160, 340; iii. 31.

Heracleides, of Pontus, philosopher, i. 149, 152; ii. 285, 374. -

——, physician, iii. 18. -

Heracleōn, father of Dionysius, iii. 163. -

Heracleotæ, in the Tauric Chersonnesus, i. 474, 490. -

——, in Egypt, iii. 257. -

Heracleōtic mouth, i. 130. -

—— nome, iii. 223, 253, 256. -

Heracleōtis, district of Ionia, iii. 15. -

Hēracles. See Hercules. +

——, physician, iii. 18. +

Heracleōn, father of Dionysius, iii. 163. +

Heracleotæ, in the Tauric Chersonnesus, i. 474, 490. +

——, in Egypt, iii. 257. +

Heracleōtic mouth, i. 130. +

—— nome, iii. 223, 253, 256. +

Heracleōtis, district of Ionia, iii. 15. +

Hēracles. See Hercules.

Heracleum, t. of Campania, i. 366. -

——, t. of Sicily, i. 401. -

——, t. on the Mæotis, ii. 222. -

——, t. of Syria, iii. 163, 167. -

——, t. of Cyrenæa, iii. 294. -

——, t. of Crete (Cartero), ii. 196, 207. -

——, t. of Egypt, iii. 238, 256. -

——, prom. of Italy, i. 388. -

——, prom. of Pontus, ii. 296. +

——, t. of Sicily, i. 401. +

——, t. on the Mæotis, ii. 222. +

——, t. of Syria, iii. 163, 167. +

——, t. of Cyrenæa, iii. 294. +

——, t. of Crete (Cartero), ii. 196, 207. +

——, t. of Egypt, iii. 238, 256. +

——, prom. of Italy, i. 388. +

——, prom. of Pontus, ii. 296.

Heraclitus, Ephesian philosopher, i. 5; iii. 14, 215. -

——, poet of Halicarnassus, iii. 35. -

Heræa, t. of Arcadia, ii. 8, 75. -

Heræum, temple of Juno at Mycenæ, ii. 48. -

—— at Samos, iii. 7. -

——, in the Lacinian promontory, i. 393. -

——, at Prosymnæ, ii. 54. -

——, Phaygis, ii. 12. +

——, poet of Halicarnassus, iii. 35. +

Heræa, t. of Arcadia, ii. 8, 75. +

Heræum, temple of Juno at Mycenæ, ii. 48. +

—— at Samos, iii. 7. +

——, in the Lacinian promontory, i. 393. +

——, at Prosymnæ, ii. 54. +

——, Phaygis, ii. 12. @@ -96657,62 +96657,62 @@ Hellenes. See Greeks.

Herat. See Arii. -Hercules, i. 3, 15, 76, 207, 210, 224, 236, 256, 257, 273, 274, 277, 326, 333, 343, 364, 429, 511, 515, 519; ii. 9, 13, 26–28, 30, 34, 40, 52, 55, 59, 64, 238, 315, 359, 380, 386, 389; iii. 31, 74, 76–78, 259, 271, 277, 280, 294. -

——Ipoctonus, ii. 386. -

——Corn&obreve;piōn, ii. 386. -

——, Macistian, ii. 22. -

——, work of Lysippus, i. 424; ii. 171. -

——, of Myron, iii. 8. -

——, picture of Aristides, ii. 64. -

——, labours of, i. 30, 40, 254; ii. 171; iii. 172. -

——, expedition of, i. 255, 256. -

——, children of, i. 333; ii. 59. -

——, descendants of, i. 326. -

——, companions of, ii. 315. -

——, Pillars of. See Pillars. -

——, temple, i. 254, 256, 258, 261, 353; iii. 238. -

——, island, i. 255, 239. -

——, harbour and grove of, ii. 171. -

——, Colossus of, i. 424. -

——, altar, iii. 277. -

——,warm-baths, ii. 125, 129. -

——, city, iii. 256. -

——, port of, Herculis Portus (Porto Ercole, Formicole), i. 334, 383. +Hercules, i. 3, 15, 76, 207, 210, 224, 236, 256, 257, 273, 274, 277, 326, 333, 343, 364, 429, 511, 515, 519; ii. 9, 13, 26–28, 30, 34, 40, 52, 55, 59, 64, 238, 315, 359, 380, 386, 389; iii. 31, 74, 76–78, 259, 271, 277, 280, 294. +

——Ipoctonus, ii. 386. +

——Cornŏpiōn, ii. 386. +

——, Macistian, ii. 22. +

——, work of Lysippus, i. 424; ii. 171. +

——, of Myron, iii. 8. +

——, picture of Aristides, ii. 64. +

——, labours of, i. 30, 40, 254; ii. 171; iii. 172. +

——, expedition of, i. 255, 256. +

——, children of, i. 333; ii. 59. +

——, descendants of, i. 326. +

——, companions of, ii. 315. +

——, Pillars of. See Pillars. +

——, temple, i. 254, 256, 258, 261, 353; iii. 238. +

——, island, i. 255, 239. +

——, harbour and grove of, ii. 171. +

——, Colossus of, i. 424. +

——, altar, iii. 277. +

——,warm-baths, ii. 125, 129. +

——, city, iii. 256. +

——, port of, Herculis Portus (Porto Ercole, Formicole), i. 334, 383.

Herculeum Promontorium, i. 388.

Hercynia, forest of (The Black Forest), i. 308, 444, 447, 448, 450, 452. -

Herdōnia, t. of Apulia (Ordona), i. 431. +

Herdōnia, t. of Apulia (Ordona), i. 431.

Hergan Kaleh. See Amorium. -

Hermæa, t. on the Carthaginian coast, iii. 288. -

——, prom. (Cape Bon), iii. 285, 287. +

Hermæa, t. on the Carthaginian coast, iii. 288. +

——, prom. (Cape Bon), iii. 285, 287.

Hermagoras, rhetorician, ii. 397.

Hermeia, images of Mercury, ii. 16. -

Hermeias, tyrant of the Atarnitæ, ii. 382, 387. +

Hermeias, tyrant of the Atarnitæ, ii. 382, 387.

Hermes, i. 67; iii. 119.

Hermion, ii. 71. -

Hermione, city of Argolis (Castri), ii. 49, 54–56, 58. +

Hermione, city of Argolis (Castri), ii. 49, 54–56, 58.

Hermionenses, ii. 54.

Hermionic Gulf (Gulf of Castri), i. 92; ii. 6, 47, 49, 63, 79. -

—— promontory, ii. 207. -

Hermocreōn, architect, ii. 348. +

—— promontory, ii. 207. +

Hermocreōn, architect, ii. 348.

Hermodorus, Ephesian, iii. 14.

Hermon, city of, ii. 55.

Hermonassa, t. of Pontus (Platana), ii. 296. -

——, on the lake Corocondametis, ii. 223. -

Hermōnax, vill. of (Akkerman), i. 469. +

——, on the lake Corocondametis, ii. 223. +

Hermōnax, vill. of (Akkerman), i. 469.

Hermonduri, people of Germany, i. 445. -

Hermōnthis, city of Egypt, iii. 263. +

Hermōnthis, city of Egypt, iii. 263.

Hermopolis, in Egypt, iii. 239, 241, 257.

Hermopolite castle, iii. 258.

Hermus, r. of Lydia, (Godis-Tschia), ii. 303, 339, 342, 346, 397, 402, 403; iii. 2. -

——, plain of, ii. 402, 403; iii. 82. +

——, plain of, ii. 402, 403; iii. 82.

Hernici, people of Latium, i. 339, 343, 344, 353.

Hero, tower of, ii. 352. -

Herod, king of Judæa, iii. 177, 184 +

Herod, king of Judæa, iii. 177, 184

Herodotus of Halicarnassus, i. 47, 56, 69, 97, 148, 152, 430, 462, 517; ii. 155, 190, 211, 273, 275, 277, 280, 290, 298, 328, 393, 403, 405; iii. 35, 82.

Heroopolis, city of Egypt, near Suez, i. 130, 131; iii. 176, 189, 191, 193, 203, 291.

Herophilian school of medicine, ii. 336.

Herostratus, of Ephesus, iii. 12. -

Hērpa, Hērphæ, city of Cappadocia, ii. 281, 283; iii. 44. +

Hērpa, Hērphæ, city of Cappadocia, ii. 281, 283; iii. 44.

Hesiod, i. 35, 45, 67, 68, 93, 329, 458, 462, 465, 494, 501, 502; ii. 14, 42, 50, 70, 83, 104, 110, 188, 241, 348; iii. 22.

Hesione, daughter of Laomedon, ii. 359. @@ -96721,258 +96721,258 @@ Hercules, i. 3, 15, 76, 207, 210, 224, 236, 256, 257, 273, 274, 277, 326, 333, 3 -

Hesperides, city of Cyrenæa (Bernic or Bengazi), i. 186; ii. 169; iii. 291. -

——, of Nympha, i. 226, 273, 459. +

Hesperides, city of Cyrenæa (Bernic or Bengazi), i. 186; ii. 169; iii. 291. +

——, of Nympha, i. 226, 273, 459.

Hesperii. See Locri. -

Hesperitæ, Libyans, iii. 22. +

Hesperitæ, Libyans, iii. 22.

Hestia, goddess. See Vesta. -

Hestiæa, ii. 364. -

Hestiæōtis, Histiæōtis, part of Thessaly, ii. 132, 137, 141, 142, 145, 152, 153, 195. -

——, in Eubœa, ii. 141, 153. -

Hicěsius, physician, ii. 337. -

Hicetaōn, Trojan, ii. 344. +

Hestiæa, ii. 364. +

Hestiæōtis, Histiæōtis, part of Thessaly, ii. 132, 137, 141, 142, 145, 152, 153, 195. +

——, in Eubœa, ii. 141, 153. +

Hicěsius, physician, ii. 337. +

Hicetaōn, Trojan, ii. 344.

Hidrieus, son of Hecatomnus, iii. 35.

Hiera, see Thermessa, isl. sacred to Vulcan, i. 418, 420.

Sacra, Sacred Promontory, prom. of Lycia, iii. 48. -

Hieracōnnēsos, or island of Hawks, in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 199. -

Hieraconpōlis, city of Egypt, iii. 263. +

Hieracōnnēsos, or island of Hawks, in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 199. +

Hieraconpōlis, city of Egypt, iii. 263.

Hierapolis, city of Syria, iii. 158. -

——, city of Phrygia (Pambuk-Kalessi), ii. 140, 335, 408, 409. +

——, city of Phrygia (Pambuk-Kalessi), ii. 140, 335, 408, 409.

Hierapytna, t. of Crete, ii. 144, 188, 189, 194, 199.

Hierapytnii, ii. 199. -

Hiericus, in Judæa. See Jericho. +

Hiericus, in Judæa. See Jericho.

Hiero, king of Syracuse, i. 368, 405. -

——, of Laodiceia, ii. 334. +

——, of Laodiceia, ii. 334.

Hieroccpia, Hierocepis, city of Cyprus (Jeroskipo), iii. 70, 71.

Hierocles, iii. 40.

Hieron, temple of Jupiter Urius, ii. 293, 296.

Hieron-Oros, in Thrace, i. 518. -

Hierōnymus, Rhodian, ii. 61, 193; iii. 33. +

Hierōnymus, Rhodian, ii. 61, 193; iii. 33.

Himera, city of Sicily, i. 412, 415. -

——, r. of Sicily, i. 401. -

Hipparchus, astronomer, i. 2, 8, 13, 23, 26, 41, 86–88, 98–100, 106–111, 114, 116–120, 122, 124–127, 131, 132, 135, 137–39, 141, 142, 160, 171, 173, 199, 200, 203; ii. 271. -

Hippemolgi, i. 453, 454, 457, 458, 460–462; ii. 304. +

——, r. of Sicily, i. 401. +

Hipparchus, astronomer, i. 2, 8, 13, 23, 26, 41, 86–88, 98–100, 106–111, 114, 116–120, 122, 124–127, 131, 132, 135, 137–39, 141, 142, 160, 171, 173, 199, 200, 203; ii. 271. +

Hippemolgi, i. 453, 454, 457, 458, 460–462; ii. 304.

Hippo Regius, city of the Carthaginians (Bonah), iii. 285.

Hippo Zaritus, c. of Numidia (Bizerta), iii. 285. -

Hippobatæ, or Knights, government of the, ii. 154. +

Hippobatæ, or Knights, government of the, ii. 154.

Hippoboton, ii. 49.

Hippobotus, meadow in Armenia, ii. 265. -

Hippocles, founder of Cumæe, i. 361. -

Hippoc&obreve;ōn, king of Sparta, ii. 173. +

Hippocles, founder of Cumæe, i. 361. +

Hippocŏōn, king of Sparta, ii. 173.

Hippocorona, t. of the Troad, ii. 189.

Hippocoronium, t. of Crete, ii. 189.

Hippocrates, physician, iii. 36.

Hippocrene, horse-fountain, ii. 62, 105. -

Hippoï, isl., iii. 17. +

Hippoï, isl., iii. 17.

Hipponax, poet, ii. 12; iii. 3, 7, 14.

Hipponiates Sinus, i. 380, 392. -

Hippōnium, t. of the Bruttii, i. 379, 383. +

Hippōnium, t. of the Bruttii, i. 379, 383.

Hippothous, i. 329; ii. 395.

Hippus, r. of Colchis (Hori), ii. 227, 231.

Hira, ii. 35, 37. -

Hirpïni, people of Samnium, i. 373. +

Hirpïni, people of Samnium, i. 373.

Hispalis, t. of Spain (Seville), i. 212, 214.

Hispania. See Spain, Iberia.

Hispellum (Hispello), i. 338.

Hispiratis, ii. 271.

Histi, anchorage on the coast of the island of Icaria, iii. 10. -

Histiæa, c. of Eubœa, see Oreus, ii. 153. -

Histiæans, Histiæeis, ii. 141, 152, 153. +

Histiæa, c. of Eubœa, see Oreus, ii. 153. +

Histiæans, Histiæeis, ii. 141, 152, 153.

Holmi, t. of Phrygia, iii. 43. -

——, t. of Cilicia, iii. 53. -

Holmiæ, promontory, ii. 63, 105. -

Homer, i. 1, 2, 5–9, 11, 16, 19, 25–27, 32, passim. -

——, native land of, ii. 399; iii 16, 19, 20. -

Homēreium, iii. 20. +

——, t. of Cilicia, iii. 53. +

Holmiæ, promontory, ii. 63, 105. +

Homer, i. 1, 2, 5–9, 11, 16, 19, 25–27, 32, passim. +

——, native land of, ii. 399; iii 16, 19, 20. +

Homēreium, iii. 20. -

Homēridæ, in the island of Chios, iii. 19. -

H&obreve;m&obreve;lē, H&obreve;m&obreve;lium, t. of Magnesia, ii. 147, 148. -

H&obreve;m&obreve;nadeis, people of Pisidia, ii. 323, 324; iii. 50, 64. -

Hormiæ, i. 347. +

Homēridæ, in the island of Chios, iii. 19. +

Hŏmŏlē, Hŏmŏlium, t. of Magnesia, ii. 147, 148. +

Hŏmŏnadeis, people of Pisidia, ii. 323, 324; iii. 50, 64. +

Hormiæ, i. 347.

Hormina, Hyrmina, prom. of Elis, ii. 13. -

Hortēnsius, ii. 250. +

Hortēnsius, ii. 250.

Hu. See Diospolis.

Huesca. See Osca.

Hya, same as Hyampolis.

Hyacinthine games, i. 424.

Hyameitis (Hyameia?), distr. or t. of Laconia, ii. 38.

Hyampea, ii. 123. -

Hyampolis, c. of Bæotia (Bogdana), ii. 93, 116, 123. -

——, c. of Phocis, ii. 93, 123. +

Hyampolis, c. of Bæotia (Bogdana), ii. 93, 116, 123. +

——, c. of Phocis, ii. 93, 123.

Hyantes, i. 493; ii. 93, 123, 177. -

Hyarōtis, r. of India (Ravee), iii. 85, 86, 90, 92. +

Hyarōtis, r. of India (Ravee), iii. 85, 86, 90, 92.

Hybla (the Lesser), c. of Sicily, afterwards named Megara, i. 404; ii. 73. -

—— (the Greater), c. of Sicily, i. 405. -

Hyblæan honey, i. 404. -

Hyblæi Megarenses, ii. 73. +

—— (the Greater), c. of Sicily, i. 405. +

Hyblæan honey, i. 404. +

Hyblæi Megarenses, ii. 73.

Hybreas, ii. 409; iii. 38, 39. -

Hybriānes, an Illyrian race, i. 489. +

Hybriānes, an Illyrian race, i. 489.

Hyda, c. of Lydia, ii. 102, 403, 404.

Hydara, fortress of Armenia, ii. 304.

Hydarnes, ii. 273. -

Hydaspēs, r. of India (Jelum), iii. 74, 82, 84, 88, 90–94, 122. +

Hydaspēs, r. of India (Jelum), iii. 74, 82, 84, 88, 90–94, 122.

Hydatopotami, iii. 164. -

Hydra, prom. of Æolis, ii. 397. -

——, lake of Ætolia, afterwards Lysimachia, ii. 172. -

Hydracæ, al. Oxydracæ, people of India, iii. 75. See Sydracæ. -

Hydrēlus, iii. 26. +

Hydra, prom. of Æolis, ii. 397. +

——, lake of Ætolia, afterwards Lysimachia, ii. 172. +

Hydracæ, al. Oxydracæ, people of India, iii. 75. See Sydracæ. +

Hydrēlus, iii. 26.

Hydromanteis, iii. 180. -

Hydrūs, c. of Caiabria (Otranto), i. 429. -

Hydrūssa, isl. near Attica, ii. 89 -

Hyěla, c. of Lucania, i. 375. +

Hydrūs, c. of Caiabria (Otranto), i. 429. +

Hydrūssa, isl. near Attica, ii. 89 +

Hyěla, c. of Lucania, i. 375.

Hyla, ii. 102. -

Hylæ, c. of Bœotia, ii. 102, 106. +

Hylæ, c. of Bœotia, ii. 102, 106.

Hylas, companion of Hercules, ii 315, 316. -

Hylicus, lake in Bœotia (Makaris), ii. 102. +

Hylicus, lake in Bœotia (Makaris), ii. 102.

Hyllus, son of Hercules, ii. 128. -

——, r. of Lydia, ii. 303, 403. +

——, r. of Lydia, ii. 303, 403.

Hylobii, iii. 110, 11.

Hymettus, mtn of Attica, ii. 90, 93. -

Hypæpa, c. of Lydia, ii. 405. -

Hypæsia, distr. of Triphylia, ii. 21. -

Hypsæthrum, iii. 7. +

Hypæpa, c. of Lydia, ii. 405. +

Hypæsia, distr. of Triphylia, ii. 21. +

Hypsæthrum, iii. 7.

Hypana, c. of Triphylia, ii. 17.

Hypanis, r. (Bog), i. 162, 457, 470. -

——, r. of Sarmatia (Kuban), ii. 222–224. -

——, r. of India (Beas), ii. 252; iii. 74, 82, 90, 94, 97. -

——, same as Anticeites, ii. 222, 224. +

——, r. of Sarmatia (Kuban), ii. 222–224. +

——, r. of India (Beas), ii. 252; iii. 74, 82, 90, 94, 97. +

——, same as Anticeites, ii. 222, 224.

Hypasii, people of India, iii. 82, 90. -

Hypatus, mtn of Bœotia, ii. 108. -

Hypelæum, iii. 11. -

Hypelæus, ftn near Ephesus, iii. 3. +

Hypatus, mtn of Bœotia, ii. 108. +

Hypelæum, iii. 11. +

Hypelæus, ftn near Ephesus, iii. 3.

Hyperboreans, i. 97, 452; ii. 240; iii. 108.

Hypereia, ftn in Pharsalia, ii. 134. -

——, ftn in the city of the Pheræi, ii. 142, 143. -

Hyperēsia, c. of Achæa, ii. 59, 67. +

——, ftn in the city of the Pheræi, ii. 142, 143. +

Hyperēsia, c. of Achæa, ii. 59, 67.

Hypernotii, i. 97.

Hyphanteium, mtn near Orchomenus, ii. 124. -

Hyphochalcis, c. of Ætolia, ii. 160. -

Hypocrēmnus, vill. of Ionia, iii. 18, 20. +

Hyphochalcis, c. of Ætolia, ii. 160. +

Hypocrēmnus, vill. of Ionia, iii. 18, 20.

Hypsicrates, i. 479; ii. 235.

Hypsoeis, t. of Elis, ii. 24. -

Hyrcania (Corcan), i. 22, 112, 113, 141, 178, 202, 467; ii. 237, 241–246, 252–257, 407; iii. 152. +

Hyrcania (Corcan), i. 22, 112, 113, 141, 178, 202, 467; ii. 237, 241–246, 252–257, 407; iii. 152.

Hyrcanian Sea, same as the Caspian, i. 106, 107, 113, 115, 142, 180, 183, 194, 195; ii. 218, 239, 244, 245, 256, 257, 262. -

—— plain, ii. 407. -

—— Gulf, ii. 247. -

Hyrcanians, i. 195; ii. 240, 245, 248–250. -

Hyrcanium, fortress of Judæa, iii. 181. +

—— plain, ii. 407. +

—— Gulf, ii. 247. +

Hyrcanians, i. 195; ii. 240, 245, 248–250. +

Hyrcanium, fortress of Judæa, iii. 181. -

Hyrcanus, king of Judæa, iii. 180, 184. +

Hyrcanus, king of Judæa, iii. 180, 184.

Hyria, c. of Iapygia, i. 430. -

——, c. of Bœotia, i. 16; ii. 58, 97, 103. -

Hyriæ, ii. 97. +

——, c. of Bœotia, i. 16; ii. 58, 97, 103. +

Hyriæ, ii. 97.

Hyrienses, ii. 97.

Hyrieus, father of Orion, ii. 97.

Hyrmina, Hormina, prom. of Elis, ii. 13.

Hyrmine, c. of Elis, ii. 12, 13.

Hyrtacus, ii. 344, 350. -

Hysiæ, c. of Bœotia, ii. 97. -

——, c. of Argolis, ii. 58. -

Hysiātæ, ii. 97. -

Hyspirātis, distr. of Armenia, ii. 271. +

Hysiæ, c. of Bœotia, ii. 97. +

——, c. of Argolis, ii. 58. +

Hysiātæ, ii. 97. +

Hyspirātis, distr. of Armenia, ii. 271.

Hystaspes, father of Darius, i. 468.

Jaccetania, Jaccetani, in Spain, i. 242.

Jaffa. See Joppa. -

lalia. See Elæa. +

lalia. See Elæa.

lalmenus, leader of the Orchomenii, ii. 113.

Ialysii, iii. 33. -

Ialysus, Iēlysus, city of Rhodes, iii. 33. -

——, painting of Protogenes, iii. 29, 31. +

Ialysus, Iēlysus, city of Rhodes, iii. 33. +

——, painting of Protogenes, iii. 29, 31.

Jama. See Zama.

lamblicus, prince of the Emiseni, iii. 166. -

Iamneia, t. of Judæa (Jebna), iii. 175. +

Iamneia, t. of Judæa (Jebna), iii. 175.

Iaones, ii. 134. -

lapodes, i. 300, 308, 482–484. +

lapodes, i. 300, 308, 482–484.

lapyges, lapygians, i. 394, 425, 428.

lapygia, i. 159, 164, 187, 314, 315, 388, 399, 400, 422, 428, 430, 435; ii. 98.

Iapygian promontory (Cape Leuca or Finisterre), i. 186, 314, 393, 423.

Iapygum tria Promontoria (Capo della Castella, Capo Rizzuto, and Capo della Nave), i. 393. -

Iapyx, son of Dædalus, i. 425, 430. +

Iapyx, son of Dædalus, i. 425, 430.

Iardanes r. of Pisatis, ii. 15, 21.

lardanua, tomb of, ii. 22.

las. See Attica, ii. 81. -

Iasidæ, ii. 52. +

Iasidæ, ii. 52.

Iasion, brother of Dardanus, founder of Samothracia, i. 516.

Iaskili. See Dascylitis. -

Jasōn, i. 8, 18, 31, 32, 71, 72–74, 76, 89, 224, 332, 333, 375; ii. 139, 224, 235, 266, 272, 273, 293. +

Jasōn, i. 8, 18, 31, 32, 71, 72–74, 76, 89, 224, 332, 333, 375; ii. 139, 224, 235, 266, 272, 273, 293.

Jasonia, Jasonian Shrines, i. 72. -

——, monuments in Armenia, ii. 235, 266, 272. +

——, monuments in Armenia, ii. 235, 266, 272.

Jasonium, mtn of Media, ii. 266. -

——, prom. of Pontus (Jasun), ii. 296. +

——, prom. of Pontus (Jasun), ii. 296.

Jasun. See Jasonium.

Iasus, city and island of Caria, iii 37. -

Iaxartes, r. of Sogdiana (the Sihon), ii. 240, 245, 248, 249, 253–255. +

Iaxartes, r. of Sogdiana (the Sihon), ii. 240, 245, 248, 249, 253–255.

Jazyges, i. 451, 470.

Iberia. See Spain. -

—— Ulterior. See Spain Ulterior. -

—— (Georgia), ii. 217, 226, 230–235, 238, 269, 274; iii. 75. +

—— Ulterior. See Spain Ulterior. +

—— (Georgia), ii. 217, 226, 230–235, 238, 269, 274; iii. 75. Iberian coast, i. 245. -

—— nations, i. 246. -

—— Sea, i. 185. -

Iberians, i. 7, 52, 101, 178, 180, 195, 206, 209, 210, 227, 237, 243–248, 256, 264, 269, 282, 292, 299, 407, 439, 440; ii. 260, 267, 269, 273, 229–235. -

——, Western, i. 95. -

Ibērus, r. of Spain (Ebro), i. 234, 238, 239, 241–244, 249, 250, 262. +

—— nations, i. 246. +

—— Sea, i. 185. +

Iberians, i. 7, 52, 101, 178, 180, 195, 206, 209, 210, 227, 237, 243–248, 256, 264, 269, 282, 292, 299, 407, 439, 440; ii. 260, 267, 269, 273, 229–235. +

——, Western, i. 95. +

Ibērus, r. of Spain (Ebro), i. 234, 238, 239, 241–244, 249, 250, 262.

Ibycus, poet, i. 92, 410.

Icaria, Icarus, island (Nicaria), ii. 212; iii. 7, 8, 10.

Icarian Sea, i. 44, 187; ii. 212; iii. 10.

Icarius, father of Penelope, ii, 162, 173. -

Icarus, son of Dædalus, iii. 10. -

——, island in the Persian Gulf (Peludge), iii. 185. See Icaria. +

Icarus, son of Dædalus, iii. 10. +

——, island in the Persian Gulf (Peludge), iii. 185. See Icaria.

Iceland. See hule.

Ichthyophagi, in Gedrosia, i. 145, 197, 201. -

—— in Carmania, iii. 12C, 127. +

—— in Carmania, iii. 12C, 127. -

Ichthyophagi, on the Arabian Gulf, iii. 191, 194, 198–121, 127, 128. -

Ichnæ, t. of Thessaliotis, ii. 138. +

Ichthyophagi, on the Arabian Gulf, iii. 191, 194, 198–121, 127, 128. +

Ichnæ, t. of Thessaliotis, ii. 138.

Ichthys, prom of Elis (Catacolo), ii. 15; iii. 291. -

Ic&obreve;nii, people of Gaul, i. 276, 303. -

Ic&obreve;nium (Konia), ii. 322. +

Icŏnii, people of Gaul, i. 276, 303. +

Icŏnium (Konia), ii. 322.

Ictimuli, vill. of Cisalpine Gaul (prob. Victimolo), i. 325.

Ictinus, architect, ii. 84, 86.

Icus, isl. near Thessaly (Selidromi), ii. 140. -

Ida, mtn in the Troad, i. 33, 64, 93, 494, 516; ii. 180, 184, 186, 189, 191, 317, 329, 332, 337, 341, 344, 346, 354, 361, 368, 369, 373–377, 384, 386, 390. -

——, mtn of Crete (Psiloriti), ii. 190, 191, 194, 199, 373. -

Idæan Dactyli, i. 516; ii. 30, 180, 191. -

—— Gulf, ii. 342, 374. -

—— Mother, name of Rhæa, i. 71; ii. 185. +

Ida, mtn in the Troad, i. 33, 64, 93, 494, 516; ii. 180, 184, 186, 189, 191, 317, 329, 332, 337, 341, 344, 346, 354, 361, 368, 369, 373–377, 384, 386, 390. +

——, mtn of Crete (Psiloriti), ii. 190, 191, 194, 199, 373. +

Idæan Dactyli, i. 516; ii. 30, 180, 191. +

—— Gulf, ii. 342, 374. +

—— Mother, name of Rhæa, i. 71; ii. 185.

Idanthyrsus, Scythian, iii. 75.

Ideonnus, land of, i. 303.

Idessa, t. of Spain, ii. 229.

Idomene, i. 514; ii. 77.

Idomeneus, ii. 83, 110, 201, 305. -

——, Lampsacenian, ii. 305. +

——, Lampsacenian, ii. 305.

Idrieis, people of Caria, iii. 63.

Idubeda, mtns of Spain, i. 241, 243. -

Idumæans, people of Judæa, iii. 160, 177. +

Idumæans, people of Judæa, iii. 160, 177.

Jebna. See Iamneia.

Jekil-Irmak. See Iris.

Jelum. See Hydaspes. -

Iēlysus. See Ialysus. +

Iēlysus. See Ialysus.

Ienischer. See Sigeium.

Jerba. See Meninx.

Jericho, iii. 177, 181, 209. -

Ierna, (Ireland), i. 99, 100, 111, 115–117, 173, 174, 179, 180, 199, 298. +

Ierna, (Ireland), i. 99, 100, 111, 115–117, 173, 174, 179, 180, 199, 298.

Jeroskipo. See Hierocepia. -

Jerusalem, capital of Judæa, iii. 175, 177, 178, 180. +

Jerusalem, capital of Judæa, iii. 175, 177, 178, 180.

Jeschil Irmak. See Iris. -

Jews, iii. 142, 160, 175–185, 190, 210, 237, 274. -

Iglētes, i. 249. +

Jews, iii. 142, 160, 175–185, 190, 210, 237, 274. +

Iglētes, i. 249.

Iguvium, city of Umbria (Engubbio or Gubbio), i. 338.

Ijan Kalessi. See Sagylium.

Ilan-Adassi. isl. See Leuca. @@ -96982,31 +96982,31 @@ Iberian coast, i. 245.

Ilethyia, i. 335.

Ilgun. See Holmi.

Iliad of Homer, ii. 364. -

Ilias. See Pelinæum. +

Ilias. See Pelinæum.

Ilibirris, t. and r. of Gaul, i. 272. -

llieis, Ilienses, ii. 354–356, 359–362, 366–368. -

Iliocolōne, ii. 350. +

llieis, Ilienses, ii. 354–356, 359–362, 366–368. +

Iliocolōne, ii. 350.

Ilipa, t. of Turditania (Alcolea), i. 213, 214, 261.

Ilissus, r. of Attica, ii. 91.

Ilium. See Troy.

Illyria, i. 110, 159, 164, 186, 194, 308, 309, 317, 432, 435, 439, 443, 466, 481, 483, 487, 489, 495, 501; iii. 297.

Illyrian nations, i. 482, 483, 489, 500; ii. 2.

mountains, i. 492, 495, 499, 501. -

—— Sea (Gulf of Venice), i. 73. -

—— coast, i. 483, 489. +

—— Sea (Gulf of Venice), i. 73. +

—— coast, i. 483, 489.

Illyrians, Illyrii, i. 306, 308, 319, 466, 468, 481, 482, 485, 488, 493, 506; ii. 2, 157.

Ilori. See Hippus.

Ilus, founder of Ilium, ii. 354, 361.

Imandes, iii. 256. -

Imaus, Imæan mtn, i. 195; ii. 245, 255, 256; iii. 78. See Isamus. +

Imaus, Imæan mtn, i. 195; ii. 245, 255, 256; iii. 78. See Isamus.

Imbrasius, i. 519.

Imbrasus, r. of Samos, ii. 167; iii. 7.

Imbros, island (Imbro), i. 43, 187, 329, 516; ii. 10, 168, 190. -

——, fortress of Caria, iii. 28. +

——, fortress of Caria, iii. 28.

Imola. See Forum-Cornelium.

Inrali. See Besbicus.

Inachus, c. of Argolis, i. 329. -

——, r. of Argolis (Planitza), i. 410, 486, 499; ii. 51. +

——, r. of Argolis (Planitza), i. 410, 486, 499; ii. 51. @@ -97016,72 +97016,72 @@ Iberian coast, i. 245.

Inachus, r. of Acarnania, i. 410, 486, 499, 501; ii. 51.

Inachian Argos, ii. 74.

Inamur. See Anemurium. -

India, i. 13, 63, 69, 100, 101, 105–108, 110–113, 115, 117–121, 124, 128, 129, 133, 149, 151, 152, 154, 156, 165, 175, 178–180, 196, 200, 201, 257, 332; ii. 216, 238–244, 248–256; iii. 44, 57, 73–120, 124, 126, 127, 133, 135, 190, 211, 213, 216, 283. -

—— mtns, i. 105; ii. 238. -

—— boundaries, i. 105–107. -

—— next the Caucasus, i. 202. +

India, i. 13, 63, 69, 100, 101, 105–108, 110–113, 115, 117–121, 124, 128, 129, 133, 149, 151, 152, 154, 156, 165, 175, 178–180, 196, 200, 201, 257, 332; ii. 216, 238–244, 248–256; iii. 44, 57, 73–120, 124, 126, 127, 133, 135, 190, 211, 213, 216, 283. +

—— mtns, i. 105; ii. 238. +

—— boundaries, i. 105–107. +

—— next the Caucasus, i. 202.

Indian campaign of Alexander, i. 257. -

—— Ocean, i. 60, 68; iii. 73. -

—— markets, i. 111. -

—— pillars, i. 258. +

—— Ocean, i. 60, 68; iii. 73. +

—— markets, i. 111. +

—— pillars, i. 258.

Indians, i. 16, 149, 152, 156, 194, 463; ii. 218; iii. 98, 101, 105, 106, 115, 117. -

——, land occupied by the, i. 7. +

——, land occupied by the, i. 7.

Indica, ii. 218. -

Indicetæ, nation of Spain, i. 235, 240. +

Indicetæ, nation of Spain, i. 235, 240.

Indies, i. 16, 178, 257. -

Indus, r. of India, i. 100, 121, 132, 133; ii. 250, 252; iii. 77, 79, 80, 84, 89, 90, 94–96, 102, 119, 120, 124, 125, 128. +

Indus, r. of India, i. 100, 121, 132, 133; ii. 250, 252; iii. 77, 79, 80, 84, 89, 90, 94–96, 102, 119, 120, 124, 125, 128.

Ineboli. See Aboniteichos.

Ingauni, i. 300, 301. -

Innēsa, t. of Sicily, i. 405. -

Inōpus, r. of Delos, i. 410; ii. 208. -

Insūbri, i. 317, 322, 448. -

Intemělii, people of Liguria, i. 300, 301. -

Intemělium. See Albion. +

Innēsa, t. of Sicily, i. 405. +

Inōpus, r. of Delos, i. 410; ii. 208. +

Insūbri, i. 317, 322, 448. +

Intemělii, people of Liguria, i. 300, 301. +

Intemělium. See Albion.

Interamna, t. of Umbria (Terni), i. 338.

Interamnium, t. of Latium, i. 352.

Intercatia, t. of the Celtiberi, i. 244.

Interocrea, t. of the Sabines (Interdoco), i. 338.

Io, mother of Epaphus, ii. 152; iii. 57, 162. -

Iōl, t. of the Masæsylii, iii. 284. +

Iōl, t. of the Masæsylii, iii. 284.

Iolaenses, people of Sardinia, i. 333.

lolaus, i. 333; ii. 59.

Iolcius, same as Jason. -

Iolcus, c. of Magnesia (Volo), i. 71. 72, 111, 139–142. +

Iolcus, c. of Magnesia (Volo), i. 71. 72, 111, 139–142.

Ioleia, iii. 10. -

Iōn, son of Xuthus, ii. 67, 87, 152. -

——, poet, i. 42, 94; iii. 19. -

——, tragedy of Euripides, ii. 32. -

——, river of Thessaly, i. 501. -

Ionæum, ii. 19. +

Iōn, son of Xuthus, ii. 67, 87, 152. +

——, poet, i. 42, 94; iii. 19. +

——, tragedy of Euripides, ii. 32. +

——, river of Thessaly, i. 501. +

Ionæum, ii. 19.

Iones, ii. 2, 5, 13, 53. See Ionians. -

Ionia, in Asia, i. 9, 17, 91, 96, 172, 187, 190, 195, 224; ii. 42, 221, 339; iii. 1–9, 12–27, 43, 202. -

——, same as Attica, i. 257; ii. 67, 68, 81, 87. +

Ionia, in Asia, i. 9, 17, 91, 96, 172, 187, 190, 195, 224; ii. 42, 221, 339; iii. 1–9, 12–27, 43, 202. +

——, same as Attica, i. 257; ii. 67, 68, 81, 87.

Ioniades, nymphs, ii. 32.

Ionian colony, ii. 68. -

—— colonists, ii. 68. -

—— Gulf, Ionian Sea, i. 186, 388, 429, 486, 487, 495, 499, 500, 501, 507, 518. -

Ionians, i. 96, 102, 224, 256, 269, 397, 404, 458, 493; ii. 3, 43, 56, 67–71, 80–82, 181, 298, 303; iii. 34, 40, 41, 43. +

—— colonists, ii. 68. +

—— Gulf, Ionian Sea, i. 186, 388, 429, 486, 487, 495, 499, 500, 501, 507, 518. +

Ionians, i. 96, 102, 224, 256, 269, 397, 404, 458, 493; ii. 3, 43, 56, 67–71, 80–82, 181, 298, 303; iii. 34, 40, 41, 43.

Ionius, i. 487.

Joppa (Jaffa), i. 68; iii. 175, 177.

Ioras, mtn. See Jura. -

Jordan, r. of Judæa, iii. 169, 170. +

Jordan, r. of Judæa, iii. 169, 170.

Iorghan-Ladik. See Laodiceia.

Ios (Nio), ii. 207.

Ioza. See Julia.

Iphicrates, ii. 76; iii. 278.

Iphidamas, son of Antenor, i. 509, 510.

Iphigeneia, ii. 279. -

——, play of Euripides, ii. 60. +

——, play of Euripides, ii. 60.

Iphitus, ii. 34. -

—— Eurytides, ii. 46. +

—— Eurytides, ii. 46.

Ipnus, t. of Magnesia, ii. 148.

Ira, t. of Messenia, ii. 37.

Ireland. See Ierne.

Iris, r. of Pontus (Jekil-Irmak), i. 82; ii. 295, 300, 311. -

Irra, daughter of Arrhabæus, i. 500. +

Irra, daughter of Arrhabæus, i. 500.

Isamus, r. of India, ii. 252.

Isar, r. of Gaul, i. 276, 277, 288, 303. -

——, r. of Vindelicia, i. 308. +

——, r. of Vindelicia, i. 308.

Isaura, t. of Isauria, ii. 322; iii 46, 55. @@ -97089,95 +97089,95 @@ Iberian coast, i. 245. -

Isauria Palæa, t. of Isauria, ii. 322. +

Isauria Palæa, t. of Isauria, ii. 322.

Isaurica, part of Lycaonia, ii. 322.

Ischekli. See Eumeneia.

Ischia. See Pithecussa.

Ischopolis, t. of Pontus, ii. 296. -

Isére, r. of Gaul. See Isar. +

Isére, r. of Gaul. See Isar.

Isinda, t. of Pisidia, ii. 410.

Isis, iii. 242, 260, 271. -

——, temple of, iii. 70. -

——, river, iii. 200. +

——, temple of, iii. 70. +

——, river, iii. 200.

Iskuriah. See Dioscurias.

Islote. See Scombraria.

Ismandes. See Imandes.

Ismaris, lake of Thrace, i. 515.

Ismarus, Ismara, t. of the Ciconi, i. 515. -

Ismēnus, r. by Thebes, ii. 103. +

Ismēnus, r. by Thebes, ii. 103.

Ismid. See Astacus and Nicomedia. -

Isnik. See Nicæa. +

Isnik. See Nicæa.

Isnik-gol. See Ascanius.

Isocrates, ii. 398.

Isodroma Mater, temple of, ii. 145.

Isola Longa. See Helena. -

—— Plana. See Planesia. +

—— Plana. See Planesia.

Issa, isl. of the Liburni (Lissa), i. 186, 484, 487. -

——, same as Lesbos, i. 93. +

——, same as Lesbos, i. 93.

Isseans, i. 484.

Issus, iii. 60, 62, 160, 164. -

——, Sea of, ii. 219; iii. 1. -

——, Gulf of (Bay of Ajazzo, or Aïas), i. 75, 105, 106, 160, 179, 183, 189, 190; ii. 256, 277, 279, 282; iii. 44, 45, 50, 55–57, 60, 61, 63, 68, 142, 160. -

Istanpolin. See Astypalæa. -

Ister, r. (Danube), i. 9, 22, 73, 79, 82, 89, 162, 177, 193, 264, 303, 308, 309, 317, 319, 439, 440, 442, 443, 447, 450, 452–454, 457, 463, 467–470, 478, 480–483, 487–489, 492; ii. 77, 220, 240, 302. -

——, sacred mouth of, i. 481, 489. -

——, town of Mœsia, i. 489, 490. +

——, Sea of, ii. 219; iii. 1. +

——, Gulf of (Bay of Ajazzo, or Aïas), i. 75, 105, 106, 160, 179, 183, 189, 190; ii. 256, 277, 279, 282; iii. 44, 45, 50, 55–57, 60, 61, 63, 68, 142, 160. +

Istanpolin. See Astypalæa. +

Ister, r. (Danube), i. 9, 22, 73, 79, 82, 89, 162, 177, 193, 264, 303, 308, 309, 317, 319, 439, 440, 442, 443, 447, 450, 452–454, 457, 463, 467–470, 478, 480–483, 487–489, 492; ii. 77, 220, 240, 302. +

——, sacred mouth of, i. 481, 489. +

——, town of Mœsia, i. 489, 490.

Isthmian games, ii. 60, 63.

Isthmus. See Suez.

Istri, i. 321, 483.

Istria, distr. of Italy, i. 89, 313, 321, 483. -

Isus, distr. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 99. +

Isus, distr. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 99.

Italian cities, i. 276. -

—— revolt, i. 371. -

—— headlands, i. 139 -

—— coast, i. 184, 487, +

—— revolt, i. 371. +

—— headlands, i. 139 +

—— coast, i. 184, 487,

Italians, Italiotse, i. 250, 302, 310, 313, 358, 379; ii. 118.

Italica, c. of Spain, i. 213. -

——, c. of the Peligni, i. 358. -

Italy, i. 9, 31, 33–36, 54, 72, 84, 141, 163, 164, 184, 185, 193, 194, 216, 224, 236, 240, 241, 264, 266–268, 270, 275, 279, 287, 291, 293, 300, 303–307, 309, 310, 313–315, 321, 323–325, 329, 337, 339, 345, 361, 371, 377, 379, 380, 383, 399, 400–403, 405, 411, 413, 422, 427, 435–439, 441, 442, 448, 450, 481, 482, 483, 487; ii. 60, 62, 68, 116, 154, 209, 290, 300, 333, 378; iii. 45, 278, et passim. -

Ithaca, isl. and t. (Thiaki or Ithaco), i. 33, 42, 53, 93, 161, 187, 460; ii. 5, 25, 26, 50, 161–167; iii. 8. +

——, c. of the Peligni, i. 358. +

Italy, i. 9, 31, 33–36, 54, 72, 84, 141, 163, 164, 184, 185, 193, 194, 216, 224, 236, 240, 241, 264, 266–268, 270, 275, 279, 287, 291, 293, 300, 303–307, 309, 310, 313–315, 321, 323–325, 329, 337, 339, 345, 361, 371, 377, 379, 380, 383, 399, 400–403, 405, 411, 413, 422, 427, 435–439, 441, 442, 448, 450, 481, 482, 483, 487; ii. 60, 62, 68, 116, 154, 209, 290, 300, 333, 378; iii. 45, 278, et passim. +

Ithaca, isl. and t. (Thiaki or Ithaco), i. 33, 42, 53, 93, 161, 187, 460; ii. 5, 25, 26, 50, 161–167; iii. 8.

Ithacans, i. 33; ii. 173.

Ithaco. See Ithaca. -

Ithōme, mtn and t. of Messenia, i. 426; ii. 35, 38, 141. -

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 141. +

Ithōme, mtn and t. of Messenia, i. 426; ii. 35, 38, 141. +

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 141.

Itium, t. and port of Gaul, i. 297. -

Itōnus, c. of Thessaly (Armyrus), ii. 135, 138. +

Itōnus, c. of Thessaly (Armyrus), ii. 135, 138.

Itumon, ii. 26. -

Iturii or Ituræans, a people of Syria, iii. 166, 170, 171. +

Iturii or Ituræans, a people of Syria, iii. 166, 170, 171.

Ityca, c. of the Carthaginians, iii. 284, 285. -

Juba, king of Numidia, i. 440; iii. 280, 282–284, 297. -

Judæa, part of Syria, iii. 160, 171–185, 189, 209, 241, 266. +

Juba, king of Numidia, i. 440; iii. 280, 282–284, 297. +

Judæa, part of Syria, iii. 160, 171–185, 189, 209, 241, 266.

Judicello. See Amenanus.

Jugurtha, king of Numidia, iii 284. -

Iviça. See Ebusus. +

Iviça. See Ebusus.

Julia, i. 213. -

—— Ioza, t. of Bætica, i. 210. +

—— Ioza, t. of Bætica, i. 210.

Juliopolis, t. of Phrygia, ii. 330.

Iulis, c. of Ceos, ii. 210. -

Julius. See Cæsar. +

Julius. See Cæsar. -

Iulus, son of Æneas, ii. 356. +

Iulus, son of Æneas, ii. 356.

Junc Plain, in Spain, i. 240. -

Juno (Hēra), i. 5, 41, 393; ii. 29, +

Juno (Hēra), i. 5, 41, 393; ii. 29, 39, 341; iii. 11. -

——, Argive, temple of, i. 375; ii. +

——, Argive, temple of, i. 375; ii. 110, 127. -

——, named Cupra, by the Tyr- +

——, named Cupra, by the Tyr- rheni, i. 357. -

—— Pharygæa, ii. 127. -

——, island of, i. 253, 255. -

——, Argian, grove of, i. 320. -

——, oracle of Acræan, ii. 63. +

—— Pharygæa, ii. 127. +

——, island of, i. 253, 255. +

——, Argian, grove of, i. 320. +

——, oracle of Acræan, ii. 63.

Jupiter, i. 4, 274, 340, 465, 494, 502, 503; ii. 22, 25, 29, 30, 33, 39, @@ -97189,47 +97189,47 @@ rheni, i. 357. 353; iii. 33, 55, 113, 116, 117, 179, 259, 263. -

——, Olympian, ii. 3, 28. -

——, Dodonæan, i. 328, 329, 501. -

——, Pelasgic, i. 503. -

——, Larisian, ii. 145; iii. 24. -

—— Cenæus, ii. 155. -

—— Trophonius, ii. 111. -

—— Abrettenus, ii. 330. -

—— Sōsipolis, iii. 23. -

—— Ombrius, iii. 117. -

——, temple of, in Larisa, ii. 51. -

——, in Morimene, ii. +

——, Olympian, ii. 3, 28. +

——, Dodonæan, i. 328, 329, 501. +

——, Pelasgic, i. 503. +

——, Larisian, ii. 145; iii. 24. +

—— Cenæus, ii. 155. +

—— Trophonius, ii. 111. +

—— Abrettenus, ii. 330. +

—— Sōsipolis, iii. 23. +

—— Ombrius, iii. 117. +

——, temple of, in Larisa, ii. 51. +

——, in Morimene, ii. 281. -

——, statue of, at Tuvium, ii. +

——, statue of, at Tuvium, ii. 320. -

——, Dictæan, ii. 195, 199. -

——, Olbe, temple at, iii. 55. -

——, Lycæan, ii. 75. -

—— Soter, ii. 85. -

—— Eleutherius, ii. 108. -

——, Ænēsian, ii. 167. -

——, Venasii, temple amongst +

——, Dictæan, ii. 195, 199. +

——, Olbe, temple at, iii. 55. +

——, Lycæan, ii. 75. +

—— Soter, ii. 85. +

—— Eleutherius, ii. 108. +

——, Ænēsian, ii. 167. +

——, Venasii, temple amongst the, ii. 281. -

—— Atabyrius, iii. 33. -

——, temple of, called Osogo, iii. +

—— Atabyrius, iii. 33. +

——, temple of, called Osogo, iii. 38. -

—— Labrandænus, iii. 38. -

——, Carian, iii. 38. -

—— Stratius, iii. 38. -

—— Chrysaoreus, iii. 39. -

—— Casius, iii. 176. -

—— Olympus, oracle of, ii. 28. -

—— colossus of, i. 423; ii. 320. -

—— Astrapius, ii. 97. +

—— Labrandænus, iii. 38. +

——, Carian, iii. 38. +

—— Stratius, iii. 38. +

—— Chrysaoreus, iii. 39. +

—— Casius, iii. 176. +

—— Olympus, oracle of, ii. 28. +

—— colossus of, i. 423; ii. 320. +

—— Astrapius, ii. 97.

Jupiter, Dacian priesthood of, ii, 280. -

——, work of Myron, iii. 8. +

——, work of Myron, iii. 8.

Iura, Mount, i. 288, 310.

Jura. See Gyarus.

Iurasius. See Ioras. @@ -97237,12 +97237,12 @@ the, ii. 281.

Ixia, t. of Rhodes (Lanathi), iii 33. -

Ixiōn, king of the Lapithe, i. 507, +

Ixiōn, king of the Lapithe, i. 507,

Kaisaruh. See Mazaca.

Kaki-Scala. See Taphiassus.

Kandili. See Alyzia.

Kankri. See Cenchrea. -

Kapurna. See Chœroneia. +

Kapurna. See Chœroneia.

Karabogher. See Priapus.

Karaburun. See Mimas.

Karadje-Burun. See Criumetopon @@ -97252,40 +97252,40 @@ the, ii. 281.

Karasi. See Mysia.

Kara-su. See Melas.

Kara-sui. See Cydnus. -

Karlas. See Bœbeis. +

Karlas. See Bœbeis.

Karmelis. See Gaugamela.

Kas, el. See Casium.

Kas-Owa. See Dazimonitis.

Kastri. See Delphi.

Kelikdni. See Calycadnus. -

Kelisman. See Clazomenæ. -

Keltæ, Kelti. See Kelts. -

Keltiberia, i. 222, 243—245. +

Kelisman. See Clazomenæ. +

Keltæ, Kelti. See Kelts. +

Keltiberia, i. 222, 243—245.

Keltiberians, i. 52, 214, 222, 228, -229, 238, 242—244, 246, 250. +229, 238, 242—244, 246, 250.

Keltic nations, i. 247, 291, 442, 443, 454, 481, 482. -

—— zone, i. 147. -

—— isthmus, i. 206. +

—— zone, i. 147. +

—— isthmus, i. 206.

Keltica (France), i. 13, 99, 101, -111, 113—116, 141, 174, 184, +111, 113—116, 141, 174, 184, 192, 193, 206, 223, 226, 240, 243, 267, 279, 289, 296, 298, 309, 323 -—325, 357, 442, 443, 447. -

——, Transalpine, i. 264, 266, +—325, 357, 442, 443, 447. +

——, Transalpine, i. 264, 266, 296, 300, 309, 325. -

——, Cisalpine, i. 303, 315, 336, +

——, Cisalpine, i. 303, 315, 336, 337. -

——, Citerior, i 324. -

——, Gallia Cispadana, i. 325. +

——, Citerior, i 324. +

——, Gallia Cispadana, i. 325. @@ -97304,13 +97304,13 @@ the, ii. 281. 297, 299, 308, 316, 317, 438,439, 443, 449, 463, 466. -

——, Transalpine, i. 302, 316. +

——, Transalpine, i. 302, 316.

Kemmenus, (the Cevennes), i. 219. See Cemmenus. -

Kenæum (Kabo Lithari), i. 94. +

Kenæum (Kabo Lithari), i. 94. -See Cenæum. +See Cenæum.

Kent, i. 99, 288, 296.

Kentrones. See Centrones.

Kerasun. See Paryadres. @@ -97323,7 +97323,7 @@ the, ii. 281. 243.

Kertsch. See Bosporus; Pantica- -pæeon. +pæeon.

Kharput. See Carcathiocerta.

Khersobleptes, i. 516.

Khosistan. See Susiana. @@ -97347,73 +97347,73 @@ pæeon.

Kulat-el-Mudik. See Apameia.

Kulp. See Colapis.

Kur. See Cyrus -

Kurds. See Gordyæi. +

Kurds. See Gordyæi.

Kyno. See Cynus.

La Punta. See Actium.

La Riccia. See Aricia. -

Labanæ, baths in Italy, i. 354. +

Labanæ, baths in Italy, i. 354.

Labicum, i. 341. -

Labiēnus, prefect of Asia, ii. 330; +

Labiēnus, prefect of Asia, ii. 330; iii. 39. -

Lab&obreve;tas, r. of Syria, iii. 164. +

Labŏtas, r. of Syria, iii. 164.

Labranda, c. of Caria, iii. 38.

Labyrinth, in Crete, ii. 197. -

——, near Nauplia, ii. 48. -

——, in Egypt, iii. 221, 255, +

——, near Nauplia, ii. 48. +

——, in Egypt, iii. 221, 255, 258.

Lacaon, ii. 395. -

Lacænian land, ii. 45. -

Laccæa, i. 227. -

Lacedæmon, i. 398; ii. 18, 19, 21, +

Lacænian land, ii. 45. +

Laccæa, i. 227. +

Lacedæmon, i. 398; ii. 18, 19, 21, -45—47, 67, 68, 77, 130, 153, 164, +45—47, 67, 68, 77, 130, 153, 164, 173; iii. 26, 259. -

Lacedæmonian epistle, i. 58. -

—— code, i. 390. -

Lacedæmonians, i. 102, 155, 231, +

Lacedæmonian epistle, i. 58. +

—— code, i. 390. +

Lacedæmonians, i. 102, 155, 231, -347, 372, 385, 424—427, 430, +347, 372, 385, 424—427, 430, -499; ii. 31, 34—36, 38. 39, 41, +499; ii. 31, 34—36, 38. 39, 41, 43, 46, 55, 58, 59, 71, 72, 75, 85, 88, 90, 94, 111, 123, 129, et pas- sim. -

Lacēter, prom. in the island of Cos +

Lacēter, prom. in the island of Cos (Cape Kephala), iii. 36.

Lacinium, Cape, i. 393, 429. -

Lacmus, mtn of Ætolia, i. 410, +

Lacmus, mtn of Ætolia, i. 410, 486.

Laconia, i. 399; ii. 15, 18, 24, 28, -35—48, 53, 58, 153, 193, 200; +35—48, 53, 58, 153, 193, 200; iii. 292.

Laconian Bay (Gulf of Colochina), ii. 6, 40, 48. -

—— island, same as Thera. +

—— island, same as Thera.

Laconians, Lacones, i. 236, 504; ii. 43, 44, 47; iii. 69. -

—— Eleuthero, ii. 44. -

Ladē, isl. near Miletus, iii. 5. +

—— Eleuthero, ii. 44. +

Ladē, isl. near Miletus, iii. 5.

Ladik-Gol. See Stiphane.

Ladikiyeh. See Laodicea.

Ladon, r. of Arcadia (Landona), i. 94; ii. 76. -

Laërtes, i. 91; ii. 161, 166, 173; +

Laërtes, i. 91; ii. 161, 166, 173; iii. 52. -

Læstrygonians, people of Sicily, i. +

Læstrygonians, people of Sicily, i. 31, 33, 64.

Lagaria, fortress near Thurii (La @@ -97426,7 +97426,7 @@ Nucarra), ii. 397. -

Lagětas, great - grandfather of +

Lagětas, great - grandfather of Strabo, ii. 198.

Lagina, t. of Caria, iii. 39, 43. @@ -97434,10 +97434,10 @@ Strabo, ii. 198.

Lagusa, isl. near Crete (Cardiodissa or Cardiana), ii. 207. -

Laïus, iii. 18. +

Laïus, iii. 18.

Lamert-koi. See Cyme.

Lamia, phantom, i. 29. -

——, c. of Thessaly (Isdin or +

——, c. of Thessaly (Isdin or Zeitun), i. 94; ii. 136, 138, 158.

Lamian war, ii. 136. @@ -97448,9 +97448,9 @@ or Cardiana), ii. 207.

Lampesis, Lamptreis, t. of Attica, ii. 89. -

Lampōnia, t. of the Troad, ii. 382. -

Lampsacēnē, ii. 350. -

Lampsacēni, ii. 347, 349. +

Lampōnia, t. of the Troad, ii. 382. +

Lampsacēnē, ii. 350. +

Lampsacēni, ii. 347, 349.

Lampsacus, city of Mysia (Lamp- saki), i. 518; ii. 340, 347, 349, @@ -97463,18 +97463,18 @@ saki), i. 518; ii. 340, 347, 349,

Langobardi, nation of Germany, i. 445. -

Lanuvium (Civita Lavinia or Cittá +

Lanuvium (Civita Lavinia or Cittá della Vigna), i. 344, 355. -

Laodicēa, city of Lycaonia, iii. 43. -

——, c. of Cœle-Syria (Ious- +

Laodicēa, city of Lycaonia, iii. 43. +

——, c. of Cœle-Syria (Ious- chiah), iii. 170. -

——, c. of Syria (Ladikiyeh), +

——, c. of Syria (Ladikiyeh), iii. 161, 162, 167. -

——, c. of Media, ii. 264. -

——, c. of Phrygia (Urumluk), +

——, c. of Media, ii. 264. +

——, c. of Phrygia (Urumluk), ii. 332, 334, 336, 408, 409; iii. 43.

Laodiceia, mother of Seleucus, iii. @@ -97482,74 +97482,74 @@ ii. 332, 334, 336, 408, 409; iii. 43. 161.

Laodiceians, ii. 334, 336.

Laomedon, ii. 359. -

Laōthoë, ii. 395. +

Laōthoë, ii. 395.

Lapathus, t. of Cyprus (Lapito), iii. 69. -

Lapē, t. of Lesbos, ii. 127. -

Lapersæ, ii. 42. -

Lapithæ, people of Thessaly, i. 15, +

Lapē, t. of Lesbos, ii. 127. +

Lapersæ, ii. 42. +

Lapithæ, people of Thessaly, i. 15, -507; ii. 144—148. -

Lapithēs, same as Mopsus. +507; ii. 144—148. +

Lapithēs, same as Mopsus.

Lapito. See Lapathus.

Laranda. t. of Lycaonia (Caraman), ii. 322.

Larisa, daughter of Piasus, ii. 397. -

——, Cremaste, city of Pelasgiotis, +

——, Cremaste, city of Pelasgiotis, i. 94; ii. 138, 144, 373, 374, 395 -—397. -

——, city of Phthiotis, ii. 145. -

——, c. of Thessaly, ii. 77, 272. -

——, c. of Attica, ii. 145. -

——, c. of Crete, ii. 144. -

——, c. on the confines of Elis and +—397. +

——, city of Phthiotis, ii. 145. +

——, c. of Thessaly, ii. 77, 272. +

——, c. of Attica, ii. 145. +

——, c. of Crete, ii. 144. +

——, c. on the confines of Elis and -Achæa, ii. 145. -

——, Phriconis in Asia, ii. 145. -

——, c. of Syria, ii. 145, 165. -

——, c. of Pontus, ii. 145. -

——, c. of the Troad, i. 329; ii. +Achæa, ii. 145. +

——, Phriconis in Asia, ii. 145. +

——, c. of Syria, ii. 145, 165. +

——, c. of Pontus, ii. 145. +

——, c. of the Troad, i. 329; ii. 145, 374, 395. -

——, Ephěsia, ii. 145. -

——, Phricōnis, c. of Æolis, ii. +

——, Ephěsia, ii. 145. +

——, Phricōnis, c. of Æolis, ii. 145, 397. -

——, citadel of the Argives, ii. 51, +

——, citadel of the Argives, ii. 51, 144. -

Larisæan rocks, at Lesbos, ii. 145. +

Larisæan rocks, at Lesbos, ii. 145.

Larisian plain, ii. 144. -

—— Jupiter, ii. 145. -

Larisus, r. of Achæa, ii. 74, 145. +

—— Jupiter, ii. 145. +

Larisus, r. of Achæa, ii. 74, 145.

Larius (Lake of Como), i. 287, 304, 312, 317.

Laroloni, i. 337. -

Lartolæētæ, people of Spain, i. 239. -

Larymna, t. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 100. -

——, Upper, t. of Locris, ii. +

Lartolæētæ, people of Spain, i. 239. +

Larymna, t. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 100. +

——, Upper, t. of Locris, ii. 100. -

Lās, t. of Laconia, ii. 42. +

Lās, t. of Laconia, ii. 42.

Lasion sea-coast, ii. 9. -

Lathōn, Lēthæus, r. of Cyrenaica, +

Lathōn, Lēthæus, r. of Cyrenaica, iii. 21, 291.

Latin towns, i. 278. -

—— coast, i. 344. -

—— cities, i. 356. +

—— coast, i. 344. +

—— cities, i. 356.

Latina, Via, i. 351, 352, 353, 356, 370.

Latine. See Latium.

Latini, Latins, i. 227, 325, 326, -340, 343—346, 349, 438. +340, 343—346, 349, 438.

Latinus, i. 339.

Latium, i. 325, 338, 339, 344, 345, @@ -97563,26 +97563,26 @@ iii. 21, 291.

Latmus, t. of Caria. iii. 6. -

Latomiæ, islands in the Arabian +

Latomiæ, islands in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 194.

Latona, ii. 208; iii. 11, 29. -

——, temple of, ii. 24, 207, +

——, temple of, ii. 24, 207, 239.

Latopolis, city of Egypt, iii. 257, 263. -

Latopolītæ, iii. 257, 263. +

Latopolītæ, iii. 257, 263.

Latus, iii. 263.

Laurentum, t. of Latium, i. 339, 346. -

Laüs, city of Lucania, i. 376, 377. -

——, r. of Lucania (Lao), i. 376, +

Laüs, city of Lucania, i. 376, 377. +

——, r. of Lucania (Lao), i. 376, -379—381. -

——, gulf of Lucania, i. 376. +379—381. +

——, gulf of Lucania, i. 376.

Laviansene, ii. 278, 285, 310.

Lavicana, Via, i. 352.

Lavicum, t. of Latium, i. 352. @@ -97593,13 +97593,13 @@ Gulf, iii. 194. 345, 398; ii. 378.

Leap, the, ii. 162. -

Lebadeia, city of Bœotia, ii. 111, +

Lebadeia, city of Bœotia, ii. 111, 122.

Lebedos, city of Ionia (Lebedigli), iii. 2, 16. -

Lěbēn, t and port of Crete, ii. +

Lěbēn, t and port of Crete, ii. 199.

Lebenii, ii. 199. @@ -97607,41 +97607,41 @@ iii. 2, 16.

Lebinthus, island (Levita), ii. 212.

Lebrixa. See Nebrissa.

Lecanomanteis, iii. 180. -

Lechæum, port of Corinth (Pelagio), +

Lechæum, port of Corinth (Pelagio), i. 88; ii. 62, 63.

Lectum, prom. of the Troad (Baba -Kalessi), ii. 339—342, 372—376, +Kalessi), ii. 339—342, 372—376, 388, 390. -

Lēda, wife of Tyndareus, and +

Lēda, wife of Tyndareus, and daughter of Thestius, ii. 173. -

Lěētani, people of Spain, i. 239. +

Lěētani, people of Spain, i. 239.

Lefka; see Leuctra. -

Legæ, or Leges (Legi), ii. 235. -

Leimōn, iii. 26. -

Leimōne, same as Elēnē, ii. 145. -

Lēlantum, plain of, i. 90; ii. 154, +

Legæ, or Leges (Legi), ii. 235. +

Leimōn, iii. 26. +

Leimōne, same as Elēnē, ii. 145. +

Lēlantum, plain of, i. 90; ii. 154, 178.

Leleges, i. 493, 491; ii. 93, 327, -328, 343, 374—376, 381, 383, +328, 343, 374—376, 381, 383, 394, 395; iii. 2, 4, 11, 40, 63, 65.

Lelegia, i. 493. -

Lēmenna, lake (Lake Leman, the +

Lēmenna, lake (Lake Leman, the Lake of Geneva), i. 277, 303, 310. -

Lēmnos, island (Stalimene), i. 43, +

Lēmnos, island (Stalimene), i. 43, -66, 71—73, 187, 329, 512, 513, +66, 71—73, 187, 329, 512, 513, 515; ii. 21, 158, 168, 180, 190, @@ -97649,16 +97649,16 @@ Lake of Geneva), i. 277, 303,

Lemovices, people of Gaul (the Limousins), i. 284. -

Leōcorium, ii. 86, 87. +

Leōcorium, ii. 86, 87.

Leon, rocks on the Ethiopian shore, iii. 201. -

Leōnidas, i. 17; ii. 130, 181. -

Leōnides, stoic, iii. 33. +

Leōnidas, i. 17; ii. 130, 181. +

Leōnides, stoic, iii. 33.

Leonnatus, friend of Alexander, ii. 136. -

Leonnorius, leader or the Galatæ, +

Leonnorius, leader or the Galatæ, ii. 319.

Leontes, ii. 350. @@ -97666,20 +97666,20 @@ ii. 319.

Leontopolis, c. of Egypt, iii. 171, 240. -

Leontopolïtae, iii. 240, 257. +

Leontopolïtae, iii. 240, 257.

Leontopolite nome, in Egypt, iii. 240. -

Leōsthenes, ii. 136. +

Leōsthenes, ii. 136.

Lepanto; see Naupactus. -

——, Gulf of; see Corinth, +

——, Gulf of; see Corinth, Gulf of,

Lepidum. See Rhegiurn.

Lepidus, Marcus, i. 323. -

Lēpontii, Alpine race, i. 304, 306. -

Lepreātæ, ii. 18, 31, 45. -

Lepreātis, ii. 18. +

Lēpontii, Alpine race, i. 304, 306. +

Lepreātæ, ii. 18, 31, 45. +

Lepreātis, ii. 18.

Leprcum, city of Triphylia, ii. 15, 17, 19, 21, 22, 31. @@ -97690,13 +97690,13 @@ Gulf of,

Lerians, ii. 212.

Lerida , see Ilerda.

Lerna, r. of Argolis, ii. 48. -

——, lake of Argolis, ii. 48, 52. -

Lērō (Ile Ste Marguérite), i. 276; +

——, lake of Argolis, ii. 48, 52. +

Lērō (Ile Ste Marguérite), i. 276; ii. 212, 214; iii. 5. See Leros.

Lesbia. See Lesbos.

Lesbians, ii. 365. -

Lesboclēs, ii. 392. +

Lesboclēs, ii. 392. @@ -97707,61 +97707,61 @@ ii. 212, 214; iii. 5. See Leros. 187, 329, 518; ii. 32, 213, 303, -339—345, 351, 353, 375, 384, +339—345, 351, 353, 375, 384, -388, 390—394, 398; iii. 8, 19, +388, 390—394, 398; iii. 8, 19, 36, 250.

Lesina, isl. See Pharos. -

Lēthæus, r. of Crete (Maloniti or +

Lēthæus, r. of Crete (Maloniti or Messara), ii. 199. -

——, r. of Magnesia, ii. 303; +

——, r. of Magnesia, ii. 303; iii. 21. -

——, r. of Thessaly, iii. 21. -

——, r. of the Cyrenaic. See +

——, r. of Thessaly, iii. 21. +

——, r. of the Cyrenaic. See -Lathōn. -

Lēthē, r. of Lusitania, i. 229, 230. +Lathōn. +

Lēthē, r. of Lusitania, i. 229, 230. -See Limæa. +See Limæa.

Lethus, ii. 395. -

Lēto, temple of. See Latona. +

Lēto, temple of. See Latona.

Letopolite nome, in Egypt, iii. 247.

Letoum, iii. 47.

Leuca, t. of Calabria, i. 429. -

——, mtn of Crete (Aspra-vuna +

——, mtn of Crete (Aspra-vuna or Sfakia), ii. 194. -

——, Leuce, island of (Ilan-Ad- +

——, Leuce, island of (Ilan-Ad- assi), i. 188, 470; ii. 41. -

——, Leuce-Come, t. of the Na- +

——, Leuce-Come, t. of the Na- -batæi, iii. 211. -

——, Leuce-Acte,prom. ofEubœa, +batæi, iii. 211. +

——, Leuce-Acte,prom. ofEubœa, ii. 90. -

——, prom. of Libya, ii. 213; iii. +

——, prom. of Libya, ii. 213; iii. 235. -

——, in Thrace, i. 518. -

——, Capo di. See Iapygia. +

——, in Thrace, i. 518. +

——, Capo di. See Iapygia.

Leucadian Sea, i. 505.

Leucadians, i. 494; ii. 162.

Leucadius, brother of Penelope, ii. 162. -

Leucæ, t. of Ionia (Leokaes), iii. +

Leucæ, t. of Ionia (Leokaes), iii. 20, 21. -

Leucani, i. 315, 339, 373—380, +

Leucani, i. 315, 339, 373—380, 392, 397, 427, 431. -

Leucania, i. 374—376, 380. +

Leucania, i. 374—376, 380.

Leucas, isl. and t. (Sta Maura), i. 91, 159; ii. 159, 161, 163, @@ -97772,38 +97772,38 @@ i. 91, 159; ii. 159, 161, 163, 167, 173.

Leuci, people of Gaul, i. 288. -

Leucimmē, prom. of Corcyra (C. +

Leucimmē, prom. of Corcyra (C. Bianco), i. 497.

Leucippus, i. 399.

Leuco, i. 463.

Leucocomas, ii. 199.

Leucolla, port of Cyprus, iii. 69. -

Leucōn, king of Bosporus, i. 476— +

Leucōn, king of Bosporus, i. 476— 478.

Leuconotus (name of a wind), i. 45; iii. 292. -

Leucopětra, prom. of Italy, i. 315, +

Leucopětra, prom. of Italy, i. 315, 388. -

Leucophryēne, Artemis, iii. 22. +

Leucophryēne, Artemis, iii. 22.

Leucophrys, same as Tenedos, ii. 373. -

Leucōsia, island, i. 185, 375, 387. +

Leucōsia, island, i. 185, 375, 387.

Leucosyri, ii. 288.

Leucothea, temple of, ii. 228. -

Leuctra (Lefka), c. of Bœotia, ii. +

Leuctra (Lefka), c. of Bœotia, ii. 110, 111, 152. -

——, battle of, ii. 68, 70. +

——, battle of, ii. 68, 70.

Leuctri, ii. 36.

Leuctrum, t. of Laconia, ii. 36, 38, 39. -

——, vill. of Achæa, ii. 73. +

——, vill. of Achæa, ii. 73.

Levita. See Lebinthus.

Leuternian coast of Calabria, i. @@ -97812,13 +97812,13 @@ Bianco), i. 497. 429.

Lexovii, i. 281, 290. -

Libanus, mtn, iii. 149, 169—171. -

Libēs, priest of the Chatti, i. 447. -

Libēthra, Leibēthrum, city of +

Libanus, mtn, iii. 149, 169—171. +

Libēs, priest of the Chatti, i. 447. +

Libēthra, Leibēthrum, city of Pieria, i. 508; ii. 105, 187. -

Libēthriades, ii. 105, 187. -

Libophœnices, people of Libya, iii. +

Libēthriades, ii. 105, 187. +

Libophœnices, people of Libya, iii. 289.

Libs (S.W. wind), i. 45; ii. 303. @@ -97829,9 +97829,9 @@ Pieria, i. 508; ii. 105, 187. 56, 60, 63, 64, 76, 78, 88, 103, -148, 150, 154, 155, 159, 160— +148, 150, 154, 155, 159, 160— -164, 174, 180—187, 191, 197, +164, 174, 180—187, 191, 197, 200, 206, 216-218, 226, 236, @@ -97850,8 +97850,8 @@ Pieria, i. 508; ii. 105, 187. -

Libyans, Hesperītæ, iii. 22. -

Libyrnē, same as Scardon, i. 484. +

Libyans, Hesperītæ, iii. 22. +

Libyrnē, same as Scardon, i. 484.

Libyrnides. See Liburnian Is- lands. @@ -97870,54 +97870,54 @@ ii. 126. 54.

Licymnius, iii. 31.

Licyrna, ii. 171. -

Liger, r. (Loire), i. 265, 281—284, +

Liger, r. (Loire), i. 265, 281—284, 286, 288, 289, 291, 292, 295, 297

Liguria, (Genoa), i. 193, 247, 265, -279, 302, 308, 311, 313—316, +279, 302, 308, 311, 313—316, -324—326, 330, 439. +324—326, 330, 439.

Ligurian headlands, i. 139.

Ligurisci, i. 454.

Ligyes, Ligurians, i. 193, 267, 269, -274, 275, 300—303, 322, 323, +274, 275, 300—303, 322, 323, 331, 462. -

——, Oxybian, i. 276, 301, 314. +

——, Oxybian, i. 276, 301, 314.

Ligystica. See Liguria. -

——, coast, i. 184, 185. -

——, nations, i. 193, 194. -

——, Sea of, (Gulf of Genoa), +

——, coast, i. 184, 185. +

——, nations, i. 193, 194. +

——, Sea of, (Gulf of Genoa), i. 160, 185, 193. -

Lilæa, c. of Phocis, i. 25; ii. 101, +

Lilæa, c. of Phocis, i. 25; ii. 101, 123, 124, 128. -

Lilybæum, prom. of Sicily (Capo +

Lilybæum, prom. of Sicily (Capo -Boeo), i. 400—403, 411, 421; ii. +Boeo), i. 400—403, 411, 421; ii. 378. -

——, c. of Sicily (Mar- +

——, c. of Sicily (Mar- salla), i. 411; iii. 287. -

Limæa, r. of Lusitania (Lima), i. +

Limæa, r. of Lusitania (Lima), i. 229, 230.

Limena, Limenera, ii. 48.

Limenia, t. of Cyprus, iii. 70. -

Limnæ, t. of Messenia, i. 385; ii. +

Limnæ, t. of Messenia, i. 385; ii. 39, 40. -

——, t. of the Thracian Cherso- +

——, t. of the Thracian Cherso- nese, i. 517; iii. 5. -

——, suburb of Sparta, ii. 40. -

Limnæum, suburb of Sparta, ii. +

——, suburb of Sparta, ii. 40. +

Limnæum, suburb of Sparta, ii. 41.

Limousins. See Lemovices. @@ -97931,12 +97931,12 @@ nese, i. 517; iii. 5.

Lingones, Lincasii, people of Gaul i. 278, 288, 310. -

Līnum, t. of Mysia, ii. 349. +

Līnum, t. of Mysia, ii. 349.

Linx, c. of Mauritania. See Lynx Lipari Isles, i. 31, 84, 89, 185, 369, -383, 386, 415, 417—421. +383, 386, 415, 417—421.

Liris, r. of Latium (Garigliano), i. 347, 352, 353. @@ -97950,44 +97950,44 @@ Lipari Isles, i. 31, 84, 89, 185, 369, Patria), i. 361.

Liternus, r. of Campania, i. 361. -

Lithada. See Cenœum. +

Lithada. See Cenœum.

Lithrus, mtn of Pontus, ii. 306.

Livadhia. See Lebadeia.

Livia, piazza of, i. 351.

Lixus, t. of Mauritania, iii. 279, 281. -

—— r. of Mauritania (Lucos), i. +

—— r. of Mauritania (Lucos), i. 150.

Lochias, prom. of Egypt, iii. 226, 230. -

Locri, people of Greece, i. 389— +

Locri, people of Greece, i. 389— -392, 494; ii. 85, 113—115, 124 +392, 494; ii. 85, 113—115, 124 -—130, 134, 135, 159, 365. -

——, Epizephyrii, in Italy, i. 168, +—130, 134, 135, 159, 365. +

——, Epizephyrii, in Italy, i. 168, 381, 383, 388; iii. 289. -

——, Epicnemidii, ii. 78, 113, +

——, Epicnemidii, ii. 78, 113, 114, 124, 125, 128, 132. -

——, Ozolœ or Hesperii, ii. 2, +

——, Ozolœ or Hesperii, ii. 2, -114—116, 125—128, 158. -

——, Opuntii, i. 389; ii. 114, 124 +114—116, 125—128, 158. +

——, Opuntii, i. 389; ii. 114, 124 -—126. +—126.

Locria, ftn in Locris, i. 389.

Locris, in Greece, ii. 6, 42, 114, -124—132, 137, 151, 171, 340. -

——, in Italy, i. 186, 388, 390. +124—132, 137, 151, 171, 340. +

——, in Italy, i. 186, 388, 390.

Locrus, i. 494.

Loire. See Liger. -

Lopadūssa, island (Lampidusa), iii. +

Lopadūssa, island (Lampidusa), iii. 288. @@ -97996,27 +97996,27 @@ Patria), i. 361. -

Lōryma, mtn and shore of Caria, +

Lōryma, mtn and shore of Caria, iii. 34. -

Lōtophagi, i. 37, 236, 237; iii. +

Lōtophagi, i. 37, 236, 237; iii. 281. -

Lōtophagitis, name of the Lesser +

Lōtophagitis, name of the Lesser Syrtis, iii. 288.

Loubadi. See Apolloniatis.

Lucas, i. 494.

Lucca, t. of the Ligyri, i. 323. -

Lucěria, t. of the Daunii (Lucera), +

Lucěria, t. of the Daunii (Lucera), i. 398, 433.

Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. See Tarquinius. -

—— Mummius, ii. 64, 65. +

—— Mummius, ii. 64, 65.

Lucos, r. See Lixus. -

Lūcot&obreve;cia, city of the Parisii, i. +

Lūcotŏcia, city of the Parisii, i. 290.

Lucrine Lake and Gulf (Lago Ltu- @@ -98025,42 +98025,42 @@ crino), i. 362, 364.

Lucullus, ii. 278, 292, 294, 107, 320. -

——, Marcus, i. 490; ii. 65. -

Lūcūmo, son of Demaratus, i. +

——, Marcus, i. 490; ii. 65. +

Lūcūmo, son of Demaratus, i. 326. -

Lūdias, r. and lake of Macedonia, +

Lūdias, r. and lake of Macedonia, i. 508, 509.

Luerion, i. 302.

Luerius, i. 285. -

Lugdūnum, t. of Aquitania (Lyons), +

Lugdūnum, t. of Aquitania (Lyons), i. 286. -

——, c. of the Segosiani, i. 265, +

——, c. of the Segosiani, i. 265, 277, 284, 288, 289, 309, 310. -

Lūgeum, i. 482. -

Lūji, people of Germany, i. 444. -

Lūna, i. 323, 329, 330. -

Lūpiæ, t. of Calabria, i. 430. -

Lūpias, r. of Germany (Lippe), i. +

Lūgeum, i. 482. +

Lūji, people of Germany, i. 444. +

Lūna, i. 323, 329, 330. +

Lūpiæ, t. of Calabria, i. 430. +

Lūpias, r. of Germany (Lippe), i. 445. -

Lusitania, i. 181, 228—230, 250. +

Lusitania, i. 181, 228—230, 250.

Lusitanians, i. 209, 221, 228, 229, 231, 245, 250. -

Lūsōnes, people of Spain, i. 243. +

Lūsōnes, people of Spain, i. 243.

Lux Dubia, i. 211. -

Lycabēttus, mtn of Attica, ii. 90, +

Lycabēttus, mtn of Attica, ii. 90, 164. -

Lycæum, mtn of Arcadia (Myntha), +

Lycæum, mtn of Arcadia (Myntha), i. 311; ii. 22, 75, 76. -

Lycaōn, i. 329. -

——, son of Priam, i. 66; ii. 344, +

Lycaōn, i. 329. +

——, son of Priam, i. 66; ii. 344, 346.

Lycaonia, i. 202; ii. 276, 281, 284, @@ -98080,35 +98080,35 @@ Ochrida), i. 495, 500. ii. 54, 259, 313, 317, 328, 329, -409; iii. 27, 28, 44—48, 54, 59, +409; iii. 27, 28, 44—48, 54, 59, 68, 73, et passim. -

——, in the Troad, ii. 317, 328, +

——, in the Troad, ii. 317, 328, 329. -

Lycii, Lycians, ii. 277, 304, 327— +

Lycii, Lycians, ii. 277, 304, 327— 329, 344, 346, 353, 360, 362, 405, 410; iii. 1, 41, 49, 63. -

——, in the Troad, ii. 162, 327, +

——, in the Troad, ii. 162, 327, 344, 346, 360, 362. -

——, Carian, ii. 327, 329. -

Lycomēdes, priest of the Comani, +

——, Carian, ii. 327, 329. +

Lycomēdes, priest of the Comani, ii. 308. -

——, king of Scyrus, ii. +

——, king of Scyrus, ii. 140. -

——, son of Pharnaces, ii. +

——, son of Pharnaces, ii. 311.

Lycopolis, c. of Egypt, iii. 240,257, 258. -

Lycopolītæ, iii. 257. -

Lycōreia, t. of Phocis, ii. 116. +

Lycopolītæ, iii. 257. +

Lycōreia, t. of Phocis, ii. 116.

Lycormas, ii. 160.

Lyctii, ii. 194.

Lyctus, c. of Crete (Lytto), ii. 196, @@ -98117,22 +98117,22 @@ ii. 308.

Lycurgus, Lacedemonian, ii. 43, 44, 203, 204; iii. 179. -

——, king of the Edoni, ii. +

——, king of the Edoni, ii. 187; iii. 76. -

——, orator, ii. 368. +

——, orator, ii. 368.

Lycus, ii. 334. -

——, son of Pandiones, ii. 81; iii. +

——, son of Pandiones, ii. 81; iii. 49. -

——, r. of Assyria (Erbil), i. 123; +

——, r. of Assyria (Erbil), i. 123; iii. 143, 144. -

——, r. of Syria (Nahr-el-Kelb), +

——, r. of Syria (Nahr-el-Kelb), iii. 170. -

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 334. -

——, r. of Armenia and Pontus, +

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 334. +

——, r. of Armenia and Pontus, ii. 270, 295, 306.

Lydia, i. 91, 96, 326; ii. 68, 102, @@ -98147,49 +98147,49 @@ ii. 270, 295, 306. 410; iii. 22, 60.

Lydian temples, ii. 185. -

—— gates, ii. 386. +

—— gates, ii. 386.

Lydians, i. 41, 328, 397, 453; ii. 277, 317, 326, 329, 332, 346, 384, 386, 396, 402, 403, 406, -407; iii. 24, 38, 63—65, 140, +407; iii. 24, 38, 63—65, 140, 141.

Lydus, son of Atys, i. 326, 467. -

Lygæus, ii. 173. +

Lygæus, ii. 173.

Lygdamis, leader of the Cimmerii, i. 96. -

Lyncēstæ, people of Macedonia, i. +

Lyncēstæ, people of Macedonia, i. 495, 500, 501.

Lyncestis, i. 500.

Lynx, iii. 277, 278, 281, 282. -

Lyonnaise, the, i. 285—290. +

Lyonnaise, the, i. 285—290.

Lyons. See Lugdunum.

Lyons, Gulf of. See Galatic Gulf.

Lyrceium, mtn of Argolis, ii. 51, 58, 124. -

——, vill. of Argolis, i. 410. -

Lyrnēssis, in the Troad, ii. 345. -

Lyrnēssus, t. of the Troad, ii. 343, +

——, vill. of Argolis, i. 410. +

Lyrnēssis, in the Troad, ii. 345. +

Lyrnēssus, t. of the Troad, ii. 343, 345, 377, 384. -

——, t. of Pamphylia (Erna- +

——, t. of Pamphylia (Erna- tia), iii. 49, 61. -

Lysias, fortress of Judæa, iii. 181. -

——, t. of Syria, iii. 166. -

——, t. of Phrygia, ii. 332. +

Lysias, fortress of Judæa, iii. 181. +

——, t. of Syria, iii. 166. +

——, t. of Phrygia, ii. 332.

Lysimachia, city of the Thracian Chersonese (Eksemil), i. 202, 517. -

——, t. and lake of Ætolia, +

——, t. and lake of Ætolia, ii. 172.

Lysimachus, son of Agathocles, i. @@ -98199,14 +98199,14 @@ ii. 172. 301, 371, 377, 399, 400; iii. 11, 20, 22. -

Lysiœdi, iii. 23. +

Lysiœdi, iii. 23.

Lysippus, sculptor, i. 424; ii. 171, 350.

Lysis, iii. 23.

Lytto. See Lyctus. -

Mä, temple of Enyus, ii. 279. -

Macæ, people of Arabia Felix, iii. +

Mä, temple of Enyus, ii. 279. +

Macæ, people of Arabia Felix, iii. 186, 187.

Macar, ii. 32, 346. @@ -98217,23 +98217,23 @@ ii. 172. 432, 466, 481, 493, 495, 496, -499, 500, 501, 504—516, 519; +499, 500, 501, 504—516, 519; -ii. 1—3, 10, 64, 92, 94, 129, 132, +ii. 1—3, 10, 64, 92, 94, 129, 132, -140, 141, 147—154, 157; iii. +140, 141, 147—154, 157; iii. 220, 297, et passim. -

——, Upper, i. 500, 506. -

——, Lower, i. 506. -

——, Gulfs of (Kassandra, +

——, Upper, i. 500, 506. +

——, Lower, i. 506. +

——, Gulfs of (Kassandra, Monte-Santo, Contessa), i. 140, 188.

Macedonian kings, ii. 44, 88. -

—— empire, i. 509. -

—— mtns, i. 488, 496, 507. -

—— nations, i. 485. -

—— city, ii. 56. +

—— empire, i. 509. +

—— mtns, i. 488, 496, 507. +

—— nations, i. 485. +

—— city, ii. 56.

Macedonians, i. 192, 257, 439, 485, 495, 496, 498, 500, 504; ii. 4, @@ -98243,7 +98243,7 @@ Monte-Santo, Contessa), i. 140, 188. 131, 132, 137, 147, 172; iii. 39, 115, et passim. -

Machærus, fortress of Judæa, ii. +

Machærus, fortress of Judæa, ii. 120; iii. 181.

Macistia, ii. 16, 23, 24. @@ -98258,60 +98258,60 @@ i. 385; ii. 18, 19, 24, 155.

Macri Campi, in Cisalpine Gaul, i. 322. -

Macris, same as Eubœa, ii. 151. +

Macris, same as Eubœa, ii. 151.

Macrocephali, i. 68; ii. 258.

Macron-Tichos, i. 518. -

Macrōnes, people of Pontus, ii. +

Macrōnes, people of Pontus, ii. 296.

Macronici. See Helena.

Macropogones, ii. 219. -

Macynia, t. of Ætolia, ii. 160, 171. +

Macynia, t. of Ætolia, ii. 160, 171.

Madys, the Scythian, i. 96, 97.

Madytus, c. of the Thracian Cher- sonese, i. 518. -

Mæander, r. of Phrygia and Caria +

Mæander, r. of Phrygia and Caria -(Bojock Meinder), ii. 303, 333— +(Bojock Meinder), ii. 303, 333— -336, 407—409; iii. 6, 7, 21, 24, +336, 407—409; iii. 6, 7, 21, 24, 27, 82. -

Mæandrius, ii. 311. -

Mæcēnē, distr. of Arabia, iii. 189. +

Mæandrius, ii. 311. +

Mæcēnē, distr. of Arabia, iii. 189. -

Mædi, people of Thrace, i. 485, 489, +

Mædi, people of Thrace, i. 485, 489, 514. -

Mædobithyni, Thracian race, i. 453. -

Mæmacca, t. of Bætica, i. 235. -

Mænalus, mtn of Arcadia, ii. 76. -

——, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75. -

Mænoba, t. of Bætica, i. 215. -

Mæ&obreve;nes, Mē&obreve;nes, or Mysi, ancient +

Mædobithyni, Thracian race, i. 453. +

Mæmacca, t. of Bætica, i. 235. +

Mænalus, mtn of Arcadia, ii. 76. +

——, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75. +

Mænoba, t. of Bætica, i. 215. +

Mæŏnes, Mēŏnes, or Mysi, ancient inhabitants of Lydia, ii. 298, 317, 326, 332, 346, 396, 402, 403; iii. 64, 65. -

Mæonia, same as Mysia, ii. 332, +

Mæonia, same as Mysia, ii. 332, 346, 405, 406. -

Mæōtæ, i. 195; ii. 219, 221, 224. -

Mæōtis, Palus (Azof, Sea of), i. 22, +

Mæōtæ, i. 195; ii. 219, 221, 224. +

Mæōtis, Palus (Azof, Sea of), i. 22, 81, 114, 162, 164, 172, 189, 191, 194, 202, 203, 442, 443, 450, 471, -474, 476—480, 491; ii. 216—224, +474, 476—480, 491; ii. 216—224, 239, 243, 244, 251, 270, 302.

Magarsa, t. of Cilicia, iii. 60. @@ -98320,52 +98320,52 @@ inhabitants of Lydia, ii. 298, 317, 152; iii. 116, 136, 137, 140, 141, 180. -

Magnēsia, Magnētis, distr. of Thes- +

Magnēsia, Magnētis, distr. of Thes- -saly, i. 506, 510; ii. 132—135, +saly, i. 506, 510; ii. 132—135, -139—141, 146, 148. -

——, t. of Caria, ii. 299, 303, +139—141, 146, 148. +

——, t. of Caria, ii. 299, 303, -335; iii. 6, 7, 21—24, 43. -

——, t. of Lydia (Manisa), ii. +335; iii. 6, 7, 21—24, 43. +

——, t. of Lydia (Manisa), ii. 326, 335, 397.

Magnesian Sea, ii. 135. -

Magnētes, of Thessaly, i. 43; ii. +

Magnētes, of Thessaly, i. 43; ii. -131, 140, 146—148; iii. 7. -

——, of Caria, ii. 333; iii. 22, +131, 140, 146—148; iii. 7. +

——, of Caria, ii. 333; iii. 22, 23. -

Magnētis, i. 507. +

Magnētis, i. 507.

Magnopolis, c. of Pontus, ii. 306. -

Magōdi, same as Lysiōdi, iii. 23. +

Magōdi, same as Lysiōdi, iii. 23.

Majorca and Minorca. See Gym- -nasiæ. +nasiæ.

Makro Teichos. See Cnossus. -

Malaca, c. of Bætica (Malaga), i. +

Malaca, c. of Bætica (Malaga), i. 235, 238, 241, 245.

Malaus, ii. 340. -

Maleæ, prom. of Laconia (Cape- +

Maleæ, prom. of Laconia (Cape- Malio or St. Angelo), i. 38, 140, -163, 164; ii. 40, 41, 47—49, 60, +163, 164; ii. 40, 41, 47—49, 60, 77, 195. -

Maleōs, i. 335. +

Maleōs, i. 335.

Malia, prom. of Lesbos (Sta. Ma- ria), ii. 390, 391.

Maliac Gulf (G. of Zeitun), i. 17, -512; ii. 4, 96, 110, 126, 130— +512; ii. 4, 96, 110, 126, 130— 138. -

—— war, ii. 153. +

—— war, ii. 153.

Malians, Malienses, i. 43; ii. 2, 5, 135, 136, 147, 151. @@ -98376,21 +98376,21 @@ ria), ii. 390, 391.

Mallus, city of Cilicia, ii. 283; iii. 59, 60. -

Mal&obreve;thas, c. of Arabia, iii. 212. +

Malŏthas, c. of Arabia, iii. 212.

Malta. See Melite. -

Malūs, in the Troad, ii. 371. +

Malūs, in the Troad, ii. 371.

Mamaus, r. of Triphylia, ii. 16. -

Mamertīni, in the c. of Messana, i. +

Mamertīni, in the c. of Messana, i. 404, 405.

Mamertium, t. of the Bruttii, i. 391.

Mana. See Larisus.

Mandani. See Milania.

Mandanis, iii. 113, 114, 116. -

Mandūbii, people of Gaul, i. 285. +

Mandūbii, people of Gaul, i. 285.

Manes, Phrygian name, ii. 467. -

——, Paphlagonian name, ii. 302. -

——, r. of Locris, see Boagrius, +

——, Paphlagonian name, ii. 302. +

——, r. of Locris, see Boagrius, ii. 126.

Mangalia. See Callatis. @@ -98409,23 +98409,23 @@ iii. 15, 59. 317.

Maracanda, ii. 254. -

Maranītæ, people of Arabia, iii. +

Maranītæ, people of Arabia, iii. 204. -

Marathēsium, t. of Ionia (Scala +

Marathēsium, t. of Ionia (Scala Nova), iii. 10.

Marathon, vill. of Attica, ii. 57, 59, 67, 86, 90. -

——, Tetrapolis of, ii. 153. -

——, field of Spain, i. 240. +

——, Tetrapolis of, ii. 153. +

——, field of Spain, i. 240.

Marathus, t. of Phocis, ii. 122. -

——, t. of Phœnicia, iii. 167. +

——, t. of Phœnicia, iii. 167.

Marcellus, founder of Corduba, 212. -

——, Marcus, i. 244. +

——, Marcus, i. 244. @@ -98446,10 +98446,10 @@ i. 374. menia, ii. 240, 264.

Mardonius, ii. 108.

Mare Morto. See Acherusia. -

Mareōtis, Mareia, lake of Egypt, +

Mareōtis, Mareia, lake of Egypt, iii. 223, 228, 230, 236, 241, 247. -

Margala, Margalæ, t. of Triphylia, +

Margala, Margalæ, t. of Triphylia, ii. 23, 24.

Margiana, distr. of Asia, i. 112, @@ -98457,13 +98457,13 @@ ii. 23, 24. 113.

Margiani, ii. 245, 251, 252.

Margus, r. of Margiana, ii. 252. -

——, r. of Illyria, i. 488. -

Mariaba, city of the Sabæans, iii. +

——, r. of Illyria, i. 488. +

Mariaba, city of the Sabæans, iii. 190, 207.

Mariandyni, people of Paphlagonia, -i. 453; ii. 18, 286—288, 290, +i. 453; ii. 18, 286—288, 290, 314; iii. 63.

Mariandynus, ii. 287. @@ -98473,16 +98473,16 @@ i. 453; ii. 18, 286—288, 290, 468.

Maritza. See Hebrus.

Marius, i. 274, 354. -

Marmaridæ, people of Africa, i. +

Marmaridæ, people of Africa, i. 198; iii. 275, 294.

Marmarium, t. of Eubea, ii. 153. -

Marmōlītis, distr. of Paphlagonia, +

Marmōlītis, distr. of Paphlagonia, ii. 314.

Marmora, Sea of. See Propontis.

Marobodus, i. 444. -

Marōnia, t. of Thrace, i. 515, 516. +

Marōnia, t. of Thrace, i. 515, 516.

Maros. See Marisus.

Marrucina, i. 358, 359.

Marrucini, people of Italy, i. 358, @@ -98492,7 +98492,7 @@ ii. 314. ii. 328, 362, 395, 409.

Marsa-al-Halal. See Naustathmus. -

Marsalla. See Lilybæum. +

Marsalla. See Lilybæum.

Marseilles. See Massalia.

Marseillese, the. See Massilians.

Marsi, people of Italy, i. 326, 349, @@ -98504,22 +98504,22 @@ ii. 328, 362, 395, 409. 358, 388.

Marsyas, ii. 186, 334, 390. -

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 303, +

——, r. of Phrygia, ii. 303, 333, 334.

Martius Campus, i. 350, 371.

Martos. See Tukkis, i. 213.

Marucini. See Marrucini.

Maruvium, city of Italy, i. 359. -

Masæsylii, Masæsyli, people of +

Masæsylii, Masæsyli, people of -Numidia, i. 198; iii. 279—282, +Numidia, i. 198; iii. 279—282, 287, 289, 291.

Masanasses, king of Numidia, iii. 282, 285, 286. -

Masēs, t. of Argolis, ii. 54, 58. +

Masēs, t. of Argolis, ii. 54, 58.

Masiani, people of India, iii. 90.

Masius, mtn of Armenia (Kara- @@ -98530,7 +98530,7 @@ Dagh), ii. 238, 261, 268; iii. 264; iii. 154.

Massaga, t. of India, iii. 90. -

Massagětæ, Scythian race, ii. 240, +

Massagětæ, Scythian race, ii. 240, 245, 247, 248; iii. 75.

Massalia, city of Gaul (Marseilles), @@ -98539,12 +98539,12 @@ i. 100, 110, 111, 114, 116, 117, 150, 160, 161, 173, 174, 184, 202, -217, 221, 238—240, 247, 265— +217, 221, 238—240, 247, 265— 285, 301, 310, 376, 452; ii. 331, 368; iii. 21, 30, 32, 279. -

——, Gulf of, i. 271. +

——, Gulf of, i. 271.

Massilians, Massilienses (the Mar- seillese), i. 194, 267, 269, 270, @@ -98557,12 +98557,12 @@ seillese), i. 194, 267, 269, 270, iii. 26.

Masthles, iii. 41. -

Mastico. See Phanæ. +

Mastico. See Phanæ.

Masylies, people of Numidia, i. 198; iii. 282, 284, 285.

Matalum, port of Gortyna, ii. 200. -

Matapan, Cape. See Tænarum. +

Matapan, Cape. See Tænarum.

Mataurus, t. of Sicily, i. 416.

Mater Isodroma, temple of, ii. @@ -98576,11 +98576,11 @@ ii. 242, 262, 264, 270. -

Matiani, Matiēnī, inhabitants of +

Matiani, Matiēnī, inhabitants of Matiana, ii. 249, 273. -

Matrīnum, port of Adria, i. 358. -

Matrīnus, r. of Picenum (Piomba), +

Matrīnum, port of Adria, i. 358. +

Matrīnus, r. of Picenum (Piomba), i. 358.

Matzua. See Tabaitic mouth of @@ -98593,57 +98593,57 @@ the Nile. 150, 151, 197, 201,210, 215, 226, -236, 439; iii. 275—284. +236, 439; iii. 275—284.

Maurusians, i. 7, 198, 206; ii. 36; iii. 276. -

Mausōleium, of Halicarnassus, iii. +

Mausōleium, of Halicarnassus, iii. 34. -

—— (Tomb of Augustus), at +

—— (Tomb of Augustus), at Rome, i. 351. -

Mausōlus, king of Caria, ii. 383; +

Mausōlus, king of Caria, ii. 383; iii. 34, 35. -

Maximus Æmilianus. See Æmili- +

Maximus Æmilianus. See Æmili- anus.

Mazaca (Kaisarieh), ii. 282, 283; iii. 44. -

Mazacēni, ii. 283. -

Mazæi, people of Pannonia, i. 483. -

Mazēnēs, king of the island Doracta, +

Mazacēni, ii. 283. +

Mazæi, people of Pannonia, i. 483. +

Mazēnēs, king of the island Doracta, iii. 188. -

Mazūsia, prom. of the Thracian +

Mazūsia, prom. of the Thracian Chersonese, i. 517.

Mecestus, r. of Phrygia (Simau- Su), ii. 332. -

Mecōne, same as Sicyon. +

Mecōne, same as Sicyon.

Mecyberna, port of Olynthus, i. 511.

Medea, i. 31, 72, 73, 321, 332, 484; ii. 266, 273. -

Mědeōn, t. of Phocis, ii. 106, 122. -

——, t. of Bœotia, ii. 106, 122. +

Mědeōn, t. of Phocis, ii. 106, 122. +

——, t. of Bœotia, ii. 106, 122.

Medes, i. 41, 196; ii. 125, 216, 230, -239, 249, 264—270; iii. 239. -

Mēdia, i. 72, 76, 112, 115, 123; ii. +239, 249, 264—270; iii. 239. +

Mēdia, i. 72, 76, 112, 115, 123; ii. -235, 238, 240, 242, 250, 259— +235, 238, 240, 242, 250, 259— 271, 273; iii. 109, 124, 125, 129 -—134, 153, 154, 158. -

——, Atropatian, ii. 260,264, 267. -

——, the Greater, ii. 260, 264, +—134, 153, 154, 158. +

——, Atropatian, ii. 260,264, 267. +

——, the Greater, ii. 260, 264, 267.

Mediolanium (Saintes), i. 283. @@ -98668,13 +98668,13 @@ passim. 384.

Medoaci, people of Italy, i. 321.

Medoacus, r. of Italy, i. 318. -

——, port of Patavia, i. 318. -

Mědon, ii. 134. +

——, port of Patavia, i. 318. +

Mědon, ii. 134.

Medus, son of Medea, ii. 266; iii. 132.

Medusa, ii. 62. -

Mědylli, people of Gaul, i. 276, +

Mědylli, people of Gaul, i. 276, 303.

Megabari, people of Ethiopia, iii. @@ -98691,36 +98691,36 @@ iii. 13.

Megalopolis, city of Arcadia, ii. 37, 71, 75. -

——, city of Pontus, ii. 306, +

——, city of Pontus, ii. 306, 310. -

Megalopolītæ, iii. 145. -

Megalopolītis, distr. of Arcadia, ii. +

Megalopolītæ, iii. 145. +

Megalopolītis, distr. of Arcadia, ii. 5, 15, 72. -

——, distr. of Pontus, ii. +

——, distr. of Pontus, ii. 306, 309.

Megara, city of Greece, ii. 3, 48 -57, 80—84, 108, 122; iii. 30. -

——, city of Sicily, i. 403, 404, +57, 80—84, 108, 122; iii. 30. +

——, city of Sicily, i. 403, 404, 406, 407. -

——, city of Syria, iii. 165. -

Megaræans, Megareans, Megarians, +

——, city of Syria, iii. 165. +

Megaræans, Megareans, Megarians, i. 404, 412, 490, 494; ii. 2, 4, 63, 70, 81, 82, 84, 315. -

Megarenses, Hyblæi, ii. 73. +

Megarenses, Hyblæi, ii. 73.

Megarici, sect of philosophers, ii. 82.

Megaris, i. 256, 506; ii. 4, 6, 62, -63, 78—81, 84, 91, 99. -

——, mountains of, ii. 99. +63, 78—81, 84, 91, 99. +

——, mountains of, ii. 99. @@ -98729,24 +98729,24 @@ i. 404, 412, 490, 494; ii. 2, 4, 63,

Megasthenes, of Chalcis, founder of -Cumæ, i. 361. -

——, historian, i. 107—109, +Cumæ, i. 361. +

——, historian, i. 107—109, 117, 120; iii. 75, 79, 80, 84, 96, 97, 101, 103, 110, 116. -

Megēs, son of Phyleus, ii. 9, 143, +

Megēs, son of Phyleus, ii. 9, 143, 167, 170.

Megillus, iii. 83.

Megiste, island, iii. 47.

Mekran. See Gedrosia. -

Melæna, prom. of Ionia, iii. 18, +

Melæna, prom. of Ionia, iii. 18, 19. -

——, prom. of Chios, iii. 18, 19. -

Melæne, vill. of the Troad, ii. 371. -

——, Melania, city of Cilicia +

——, prom. of Chios, iii. 18, 19. +

Melæne, vill. of the Troad, ii. 371. +

——, Melania, city of Cilicia (Mandane), ii. 371; iii. 52, 177.

Melamphyllus, same as Samos, ii. @@ -98756,114 +98756,114 @@ Cumæ, i. 361.

Melanchus, tyrant of Lesbos, ii. 391. See Megalagyrus. -

Melanēis, same as Eretria, ii. 155. -

Melania, same as Melænæ. -

Melanippe, mother of Bœotus, i. +

Melanēis, same as Eretria, ii. 155. +

Melania, same as Melænæ. +

Melanippe, mother of Bœotus, i. 399.

Melanippus, ii. 344.

Melanthus, father of Codrus, ii. 35, 81, 82. -

Melantian rocks, in the Ægean (Sta- +

Melantian rocks, in the Ægean (Sta- podia), iii. 7.

Melas, prom. of Mysia, ii. 332. -

——, Gulf of (Bay of Saros), i. +

——, Gulf of (Bay of Saros), i. -42, 140, 187, 496, 516—518. -

——, r. of Bœotia (Mauroneri) +42, 140, 187, 496, 516—518. +

——, r. of Bœotia (Mauroneri) ii. 101. -

——, r. of Thrace, i. 517. -

——, r. of Thessaly, ii. 129. -

——, r. of Pamphylia (Mena- +

——, r. of Thrace, i. 517. +

——, r. of Thessaly, ii. 129. +

——, r. of Pamphylia (Mena- vyat-su), iii. 50. -

——, r. of Cappadocia (Kara- +

——, r. of Cappadocia (Kara- su), ii. 282, 283.

Meldi, people of Gaul, i. 290.

Meleager, son of Althea, i. 64; ii. 179. -

——, of Gedara, iii. 114, 175. +

——, of Gedara, iii. 114, 175.

Meleagrides (probably Guinea- hens), i. 320. -

Mělēs, r. near Smyrna, ii. 303; +

Mělēs, r. near Smyrna, ii. 303; iii. 20.

Melfa. See Melpis. -

Mělia, ii. 109, 318; iii. 67. -

Melibœa, t. of Thessaly, i. 378; ii +

Mělia, ii. 109, 318; iii. 67. +

Melibœa, t. of Thessaly, i. 378; ii 140, 148. -

Meligūnis, same as Lipara, i. 417. -

Mēlinus, port of the Arabian Gulf, +

Meligūnis, same as Lipara, i. 417. +

Mēlinus, port of the Arabian Gulf, iii. 196. -

Melitæa, t. of Phthiotis, ii. 136 -

Melitæeis, ii. 134. -

Melitē, vill. of Attica, i. 102, 103. -

——, lake belonging to the Oeni- +

Melitæa, t. of Phthiotis, ii. 136 +

Melitæeis, ii. 134. +

Melitē, vill. of Attica, i. 102, 103. +

——, lake belonging to the Oeni- -adæ, ii. 171. -

——, island (Malta), i. 421; iii. +adæ, ii. 171. +

——, island (Malta), i. 421; iii. 288. -

——, same as Samothrace, ii. +

——, same as Samothrace, ii. 189. -

Mělitēnē, distr. of Cappadocia (Ma- +

Mělitēnē, distr. of Cappadocia (Ma- latia), ii. 259, 276, 278, 280.

Meliteni, ii. 268, 278.

Melius, ii. 386.

Mellaria, i. 210. -

Mělōn, leader of the Sicambri, i. +

Mělōn, leader of the Sicambri, i. 446. -

Mēlos, island (Milo), ii. 207, 208. +

Mēlos, island (Milo), ii. 207, 208.

Melpis, r. of Latium (Melfa), i. 352.

Melsus, r. of Asturia, i. 250.

Memnon, village of, in Mysia, ii. 347. -

——, sepulchre of, ii 347. -

——, son of Tithonus, iii. 130, +

——, sepulchre of, ii 347. +

——, son of Tithonus, iii. 130, 258. -

——, dithyramb of Simonides, +

——, dithyramb of Simonides, iii. 130. -

——, Rhodian, ii. 382. -

Memn&obreve;nium, in Egypt, iii. 258, +

——, Rhodian, ii. 382. +

Memnŏnium, in Egypt, iii. 258, 261, 262. -

——, of Abydos, iii. 258. -

——, citadel of the Susi, iii. +

——, of Abydos, iii. 258. +

——, citadel of the Susi, iii. 130.

Memphis, city of Egypt, ii. 190; -iii. 241, 243—248, 251, 253, 257 +iii. 241, 243—248, 251, 253, 257 -—259, 263 +—259, 263

Memphite nome, iii. 241. -

Mēn Ascæus, temple of, at Pisidia, +

Mēn Ascæus, temple of, at Pisidia, ii. 307, 333. -

—— Carus, temple at Antioch, ii +

—— Carus, temple at Antioch, ii 307, 336. -

—— Pharnaci, temple in Pontus +

—— Pharnaci, temple in Pontus ii. 306, 307.

Menander, comic poet, i. 455; ii. 162, 210; iii. 8, 9. -

——, king of the Bactrians, ii +

——, king of the Bactrians, ii 252. 253. @@ -98875,116 +98875,116 @@ ii. 306, 307.

Menapnii, people of Germany, i. 289, 290, 297, 298. -

Měnas, founder of Mesembria, i. +

Měnas, founder of Mesembria, i. 490.

Menavyat-su. See Melas.

Mende, t. of Macedonia, i. 511. -

Mender- Tschai. See Mæander. +

Mender- Tschai. See Mæander.

Mendes, c. of Egypt, iii. 240.

Mendesian mouth of the Nile, iii. 239. -

—— nome, vill. of Egypt, iii. +

—— nome, vill. of Egypt, iii. 240.

Mendesians, iii. 257. -

Meněbria, same as Mesēmbria. -

Meněcles, iii. 34, 40. -

Měnēcrates, disciple of Xenocrates, +

Meněbria, same as Mesēmbria. +

Meněcles, iii. 34, 40. +

Měnēcrates, disciple of Xenocrates, ii. 299, 300, 326, 396. -

——, disciple of Aristarchus, +

——, disciple of Aristarchus, iii. 26. -

Menedēmus, an Eretrian philoso- +

Menedēmus, an Eretrian philoso- pher, ii. 82, 156. -

Menelaïte nome, iii. 239. -

Menelaüs, son of Atreus, i. 3, 15, +

Menelaïte nome, iii. 239. +

Menelaüs, son of Atreus, i. 3, 15, -18, 47, 59—64, 67, 68, 72, 76, +18, 47, 59—64, 67, 68, 72, 76, 225, 333; ii. 35, 43, 47, 53, 173, 186, passim. -

——, brother of Ptolemy I., iii. +

——, brother of Ptolemy I., iii. 238, 239. -

——, t. in the Delta of Egypt, +

——, t. in the Delta of Egypt, iii. 242. -

——, t. and port of Cyrenæa, i. +

——, t. and port of Cyrenæa, i. 64; iii. 238, 239, 294.

Menestheus, i. 392; ii. 83, 398. -

——, port of (Puerto Santa +

——, port of (Puerto Santa Maria), i. 211. -

——, son of Spercheus, ii. +

——, son of Spercheus, ii. 136. -

——, oracle of, i. 211. +

——, oracle of, i. 211.

Meninx, island (Zerbi), i. 37, 185, 237; iii. 288.

Menippus, of Gadara, iii. 175. -

——, of Stratonice, iii. 40. -

Mennæus, iii. 166. -

Mēn&obreve;dōrus, iii. 24. -

Mēn&obreve;d&obreve;tus, ii. 401. -

Menœtius, father of Patrocles, ii. +

——, of Stratonice, iii. 40. +

Mennæus, iii. 166. +

Mēnŏdōrus, iii. 24. +

Mēnŏdŏtus, ii. 401. +

Menœtius, father of Patrocles, ii. 126. -

Měnōn, companion of Alexander, ii. +

Měnōn, companion of Alexander, ii. 271. Mentes, king of the Taphii, ii. 166, 171. -

Mē&obreve;nes, inhabitants of Lydia. See +

Mēŏnes, inhabitants of Lydia. See -Mæones. -

Mēčnia. See Maeonia. +Mæones. +

Mēčnia. See Maeonia.

Mercury, i. 158; ii. 16; iii. 263.

Merida. See Augusta Emerita.

Merim, Al. See Moro.

Mermadalis, r. in the land of the Amazons, ii. 235. -

Meroë, sister of Cambyses, iii. 225. -

——, island, i. 50; iii. 195, 217— +

Meroë, sister of Cambyses, iii. 225. +

——, island, i. 50; iii. 195, 217— 220, 270. -

——, metropolis of Ethiopia, i. +

——, metropolis of Ethiopia, i. 50, 98, 99, 106, 107, 110, 112, 119, 120, 144, 171, 172, 174, 199, -200, 203; iii. 84, 217—220, 270 +200, 203; iii. 84, 217—220, 270 -—272, 275. -

Meropidæ, ii. 345. +—272, 275. +

Meropidæ, ii. 345.

Meropis, name of the island of Cos, i. 459. -

Měrops, i. 52. -

——, of Percoté, ii. 345, 316. +

Měrops, i. 52. +

——, of Percoté, ii. 345, 316.

Mersivan. See Neapolis. -

Mērus, mtn of India, iii. 687. +

Mērus, mtn of India, iii. 687.

Mesarlyk-Tschai. See Cydnus. -

Mesēmbria, t. of Thrace (Missem- +

Mesēmbria, t. of Thrace (Missem- vria), i. 490. -

Mesēmbriani, i. 490. -

Měsēne, distr. of Babylon, i. 129. -

Mesēni, Arabians, iii. 146. -

Měsōgis, mtn of Lydia, ii. 145, 407, +

Mesēmbriani, i. 490. +

Měsēne, distr. of Babylon, i. 129. +

Mesēni, Arabians, iii. 146. +

Měsōgis, mtn of Lydia, ii. 145, 407, -408; iii. 7, 8, 24—26. -

—— wine of, iii. 26. +408; iii. 7, 8, 24—26. +

—— wine of, iii. 26.

Mesola, ii. 37.

Mesopotamia, i. 66, 122, 124, 127, @@ -99004,27 +99004,27 @@ vria), i. 490. 98.

Messapus, ii. 98. -

Messēis, ftn of Thessaly, ii. 134. -

Messēne, c. of Messenia, i. 186, 236, +

Messēis, ftn of Thessaly, ii. 134. +

Messēne, c. of Messenia, i. 186, 236, -425—427; ii. 5, 8, 14—18, 22, +425—427; ii. 5, 8, 14—18, 22, -24, 25, 27, 28, 31, 35, 37—40, +24, 25, 27, 28, 31, 35, 37—40, -42, 45—47, 54, 77, 81. +42, 45—47, 54, 77, 81. -

Messēne, Messana, Messenia, in +

Messēne, Messana, Messenia, in -Sicily (Messina), i. 402—404. +Sicily (Messina), i. 402—404.

Messenian Gulf ( Gulf of Coron), ii. 6, 35, 36, 40. -

—— war, i. 385, 424—427; ii. +

—— war, i. 385, 424—427; ii. 39.

Messenians, i. 385, 404, 405, 425, @@ -99032,18 +99032,18 @@ ii. 6, 35, 36, 40. 426; ii. 5, 7, 11, 31, 35, 36, 38, 39, 82; iii. 2. -

——, in Sicily, i. 376. +

——, in Sicily, i. 376.

Messina, Strait of, i. 37, 39, 69, 85, -86, 105, 110, 140, 158—160, 163, +86, 105, 110, 140, 158—160, 163, 173, 179, 180, 184, 193, 256, 313 -—315, 360, 379, 383, 384, 386, +—315, 360, 379, 383, 384, 386, -401—404; ii. 60. -

Mess&obreve;a, part of Sparta, ii. 41. -

Mess&obreve;la, t. of Messenia (Messthles), +401—404; ii. 60. +

Messŏa, part of Sparta, ii. 41. +

Messŏla, t. of Messenia (Messthles), ii. 403.

Metabum, same as Metapontium, @@ -99051,62 +99051,62 @@ ii. 403. i. 399.

Metabus, i. 399.

Metagonians, i. 255, 256. -

Metagōnium, prom. of Mauritania +

Metagōnium, prom. of Mauritania (Ras-el-Harsbak), iii. 279, 282. -

Metapontium, city of Magna Græcia +

Metapontium, city of Magna Græcia (Torre di Mare), i. 330, 379, 380, 398, 399, 422, 423.

Metapontus, i. 399.

Metaurus, r. of Umbria, i. 337. -

——, r. of the Bruttii (Me- +

——, r. of the Bruttii (Me- auro), i. 383, 384.

Meteline. See Lesbos.

Metellus (Q. Metellus Pius), i. 244. -

——, surnamed Balearicus. See +

——, surnamed Balearicus. See Balearicus. -

Methana, Methōne, t. and penins. +

Methana, Methōne, t. and penins. -near Trœzene, ii. 56. -

Methōnē, city of Messenia, i. 92; +near Trœzene, ii. 56. +

Methōnē, city of Messenia, i. 92; ii. 36, 37. -

——, c. of Macedonia, i. 508, +

——, c. of Macedonia, i. 508, 509. -

——, c. of Magnesia, ii. 140. -

——, of Thrace, ii. 140. +

——, c. of Magnesia, ii. 140. +

——, of Thrace, ii. 140.

Methydrium, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75. -

Mēthymna, city of Lesbos (Molyvo), +

Mēthymna, city of Lesbos (Molyvo), ii. 127, 145, 390, 391, 393. -

Mēthymnæans, ii. 351, 382. +

Mēthymnæans, ii. 351, 382.

Metochi d'Hagia. See Mychus. -

Mētrodōrus, of Scepsis, ii. 235, +

Mētrodōrus, of Scepsis, ii. 235, 380; iii. 202. -

Mētrodōrus, disciple of Epicurus, +

Mētrodōrus, disciple of Epicurus, ii. 350. -

Mētropolis, t. of Thessaly, ii. 141. -

——, t. of Magna Phrygia +

Mētropolis, t. of Thessaly, ii. 141. +

——, t. of Magna Phrygia (Ballyk), ii. 332; iii. 43. -

——, t. of Lydia, iii. 1. -

Mētropolītæ, ii. 141; iii. 8. -

Mētrōum, temple of the mother of +

——, t. of Lydia, iii. 1. +

Mētropolītæ, ii. 141; iii. 8. +

Mētrōum, temple of the mother of the gods, iii. 20. -

Mětūlum, t. of the Iapodes, i. 309, +

Mětūlum, t. of the Iapodes, i. 309, 483. -

Mēvania, city of Umbria (Bevagna), +

Mēvania, city of Umbria (Bevagna), i. 337.

Micipsa, son of Masinissa, iii. 282, @@ -99119,29 +99119,29 @@ ii. 332.

Midas, king of Magna Phrygia, i. 96; ii. 321, 326; iii. 66. -

——, Phrygian name, i. 467. -

Midea, t. of Bœotia, ii. 54. -

——, t. of Argolis, ii. 54. -

Mideia, t. of Bœotia, i. 92; ii. 110. +

——, Phrygian name, i. 467. +

Midea, t. of Bœotia, ii. 54. +

——, t. of Argolis, ii. 54. +

Mideia, t. of Bœotia, i. 92; ii. 110.

Midjeh. See Salmydessus.

Milan. See Mediolanum. -

Milazzo. See Mylæ. +

Milazzo. See Mylæ.

Milesian territory, i. 493.

Milesians, i. 470, 476, 490, 517; ii. 287, 291, 293, 294, 317, 349 -—357, 377; iii. 1, 4, 5, 37, 239. -

Milētopolis, t. of Mysia, ii. 331, +—357, 377; iii. 1, 4, 5, 37, 239. +

Milētopolis, t. of Mysia, ii. 331, 382; iii. 67. -

Milētopolïtis, lake in Mysia (Mlan- +

Milētopolïtis, lake in Mysia (Mlan- ijas), ii. 331, 332. -

Milētus, c. of Ionia, i. 492; ii. +

Milētus, c. of Ionia, i. 492; ii. -303, 328, 333, 383; iii. 2, 4—6. -

——, in Crete, ii. 200, 328; iii. +303, 328, 333, 383; iii. 2, 4—6. +

——, in Crete, ii. 200, 328; iii. 4.

Milo, i. 395. @@ -99149,14 +99149,14 @@ ijas), ii. 331, 332.

Milya, Milyas, distr. near Pisidia, ii. 324, 409, 410; iii. 48. -

Milyæ, ii. 304, 328; iii. 49, 63. -

Mimall&obreve;nes, ii. 183. +

Milyæ, ii. 304, 328; iii. 49, 63. +

Mimallŏnes, ii. 183.

Mimas (Karaburun), iii. 18.

Mimnermus, i. 74; iii. 2, 316. -

Minæa, distr. of Arabia Felix, iii +

Minæa, distr. of Arabia Felix, iii 191. -

Minæi, people or Arabia, iii. 190 +

Minæi, people or Arabia, iii. 190 204. @@ -99170,56 +99170,56 @@ ii. 324, 409, 410; iii. 48. 311.

Minerva, i. 66, 224, 235, 346; ii. -9, 14—16, 19, 27, 84, 108; iii. +9, 14—16, 19, 27, 84, 108; iii. 33. -

——, temple of, i. 368, 428, 433; +

——, temple of, i. 368, 428, 433; ii. 110, 138, 142, 186,189, 355, 367, 368,383, 389; iii. 153, 239, 263. -

——, Alæan, ii. 75. -

——, Scilluntian, ii. 16. -

——, Alalcomenian, ii. 110. -

——, Trojan, i. 398. -

——, Itonian, ii, 107, 138, 142. -

——, Nedusian, ii. 37, 210. -

——, Polias, ii. 84, 86. -

——, Glaucopis, ii. 366. +

——, Alæan, ii. 75. +

——, Scilluntian, ii. 16. +

——, Alalcomenian, ii. 110. +

——, Trojan, i. 398. +

——, Itonian, ii, 107, 138, 142. +

——, Nedusian, ii. 37, 210. +

——, Polias, ii. 84, 86. +

——, Glaucopis, ii. 366.

Mingrelia. See Colchis.

Minho, r. See Minius.

Minius, r. (Minho), i. 230. -

Minōa, t. of Argolis, ii. 48. -

——, t. of Crete (Porto Trano), +

Minōa, t. of Argolis, ii. 48. +

——, t. of Crete (Porto Trano), ii. 194. -

——, prom. of Megaris, ii. 80. -

Minōs, king of Crete, i. 76, 225, 413, +

——, prom. of Megaris, ii. 80. +

Minōs, king of Crete, i. 76, 225, 413, -425, 430; ii. 55, 196—200, 204, +425, 430; ii. 55, 196—200, 204, 328; iii. 40, 179. -

Minōtaur, ii. 197. -

Minteius, same as Minyeïus. +

Minōtaur, ii. 197. +

Minteius, same as Minyeïus.

Minthe, mtn near Pylus, ii. 17. -

Minturnæ, city of Latium, i. 347, +

Minturnæ, city of Latium, i. 347, 352, 353. -

Minyæ, in Triphylia, ii. 8, 21, 93, +

Minyæ, in Triphylia, ii. 8, 21, 93, 111.

Minyeians, ii. 111. -

Minyeius, Minyeïus, r. of Triphylia, +

Minyeius, Minyeïus, r. of Triphylia, ii. 10, 20, 27, 55. -

Misēnum, prom. and port of Cam- +

Misēnum, prom. and port of Cam- pania (Punta di Miseno), i. 93, 360, 362, 364, 368. -

Misēnus, companion of Ulysses, i. +

Misēnus, companion of Ulysses, i. 39, 364.

Mithracina, ii. 271. @@ -99227,29 +99227,29 @@ pania (Punta di Miseno), i. 93, Sun, iii. 136.

Mithridates, of Pergamus, ii. 401. -

—— Ctistes, king of Pontus, ii. 314. -

—— Euergetes, king of +

—— Ctistes, king of Pontus, ii. 314. +

—— Euergetes, king of Pontus, ii. 197, 198. -

—— Eupator, king of Pon- +

—— Eupator, king of Pon- tus, i. 22, 114, 440, 471, 472, -475—479; ii. 198, 209, 285, 286, +475—479; ii. 198, 209, 285, 286, -290, 292, 294, 304—307, 313, +290, 292, 294, 304—307, 313, 314, 356, 357, 380, 387, 401,405; iii. 13, 232. -

Mithridatic war, ii. 89, 305—307, +

Mithridatic war, ii. 89, 305—307, 312, 356, 386; iii. 25. -

Mithridatium, citadel of the Galatæ, +

Mithridatium, citadel of the Galatæ, ii. 320.

Mithropastes, iii. 188. -

Mitylenæans, i. 5, 16; ii. 366,374, +

Mitylenæans, i. 5, 16; ii. 366,374, 376, 392.

Mitylene, c. of the island of Les- @@ -99262,22 +99262,22 @@ bos, ii. 145, 220, 365, 366, 391,

Mneyis, god of the Egyptians, iii. 241, 245. -

Mnōans, ii. 287. +

Mnōans, ii. 287.

Moagetes, tyrant of Cibyra, ii. 410.

Moaphernes, ii. 228, 307. -

Moasada, fortress of Judæa, iii. +

Moasada, fortress of Judæa, iii. 183. -

Mōchus, philosopher, iii. 173. +

Mōchus, philosopher, iii. 173.

Modena. See Mutina.

Modra, t. of Phrygia, ii. 289. -

Mœris, lake in Egypt, i. 79; iii. +

Mœris, lake in Egypt, i. 79; iii. 223, 253, 255, 257, 258. -

Mœsi, people of Thrace, i. 453, +

Mœsi, people of Thrace, i. 453, 454, 466; ii. 287. -

M&obreve;lō, iii. 34, 40. +

Mŏlō, iii. 34, 40.

Molochath, r. of Mauritania (Mu- luwi), iii. 279, 281. @@ -99295,14 +99295,14 @@ or Maurolimne), ii. 128, 160, 171, rhium, ii. 6.

Molyvo. See Methymna. -

Mōmemphis, city of Egypt, iii. 241, +

Mōmemphis, city of Egypt, iii. 241, 242. -

Mōmemphitæ, iii. 241. +

Mōmemphitæ, iii. 241.

Momemphite nome, iii. 241.

Monarites wine, ii. 278.

Mondego. See Mundas. -

Monētium, t. of the Iapodes, i. 309, +

Monētium, t. of the Iapodes, i. 309, 483. @@ -99311,39 +99311,39 @@ rhium, ii. 6. -

Monœci Portus, in Liguria (Port +

Monœci Portus, in Liguria (Port Monaco), i. 300, 301. -

Monœcus, Hercules, temple of, i. +

Monœcus, Hercules, temple of, i. 301.

Monommati, i. 68, 458; iii. 108. -

Monte Nero. See Ænus. +

Monte Nero. See Ænus.

Moon, temple to the, ii. 234.

Mopsium, t. of Thessaly, ii. 146, 148. -

Mops&obreve;pia, ancient name of Attica, +

Mopsŏpia, ancient name of Attica, ii. 87, 148.

Mopsopus, ii. 87, 148.

Mopsuhestia, t. of Cilicia, iii. 61. -

Mopsus, one of the Lapithæ, ii. 148. -

——, son of Mantus, ii. 148; iii. +

Mopsus, one of the Lapithæ, ii. 148. +

——, son of Mantus, ii. 148; iii. 15, 50, 59, 60.

Morea, the. See Apian land. -

Mōrēna, distr. of Mysia, ii. 330. +

Mōrēna, distr. of Mysia, ii. 330.

Morgantium, t. of Sicily, i. 386, 408. -

Morgētes, the, emigrate to Sicily, i. +

Morgētes, the, emigrate to Sicily, i. 385, 386, 407, 408. -

Morimēnē, distr. of Cappadocia, ii. +

Morimēnē, distr. of Cappadocia, ii. 278, 281, 284, 321. -

Morimēni, ii. 321. +

Morimēni, ii. 321.

Morini, people of Gaul, i. 289, 290, 297, 298. @@ -99362,91 +99362,91 @@ i. 228.

Moschice, distr. of Colchis, ii. 228, 229. -

Mōsēs, iii. 177, 178. -

Mosynœci, people of Pontus, ii. +

Mōsēs, iii. 177, 178. +

Mosynœci, people of Pontus, ii. 269, 297.

Mualitsch- Tschai. See Rhyndacus.

Mudania. See Myrleani. -

Mūgilōnes, people of Germany, i. +

Mūgilōnes, people of Germany, i. 445.

Mulius, ii. 10.

Muluwi. See Molochath. -

Mūnda, metropolis of Turdetania +

Mūnda, metropolis of Turdetania (Mondo), i. 213, 241.

Mundas, r. of Lusitania (Mondego), i. 229. -

Mūnychia, port of the Athenians, +

Mūnychia, port of the Athenians, ii. 85. -

Murēna, ii. 410; iii. 53. +

Murēna, ii. 410; iii. 53.

Murviedro. See Saguntum. -

Mūsæus, ii. 187; iii. 180. +

Mūsæus, ii. 187; iii. 180.

Muses, the, i. 66; ii. 11, 23, 24, 183, 187. -

Mūseum of Alexandria, iii. 229. -

Mūisicanus, distr. in India, iii. 85, +

Mūseum of Alexandria, iii. 229. +

Mūisicanus, distr. in India, iii. 85, 86, 95, 106. -

Mūtina, t. of Italy (Modena), i. 305, +

Mūtina, t. of Italy (Modena), i. 305, 322, 324.

Mycale, prom. of Ionia (Samsun Dagh), i. 8; ii. 376; iii. 2, 7,10. -

Mycalessus, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 96, +

Mycalessus, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 96, 99, 106. -

Mycēnæ, c. of Argolis, i. 329; ii. +

Mycēnæ, c. of Argolis, i. 329; ii. 48, 53, 54, 59, 60. -

Mycēnæa, ii. 53. -

Mycenæans, ii. 53, 55. +

Mycēnæa, ii. 53. +

Mycenæans, ii. 53, 55.

Mychus (Bay of Metochi d' Hagia), ii. 104, 122. -

Myc&obreve;nus, island (Myconi), ii. 208, +

Mycŏnus, island (Myconi), ii. 208, 211.

Mygdones, i. 453, 506, 514; ii. 316, 330. -

——, people of Mesopotamia, +

——, people of Mesopotamia, ii. 268; iii. 142, 157.

Mygdonia, Mygdonis, part of Mysia, i. 515; ii. 299, 332, 348. -

——, part of Mesopotamia, iii. +

——, part of Mesopotamia, iii. 157. -

Mylæ, t. of Sicily (Milazzo), i. 401, +

Mylæ, t. of Sicily (Milazzo), i. 401, 412. -

Mylasa, c. of Caria, iii. 37—40. +

Mylasa, c. of Caria, iii. 37—40.

Mylasians, iii. 38.

Myndia, iii. 37.

Myndii, Myndians, ii. 383; iii. 36.

Myndus, c. of Caria, ii. 383; iii. 37. -

Mynēs, king of Lyrnessus, ii. 343, +

Mynēs, king of Lyrnessus, ii. 343, 384, 394.

Myonnesus, island, ii. 138, 393. -

——, t. of lonia, iii. 16, 17. +

——, t. of lonia, iii. 16, 17.

Myra, t. of Lycia, iii. 45, 47.

Myrcinus, t. of Macedonia, i. 512.

Myriandrus, t. of Syria, iii. 61.

Myrina, Amazon, ii. 298, 328, 399. -

——, c. of Æolis, ii. 237, 298, +

——, c. of Æolis, ii. 237, 298, 397, 399. -

Myrinæans, ii. 397. +

Myrinæans, ii. 397. @@ -99454,83 +99454,83 @@ i. 515; ii. 299, 332, 348.

Myrleani (Mudania), ii. 330. -

Myrleātis, ii. 299. +

Myrleātis, ii. 299.

Myrleia, c. of Bithynia (Mudania), ii. 299, 315, 318. -

Myrmēcium, c. of the Tauri (Yeni- +

Myrmēcium, c. of the Tauri (Yeni- kaleh), i. 477; ii. 222.

Myrmidons, ii. 50, 57, 132, 136. -

——, tragedy of Æschylus, +

——, tragedy of Æschylus, ii. 390. -

Myrōn, statuary, iii. 7. -

Myrrinūs, vill. of Attica, ii. 90. +

Myrōn, statuary, iii. 7. +

Myrrinūs, vill. of Attica, ii. 90.

Myrsilus, historian, i. 93; ii. 382. -

——, tyrant of Mitylene, ii. 391. +

——, tyrant of Mitylene, ii. 391.

Myrsinus, t. of Elis, ii. 12, 13. -

Myrtōan Sea, i. 187,496, 518, 519; +

Myrtōan Sea, i. 187,496, 518, 519; ii. 6, 49, 57. -

Myrtūntium, t. of Elis, ii. 13. -

——, estuary near Leucada, +

Myrtūntium, t. of Elis, ii. 13. +

——, estuary near Leucada, ii. 171. -

Myscellus, Achæan, founder of +

Myscellus, Achæan, founder of Crotona, i. 394, 406, 407; ii. 73.

Mysi, or Mysians, i. 9, 195, 453, 454, 457,460, 461, 466, 468, 488; -ii. 277, 287, 302, 316—319, 389, +ii. 277, 287, 302, 316—319, 389, 402, 407; iii. 27, 38, 63, 67, pas- sim. -

——, around Olympus, ii. 319, +

——, around Olympus, ii. 319, 326, 330. -

——, tragedy of Sophocles, ii. 32. +

——, tragedy of Sophocles, ii. 32.

Mysia (Karasi), i. 17, 202; ii. 32, 287, 298, 299, 314, 316, 317, -326—332, 386, 401, 403, 404, +326—332, 386, 401, 403, 404, 407; iii. 67. -

—— Abrettēnē, see Abrettēnē, ii. +

—— Abrettēnē, see Abrettēnē, ii. 330, 332. -

—— Olympii, ii. 326. +

—— Olympii, ii. 326.

Mysian Bosporus, ii. 318. -

—— Olympus, iii. 30. +

—— Olympus, iii. 30.

Mysius, r. of Mysia, ii. 390.

Mysos, the beech tree, ii. 326, 327.

Mytilene. See Lesbos. -

Mylūs, c. of Caria (Derekoi), ii. +

Mylūs, c. of Caria (Derekoi), ii. 335; iii. 2, 6. -

—— Hormus, port of Egypt on +

—— Hormus, port of Egypt on the Arabian Gulf (Suffange-el- Bahri), i. 178; iii. 193, 211, 213, 260, 261. -

Nabatæa, distr. of Arabia, iii. 204. -

Nabatæans, iii. 177, 189, 204, 209 +

Nabatæa, distr. of Arabia, iii. 204. +

Nabatæans, iii. 177, 189, 204, 209 -—211, 214. +—211, 214.

Nabiani, people inhabiting the Caucasus, ii. 239. -

Nabocodr&obreve;sor, iii. 75. -

Nabrissa, city of Bætica. See +

Nabocodrŏsor, iii. 75. +

Nabrissa, city of Bætica. See Nebrissa. -

Nabūrianus, mathematician, iii. +

Nabūrianus, mathematician, iii. 146.

Nacoleia, t. of Phrygia Epictetus, @@ -99541,41 +99541,41 @@ ii. 332.

Nahr-el-Asy. See Orontes.

Nahr-el-Kelb. See Lycus.

Nahr-Ibrahim. See Adonis. -

Naïs, ii. 375. -

Namnetæ, people of Aquitania +

Naïs, ii. 375. +

Namnetæ, people of Aquitania (capital Nantes), i. 283.

Nanfio. See Anaphe.

Nanno, poem of Mimnermus, iii. 2,3. -

Nantuātæ, an Alpine race, i. 303. +

Nantuātæ, an Alpine race, i. 303.

Napata, city of Ethiopia, iii. 268. -

Napē, t. near Methymna, ii. 127. +

Napē, t. near Methymna, ii. 127.

Napitinus, Gulf of, i. 379.

Naples. See Neapolis. -

——, Bay of. See Crater. +

——, Bay of. See Crater.

Nar, r. of Umbria (Nera), i. 337, 349. -

Narbōn, the Narbonnaise (Nar- +

Narbōn, the Narbonnaise (Nar- bonne), c. of Gaul, i. 159, 160, -184, 265—286, 302, 310. +184, 265—286, 302, 310.

Narcissus, ii. 96.

Narnia, r. of Dalmatia (Narni), i. 337. -

Narōn, c. of Umbria (Narenta), i. +

Narōn, c. of Umbria (Narenta), i. 484, 487.

Narthacium, t. of Thessaly, ii. 136. -

Narthēcis, island, iii. 7. +

Narthēcis, island, iii. 7.

Narycus, t. of the Opuntian Locri- ans, ii. 126. -

Nasamōnes, race of Africa, i. 198; +

Nasamōnes, race of Africa, i. 198; iii. 291, 294.

Nasica, Cornelius Scipio, i. 484. @@ -99584,7 +99584,7 @@ iii. 291, 294.

Naucratis, c. of Egypt, iii. 239, 242, 250, 252. -

Naulochus, t. of Mœsia, i. 490; ii. +

Naulochus, t. of Mœsia, i. 490; ii. 145.

Naupactus, c. of the Ozolean Lo @@ -99604,101 +99604,101 @@ crians (Lepanto), ii. 127, 159. Pamportus, i. 482.

Naustathmus, ii. 360, 363, 364, 385. -

——, port of the Cyrenaic, +

——, port of the Cyrenaic, iii. 294.

Naxos, island (Naxia), ii. 208, 210. -

——, c. of Sicily, i. 403—406, 412, +

——, c. of Sicily, i. 403—406, 412, 414. -

Nea, vill. (see Enea and Ænea), in +

Nea, vill. (see Enea and Ænea), in the district of Troy, ii. 371. -

Neæthus, r. of Magna Grecia +

Neæthus, r. of Magna Grecia (Nieto), i. 394.

Neandria, t. of the Troad, ii. 373, 375.

Neandris, ii. 189. -

Neanthēs, of Cyzicus, i. 71. +

Neanthēs, of Cyzicus, i. 71.

Neapolis, c. of the Tauric Cher- sonese, i. 479. -

——, c. of Macedonia (Kavala), +

——, c. of Macedonia (Kavala), i. 512, 513. -

——, c. of the Samians on the +

——, c. of the Samians on the coast of Ephesus, iii. 10. -

——, c. of Pontus (Mersivan), +

——, c. of Pontus (Mersivan), ii. 311. -

——, c. of the Carthaginians, +

——, c. of the Carthaginians, iii. 288, 289. -

——, c. of Campania (Naples), +

——, c. of Campania (Naples), i. 34, 202, 365, 366, 369, 377. -

——, same as Leptis, iii. 289. +

——, same as Leptis, iii. 289.

Neapolitans, i. 39, 368, 369.

Neapolitis, same as the Halys, ii. 311. -

Nearchus, i. 109, 119; iii. 74, 80— +

Nearchus, i. 109, 119; iii. 74, 80— 85, 88, 100, 101, 114, 115, 120, -122, 127—129, 132, 187, 188. +122, 127—129, 132, 187, 188.

Nebrissa (Lebrixa), i. 211, 215.

Nebrodes, mtns, i. 415.

Necropolis, suburb of Alexandria, iii. 230, 231, 236.

Necyomantels, iii. 180. -

Něda, r. of Peloponnesus, ii. 17, 22, +

Něda, r. of Peloponnesus, ii. 17, 22, 24, 26, 37. -

Nědōn, r. of Laconia, ii. 28, 37. -

——, vill. of Messenia, razed by +

Nědōn, r. of Laconia, ii. 28, 37. +

——, vill. of Messenia, razed by Teleclus, ii. 37. -

Nedūsian Minerva, temple of, iii. +

Nedūsian Minerva, temple of, iii. 37.

Negra, iii. 218.

Negrana, c. of Arabia, iii. 212.

Negrani, iii. 212. -

Negropont. See Eubœa. +

Negropont. See Eubœa.

Neis, ii. 394. -

Nēïum, in the isl. of Ithaca, ii. 164. -

Neleïdæ, i. 398; ii. 35. -

Nēleus, father of Nestor, ii. 7, 17, +

Nēïum, in the isl. of Ithaca, ii. 164. +

Neleïdæ, i. 398; ii. 35. +

Nēleus, father of Nestor, ii. 7, 17, 26, 27. -

——, founder of Miletus, iii. 2, 4. -

——, son of Coriscus, ii. 378, +

——, founder of Miletus, iii. 2, 4. +

——, son of Coriscus, ii. 378, 379. -

——, r. of Eubœa, ii. 157. -

Nēlia, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139. -

Nemausus, city of Gaul (Nîmes), +

——, r. of Eubœa, ii. 157. +

Nēlia, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139. +

Nemausus, city of Gaul (Nîmes), i. 267, 268, 278, 279, 302. -

Něměa, r. near Corinth, ii. 66. -

——, t. of Argolis, ii. 60. +

Něměa, r. near Corinth, ii. 66. +

——, t. of Argolis, ii. 60.

Nemean games, ii. 60. -

—— lion, ii. 60. +

—— lion, ii. 60.

Nemesis, statue of, at Rhamnusia, ii. 87, 90. -

—— Adrastea, temple of, ii. +

—— Adrastea, temple of, ii. 348. -

Nemōssus, head of the Arverni, i. +

Nemōssus, head of the Arverni, i. 284. -

Němus, temple of Diana near Aricia, +

Němus, temple of Diana near Aricia, i. 355.

Nemydia, cognomen of Diana, ii. @@ -99707,34 +99707,34 @@ i. 355.

Neochori. See Argos, Amphilo- chian. -

Neoclēs, father of Epicurus, iii. 9. +

Neoclēs, father of Epicurus, iii. 9. -Neocōmïtæ, i. 317. -

Neōn, t. in the vicinity of Parnas- +Neocōmïtæ, i. 317. +

Neōn, t. in the vicinity of Parnas- sus, ii. 143.

Neon-teichos, ii. 396.

Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, ii. 119, 120, 140, 343. -

——, general of Mithri- +

——, general of Mithri- dates, i. 472. -

——, writer of glosses, ii. +

——, writer of glosses, ii. 350. -

——, tower of, i. 469. +

——, tower of, i. 469.

Nepheris, fortress of the Cartha- ginians, iii. 287. -

Něpita, t. of Etruria (Nepi), i. 335. +

Něpita, t. of Etruria (Nepi), i. 335.

Neptune, i. 32, 53, 69, 342; ii. 6, 17, 48, 70, 72, 211, 335, 367. -

——, temples of, ii. 16, 40, 55, +

——, temples of, ii. 16, 40, 55, 69, 71, 109, 154, 213; iii. 7, 230 -

——, Asphalian, i. 90. +

——, Asphalian, i. 90. @@ -99744,31 +99744,31 @@ ginians, iii. 287.

Neptune, Heliconian, ii. 69; iii. 10. -

——, Isthmian, ii. 49, 63. -

——, Samian, ii. 16—19. -

——, Ægæan, temple of, ii. 98. +

——, Isthmian, ii. 49, 63. +

——, Samian, ii. 16—19. +

——, Ægæan, temple of, ii. 98. Nera. See Nar. -

Nēritum, mtn of Ithaca, ii. 162— +

Nēritum, mtn of Ithaca, ii. 162— 164. -

Nēritus, t. of Leucas, i. 92; ii. +

Nēritus, t. of Leucas, i. 92; ii. 161. -

Něrium, Cape, prom. of Spain +

Něrium, Cape, prom. of Spain (Cape Finisterre), i. 206, 230. -

Nero, Monte. See Ænus. -

Nēroassus, fortress of Cappadocia, +

Nero, Monte. See Ænus. +

Nēroassus, fortress of Cappadocia, ii. 281.

Nervii, people of Germany, i. 289. -

Nēsæa, distr. of Hyrcania, ii. 243, +

Nēsæa, distr. of Hyrcania, ii. 243, 246, 271. -

Nēsæan horses, ii. 265. -

Nessōn, Thessalian, ii. 149. -

——, harbour of, in Thessaly, ii. +

Nēsæan horses, ii. 265. +

Nessōn, Thessalian, ii. 149. +

——, harbour of, in Thessaly, ii. 131, 144, 146, 149.

Nessus, centaur, ii. 127, 160. @@ -99776,11 +99776,11 @@ ii. 281. 330, 398; ii. 7, 8, 10, 11, 14,16, -18—20, 22—28, 30, 31, 36, 47, +18—20, 22—28, 30, 31, 36, 47, 132, 155, 210; iii. 2. -

——, Stoic, iii. 58. -

——, Academician, the preceptor +

——, Stoic, iii. 58. +

——, Academician, the preceptor of Marcellus, iii. 59.

Nestus, r. of Thrace (Karasu or @@ -99790,15 +99790,15 @@ of Marcellus, iii. 59.

Nibarus, mtn of Armenia, ii. 268, 273. -

Nicæa, c. ofBithynia (Isnik), i. 202; +

Nicæa, c. ofBithynia (Isnik), i. 202; ii. 316, 318, 347. -

——, c. of the Massilians (Nice), +

——, c. of the Massilians (Nice), i. 269, 275. -

——, c. of Locris, ii. 127, 129. -

——, c. of India, iii. 92. -

——, daughter of Antipater, the +

——, c. of Locris, ii. 127, 129. +

——, c. of India, iii. 92. +

——, daughter of Antipater, the wife of Lysimachus, ii. 318.

Nicander, iii. 273. @@ -99807,47 +99807,47 @@ wife of Lysimachus, ii. 318.

Nicatorium, mtn of Assyria, iii. 144. -

Nice. See Nicæa. -

Nicēphorium, grove of Pergamus, +

Nice. See Nicæa. +

Nicēphorium, grove of Pergamus, ii. 400. -

Nicēphorium, t. of the Mygdoni of +

Nicēphorium, t. of the Mygdoni of Mesopotamia (Haran), iii. 157.

Nicias, tyrant of Cos, iii. 36.

Nicium, c. of Egypt, iii. 236.

Nicolaus, of Damascus, iii. 118. -

Nicomēdēs, king of Bithynia, ii. +

Nicomēdēs, king of Bithynia, ii. 313; iii. 21. -

——, son of Prusias, ii. 401. -

Nicomēdia, c. of Bithynia (Ismid +

——, son of Prusias, ii. 401. +

Nicomēdia, c. of Bithynia (Ismid or Iskimid), ii. 171, 289, 315, 347. -

Niconia, t. of the Tyregetæ, i. 469. -

Nicopolis, c. of Epirus, i. 497— +

Niconia, t. of the Tyregetæ, i. 469. +

Nicopolis, c. of Epirus, i. 497— 499; ii. 159. -

——, c. of Lesser Armenia, ii. +

——, c. of Lesser Armenia, ii. 305. -

——, c. of Cilicia, iii. 61. -

——, c. of Egypt, iii. 230, 231, +

——, c. of Cilicia, iii. 61. +

——, c. of Egypt, iii. 230, 231, 237, 238.

Nicostrata, mother of Evander, i. 343.

Nicyrus, iii. 36. -

Nieto. See Neæthus. -

Nigrētes, Nigrïtæ, people of Africa, +

Nieto. See Neæthus. +

Nigrētes, Nigrïtæ, people of Africa, i. 198; iii. 277, 280. -

Nile, r. of Egypt, i. 36, 45—47, 50, +

Nile, r. of Egypt, i. 36, 45—47, 50, -56—58, 60, 82, 101, 102, 129, +56—58, 60, 82, 101, 102, 129, 130, 137, 148, 149, 163,171, 172, @@ -99855,33 +99855,33 @@ i. 198; iii. 277, 280. ii. 219, 220, 255; iii. 73, 74, 82, -84, 86—88, 96, 173, 174, 177, +84, 86—88, 96, 173, 174, 177, -189, 194, 195, 210, 211, 217— +189, 194, 195, 210, 211, 217— -226, 228, 241—248, 257, 263, +226, 228, 241—248, 257, 263, -266, 270—276, et passim. -

——, cataracts of, i. 60. -

——, mouths, i. 190. -

——, Canopic mouth, i. 101, 129, +266, 270—276, et passim. +

——, cataracts of, i. 60. +

——, mouths, i. 190. +

——, Canopic mouth, i. 101, 129, 130, 137; iii. 237, 238. -

——, Pelusiac mouth, iii. 53, 177, +

——, Pelusiac mouth, iii. 53, 177, 220, 223, 226, 239, 240.

Nile, the Blue. See Astapus.

Nilus, tract of Ethiopia, iii. 200. -

Nîmes. See Nemausus. +

Nîmes. See Nemausus.

Nineveh, iii. 142, 143.

Ninias, t. of Dalmatia, i. 484.

Ninus, king of Assyria, i. 129; iii. 143. -

——, c. of Assyria, i. 129; ii. +

——, c. of Assyria, i. 129; ii. 274; iii. 140, 143. -

Niobē, wife of Amphion, ii. 36, 326, +

Niobē, wife of Amphion, ii. 36, 326, 337. @@ -99890,17 +99890,17 @@ ii. 219, 220, 255; iii. 73, 74, 82, -

Niobē, tragedy of Æsehylus, ii. +

Niobē, tragedy of Æsehylus, ii. 337.

Niphates, mtn of Armenia (Nepat- Learn), ii. 261, 263, 268, 270. -

Nisa, t. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 99. -

——, of Megaris, ii. 99. -

Nisæa, port of Megara, ii. 4, 55, 80 +

Nisa, t. of Bœotia, ii. 98, 99. +

——, of Megaris, ii. 99. +

Nisæa, port of Megara, ii. 4, 55, 80 -—82, 84. +—82, 84.

Nisibis, c. of the Mygdonians of Mesopotamia, ii. 261, 268; iii. @@ -99908,16 +99908,16 @@ Mesopotamia, ii. 261, 268; iii. 142, 157.

Nisibin or Netzid. See Nisibis.

Nisus, father of Scylla, ii. 55, 81. -

Nisyrus, island, ii. 212—214; iii. 34. -

——, t. of the island of, ii. 213. -

——, t. of Carpathus, ii. 214. +

Nisyrus, island, ii. 212—214; iii. 34. +

——, t. of the island of, ii. 213. +

——, t. of Carpathus, ii. 214.

Nitiobriges, people of Aquitania -(Agénois), i. 284. +(Agénois), i. 284.

Nitriote nome, iii. 242.

Noarus, r. of Illyria, i. 483, 488.

Nocera. See Terina. -

—— Camellaria, and Nocera de +

—— Camellaria, and Nocera de Pagani. See Nuceria.

Noiga, t. of the Asturi, i. 250. @@ -99940,23 +99940,23 @@ sach in Steiermark), i. 319. 310, 448.

Northern Ocean, i. 451, 452. -

N&obreve;tium, coast and promontory of +

Nŏtium, coast and promontory of Chios, iii. 18.

Notu-ceras, promontory of Ethiopia, iii. 200. -

N&obreve;tus, wind, i. 45, 97. +

Nŏtus, wind, i. 45, 97.

Novum- comum, t. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 317. -

Nūbæ, people inhabiting the Nile, +

Nūbæ, people inhabiting the Nile, iii 219, 266. -

Nūcěria, c. of Umbria (Nocera +

Nūcěria, c. of Umbria (Nocera Camellaria), i. 337. -

——, c. of Campania (Nocera de' +

——, c. of Campania (Nocera de' Pagani), i. 367, 370, 374.

Numa Pompilius, i. 338, 339. @@ -99968,60 +99968,60 @@ Pagani), i. 367, 370, 374. 340.

Nycteus, father of Antiopa, ii. 97. -

——, cave, iii. 164. -

Nymphæum, c. of the Tauric Cher- +

——, cave, iii. 164. +

Nymphæum, c. of the Tauric Cher- sonese, i. 476. -

——, prom. of Mt Athos +

——, prom. of Mt Athos (Cape St. George), i. 512. -

——, rock near Apollonia., +

——, rock near Apollonia., i. 486. -

Nysa, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 99. +

Nysa, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 99.

Nysa or Nysais, distr. of Lydia, ii. 345, 408. -

——, c. of Caria, iii. 24—27, 43. -

——, c. and mtn of India, iii. 76. -

——, mtn of Thrace, iii. 76. -

Nysæi or Nysæans, people of India, +

——, c. of Caria, iii. 24—27, 43. +

——, c. and mtn of India, iii. 76. +

——, mtn of Thrace, iii. 76. +

Nysæi or Nysæans, people of India, iii. 76, 90.

Nysaeis, in Caria, ii. 335. -

Nysaïs, distr. of Lydia. See Nysa. +

Nysaïs, distr. of Lydia. See Nysa.

Obelisks, iii. 245, 262. -

Obidiacēni, a Mæotic race, ii. +

Obidiacēni, a Mæotic race, ii. 223. -

Obodas, king of the Nabatæi, iii. +

Obodas, king of the Nabatæi, iii. -211—213. +211—213.

Obulco (Porcuna), i. 213, 241. -

Ocalea, t. of Bœotia, ii. 106, 107. -

Ocean, i. 4—6, 33, 38, 39, 53, 68, +

Ocalea, t. of Bœotia, ii. 106, 107. +

Ocean, i. 4—6, 33, 38, 39, 53, 68, 73, 74, 111, 143, et passim. -

——, Northern, i. 115. -

——, Western (the Atlantic), i. +

——, Northern, i. 115. +

——, Western (the Atlantic), i. 87. -

——, Eastern (Bay of Bengal), i. +

——, Eastern (Bay of Bengal), i. 179.

Ocelum, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Uxeau or Ucello), i. 268, 323. -

Ochē, name of Eubœa, ii. 152. -

Ochē, mtn of Eubœa (Mt St. +

Ochē, name of Eubœa, ii. 152. +

Ochē, mtn of Eubœa (Mt St. Elias), ii. 152, 153.

Ochus, r. of Bactriana and Hyr- -cania, ii. 243—245, 251, 254, +cania, ii. 243—245, 251, 254, 255. -

Ochyrōma, citadel of Ialysus, iii. +

Ochyrōma, citadel of Ialysus, iii. 33.

Ocra, mtn, i. 300, 308, 309, 314, @@ -100037,129 +100037,129 @@ cania, ii. 243—245, 251, 254, 336, 337.

Octavia, sister of Augustus, iii. 59. -

Ocypodæ, iii. 108. +

Ocypodæ, iii. 108.

Odeium, theatre of Pericles at Athens, ii. 87.

Oderzo. See Opitergium. -

Odēssus, t. of Mœsia (Varna), i. +

Odēssus, t. of Mœsia (Varna), i. 490, 516; ii. 145.

Odius, leader of the Halizoni, ii. -297—299. +297—299.

Odomantes, people of Macedonia, i. 514.

Odomantis, district of Armenia, ii. 269. -

Odrysæ, people of Thrace, i. 5, +

Odrysæ, people of Thrace, i. 5, 16. -

Odryssēs, r. of Mysia, ii. 299. +

Odryssēs, r. of Mysia, ii. 299.

Odysseia. See Ulyssea.

Odysseus. See Ulysses. -

Œantheia, t. of the Ozolian Locri- +

Œantheia, t. of the Ozolian Locri- ans, ii. 128. -

Œaso, i. 242. -

$Oechalia, c. of Eubœa, ii. 156. -

——, c. of Ætolia, ii. 156. -

——, c. of Arcadia, afterwards +

Œaso, i. 242. +

$Oechalia, c. of Eubœa, ii. 156. +

——, c. of Ætolia, ii. 156. +

——, c. of Arcadia, afterwards Andania, ii. 10, 11, 23, 24, 37, 156. -

——, two cities of Thessaly, +

——, two cities of Thessaly, ii. 142, 156. -

——, the taking of, poem of +

——, the taking of, poem of Homer, iii. 9. -

Œdanēs, r. of India, iii. 118. -

Œdipus, ii. 64. -

Œneiadæ, city of Thessaly, ii. 137. -

Œneus, father of Deianira, i. 64; +

Œdanēs, r. of India, iii. 118. +

Œdipus, ii. 64. +

Œneiadæ, city of Thessaly, ii. 137. +

Œneus, father of Deianira, i. 64; ii. 170, 174, 175. -

Œniadæ, c. of Ætolia, ii. 137,159, +

Œniadæ, c. of Ætolia, ii. 137,159, 169, 171. -

——, lake of the, in Ætolia, ii. +

——, lake of the, in Ætolia, ii. 171. -

Œnoa, fortress of the Corinthians, +

Œnoa, fortress of the Corinthians, ii. 63, 105. -

Œnoanda, c. of Lycia (Urludscha), +

Œnoanda, c. of Lycia (Urludscha), ii. 410. -

Œnoë, t. of Attica, ii. 57, 67. -

——, t. of Elis, ii. 9. -

——, t. in the isl. of Icaria, iii. +

Œnoë, t. of Attica, ii. 57, 67. +

——, t. of Elis, ii. 9. +

——, t. in the isl. of Icaria, iii. 10. -

Œnomaus, king of Elis, ii. 31. -

Œnōnē, wife of Paris, ii. 360. -

Œnōnē, ancient name of Ægina, ii. +

Œnomaus, king of Elis, ii. 31. +

Œnōnē, wife of Paris, ii. 360. +

Œnōnē, ancient name of Ægina, ii. 57. -

——, two demi of Attica, ii. 57. -

Œnoparas, r. of Syria (Afreen), +

——, two demi of Attica, ii. 57. +

Œnoparas, r. of Syria (Afreen), iii. 164. -

Œnops, ii. 375. -

Œnōtri, Œnotrians, Œnotrides, an- +

Œnops, ii. 375. +

Œnōtri, Œnotrians, Œnotrides, an- cient inhabitants of Lucania, i. 376, 377, 379, 380, 386, 399. -

Œnōtria, i. 313, 379. 400. -

Œnōtrian kings, i. 383. -

Œnōtrides, islands, i. 376, 387. -

Œta, mtn, i. 505; ii. 4, 114—116, +

Œnōtria, i. 313, 379. 400. +

Œnōtrian kings, i. 383. +

Œnōtrides, islands, i. 376, 387. +

Œta, mtn, i. 505; ii. 4, 114—116, -128—132, 135, 147, 158, 160. -

Œtæa, distr. of Thessaly, ii. 123, +128—132, 135, 147, 158, 160. +

Œtæa, distr. of Thessaly, ii. 123, 132, 136, 160. -

Œtæan hellebore, ii. 116. -

Œtæi, people of Greece, ii. 114, +

Œtæan hellebore, ii. 116. +

Œtæi, people of Greece, ii. 114, 158, 386. -

Œtylus, t. of Laconia, ii. 35, 36. -

Œum, castle of, i. 95. +

Œtylus, t. of Laconia, ii. 35, 36. +

Œum, castle of, i. 95.

Ofanto. See Aufidus.

Ogyges, ii. 68. -

Ogygia, ancient name of Bœotia, i. +

Ogygia, ancient name of Bœotia, i. 38; ii. 101.

Ogyium, mtn, i. 459.

Ogyris, isl. of the Red Sea, iii. 187, 188. -

Oïsci. See Vivisci. +

Oïsci. See Vivisci.

Olane, citadel of Armenia, ii. 270.

Olba, t. of Cilicia, iii. 55.

Olbia, city of the Massilians (Eoube), i. 269, 275. -

——, c. of Pamphylia (Tscharik- +

——, c. of Pamphylia (Tscharik- lar), iii. 48, 49. -

——, c. situated on the Borys- +

——, c. situated on the Borys- thenes, i. 470.

Oleastrum, t. of Spain, i. 239. -

Olěnian rock, mtn of Elis, ii. 12— +

Olěnian rock, mtn of Elis, ii. 12— 14, 27, 74.

Olenii, ii. 71. -

Olěnus (Olěnē?), c. of Achaia, ii. +

Olěnus (Olěnē?), c. of Achaia, ii. -69, 71—74, 160. -

——, c. of Ætolia, ii. 72, 160, 172. +69, 71—74, 160. +

——, c. of Ætolia, ii. 72, 160, 172.

Olgassys, mtn of Paphlagonia, ii. 313, 314. @@ -100169,55 +100169,55 @@ paros), ii. 208.

Oligasys, name of the Paphlago- nians, ii. 302. -

Olizōn, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139, 142. +

Olizōn, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139, 142. -

Olmeius, r. of Bœotia, ii. 101, 108. -

Olmiæ, prom. of the Bay of Cor- +

Olmeius, r. of Bœotia, ii. 101, 108. +

Olmiæ, prom. of the Bay of Cor- inth, ii. 63, 105. -

Oloossōn, t. of Thessaly, ii. 143, +

Oloossōn, t. of Thessaly, ii. 143, 145.

Olophyxis, t. of Macedonia, i. 512, 513. -

Olūris, Olūra, t. of Messenia, ii. 24. -

Olympēne, distr. of Mysia, ii. 332. -

Olympēni, ii. 319. -

Olympia, i. 409; ii. 5, 8, 14—16, +

Olūris, Olūra, t. of Messenia, ii. 24. +

Olympēne, distr. of Mysia, ii. 332. +

Olympēni, ii. 319. +

Olympia, i. 409; ii. 5, 8, 14—16, -28, 30—33, 45, 61, 76, 176. +28, 30—33, 45, 61, 76, 176.

Olympic Games, i. 391, 395, 498; -ii. 29—31, 34, 365; iii. 32. +ii. 29—31, 34, 365; iii. 32.

Olympium, temple of Jupiter at Athens, ii. 87, 97.

Olympus, inventor of the flute, ii. 186, 334. -

——, c. of Lycia (Tschiraly), +

——, c. of Lycia (Tschiraly), iii. 45, 48. -

——, mtn of Lycia, i, 40, 41. -

——, mtn and fortress of Cilicia, iii. 54. -

——, of Crete, ii. 186. -

——, mtn of Cyprus, iii. 69. -

——, mtn of Pisatis, ii. 32. -

——, mtn of Thessaly, i. 94, +

——, mtn of Lycia, i, 40, 41. +

——, mtn and fortress of Cilicia, iii. 54. +

——, of Crete, ii. 186. +

——, mtn of Cyprus, iii. 69. +

——, mtn of Pisatis, ii. 32. +

——, mtn of Thessaly, i. 94, -311, 506—508; ii. 29, 32, 131, +311, 506—508; ii. 29, 32, 131, -145—147, 186, 272. -

——, mtn of Macedonia, ii. +145—147, 186, 272. +

——, mtn of Macedonia, ii. 378. -

——, mtn of Mysia (Keschisch- +

——, mtn of Mysia (Keschisch- Dagh), ii. 186, 316, 317, 319, @@ -100232,7 +100232,7 @@ Dagh), ii. 186, 316, 317, 319, 246; iii. 137.

Ombrica (Ombria), i. 324, 325, 336 -—338, 349. +—338, 349.

Ombrici, Ombri, people of Italy (Umbrians), i. 319, 322, 323, 325, @@ -100241,27 +100241,27 @@ Dagh), ii. 186, 316, 317, 319, 246; iii. 137.

Omphale, wife of Hercules, i. 326. -

——, tragedy of Ion, i. 94. -

Omphaliōn, ii. 39. -

Onchēsmus, port of Epirus (Santi +

——, tragedy of Ion, i. 94. +

Omphaliōn, ii. 39. +

Onchēsmus, port of Epirus (Santi Quaranta), i. 497. -

Onchēstus, t. of Bœotia, ii. 106, +

Onchēstus, t. of Bœotia, ii. 106, 107, 109.

Oneia, mtns in Megaris, ii. 62, 82. -

Onēsicritus, i. 109; ii. 253; iii. +

Onēsicritus, i. 109; ii. 253; iii. -80—87, 93, 95, 100, 102, 106, +80—87, 93, 95, 100, 102, 106, -112—114, 133. +112—114, 133.

Onesii, hot-springs of the, in Aqui- tania, i. 284. -

On&obreve;ba, t. of Bætica (Gibraleon), i +

Onŏba, t. of Bætica (Gibraleon), i 215, 255. -

Onomarchus, leader of the Phocæ- +

Onomarchus, leader of the Phocæ- ans, ii. 119.

Onugnathus, peninsula of Laconia, @@ -100270,18 +100270,18 @@ ii. 41.

Ophelas (Apellas?), voyage of, iii. 276. -

Ophienses, people of Ætolia, ii. 160, +

Ophienses, people of Ætolia, ii. 160, 179. -

Ophiōdēs, isl. in the Arabian Gulf +

Ophiōdēs, isl. in the Arabian Gulf (Zemorget), iii. 193.

Ophiogeneis, ii. 348. -

Ophiūssa, same as the isl. of Rhodes, +

Ophiūssa, same as the isl. of Rhodes, iii. 31. -

——, t. of the Tyregetæ, i. 469. -

——, isl. near Spain, i. 251. +

——, t. of the Tyregetæ, i. 469. +

——, isl. near Spain, i. 251.

Ophlimus, mtn of Pontus, ii. 306.

Ophrynium, t. of the Troad, ii. 357.

Opici, people of Campania, i. 360, @@ -100300,48 +100300,48 @@ iii. 146, 147. i. 236.

Opuntii. See Locri in Elis.

Opuntian Gulf, ii. 114, 125, 126. -

Opūs, c. of the Locrians, i. 95; ii. +

Opūs, c. of the Locrians, i. 95; ii. 125, 126.

Orange. See Arausio. -

Orbēlus, mtn of Macedonia (Egri- +

Orbēlus, mtn of Macedonia (Egri- soudagh), i. 505.

Orbis, r. of Gaul (the Orbe), i. 272.

Orcaorci, ii. 320, 321, 332. -

Orchēni, sect of the Chaldæan as- +

Orchēni, sect of the Chaldæan as- tronomers, iii. 146. -

Orchistēnē, distr. of Armenia, ii. +

Orchistēnē, distr. of Armenia, ii. 268. -

Orchoměnia, ii. 93, 101. +

Orchoměnia, ii. 93, 101. -

Orchoměnii, ii. 93, 111—113. -

Orchomenus, c. of Bœotia (Scripa), +

Orchoměnii, ii. 93, 111—113. +

Orchomenus, c. of Bœotia (Scripa), -ii. 10, 101, 107, 111—113, 124. -

——, Minyeian, ii. 20, 55, +ii. 10, 101, 107, 111—113, 124. +

——, Minyeian, ii. 20, 55, 111. -

——, c. of Arcadia, ii. 10, +

——, c. of Arcadia, ii. 10, 39, 75. -

——, c. of Eubœa, ii. 113. -

Oreitæ, ii. 152; iii. 120, 124. -

Orestæ, people of Epirus, i. 499; +

——, c. of Eubœa, ii. 113. +

Oreitæ, ii. 152; iii. 120, 124. +

Orestæ, people of Epirus, i. 499; ii. 137. -

——, in Macedonia, i. 505, 508. +

——, in Macedonia, i. 505, 508.

Orestes, i. 499; ii. 68, 93, 279, 281, 339. -

——, tragedy of Euripides, ii. 60. +

——, tragedy of Euripides, ii. 60.

Orestia, part of Macedonia, i. 514.

Orestias, distr. of Epirus, i. 499, @@ -100350,45 +100350,45 @@ ii. 137.

Oretani, people of Spain, i. 209, 212, 228, 234, 235, 243, 245. -

Orētania, i. 210, 228, 243. +

Orētania, i. 210, 228, 243.

Oreto. See Oria. -

Oreus, c. of Eubœa (Orio), i. 94; +

Oreus, c. of Eubœa (Orio), i. 94; ii. 152, 153. -

Oreus-Histiæa, ii. 152. -

Orgäs, r. of Phrygia, ii. 333. +

Oreus-Histiæa, ii. 152. +

Orgäs, r. of Phrygia, ii. 333.

Oria, c. of Spain (Oreto), i. 229. -

——, vill. of Eubœa, ii. 152. -

Orīcum, t. of Illyria, i. 486. -

Oriōn, ii. 97, 152. -

——, constellation, i. 5. +

——, vill. of Eubœa, ii. 152. +

Orīcum, t. of Illyria, i. 486. +

Oriōn, ii. 97, 152. +

——, constellation, i. 5.

Orithyia, i. 452.

Orleans. See Genabum.

Ormenium, Orminium, t. of Thes- saly, ii. 134, 139, 142, 143, 146.

Ormenus, Ormenides, ii. 142, 143. -

Orminium. See Orměnium. -

Orněæ, t. near Corinth, ii. 58, 59, +

Orminium. See Orměnium. +

Orněæ, t. near Corinth, ii. 58, 59, 66, 347. -

——, vill. of Argolis, ii. 58, 59. -

Orněates, Priapus, ii. 66. -

Ornithōp&obreve;lis, in Phœnicia, iii. 173. +

——, vill. of Argolis, ii. 58, 59. +

Orněates, Priapus, ii. 66. +

Ornithōpŏlis, in Phœnicia, iii. 173.

Oroatis, r. of Persia (the Tab), iii. 129, 132. -

Orobiæ, t. of Eubœa, ii. 98, 152. -

Orōdes, king of the Parthians, iii. +

Orobiæ, t. of Eubœa, ii. 98, 152. +

Orōdes, king of the Parthians, iii. 97. -

Orontēs, r. of Syria (El-Asy), i. 416; +

Orontēs, r. of Syria (El-Asy), i. 416; -iii. 53, 61, 162—165, 170, 177. -

——, king of Armenia, ii. 273. -

Orōpia, ii. 79. -

Orōpii, ii. 90. -

Orōpus, c. of Bœotia, i. 102 103; +iii. 53, 61, 162—165, 170, 177. +

——, king of Armenia, ii. 273. +

Orōpia, ii. 79. +

Orōpii, ii. 90. +

Orōpus, c. of Bœotia, i. 102 103; ii. 79, 90, 92, 96.

Orospeda, mtns of Spain (Sierra de @@ -100398,33 +100398,33 @@ Toledo), i. 241, 243, 245. 187; iii. 180.

Orphic ceremonies, ii. 187. -

—— arts, ii. 192. +

—— arts, ii. 192.

Orthagoras, iii. 187. -

Orthag&obreve;ria, c. of Thrace, i. 516. -

Orthanēs, god of the Athenians, ii. +

Orthagŏria, c. of Thrace, i. 516. +

Orthanēs, god of the Athenians, ii. 348. -

Orthē, citadel of Thessaly, ii. 143, +

Orthē, citadel of Thessaly, ii. 143, 144.

Orthopolis, t. of Macedonia, i. 514. -

Orthōsia, c. of Syria (Ortosa), iii. +

Orthōsia, c. of Syria (Ortosa), iii. 53, 167, 169, 171, 177. -

——, c. of Caria, iii. 26. +

——, c. of Caria, iii. 26.

Ortilochus, father of Diocles, ii. 46. -

Ortōn, port of the Frentani (Ortona- +

Ortōn, port of the Frentani (Ortona- -á-Mare), i. 359, 360. +á-Mare), i. 359, 360.

Ortona. See Orthosia. -

Ortōnium, i. 359. -

Ortospana, c. of the Paropamisadæ +

Ortōnium, i. 359. +

Ortospana, c. of the Paropamisadæ (Candahar), ii. 249; iii. 124.

Ortygia, nurse of Latona, iii. 11. -

——, grove near Ephesus, iii. 11. -

——, same as Delos, ii. 210, 211. -

——, isl. and part of the city of +

——, grove near Ephesus, iii. 11. +

——, same as Delos, ii. 210, 211. +

——, isl. and part of the city of Syracuse (Island of St. Marcian), @@ -100440,15 +100440,15 @@ i. 35, 92, 408, 409. 96, 311, 507; ii. 130, 131, 1.39 -146—148, 272. +146—148, 272.

Ossa, mtn of Pisatis, ii. 32. -

Oss&obreve;n&obreve;ba, c. of Spain, i. 215. +

Ossŏnŏba, c. of Spain, i. 215.

Ostia, c. of Latium, i. 218, 325, 329, 334, 335, 339, 344, 345, 348. -

Ostimii (al. Ostiæi, Ostidamnii, +

Ostimii (al. Ostiæi, Ostidamnii, Timii), people of Gaul, i. 99, 101, @@ -100461,7 +100461,7 @@ Timii), people of Gaul, i. 99, 101,

Othia, ii. 12. -

Othryadas, a Lacedæmonian, ii. +

Othryadas, a Lacedæmonian, ii. 58.

Othryoneus, ii. 367. @@ -100471,40 +100471,40 @@ ii. 32, 134, 135, 138.

Otranto. See Hydrus.

Otreus, ii. 318.

Otricoli. See Ocricli. -

Otrœa, t. of Bithynia, ii. 318. +

Otrœa, t. of Bithynia, ii. 318.

Otus, Cyllenian, ii. 9, 167. -

Oxeiæ islands, ii. 169, 170. +

Oxeiæ islands, ii. 169, 170.

Oxus, r. of Bactriana (Gihon), i. -113; ii. 240, 243, 251—255. +113; ii. 240, 243, 251—255.

Oxyartes, ii. 254. -

Oxyathrēs, brother of Darius Codo- +

Oxyathrēs, brother of Darius Codo- mannus, ii. 291.

Oxybii, or Oxybian Ligurians, i. 276, 301.

Oxybius, port in Liguria, i. 276. -

Oxylus, king of the Ætolians, ii. 3, +

Oxylus, king of the Ætolians, ii. 3, 30, 33, 77, 176.

Oxynia, t. of Thessaly, i. 501.

Oxyrynchus, city of Egypt (Bek- neseh), iii. 257. -

Ozolæ. See Locri. +

Ozolæ. See Locri.

Paches, Athenian commander, ii. 366.

Pachynus, prom. of Sicily (Cape -Passaro), i. 160, 186, 187, 400— +Passaro), i. 160, 186, 187, 400— 403, 411, 421; ii. 41.

Pacorus, leader of the Parthians, iii. 159, 163. -

Pactōlus, r. of Lydia, ii. 303, 353, +

Pactōlus, r. of Lydia, ii. 303, 353, 403.

Pactya, c. of the Thracian Cherso- @@ -100513,35 +100513,35 @@ nese, i. 517, 518.

Pactyas, mtn, iii. 7, 21.

Padua. See Patavium.

Padus. See Po. -

Pæ&obreve;nia, i. 488, 489, 504, 505, 509, +

Pæŏnia, i. 488, 489, 504, 505, 509, -512—514; ii. 131. -

——, mtns, i. 43, 481, 496. -

——, nations, i. 485. -

Pæ&obreve;nians, Pæones, people of Mace- +512—514; ii. 131. +

——, mtns, i. 43, 481, 496. +

——, nations, i. 485. +

Pæŏnians, Pæones, people of Mace- donia, i. 9, 489, 495, 496, 506, 508, 514, 515; ii. 383, 394. -

Pæsēni, ii. 349. -

Pæstum, Gulf of, i. 373. -

Pæstus, c. of Lucania, i. 373. -

Pæsus, t. of the Troad, ii. 349; iii. +

Pæsēni, ii. 349. +

Pæstum, Gulf of, i. 373. +

Pæstus, c. of Lucania, i. 373. +

Pæsus, t. of the Troad, ii. 349; iii. 5. -

——, r. of the Troad (Beiram- +

——, r. of the Troad (Beiram- dere), ii. 349. -

Pagæ, Pēgæ, t. of Megaris (Liba- +

Pagæ, Pēgæ, t. of Megaris (Liba- dostani), ii. 4, 63, 79, 82, 92, 105. -

Pagasæ, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139. +

Pagasæ, t. of Magnesia, ii. 139.

Pagasitic Gulf, in Thessaly, ii. 140, 142 -

Pagræ, fortress of Syria (Baghrus), +

Pagræ, fortress of Syria (Baghrus), iii. 163.

Paitschin. See Pedasus. @@ -100549,28 +100549,28 @@ iii. 163. nese, i. 479.

Palacus, i. 471, 475. -

Palæa, t. of Mysia, ii. 387. -

——, t. of Cyprus, iii. 69. -

Palæbyblus, c. of Phœnicia, iii. +

Palæa, t. of Mysia, ii. 387. +

——, t. of Cyprus, iii. 69. +

Palæbyblus, c. of Phœnicia, iii. 170. -

Palæopolis, the old city where the +

Palæopolis, the old city where the -Emporitæ dwelt, i. 240. -

Palæpaphus, c. of Cyprus, iii. 70. -

Palæpharsalus, t. of Thessaly, ii. +Emporitæ dwelt, i. 240. +

Palæpaphus, c. of Cyprus, iii. 70. +

Palæpharsalus, t. of Thessaly, ii. 133; iii. 233. -

Palæphatus, ii. 299, 300. -

Palærus, t. of Acarnania (Porto +

Palæphatus, ii. 299, 300. +

Palærus, t. of Acarnania (Porto Fico), ii. 159, 171. -

Palæscēpsis, t. of the Troad, ii. 371, +

Palæscēpsis, t. of the Troad, ii. 371, 372, 375, 376. -

Palætyrus, t. of Phœnicia, iii. 173. -

Palamēdēs, son of Nauplius, ii. 48. -

——, tragedy of Euripides, ii. +

Palætyrus, t. of Phœnicia, iii. 173. +

Palamēdēs, son of Nauplius, ii. 48. +

——, tragedy of Euripides, ii. 186.

Palatium, hill of Rome, i. 348, 351. @@ -100583,7 +100583,7 @@ Fico), ii. 159, 171. nium.

Palermo. See Panormus.

Palestine, iii. 204. -

Palestrina. See Præneste. +

Palestrina. See Præneste.

Palibothra, Palimbothra, c. of India (Patelputer), i. 109; iii 79, 80, @@ -100608,31 +100608,31 @@ nium. 243.

Pallas, son of Pandion, ii. 81. -

Pallēne, peninsula of Macedonia, i. +

Pallēne, peninsula of Macedonia, i. -510—512; ii. 154, 299. +510—512; ii. 154, 299.

Palma, t. of the Baleares, i. 251.

Palmys, son of Hippotion, ii. 317.

Paltus, t. of Syria, iii. 130, 167. -

Palus. See Mæotis. -

Pambœotia, festival, ii. 108. +

Palus. See Mæotis. +

Pambœotia, festival, ii. 108.

Pambuk-Kalessi. See Hierapolis.

Pamisus, r. of Messenia (Pirnatza), i. 403; ii. 28, 37, 38, 45. -

——, r. of Laconia, ii. 38. -

——, r. of Elis, ii. 7, 16, 38. +

——, r. of Laconia, ii. 38. +

——, r. of Elis, ii. 7, 16, 38.

Pampeluna. See Pompelon.

Pamphylia (Tekiah), i. 190, 194; ii. 244, 325, 385; iii. 27, 28, 44 -—55, 59, 61, 68, 73. -

——, cities, ii. 324. -

——, Sea of, i. 183, 189; ii. +—55, 59, 61, 68, 73. +

——, cities, ii. 324. +

——, Sea of, i. 183, 189; ii. 325; iii. 68. -

——, Gulf of, i. 189. +

——, Gulf of, i. 189.

Pamphylians, i. 196; ii. 304; iii. 63.

Pamportus, t. of the Taurisci. See @@ -100640,38 +100640,38 @@ Nauportus, i. 309.

Pan, worshipped by the Mendesii, iii. 240. -

——, in Meroë, iii. 271. -

Panænus, ii. 29. -

Panætius, Stoic, iii. 33, 60. +

——, in Meroë, iii. 271. +

Panænus, ii. 29. +

Panætius, Stoic, iii. 33, 60.

Panaro. See Scultanna. -

Panchæa, i. 58, 459. +

Panchæa, i. 58, 459.

Pandarus, king of the Lycians, ii. 317, 344, 346. -

——, worshipped at Pinara, iii. +

——, worshipped at Pinara, iii. 46, 47.

Pandataria, island (Vento Tiene), i. 185, 347. -

Pandiōn, father of Lycus, ii. 328. -

——, king of India, iii. 49, 74. -

Pandionidæ, ii. 81. -

Pandōra, mother of Deucalion, ii. +

Pandiōn, father of Lycus, ii. 328. +

——, king of India, iii. 49, 74. +

Pandionidæ, ii. 81. +

Pandōra, mother of Deucalion, ii. 149. -

——-, name of Southern Thessaly, +

——-, name of Southern Thessaly, ii. 149.

Pandosia, c. of the Bruttii, i. 382. -

——, c. of Thesprotia, i. 382, +

——, c. of Thesprotia, i. 382, 497.

Paneium, temple of Pan, at Ana- phlystus, ii. 89. -

——, at Alexandria, iii. 231. -

Pangæum, mtn of Macedonia, i. +

——, at Alexandria, iii. 231. +

Pangæum, mtn of Macedonia, i. 512, 515; iii. 66.

Pangani, ii. 239. @@ -100679,35 +100679,35 @@ phlystus, ii. 89.

Panionian festival, sacrifices, ii. 69. -

Paniōnium (Ischanli), iii. 10. +

Paniōnium (Ischanli), iii. 10.

Panna, t. of Samnium, i. 371. -

Pannōnia, i. 483; iii. 10. +

Pannōnia, i. 483; iii. 10.

Pannonii, Pannonians, i. 309, 448, 482, 483, 487. -

Pan&obreve;peis, ii. 121, 123. -

Pan&obreve;peus, t. of Phocis, ii. 113, 122, +

Panŏpeis, ii. 121, 123. +

Panŏpeus, t. of Phocis, ii. 113, 122, 123, 124. -

Panōpolis, t. of Egypt, iii. 258. +

Panōpolis, t. of Egypt, iii. 258.

Panormus, t. of Sicily (Palermo), i. 401, 411. -

——, t. of Epirus (Panormo), +

——, t. of Epirus (Panormo), i. 486, 497. -

——, port of Ephesus, iii. 11. +

——, port of Ephesus, iii. 11.

Pans, with wedge-shaped heads, i. 109; ii. 186.

Pantalaria. See Corcyra, Cossura. -

Pantaleōn, son of Omphalion, ii. 39. +

Pantaleōn, son of Omphalion, ii. 39.

Pantano, l'Osteria del. See Gabii. -

Panticapæans, ii. 222. -

Panticapæum (Kertsch), i. 472, 476 +

Panticapæans, ii. 222. +

Panticapæum (Kertsch), i. 472, 476 -—478. -

——, temple of Æsculapius +—478. +

——, temple of Æsculapius at, i. 114; ii. 221.

Panxani. See Pangani. @@ -100726,10 +100726,10 @@ at, i. 114; ii. 221.

Paphos, c. of Cyprus, i. 65; ii. 13; iii. 68, 70, 71. -

——, Palæpaphos, iii. 70, 71. -

Parachelōïtæ, in Thessaly, ii. 136. -

——, in Ætolia, ii. 136. -

Parachelōïtis, distr. of Ætolia, ii. +

——, Palæpaphos, iii. 70, 71. +

Parachelōïtæ, in Thessaly, ii. 136. +

——, in Ætolia, ii. 136. +

Parachelōïtis, distr. of Ætolia, ii. 169.

Parachoathras, mtn of Media, ii. @@ -100741,43 +100741,43 @@ iii. 68, 70, 71. -

Paradeisus, t. of Cœie-Syria, iii. +

Paradeisus, t. of Cœie-Syria, iii. 170. -

Parætaæ, Parætacēni, a people of +

Parætaæ, Parætacēni, a people of Media, ii. 261, 264; iii. 135, 142, 146, 153. -

Parætacēne, i. 123; iii. 124, 132, +

Parætacēne, i. 123; iii. 124, 132, 152 -

Parætacium, port of Marmara +

Parætacium, port of Marmara (El-Baretun), i. 64; iii. 235, 253, 259, 294. -

Paralus, founder of Clazomenæ, iii. +

Paralus, founder of Clazomenæ, iii. 3.

Parapomisus, ii. 245, 248; iii. 78, -89, 121—126. +89, 121—126.

Parapotamia, Parapotamii, t. of Phocis, ii. 101, 113, 123, 124. -

——, distr. of Syria, iii. +

——, distr. of Syria, iii. 166. -

Parasōpia, distr. of Bœotia, ii. 97, +

Parasōpia, distr. of Bœotia, ii. 97, 103. -

Parasōpias, in Thessaly, ii. 136. -

Parasōpii, in Bœotia, ii. 103. -

——, vill. of Thessaly, ii. 66. +

Parasōpias, in Thessaly, ii. 136. +

Parasōpii, in Bœotia, ii. 103. +

——, vill. of Thessaly, ii. 66.

Parati, people of Sardinia, i. 334.

Pareisactus, iii. 230. -

Parianē, ii. 350. +

Parianē, ii. 350.

Pariani, ii. 347, 348, 374.

Parii, Parians, inhabitants of the @@ -100793,36 +100793,36 @@ island of Paros, i. 484; ii. 210,

Parisus, r. of Pannonia, i. 482.

Parium, c. of Mysia (Kamaraes or -Kemer), i. 518; ii. 340, 348— +Kemer), i. 518; ii. 340, 348— 351. -

——, in the Propontis, ii. 210. +

——, in the Propontis, ii. 210.

Parma, t. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 322. -

Parměnides, i. 143, 375. +

Parměnides, i. 143, 375.

Parmenio, ii. 272; iii. 125.

Parmesans, i. 323.

Pannesus, ii. 108.

Parnassii, ii. 121.

Parnassus, i. 40, 311, 505; ii. 2, -62, 67, 93, 105, 114—116, 121, +62, 67, 93, 105, 114—116, 121, 123, 125, 129, 143, 158, 195. -

Parnēs, mtn of Attica, ii. 90. +

Parnēs, mtn of Attica, ii. 90.

Parni, Aparni, ii. 241, 244, 248. -

Paropamisadæ, iii. 77, 82, 124— +

Paropamisadæ, iii. 77, 82, 124— 128.

Paropamisus. See Parapomisus. -

Parōræa, distr. of Epirus, i. 498. -

Parōræi, people of Epirus, i. 499. +

Parōræa, distr. of Epirus, i. 498. +

Parōræi, people of Epirus, i. 499.

Parorbelia, distr. of Macedonia, i. 514. -

Parōreatæ, people of Triphylia, ii. +

Parōreatæ, people of Triphylia, ii. 19. -

Parōreius. See Phrygia, iii. 43. +

Parōreius. See Phrygia, iii. 43.

Paros (Bara), i. 332, 484; ii. 66, 208, 210, 211. @@ -100834,46 +100834,46 @@ island of Paros, i. 484; ii. 210,

Parthenia, same as Samos, ii. 168; iii. 8. -

Partheniæ, i. 424—426. +

Partheniæ, i. 424—426.

Parthenias, r. of Elis, ii. 32. -

Parthěnium, mtn of Arcadia (Par- +

Parthěnium, mtn of Arcadia (Par- theni), ii. 76. -

——, prom. of the Tauric +

——, prom. of the Tauric Chersonese, i. 474. -

——, vill. of the Cimmerian +

——, vill. of the Cimmerian Bosporus, i. 474, 477; ii. 222. -

——, temple of Diana in the +

——, temple of Diana in the Tauric Chersonese, i. 474.

Parthenius, r. of Samos, see Im- brasus, ii. 168. -

——, r. ii. 287—290, 351. -

——, mtn, ii. 58, 76. -

Parthenōn, temple of Minerva, in +

——, r. ii. 287—290, 351. +

——, mtn, ii. 58, 76. +

Parthenōn, temple of Minerva, in the Acropolis, ii. 84, 86. -

Parthenopē, t. of Campania, iii. 32. -

——, one of the Sirens, i. +

Parthenopē, t. of Campania, iii. 32. +

——, one of the Sirens, i. 34, 39. -

——, tomb of, i. 365. -

Parthi, Parthyæi, Parthians, i. 18, +

——, tomb of, i. 365. +

Parthi, Parthyæi, Parthians, i. 18, -22, 195, 196, 441; ii. 216, 241— +22, 195, 196, 441; ii. 216, 241— -245, 250—255, 263—277; iii. +245, 250—255, 263—277; iii. -97, 124—126, 131, 135, 136, 152, +97, 124—126, 131, 135, 136, 152, 159, et passim.

Parthi, Histories of, i. 178; iii. 73.

Parthia, ii. 246, 250, 251, 262, 264 -—274; iii. 124, 128, 131, 141 +—274; iii. 124, 128, 131, 141 152, 153.

Parthian autocrat, Labienus, iii. @@ -100892,20 +100892,20 @@ the Acropolis, ii. 84, 86.

Parus, one of the Liburnian islands. See Pharus. -

Paryadrēs, mtn of Armenia (Kera- +

Paryadrēs, mtn of Armenia (Kera- sun), ii. 226, 260, 267, 269, 296, 305, 306.

Parysatis, iii. 216. -

Pasargadæ, c. of Persia (Fesa), +

Pasargadæ, c. of Persia (Fesa), -iii. 116, 131—134. +iii. 116, 131—134.

Pasiani, Scythian race, ii. 245.

Pasitigris, iii. 131, 132.

Passaro, Cape. See Pachynus.

Patala, c. of India, iii. 95. -

Patalēne, distr. of India (Tatta or +

Patalēne, distr. of India (Tatta or Sindi), ii. 253; iii. 80, 83, 84, @@ -100918,140 +100918,140 @@ iii. 116, 131—134. 253.

Patavium (Padua), i. 317, 324. -

Pateisch&obreve;reis, Persian nation, iii. +

Pateischŏreis, Persian nation, iii. 130.

Patelputer. See Palibothra.

Patmos, one of the Sporades (Pat- mo), ii. 212. -

Patræ, Patreis, c. of Achæa (Pa- +

Patræ, Patreis, c. of Achæa (Pa- tras), ii. 6, 8, 69, 71, 73, 74.

Patraeus, t. of the Bosporus (Ada), ii. 222. -

Patr&obreve;clēs, i. 106—108, 115; ii. 242, +

Patrŏclēs, i. 106—108, 115; ii. 242, 243, 255; iii. 79. -

Patr&obreve;clus, leader of the Myrmidons, +

Patrŏclus, leader of the Myrmidons, ii. 26, 89, 126, 136, 343, 395. -

——, rampart of, isl., ii. 89. -

Paulus Æmilius, i. 495, 516. +

——, rampart of, isl., ii. 89. +

Paulus Æmilius, i. 495, 516.

Paunitis, ii. 269.

Pavia. See Ticinum.

Pax Augusta, t. of Spain (Beja), i. 227. -

Pēdalium, prom. of Cyprus, iii. 69. -

Pēdasa, t. of Caria, ii. 383. -

Pēdaseis, ii. 383. -

Pēdasis, ii. 383. -

Pēdasum, t. of Caria, ii. 383. -

Pēdasus, t. of the Leleges, near +

Pēdalium, prom. of Cyprus, iii. 69. +

Pēdasa, t. of Caria, ii. 383. +

Pēdaseis, ii. 383. +

Pēdasis, ii. 383. +

Pēdasum, t. of Caria, ii. 383. +

Pēdasus, t. of the Leleges, near Troy (Paitschin) i. 494; ii. 343, 375, 383, 395. -

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 35—37. +

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 35—37. Pegasitic Gulf (G. of Volo), i. 512. -

Pēgasus, ii. 62. -

Peiræeus, port of Athens. See +

Pēgasus, ii. 62. +

Peiræeus, port of Athens. See -Piræus. -

Peirēne, ftn of the Acrocorinthi, ii. +Piræus. +

Peirēne, ftn of the Acrocorinthi, ii. 62.

Peirithous, son of Ixion, ii. 137, 144. -

Peirōssus, c. of Mysia, ii. 349. -

Peirus, r. of Achæa, ii. 14, 71. -

Peirustæ, nation of Pannonia, i. +

Peirōssus, c. of Mysia, ii. 349. +

Peirus, r. of Achæa, ii. 14, 71. +

Peirustæ, nation of Pannonia, i. 483.

Peisander, poet, iii. 34, 78. -

——, son of Bellerophon, ii. +

——, son of Bellerophon, ii. 328, 409.

Peisistratus, son of Nestor. See Pisistratus. -

Pēïum, citadel of the Tolistobogii, +

Pēïum, citadel of the Tolistobogii, ii. 320. -

Pelagio. See Lechæum. +

Pelagio. See Lechæum.

Pelagonia, part of Macedonia, i. 500, 508, 514, 516. -

——, Tripolitis, i. 500, 501. +

——, Tripolitis, i. 500, 501.

Pelagonians, Pelagones, people of Macedonia, i. 501, 514; ii. 137. -

——, same as Titans, i. +

——, same as Titans, i. 514. -

Pělana, t. of Messenia, ii. 37. +

Pělana, t. of Messenia, ii. 37.

Pelargi, same as Pelasgi, ii. 87.

Pelasgi, Pelasgians, i. 328, 329, 335, 367, 493, 501, 502, 513; ii. -18, 87, 93, 105, 148, 288, 395— +18, 87, 93, 105, 148, 288, 395— 397; iii. 40.

Pelasgia, Peloponnesus, i. 329.

Pelasgian Zeus, i. 328, 329. -

—— Argos, i. 329; ii. 49, 133. -

—— temple, ii. 93. -

—— plain, ii. 139, 148. +

—— Argos, i. 329; ii. 49, 133. +

—— temple, ii. 93. +

—— plain, ii. 139, 148.

Pelasgicum, part of Athens, ii. 49. -

Pelasgitæ, same as Hellenes, i. +

Pelasgitæ, same as Hellenes, i. 329; ii. 52, 132, 146. -

Pelasgiōtis, part of Thessaly, i. 503, +

Pelasgiōtis, part of Thessaly, i. 503, 504; ii. 132, 139.

Pelasgus, i. 329. -

Pēlěgōn, father of Asteropæus, i. +

Pēlěgōn, father of Asteropæus, i. 514. -

Pělethr&obreve;nium, i. 460. -

Pēleus, ii. 115, 126,135—137,142. -

Pělias, i. 72, 74; ii. 139. -

——, daughters of, i. 72. -

Pěligni, people of Italy, i. 326, 344, +

Pělethrŏnium, i. 460. +

Pēleus, ii. 115, 126,135—137,142. +

Pělias, i. 72, 74; ii. 139. +

——, daughters of, i. 72. +

Pěligni, people of Italy, i. 326, 344, -353, 358—360. -

Pelinæum, mtn, iii. 19. +353, 358—360. +

Pelinæum, mtn, iii. 19. -

Polinnæum, t. of Histiæotis, ii. 141, +

Polinnæum, t. of Histiæotis, ii. 141, 142. -

Pēli&obreve;n, mtn of Thessaly, i. 33, 40, +

Pēliŏn, mtn of Thessaly, i. 33, 40, 311, 460, 507; ii. 130, 131, 139, -142, 144—148, 157. +142, 144—148, 157.

Pella, c. of Macedonia, i. 495, 508, 509, 516. -

——, c. of Syria, iii. 165. -

Pellæan country (Pelagonia), i. +

——, c. of Syria, iii. 165. +

Pellæan country (Pelagonia), i. 508.

Pellana, t. of Laconia, ii. 72. -

Pellene, t. of Achæa, ii. 59, 71, 72. -

——, vill. of Achæa, ii. 72. -

Pēlōdes, lake, in Epirus, i. 497. -

Pelopidæ, ii. 51, 53, 59; iii. 66. +

Pellene, t. of Achæa, ii. 59, 71, 72. +

——, vill. of Achæa, ii. 72. +

Pēlōdes, lake, in Epirus, i. 497. +

Pelopidæ, ii. 51, 53, 59; iii. 66.

Peloponnesian war, ii. 366; iii. 32.

Peloponnesians, ii. 50, 175.

Peloponnesus, i. 40, 105, 140, 158, @@ -101060,86 +101060,86 @@ Macedonia, i. 501, 514; ii. 137. 385, 400,404, 408, 478,492, 496; -ii. 2—11, 33, 34, 38, 43, 49— +ii. 2—11, 33, 34, 38, 43, 49— 51, 57, 59, 60, 68, 71, 77, 78, 80, 128, 140, 142, et passim. -

——, figure of, i. 128; ii. +

——, figure of, i. 128; ii. 5. -

——, islands, ii. 192. -

——, promontories of, i. +

——, islands, ii. 192. +

——, promontories of, i. 139; iii. 291.

Pelops, i. 492; ii. 31, 36, 39, 43, 56, 326. -

Pelorias, i. 400—404. +

Pelorias, i. 400—404.

Pelorus, monument of, i. 17. -

——, tower, i. 256. -

——, Cape (Cape Faro in Sicily), +

——, tower, i. 256. +

——, Cape (Cape Faro in Sicily), i. 34, 384. -

Peltæ, t. of Phrygia, ii. 332. +

Peltæ, t. of Phrygia, ii. 332.

Peltinian plain, in Phrygia, ii. 407. -

Pelūsiac mouth of the Nile. See +

Pelūsiac mouth of the Nile. See Nile. -

Pelūsium, c. of Egypt (Tineh), i. +

Pelūsium, c. of Egypt (Tineh), i. 55, 62, 79, 91, 129, 134, 135; ii. -217; iii. 171, 175—177, 222, +217; iii. 171, 175—177, 222, 226, 233, 241, 243. -

Pēneius, r. of Peloponnesus, ii. 8, +

Pēneius, r. of Peloponnesus, ii. 8, 9, 11. -

——, r. of Thessaly (Salampria), +

——, r. of Thessaly (Salampria), -i. 9, 328, 501, 505—507, 513; ii. +i. 9, 328, 501, 505—507, 513; ii. -4, 67, 77, 131, 134, 142, 144— +4, 67, 77, 131, 134, 142, 144— 148, 272, 397.

Penelope, Penelopeia, i. 328 ii. 50, 162, 173, 300. -

Penestæ, slaves of the Thessalians, +

Penestæ, slaves of the Thessalians, ii. 287.

Peniscola. See Cherronesus. -

Penta Dactylon. See Taÿgetum. +

Penta Dactylon. See Taÿgetum.

Pentelic marble, ii. 90.

Pentheus, ii. 103.

Penthilus, son of Orestes, ii. 94, 154, 339, 340.

Pentima. See Corfinium. -

Peparēthus, isl. (Scopelo), i. 187; +

Peparēthus, isl. (Scopelo), i. 187; ii. 140.

Perasia. See Diana.

Percope, ii. 351. -

Percōtē, t. of Mysia (Bergas), ii. +

Percōtē, t. of Mysia (Bergas), ii. -344—346, 350, 351. +344—346, 350, 351.

Perdiccas, ii. 394; iii. 229. -

Pergamēnē, ii. 326, 332. +

Pergamēnē, ii. 326, 332.

Pergamum, c. of Mysia, ii. 387, -389—402; iii. 66. +389—402; iii. 66.

Pergamus, ii. 379; iii. 46. -

Pergē, t. of Pamphylia (Murtana), +

Pergē, t. of Pamphylia (Murtana), iii. 49.

Periander, tyrant of Corinth, ii. 366. -

Perias, t. of Eubœa, ii. 152. +

Perias, t. of Eubœa, ii. 152.

Pericles, ii. 84, 152; iii. 9. -

Périgord, inhabitants of. See Pe- +

Périgord, inhabitants of. See Pe- trocorii.

Perinthus, c. of Thrace, i. 515, 518. @@ -101147,20 +101147,20 @@ trocorii. 500.

Periscii, i. 146. -

Permēssus, r. of Bœotia, ii. 101, +

Permēssus, r. of Bœotia, ii. 101, 108. -

Perperēna, t. of Mysia, ii. 376. +

Perperēna, t. of Mysia, ii. 376.

Perperna, iii. 21. -

Perrhæbi, people of Thessaly, i. 96, +

Perrhæbi, people of Thessaly, i. 96, -410, 507; ii. 10, 137, 141, 143— +410, 507; ii. 10, 137, 141, 143— 147, 153, 158. -

Perrhæbia, ii. 144—147. -

Perrhæbic cities, ii. 145. -

Perrhæbis, ii. 144. -

Persepolis, i. 122, 123; iii. 130— +

Perrhæbia, ii. 144—147. +

Perrhæbic cities, ii. 145. +

Perrhæbis, ii. 144. +

Persepolis, i. 122, 123; iii. 130— 133.

Perseus, i. 202, 439, 495, 509, 516; @@ -101168,13 +101168,13 @@ trocorii. ii. 41, 59, 108, 211, 315, 400; iii. 208, 239, 259. -

Persia, i. 117, 122—126, 131, 132, +

Persia, i. 117, 122—126, 131, 132, -201; ii. 240, 254—274, 293; iii, +201; ii. 240, 254—274, 293; iii, 34, 109, 113, 120, 124, 125, 128 -—142, 188, 208, 213. +—142, 188, 208, 213. @@ -101184,14 +101184,14 @@ ii. 41, 59, 108, 211, 315, 400; iii.

Persian Sea, ii. 219, 257; iii. 146, 149, 186, 188. -

—— gates, iii. 132. -

—— palaces, i. 331. -

—— war, i. 518; ii. 7, 57. -

—— Gulf, i. 68, 121, 123, 124, +

—— gates, iii. 132. +

—— palaces, i. 331. +

—— war, i. 518; ii. 7, 57. +

—— Gulf, i. 68, 121, 123, 124, 129, 183, 196, 261; ii. 266, 267, -270, 271; iii. 88, 120, 125—129, +270, 271; iii. 88, 120, 125—129, 132, 146, 185, 186, 188, 215.

Persians, i. 17, 41, 96, 196, 463; @@ -101199,69 +101199,69 @@ ii. 41, 59, 108, 211, 315, 400; iii. ii. 84, 87, 94, 96, 108, 130, 155, 181; iii, 35. -

Perūsia, c. of Etruria (Perugia), i. +

Perūsia, c. of Etruria (Perugia), i. 335, 336.

Pescara. See Aternum.

Pessinuntis, cognomen of Rhea, ii. 184. -

—— (Possene), ii. 184. -

Pessinūs, c. of Phrygia (Bala His- +

—— (Possene), ii. 184. +

Pessinūs, c. of Phrygia (Bala His- sar), ii. 320, 332.

Pesti. See Posidonia.

Petalia, isl., ii. 151. -

Peteon, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 106. +

Peteon, vill. of Bœotia, ii. 106.

Peteus, ii. 83.

Petilia, t. of the Lucani, i. 378. -

Petnēlissus, t. of Pisidia (Kislid- +

Petnēlissus, t. of Pisidia (Kislid- scha-koi), iii. 49. -

Pětra Nabatæōn, c. of Arabia, iii. +

Pětra Nabatæōn, c. of Arabia, iii. 189, 204, 209, 211. See Tilphos- sium. -

Pětrēius, legate of Pompey, i. 242. -

Pětrocorii, people of Aquitania (in- +

Pětrēius, legate of Pompey, i. 242. +

Pětrocorii, people of Aquitania (in- -habitants of Périgord), i. 284. +habitants of Périgord), i. 284.

Petronius, prefect of Egypt, iii. 222; -267—269. -

Peucē, isl. of the Danube (Piczina), +267—269. +

Peucē, isl. of the Danube (Piczina), i. 463, 464, 470. -

Peucětii, people of Italy, i. 315, +

Peucětii, people of Italy, i. 315, 422, 423, 428, 431, 432, 436.

Peucini, people of the Bastarni, i. 469, 470. -

Peucolaïtis, c. of India, iii. 90. +

Peucolaïtis, c. of India, iii. 90.

Phabda, t. of Pontus, ii. 296.

Phabra, isl. near Attica, ii. 89.

Phabrateria, t. of Latium. See Fa- brateria. -

Phaccūssa, c. of Egypt, iii. 245. -

Phæaces, Phæeces, Phæacians, i. +

Phaccūssa, c. of Egypt, iii. 245. +

Phæaces, Phæeces, Phæacians, i. 39; ii. 122, 190. -

Phædimus, i. 65. -

Phædon, ii. 82. -

Phædrus, leader of the Athenians, +

Phædimus, i. 65. +

Phædon, ii. 82. +

Phædrus, leader of the Athenians, ii. 153. -

——, dialogue of Plato, i. 452; +

——, dialogue of Plato, i. 452; ii. 91. -

Phæstus, c. of Crete (Hodyitra), ii. +

Phæstus, c. of Crete (Hodyitra), ii. 196, n., 200. -

Phaetōn, son of the Sun, i. 320. -

—— tragedy of Euripides, i. +

Phaetōn, son of the Sun, i. 320. +

—— tragedy of Euripides, i. 52.

Phagres, t. of Macedonia, i. 512. @@ -101273,50 +101273,50 @@ ii. 91. 497.

Phalanna, t. of Thessaly, ii. 144. -

Phalannæi, ii. 144. +

Phalannæi, ii. 144.

Phalanthus, i. 424, 425, 430.

Phalara, t. of Thessaly (Stillida), i. 94; ii. 137, 138.

Phalasarna, t. of Crete, ii. 193, 200.

Phalces, ii. 77. -

Phalēreis, demus of Attica, ii. 89. +

Phalēreis, demus of Attica, ii. 89.

Phalericum, ii. 91.

Phalerii, people of Etruria, i. 335. -

Phalērus, iii. 70. +

Phalērus, iii. 70.

Phalisci, people and city of Etruria, i. 335.

Phaliscum, c. of Etruria, i. 335. -

Phanæ, port of the island of Chios +

Phanæ, port of the island of Chios (Porto Mustico), iii. 18. -

Phanag&obreve;ria, Phanagoreia, Phana- +

Phanagŏria, Phanagoreia, Phana- goreium, c. of the Bosporani, i. 472, 477; ii. 223. -

Phanarœa, distr. of Pontus, i. 113; +

Phanarœa, distr. of Pontus, i. 113; ii. 295, 305, 309, 311.

Phanias, ii. 210, 392. -

Phan&obreve;teis, ii. 101. -

Phan&obreve;teus, c. of Phocis, ii. 122, +

Phanŏteis, ii. 101. +

Phanŏteus, c. of Phocis, ii. 122, 123.

Phaon, ii. 162. -

Phara, c. of Achæa, ii. 71, 74. -

——, c. of Messenia, see Phēræ, +

Phara, c. of Achæa, ii. 71, 74. +

——, c. of Messenia, see Phēræ, ii. 74. -

——, t. of the Carthaginians, iii. +

——, t. of the Carthaginians, iii. 285. -

Pharæ, village near Tanagra, ii. +

Pharæ, village near Tanagra, ii. 99. -

——, c. of Thessaly. See Pheræ. -

Pharätæ, in Messenia, ii. 74. +

——, c. of Thessaly. See Pheræ. +

Pharätæ, in Messenia, ii. 74.

Pharbetite nome, iii. 240. @@ -101324,15 +101324,15 @@ ii. 74. -

Pharcadōn, c. of Thessaly, ii. 142. -

Phareis, Pharieis (Pharæeis?), in +

Pharcadōn, c. of Thessaly, ii. 142. +

Phareis, Pharieis (Pharæeis?), in -Achæa, ii. 73. +Achæa, ii. 73.

Pharenses, inhabitants of Phara, ii. 74.

Pharis, c. of Laconia, ii. 40. -

Pharmacussæ, islands near Salamis, +

Pharmacussæ, islands near Salamis, ii. 85.

Pharnaces, king of the Bosporani, @@ -101350,42 +101350,42 @@ iii. 61. 59, 88, 91, 211; iii. 226, 227, 238, 240. -

——, tower or lighthouse on the +

——, tower or lighthouse on the island, ii. 280; iii. 230. -

——, one of the Liburnian islands +

——, one of the Liburnian islands (Lesina), i. 186, 484.

Pharsalia, ii. 132; iii. 233.

Pharsalii, ii. 134, 135.

Pharsalus, mtn, ii. 32. -

——, c. of Thessaly, anciently +

——, c. of Thessaly, anciently -Palæpharsalus, now Satalda, ii. +Palæpharsalus, now Satalda, ii. -133—136; iii. 233. -

——, New, on the Enipeus, ii. +133—136; iii. 233. +

——, New, on the Enipeus, ii. -133—136, 155. +133—136, 155.

Pharusii, people of Libya, i. 198; iii. 277, 280. -

Pharygæ, c. of Locris, ii. 127. -

——, c. of Argolis, ii. 127. -

Pharygæa Juno, ii. 127. +

Pharygæ, c. of Locris, ii. 127. +

——, c. of Argolis, ii. 127. +

Pharygæa Juno, ii. 127.

Pharygium, prom. of Phocis, ii. 122.

Pharziris, same as Parysatis, iii. 216. -

Phasēlis, t. of Lycia (Tirikowa), iii. +

Phasēlis, t. of Lycia (Tirikowa), iii. 48, 49, 55. -

Phāsis, c. of Colchis, i. 440; ii. +

Phāsis, c. of Colchis, i. 440; ii. 225, 227, 230. -

——, r. of Colchis (Rion), i. 71, +

——, r. of Colchis (Rion), i. 71, 72, 82, 138, 457; ii. 225, 227, @@ -101393,46 +101393,46 @@ iii. 277, 280.

Phatnitic mouth of the Nile, iii. 239, 240. -

Phauēne (? Phasiane), distr. of +

Phauēne (? Phasiane), distr. of Armenia, ii. 268.

Phaunitis, distr. of Armenia, ii. 269.

Phayllus, ii. 119. -

Phazēmon, c. of Pontus, ii. 311. -

Phazēmonitæ, ii. 311. -

Phazēmonitis, ii. 310, 311. -

Phea, Pheæ, Pheia, c. of Pisatis, +

Phazēmon, c. of Pontus, ii. 311. +

Phazēmonitæ, ii. 311. +

Phazēmonitis, ii. 310, 311. +

Phea, Pheæ, Pheia, c. of Pisatis, ii. 16, 22, 25, 26. -

——, prom. of Pisatis, ii. 15. +

——, prom. of Pisatis, ii. 15.

Pheidippus, iii. 31. -

Pheidōn, ii. 34, 58. -

Phellōn, r. of Triphylia, ii. 16. +

Pheidōn, ii. 34, 58. +

Phellōn, r. of Triphylia, ii. 16.

Phellos, stronghold of Lycia, iii. 47. -

Phēm&obreve;noē, ii. 117. -

Phěněus, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75, 76. -

Phēræ, Phēra, c. of Messenia. See +

Phēmŏnoē, ii. 117. +

Phěněus, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75, 76. +

Phēræ, Phēra, c. of Messenia. See -Phara, ii. 35—37, 46, 74. -

Phěræ, c. of Thessaly (Velestina), +Phara, ii. 35—37, 46, 74. +

Phěræ, c. of Thessaly (Velestina), ii. 139, 148, 235, 272. -

Phēræa (Heræa?), c. of Arcadia, +

Phēræa (Heræa?), c. of Arcadia, ii. 32, 42. -

Phěræi, ii. 143. -

Phěrěcydes, Syrian, i. 28, 254; ii. +

Phěræi, ii. 143. +

Phěrěcydes, Syrian, i. 28, 254; ii. 167, 190, 211; iii. 2, 15. -

——, Athenian, ii. 211. -

Phēsti or Festi, t. of Latium, i. +

——, Athenian, ii. 211. +

Phēsti or Festi, t. of Latium, i. 341. -

Phidēnæ or Fidenæ, t. of Latium, +

Phidēnæ or Fidenæ, t. of Latium, i. 335, 341.

Phidias, of Athens, ii. 29, 53, 86, @@ -101442,30 +101442,30 @@ i. 335, 341.

Philadelpheia, t. of Lydia. (Ala Schehr), ii. 335, 406. -

Philadelphia, t. of Judæa, iii. 177, +

Philadelphia, t. of Judæa, iii. 177, 181.

Philadelphus. See Ptolemy. -

Philæ, isl. and c. of Upper Egypt, +

Philæ, isl. and c. of Upper Egypt, i. 64; iii. 243, 265, 267. -

Philæni, altars of the, i. 256, 257; +

Philæni, altars of the, i. 256, 257; iii. 290, 291. -

Philalēthēs, ii. 336. -

Philēmōn, comic poet, iii. 55. -

Philětærus, ii. 198, 307. -

——, founder of the Attali, ii. +

Philalēthēs, ii. 336. +

Philēmōn, comic poet, iii. 55. +

Philětærus, ii. 198, 307. +

——, founder of the Attali, ii. 289, 399, 400. -

——, son of Attalus, ii. 400. -

Philētes, poet, ii. 42; iii. 36. +

——, son of Attalus, ii. 400. +

Philētes, poet, ii. 42; iii. 36.

Philip, son of Amyntas, i. 463, 492, 508, 509, 512, 513; ii. 38, 39, 56, 64, 111; iii. 165, et passim. -

——, city of, i. 512. +

——, city of, i. 512. @@ -101475,160 +101475,160 @@ iii. 290, 291.

Philip, father of Perseus, i. 439; ii. 38, 146, 315. -

——, tyrant of the Areitæ, ii. 152. -

——, Pseudo, ii. 401. -

——, isl. of, in the Arabian Gulf, +

——, tyrant of the Areitæ, ii. 152. +

——, Pseudo, ii. 401. +

——, isl. of, in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 199.

Philipopolis, c. of Macedonia, i. 514.

Philippi, c. of Macedonia, i. 515. -

——, battle of, iii. 58. +

——, battle of, iii. 58.

Philippus, historian, iii. 41. -

Philisteides, tyrant of Eubœa, ii. +

Philisteides, tyrant of Eubœa, ii. 152.

Philo, historian, i. 119. -

——, architect, ii. 85. +

——, architect, ii. 85.

Philochorus, i. 502; ii. 39, 81, 88, 97. -

Philoctētēs, i. 378, 411; ii. 134, +

Philoctētēs, i. 378, 411; ii. 134, 140, 148. -

Philodēmus, of Gadara, Epicurean, +

Philodēmus, of Gadara, Epicurean, iii. 175. -

Phil&obreve;gěnes, founder of Phocæa, +

Philŏgěnes, founder of Phocæa, iii. 3.

Philomela, sister of Procne, ii. 122. -

Philomēlium, t. of Phrygia (Ak- +

Philomēlium, t. of Phrygia (Ak- Schehr), ii. 333; iii. 43. -

Philōn, in Egypt, iii. 245. +

Philōn, in Egypt, iii. 245.

Philonomus, ii. 43. -

Philopœmen, ii. 71. -

Philōtas, founder of Priene, iii. +

Philopœmen, ii. 71. +

Philōtas, founder of Priene, iii. 2, 7. -

——, son of Parmenio, iii. 60, +

——, son of Parmenio, iii. 60, 125. -

Philōtěra, c. of Egypt (Kosseir), iii. +

Philōtěra, c. of Egypt (Kosseir), iii. 193. -

——, sister of Ptolemy II., +

——, sister of Ptolemy II., iii. 193.

Phineus, i. 465. -

Phin&obreve;polis, t. of Thrace, i. 490. +

Phinŏpolis, t. of Thrace, i. 490.

Phirmum, or Firmum Picenum, t. of Picenus, i. 357.

Phlegra, i. 364, 511. -

——, ancient name of Pallene, +

——, ancient name of Pallene, i. 510, 511. -

Phlegræan plain, i. 361. -

Phlegyæ, people of Thessaly, i. +

Phlegræan plain, i. 361. +

Phlegyæ, people of Thessaly, i. 507; ii. 147.

Phlegyas, brother of Ixion, ii. 147.

Phliasia, ii. 66.

Phligadia, mtn, i. 308. -

Phliūs, c. of Argolis, ii. 60, 66, 71. -

Phōcæ, island of, iii. 204. -

Phōcæa, c. of Ionia (Karadscha- +

Phliūs, c. of Argolis, ii. 60, 66, 71. +

Phōcæ, island of, iii. 204. +

Phōcæa, c. of Ionia (Karadscha- Fokia), i. 376, 493; ii. 339, 368, 403; iii. 2,3, 21. -

Phōcæi, Phocæans, Phocæïs, Pho- +

Phōcæi, Phocæans, Phocæïs, Pho- -cæenses, and Phocenses, i. 235, +cæenses, and Phocenses, i. 235, 268, 280, 375, 397; ii. 2, 101.

Phocian mtns, ii. 101. -

—— towns, ii. 101. +

—— towns, ii. 101.

Phocis, i. 95; ii. 4, 6, 62, 78, 93, -99, 104, 106, 113—124, 350. -

Phōcōn-nesoi or Seals' Island, in +99, 104, 106, 113—124, 350. +

Phōcōn-nesoi or Seals' Island, in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 199, 204.

Phocylides, ii. 212. -

Phœbia, same as Rhegium, i. 387. -

Phœbus. See Apollo, i. 452. -

Phœnice, c. of Epirus, i. 497. -

Phœnicia, Phœnïce, i. 8, 15, 41, 59 +

Phœbia, same as Rhegium, i. 387. +

Phœbus. See Apollo, i. 452. +

Phœnice, c. of Epirus, i. 497. +

Phœnicia, Phœnïce, i. 8, 15, 41, 59 -—61, 63—65, 68, 90, 91, 189, +—61, 63—65, 68, 90, 91, 189, 235, 256; iii. 50, 52, 56, 67, 140, -148, 160, 167, 171—173, 177. -

Phœnician expenditure, i. 258. -

Phœnicians, i. 3, 4, 65, 66, 68, 76, +148, 160, 167, 171—173, 177. +

Phœnician expenditure, i. 258. +

Phœnicians, i. 3, 4, 65, 66, 68, 76, -224—226, 252, 259, 262, 334, +224—226, 252, 259, 262, 334, 493; ii. 93, 304; iii. 289. -

——, islands of the, i. 194. -

Phœnicis, c. of Bœotia, same as +

——, islands of the, i. 194. +

Phœnicis, c. of Bœotia, same as -Měděōn, ii. 106, 107. -

Phœnicium, mtn of Bœotia, ii. 106. -

Phœnicodes, i. 421. -

Phœnicon, iii. 209. -

Phœnicus, mtn of Lycia (Ianar- +Měděōn, ii. 106, 107. +

Phœnicium, mtn of Bœotia, ii. 106. +

Phœnicodes, i. 421. +

Phœnicon, iii. 209. +

Phœnicus, mtn of Lycia (Ianar- tasch), iii. 48. -

——, c. and port of Marmara, +

——, c. and port of Marmara, iii. 235. -

Phœnicussa, one of the Lipari Is- +

Phœnicussa, one of the Lipari Is- lands, i. 420. -

Phœnix, king of the Dolopes, ii. +

Phœnix, king of the Dolopes, ii. 132, 133, 142, 143. -

——, mtn of Caria, iii. 28, 29. -

——, fortress of Caria, iii. 29. -

——, t. of Crete (Castel Franco), +

——, mtn of Caria, iii. 28, 29. +

——, fortress of Caria, iii. 29. +

——, t. of Crete (Castel Franco), ii. 194. -

——, r. of Phthiotis, ii. 129. +

——, r. of Phthiotis, ii. 129.

Pholegandrus, one of the Cyclades (Policandro), ii. 207, 209. -

Ph&obreve;loe, mtn of Arcadia (Mauro +

Phŏloe, mtn of Arcadia (Mauro vuni), ii. 7, 9, 33, 76, 347.

Phorcys, iii. 66. -

Phōrōn, port of Attica, ii. 85. +

Phōrōn, port of Attica, ii. 85. -

Phorōneus, ii. 188. -

Phorōnis, ii. 188. +

Phorōneus, ii. 188. +

Phorōnis, ii. 188.

Phosphorus, temple of, i. 211.

Phraates, i. 441; iii. 97, 159, 160. -

Phranicatēs, iii. 164. +

Phranicatēs, iii. 164.

Phrentani, i. 432.

Phricius, mtn of Locris, ii. 340, 396. -

Phricōnis, Cume, ii. 340. -

——, Larisa, ii. 397. +

Phricōnis, Cume, ii. 340. +

——, Larisa, ii. 397.

Phrixa, t. of Triphylia, ii. 15.

Phrixeium, temple of Phrixus, i. @@ -101641,56 +101641,56 @@ gians, ii. 298. ii. 180, 185, 188, 191, 276, 283, -284, 289, 307, 314, 326—337, 345, +284, 289, 307, 314, 326—337, 345, 351, 407, 409; iii. 43, 60, 66, 188. -

——, the Greater, ii. 319—321, +

——, the Greater, ii. 319—321, 326, 332. -

——,the Less, ii. 315, 326. -

——, Lower, i. 78. -

—— Epictetus, i. 195; ii. 289, +

——,the Less, ii. 315, 326. +

——, Lower, i. 78. +

—— Epictetus, i. 195; ii. 289, 314, 315, 320, 326, 332. -

——-, the goddess, ii. 184. +

——-, the goddess, ii. 184.

Phrygian hare, i. 58.

Phrygians, i. 41, 452, 510, 514; ii. -180, 184—188, 191, 277, 290, +180, 184—188, 191, 277, 290, -298, 301, 304, 316—334; iii. 63, +298, 301, 304, 316—334; iii. 63, 66, 67.

Phrygius, r. of Lydia and Ionia, ii. 403. -

Phrynæ, people of India, ii. 253. +

Phrynæ, people of India, ii. 253.

Phrynichus, tragic poet, iii. 5.

Phryno, ii. 365, 366.

Phtheirophagi, ii. 219, 225.

Phtheiron, mtn, iii. 6.

Phthia, part of Thessaly, ii. 67, 132 -—137, 142, 143. +—137, 142, 143.

Phthii, ii. 134. -

Phthiōtæ, ii. 43, 68, 131, 136, 137. -

Phthiotides Thēbæ, ii. 133—138. -

Phthiōtis, part of Thessaly, ii. 128, +

Phthiōtæ, ii. 43, 68, 131, 136, 137. +

Phthiotides Thēbæ, ii. 133—138. +

Phthiōtis, part of Thessaly, ii. 128, -132—139. -

——, Achæan, i. 71. -

Phycūs, prom. of Cyrenea (Ras-al- +132—139. +

——, Achæan, i. 71. +

Phycūs, prom. of Cyrenea (Ras-al- Razat), ii. 41; iii. 292. -

Phycūs, t. of Cyrenæa, iii. 292. -

Phylacē, c. of Phthiotis, ii. 135, +

Phycūs, t. of Cyrenæa, iii. 292. +

Phylacē, c. of Phthiotis, ii. 135, 138.

Phylarchi, i. 196.

Phyleides, vill. of Attica, ii. 87. -

——, ii. 167. +

——, ii. 167.

Phyleus, ii. 170.

Phyllus, c. of Thessaly, ii. 138.

Physee, ii. 406. @@ -101707,19 +101707,19 @@ pania, i. 374.

Picentine boundary, i. 359.

Picentini, i. 339, 357, 373.

Picenum, i. 338, 357, 358, 360. -

Pictæ, i. 351, 352. +

Pictæ, i. 351, 352.

Pictones (capital Poictiers), i. 283, 284. -

Pieres, Pieriōtæ, people of Macedo- +

Pieres, Pieriōtæ, people of Macedo- nia, i. 506; ii. 105, 147. -

Piěria, Pieris, distr. of Macedonia, +

Piěria, Pieris, distr. of Macedonia, -i. 41, 506—509, 514; ii. 105. -

——, mtn in Thrace, ii. 187. -

——, distr. of Syria, iii. 61, 161. -

——, mtn of Syria, iii. 164. +i. 41, 506—509, 514; ii. 105. +

——, mtn in Thrace, ii. 187. +

——, distr. of Syria, iii. 61, 161. +

——, mtn of Syria, iii. 164.

Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar and Ceuta), i. 8, 32, 38, 50, 61, 75, @@ -101730,9 +101730,9 @@ Ceuta), i. 8, 32, 38, 50, 61, 75, 130, 131, 135, 136, 140, 153, -158—164, 173, 179, 180, 183— +158—164, 173, 179, 180, 183— -185, 190—192, 194, 197, 198, +185, 190—192, 194, 197, 198, 205, 206, 210, 215, 216, 218, @@ -101741,8 +101741,8 @@ Ceuta), i. 8, 32, 38, 50, 61, 75, 241, 253, 255, 256, 258; iii. 240, 275, 276, 286. -

Pimōlisa, t. of Pontus, ii. 313. -

Pimolisēne, Pimolitis, distr. of +

Pimōlisa, t. of Pontus, ii. 313. +

Pimolisēne, Pimolitis, distr. of Pontus, ii. 302, 312, 313.

Pimpla, Pimpleia, t. of Macedonia, @@ -101770,11 +101770,11 @@ i. 508; ii. 105, 187. 16, 19, 33, 108, 240.

Pindus, mtn of Thessaly, i. 410, -501, 505, 507; ii. 128—135, 137, +501, 505, 507; ii. 128—135, 137, -141—147, 158. -

——, t. of Locris, ii. 128, 137. -

——, r. of Locris, ii. 128. +141—147, 158. +

——, t. of Locris, ii. 128, 137. +

——, r. of Locris, ii. 128.

Pineta di Castel Volturno See Gallinarian wood. @@ -101783,65 +101783,65 @@ Gallinarian wood. ii. 381.

Pira. See Pyrrha. -

Piræeus, same as Amisus, ii. 294. -

Piræus, i. 91; ii. 79, 85, 87, 89, +

Piræeus, same as Amisus, ii. 294. +

Piræus, i. 91; ii. 79, 85, 87, 89, 91; iii. 32.

Pirithous, i. 76, 507.

Pisa, tract of country, ii. 32. -

——, c. of Elis, ii. 31, 32. -

——, ftn, ii. 31, 32. -

——, c. of Etruria, i. 315, 323, +

——, c. of Elis, ii. 31, 32. +

——, ftn, ii. 31, 32. +

——, c. of Etruria, i. 315, 323, 329, 330, 334. -

Pisātæ, in Elis, i. 330; ii. 9, 15, +

Pisātæ, in Elis, i. 330; ii. 9, 15, 28, 30, 31, 33, 39. -

——, in Etruria, i. 331, 334. -

Pisātis, distr. of Elis, i. 330; ii. 8, +

——, in Etruria, i. 331, 334. +

Pisātis, distr. of Elis, i. 330; ii. 8, -11. 13—16. 28. 30—34. 45 53, +11. 13—16. 28. 30—34. 45 53, 56, 59. -

——, territory of Pisa, i. 315, +

——, territory of Pisa, i. 315, 330.

Pisidia, land of Asia, i. 32, 54; ii. -307, 322—326, 332, 383, 409; +307, 322—326, 332, 383, 409; iii. 48, 54, 63. -

——, mtns, iii. 47, 48. -

——, cities, ii, 324—326. -

——, Taurus, i. 195; ii. 319. +

——, mtns, iii. 47, 48. +

——, cities, ii, 324—326. +

——, Taurus, i. 195; ii. 319.

Pisidians, i. 195; ii. 216, 304, 322 -—324, 407, 409. +—324, 407, 409.

Pisilis, t. of Caria, iii. 28.

Pisistratus, son of Nestor, ii. 25, 46. -

——, tyrant of Athens, ii. +

——, tyrant of Athens, ii. 83, 88 -

Piso, Cnæus, praefect of Libya, i. +

Piso, Cnæus, praefect of Libya, i. 197. -

——, Carbo, i. 319. -

——, Ahenobarbus, i. 277. -

——, son of Pompey, i. 213. -

Pissūri, ii. 245. -

Pitanæi, ii. 383. -

Pitanātæ, in Samnium, i. 372. +

——, Carbo, i. 319. +

——, Ahenobarbus, i. 277. +

——, son of Pompey, i. 213. +

Pissūri, ii. 245. +

Pitanæi, ii. 383. +

Pitanātæ, in Samnium, i. 372.

Pitane, t. of Mysia (Tschandarlik), ii. 339, 376, 387, 389, 398. -

Pithecūssa, Pithecūssæ, isl. (Is- +

Pithecūssa, Pithecūssæ, isl. (Is- chia), i. 84, 89, 93, 185, 368, 369, 386, 387, 404. -

Pithecussæans, i. 365. +

Pithecussæans, i. 365.

Pitnisus, t. of Lycaonia, ii. 321.

Pittacus, ii. 366, 391, 392.

Pittheus, son of Pelops, ii. 56. @@ -101849,44 +101849,44 @@ chia), i. 84, 89, 93, 185, 368, 346, 349, 371.

Pityassus, t. of Pisidia, ii. 324. -

Pityocamptēs, ii. 80. -

Pityūs, vill. of the Troad, ii. 349. -

—— the Great, part of the coast +

Pityocamptēs, ii. 80. +

Pityūs, vill. of the Troad, ii. 349. +

—— the Great, part of the coast of Colchis, ii. 225, 226. -

Pityūssa, ancient name of Lampsa- +

Pityūssa, ancient name of Lampsa- cus, Salamis, and Chios, q. v. ii. 83. -

Pityūssæ, islands, i. 251. -

Pixōdarus, king of Caria, iii. 35. +

Pityūssæ, islands, i. 251. +

Pixōdarus, king of Caria, iii. 35.

Placentia, t. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. -322—325. -

—— (Piacenza), i. 322, 323, +322—325. +

—— (Piacenza), i. 322, 323, 325.

Placus, mtn, ii. 343, 386.

Planasia (Isle St. Honorat), i. 185, 239, 276. -

Planctæ, or Wandering Rocks, i. +

Planctæ, or Wandering Rocks, i. 32, 224, 256. -

Platææ, c. of Boeotia, ii. 66, 94, +

Platææ, c. of Boeotia, ii. 66, 94, 100, 104, 107, 108, 111. -

——, vill. of Sicyon, ii. 108. -

Platæans, ii. 100. -

Platamōdes, prom. of Messenia, ii. +

——, vill. of Sicyon, ii. 108. +

Platæans, ii. 100. +

Platamōdes, prom. of Messenia, ii. 22.

Platana. See Hermonassa.

Platanistus, shore of Cilicia, iii. 52. -

——-, same as Macistus, ii. +

——-, same as Macistus, ii. 18.

Plato, i. 154, 390, 452, 462, 464; @@ -101897,32 +101897,32 @@ ii. 91, 183, 188, 197, 353, 354, 240.

Plax, ii. 386. -

Pleias, Plēïas, Plēïades, constel- +

Pleias, Plēïas, Plēïades, constel- lation, iii. 59, 82, 83, 126, 274.

Pleistus, r. of Phocis, ii. 116. -

Plēmyrium, c. of India, iii. 89. +

Plēmyrium, c. of India, iii. 89. -

Pleræi, people of Dalmatia, i. 484, +

Pleræi, people of Dalmatia, i. 484, 485. -

Pleurōn, c. of Ætolia, Old and +

Pleurōn, c. of Ætolia, Old and New, ii. 72, 159, 160, 171, 172, 175, 178, 179. -

Pleurōnia, ii. 160, 178, 179. -

Pleurōnii, ii. 160, 173, 176. +

Pleurōnia, ii. 160, 178, 179. +

Pleurōnii, ii. 160, 173, 176.

Pleutauri, people of Spain, i. 233. -

Plinthinē, c. of Egypt, iii. 236. +

Plinthinē, c. of Egypt, iii. 236.

Plumbaria, isl. (S. Pola), i. 239. -

Plūtiadēs, iii. 59. -

Plūto, i. 220; iii. 25. +

Plūtiadēs, iii. 59. +

Plūto, i. 220; iii. 25.

Plutonium, i. 363; ii. 408; iii. 25.

Plutus, i. 220, 221.

Plynos, port of Marmara, iii. 294. @@ -101938,58 +101938,58 @@ lentia?), i. 357.

Podalirius, heroum or shrine of, i. 434. -

Podarcēs, brother of Protesilaus, ii. +

Podarcēs, brother of Protesilaus, ii. 134. -

Pœaessa, t. of Laconia, ii. 37. -

Pœcile, iii. 54. -

Pœdicli, same as Peucětii, i. 423, +

Pœaessa, t. of Laconia, ii. 37. +

Pœcile, iii. 54. +

Pœdicli, same as Peucětii, i. 423, 431. -

Pœeïssa, t. of the isl. of Ceos, ii. +

Pœeïssa, t. of the isl. of Ceos, ii. 210. -

Pœmandris, same as Tanagra, ii. +

Pœmandris, same as Tanagra, ii. 96. -

Pœum. See Bœum, i. 505. -

Pœus, mtn of Thessaly, i. 501. -

Pōgōn, port of Trœzen, ii. 55. -

P&obreve;la, t. of Istria,i. 73, 313, 321, 483. -

P&obreve;lěmōn, son of Pharnaces, king +

Pœum. See Bœum, i. 505. +

Pœus, mtn of Thessaly, i. 501. +

Pōgōn, port of Trœzen, ii. 55. +

Pŏla, t. of Istria,i. 73, 313, 321, 483. +

Pŏlěmōn, son of Pharnaces, king of Pontus, ii. 220, 223, 224, 305, 322. -

——,of Laodicea, son of Zeno, +

——,of Laodicea, son of Zeno, ii. 334. -

——, philosopher, ii. 387. -

——, Periēgētēs, i. 23; ii. 86. +

——, philosopher, ii. 387. +

——, Periēgētēs, i. 23; ii. 86.

Polentia, t. of the largest of the -Balearic Islands (Pollença), i. +Balearic Islands (Pollença), i. 251.

Policandro. See Pholegandrus.

Polichna, ii. 84, 371, 376. -

P&obreve;lieum, t of Lucania, i. 397. +

Pŏlieum, t of Lucania, i. 397.

Polina. See Apollonia.

Polino. See Prepesinthus. -

P&obreve;lisma, Polium, t. of the Troad, +

Pŏlisma, Polium, t. of the Troad, ii. 368.

Polites, companion of Ulysses, i. 380. -

——, son of Priam, ii. 364. +

——, son of Priam, ii. 364.

Polium, ii. 368.

Pollentia. See Polentia. -

Polty&obreve;bria, t. of Thrace, i. 490. +

Poltyŏbria, t. of Thrace, i. 490.

Polyanus, mtn of Epirus, i. 501.

Polybius, historian, i. 1, 23, 31, 35, -36, 38, 39, 145, 147, 148, 156— +36, 38, 39, 145, 147, 148, 156— 164, 209, 222, 226, 244, 256, 258, @@ -102000,50 +102000,50 @@ ii. 368. 481, 487, 495, 518; ii. 1, 51, 64, 77, 120, 251; iii. 234, et passim. -

Polybōtēs, ii. 213. +

Polybōtēs, ii. 213.

Polybus, ii. 64. -

P&obreve;lycasta, mother of Penelope, ii. +

Pŏlycasta, mother of Penelope, ii. 173.

Polycles, ii. 288.

Polycletus, historian, ii. 243, 244; iii. 130, 139, 150. -

——, statuary, ii. 53. +

——, statuary, ii. 53.

Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, iii. 8, 9.

Polydamas, Trojan, ii. 364.

Polydamna, iii. 238. -

Polydectēs, brother of Lycurgus, +

Polydectēs, brother of Lycurgus, ii. 203, 204. -

——, king of the Seriphii, ii. +

——, king of the Seriphii, ii. 211. -

Polydōrus, son of Priam, ii. 344. -

Polymēdium, t. of the Troad, ii. +

Polydōrus, son of Priam, ii. 344. +

Polymēdium, t. of the Troad, ii. 376, 390.

Polymnastus, iii. 16.

Polynices, ii. 21.

Polyphagi, i. 299; ii. 239. -

Polypœtēs, king of the Lapithæ, ii. +

Polypœtēs, king of the Lapithæ, ii. 143, 145. -

Polyp&obreve;rus, r. of the Troad. See +

Polypŏrus, r. of the Troad. See Heptaporus, ii. 371. -

Polyrrhēnii, in the island of Crete, +

Polyrrhēnii, in the island of Crete, ii. 200. -

Polystephanus, same as Præneste, +

Polystephanus, same as Præneste, i. 354. -

Polytimētus, r. of Sogdiana, ii. +

Polytimētus, r. of Sogdiana, ii. 254. -

Polyxěna, tragedy of Sophocles, ii. +

Polyxěna, tragedy of Sophocles, ii. 186. @@ -102052,144 +102052,144 @@ i. 354. -

Pomentïne plain in Latium, i. 344, +

Pomentïne plain in Latium, i. 344, 346.

Pometia, i. 344. -

Pompædius, leader of the Marsi +

Pompædius, leader of the Marsi (Quintus Pompedius Silo), i. 359. -

Pompēia, Pompæa, t. of Campania +

Pompēia, Pompæa, t. of Campania (Pompeii), i. 367, 368, 374.

Pompeiopolis, c. of Paphlagonia (Tasch-Kopri), ii. 313. -

Pompēiop&obreve;lis, same as Pompělōn; +

Pompēiopŏlis, same as Pompělōn; -same as S&obreve;li, iii. 45, 46, 55. -

Pompělōn, Pompēiop&obreve;lis, t. of +same as Sŏli, iii. 45, 46, 55. +

Pompělōn, Pompēiopŏlis, t. of Spain (Pampeluna), i. 242.

Pompey the Great, i. 242, 317,350; ii. 74, 217, 218, 231, 233, 235, -246, 271, 286, 294, 305—310, +246, 271, 286, 294, 305—310, 320, 392; iii. 24, 27, 55, 164, 170, 176, 180, 181, 232, 233. -

——, sons of (Cnæus and Sex- +

——, sons of (Cnæus and Sex- tus), i. 213, 242; iii. 27. -

——, trophies of, i. 234, 239, +

——, trophies of, i. 234, 239, 240, 267.

Pompeius Sextus. See Sextus. -

—— Cnæus. See Cnæus. -

——, Mark, ii. 392. -

—— Strabo, father of Pompey +

—— Cnæus. See Cnæus. +

——, Mark, ii. 392. +

—— Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, i. 317.

Pontia, island (Ponza), i. 185, 347.

Pontic Sea, i. 480. -

—— coasts, i. 489. -

—— castor, i. 245. +

—— coasts, i. 489. +

—— castor, i. 245.

Pontica, same as Pontus.

Pontici, ii. 246.

Pontius, Glaucus, tragedy of -Æschylus, ii. 155. +Æschylus, ii. 155.

Pontus, i. 54, 149, 216, 489, 490; -ii. 113, 145, 285—320, 386; iii. +ii. 113, 145, 285—320, 386; iii. 75, 77, 142, 297, et passim.

Pontus, part of Cappadocia, ii. 278, 302, 305. -

——, Gulf of the, i. 189. -

—— Axenus, i, 458, 461. -

—— Euxinus, i. 458; ii. 145. +

——, Gulf of the, i. 189. +

—— Axenus, i, 458, 461. +

—— Euxinus, i. 458; ii. 145. See Euxine. -

——, mouth of, at Byzantium, i. +

——, mouth of, at Byzantium, i. 489, 496; ii. 315. -

——, the right shore, i. 95; ii. +

——, the right shore, i. 95; ii. 221, 226. -

——, the left shore, ii. 145. +

——, the left shore, ii. 145.

Ponza. See Pontia. -

Poplōnium, c. of Etruria, i. 329— +

Poplōnium, c. of Etruria, i. 329— 332, 334.

Porcuna. See Obulco.

Pordalis, ii. 393. -

Pordoselēnē, Poroselēnē, isl.,ii. 393. -

Pornopiōn, name of Apollo, ii. 386. -

——, month, ii. 386. +

Pordoselēnē, Poroselēnē, isl.,ii. 393. +

Pornopiōn, name of Apollo, ii. 386. +

——, month, ii. 386.

Poro, Poros, isl. See Ca auria.

Porsena, king of Clusium i. 327.

Porthaon, ii. 175. -

Portha&obreve;nidæ, kings of the Ætolians, +

Porthaŏnidæ, kings of the Ætolians, ii. 179.

Porticanus, king of India, iii. 95.

Porto Ercole. See Hercules, port of. -

Porto- Fico. See Palærus. +

Porto- Fico. See Palærus.

Porto Trano. See Minoa. -

Pōrus, iii. 74, 82, 91, 92. -

——, r. of Achaia, ii. 14. +

Pōrus, iii. 74, 82, 91, 92. +

——, r. of Achaia, ii. 14.

Poseidium, grove, ii. 21. -

——, Samian, ii. 26. -

——, in Alexandria, iii. 230. -

——, prom. and c. of Epirus, +

——, Samian, ii. 26. +

——, in Alexandria, iii. 230. +

——, prom. and c. of Epirus, i. 4 7. -

——, prom. of Thessaly (Cape +

——, prom. of Thessaly (Cape Stauros), i. 512. -

——, of Chios, iii. 18. -

——, of the Milesians (Cape +

——, of Chios, iii. 18. +

——, of the Milesians (Cape Arbora), iii. 1, 2, 27, 37. -

——, of Lucania, i. 375, 376. -

——, Bay of Lucania, i. 375. -

——, of Samos, with temple, +

——, of Lucania, i. 375, 376. +

——, Bay of Lucania, i. 375. +

——, of Samos, with temple, ii. 16, 17. -

——, of Arabia, iii. 203. -

——, t. of Syria, iii. 164, +

——, of Arabia, iii. 203. +

——, t. of Syria, iii. 164, 167. -

——, temple of Neptune, in +

——, temple of Neptune, in Elis, ii. 16, 17, 21, 26. -

Poseidōn. See Neptune. +

Poseidōn. See Neptune.

Poseidonia, in the isl. Tenos, ii. 211. -

Poseidonia, or Trœzen, ii. 55. -

Poseidōnia, c. of Lucania (Pesti), i. +

Poseidonia, or Trœzen, ii. 55. +

Poseidōnia, c. of Lucania (Pesti), i. -373—376; ii. 55, 87. +373—376; ii. 55, 87.

Posidonium, Posidonian Gulf, Po- sidoniate Gulf (Gulf of Salerno), i. 31, 34, 313, 315, 373, 375, 379. -

——, near Rhegium, i. 384. +

——, near Rhegium, i. 384.

Posidonius, the Stoic, i. 1, 6, 8, 23, 44, 66, 84, 86, 90, 143, 144, 146, -148, 152, 154—156, 158, 203, +148, 152, 154—156, 158, 203, @@ -102203,7 +102203,7 @@ i. 31, 34, 313, 315, 373, 375, 379. 261, 273, 280, 281, 294, 319, 325, -400—402,406,413, 420,450,453, +400—402,406,413, 420,450,453, 454, 456, 461, 475, 486; ii. 1, @@ -102218,25 +102218,25 @@ i. 31, 34, 313, 315, 373, 375, 379. 314.

Potamii, ii. 89. -

Potamō, of Mitylene, ii. 392. +

Potamō, of Mitylene, ii. 392.

Potamus, vill. of Attica, ii. 89.

Potentia, c. of Picenum, i. 357. -

Potidæa, c. of Macedonia, i. 511. -

Potniæ, c. of Beotia, ii. 103, 109. +

Potidæa, c. of Macedonia, i. 511. +

Potniæ, c. of Beotia, ii. 103, 109.

Pozzuoli. See Puteoli.

Pozzuolo. See Dicearchia.

Practius, r. of Mysia, ii. 340, 344, 346, 350, 351. -

Prænestina, Via, i. 352, 353. -

Præneste, c. of Latium, i. 353, 354, +

Prænestina, Via, i. 352, 353. +

Præneste, c. of Latium, i. 353, 354, 370. -

Pramnæ, iii. 117, 118. +

Pramnæ, iii. 117, 118.

Prasia, vill. of Attica (Raphti), ii. 89. -

Prasiæ, c. of Argolis, ii. 48, 55. +

Prasiæ, c. of Argolis, ii. 48, 55.

Prasii, people of India, iii. 97. -

——, inhabitants of the city of +

——, inhabitants of the city of Prasus, ii. 189, 199.

Prasus, c. of Crete, ii. 195, 199. @@ -102245,35 +102245,35 @@ Prasus, ii. 189, 199. Brennus was king, i. 280.

Praxander, iii. 69.

Praxiphanes, iii. 33. -

Praxitělēs, ii. 105; iii. 13. +

Praxitělēs, ii. 105; iii. 13.

Preferni, i. 344. -

Prēmnis, t. of Ethiopia, iii. 268. +

Prēmnis, t. of Ethiopia, iii. 268.

Prepesinthus, one of the Cyclades (Polino), ii. 208.

Priam, ii. 169, 301, 342, 344, 345, 360, 367, 377. -

Priamidæ, ii. 378. -

Priamōn (?Prōmōn), c. of the Dal- +

Priamidæ, ii. 378. +

Priamōn (?Prōmōn), c. of the Dal- -matæ, i. 484. +matæ, i. 484.

Priapeia, songs of Euphronius, ii. 66. -

Priapēnē, distr. of Mysia, ii. 347. -

Priapēni, ii. 347. -

Priāpus, son of Bacchus, temple of, +

Priapēnē, distr. of Mysia, ii. 347. +

Priapēni, ii. 347. +

Priāpus, son of Bacchus, temple of, ii. 66, 348. -

Priāpus, t. of Mysia, i. 518; ii. +

Priāpus, t. of Mysia, i. 518; ii. -317, 332, 340, 347—349. -

Priēnē, c. of Ionia (Samsun), ii. 69, +317, 332, 340, 347—349. +

Priēnē, c. of Ionia (Samsun), ii. 69, 299, 333, 335; iii. 2, 7. -

Priēnians, ii. 69; iii. 10. -

Priōn, mtn near Ephesus, iii. 3. +

Priēnians, ii. 69; iii. 10. +

Priōn, mtn near Ephesus, iii. 3.

Privernum, t. of Latium, i. 352.

Probalinthus, t. of Attica, ii. 67, @@ -102281,62 +102281,62 @@ ii. 66, 348.

Prochyta, isl. (Procida), i. 93, 185, 368, 386. -

Procleïdæ, ii. 44. -

Pr&obreve;clēs, brother of Eurysthenes, ii. +

Procleïdæ, ii. 44. +

Prŏclēs, brother of Eurysthenes, ii. 42, 44, 77, 203, 212. -

——, founder of Samos, iii. 3. -

Procnē, sister of Philomela, ii. 122. -

Proconnēsus, isl. of the Propontis +

——, founder of Samos, iii. 3. +

Procnē, sister of Philomela, ii. 122. +

Proconnēsus, isl. of the Propontis (Marmora), i. 32, 518; ii. 347, 349, 393.

Proerna, t. of Phthiotis, ii. 136. -

Prœtides, ii. 50. -

Prœtus, king of Tiryns, ii. 54. -

Promētheus, i. 273, 458; ii. 238; +

Prœtides, ii. 50. +

Prœtus, king of Tiryns, ii. 54. +

Promētheus, i. 273, 458; ii. 238; iii. 77. -

—— Loosed, a play of +

—— Loosed, a play of -Æschylus, i. 52. -

Prōnēsus, t. of Cephallenia, ii. 166. +Æschylus, i. 52. +

Prōnēsus, t. of Cephallenia, ii. 166.

Prophthasia, c. of Drangiana (Za- rang), ii. 249; iii. 124.

Propontis (Sea of Marmora), i. 8, -72, 78, 81, 86, 106, 107, 188— +72, 78, 81, 86, 106, 107, 188— 190, 195, 442, 481, 491, 517, 518; ii. 92, 286, 314, 315, 329, -331, 332, 338, 340—342, 352, +331, 332, 338, 340—342, 352, 369; iii. 34, 62. -

Proschium, t. of Ætolia, ii. 160. +

Proschium, t. of Ætolia, ii. 160.

Proseleni, ii. 75.

Proserpine, i. 295, 383; ii. 17; iii. 25, 180. -

Prosōpite nome, vill. of Egypt, iii. +

Prosōpite nome, vill. of Egypt, iii. 240.

Prosymna, t. of Argolis, ii. 54. -

Prōtarchus, iii. 37. -

Proté, island, ii. 23, 35. -

Prōtesilaeium, in the Thracian +

Prōtarchus, iii. 37. +

Proté, island, ii. 23, 35. +

Prōtesilaeium, in the Thracian Chersonese, i. 517; ii. 358. -

Prōtesilaus, king of the Thessalians, +

Prōtesilaus, king of the Thessalians, -i. 454; ii. 83, 134—138. -

Prōteus, father of Cabira, i. 59, 62, +i. 454; ii. 83, 134—138. +

Prōteus, father of Cabira, i. 59, 62, 225. -

Prōtogenes, iii. 29, 30. +

Prōtogenes, iii. 29, 30. @@ -102349,7 +102349,7 @@ i. 454; ii. 83, 134—138.

Prusias, c. of Bithynia (Bruse), ii. 315. -

——, king of Bithynia, ii. 315, +

——, king of Bithynia, ii. 315, 407.

Prusienses, inhabitants of Prusias, @@ -102361,7 +102361,7 @@ ii. 316. 96; iii. 195, 219, 239, 244.

Psaphis, vill. of the Oropii, ii. 90.

Pschate. See Bata. -

Psěbo, lake of Ethiopia (Tsana), +

Psěbo, lake of Ethiopia (Tsana), iii. 271.

Pselchis, c. of Ethiopia, iii. 268. @@ -102384,97 +102384,97 @@ i. 198; ii. 348; iii. 260, 294.

Pteleasimum, distr. of Triphylia, ii. 24. -

Ptělěōs, ii. 357. -

Ptělěum, mtn of Epirus, i. 505. -

——, c. of Triphylia, ii. 23, 24. -

——, c. of Thessaly, ii. 24, +

Ptělěōs, ii. 357. +

Ptělěum, mtn of Epirus, i. 505. +

——, c. of Triphylia, ii. 23, 24. +

——, c. of Thessaly, ii. 24, 135, 139.

Pterelas, ii. 162. -

Ptolemaïs, t. of Phœnicia, i. 201. -

——, t. of Pamphylia (Alara), +

Ptolemaïs, t. of Phœnicia, i. 201. +

——, t. of Pamphylia (Alara), iii. 50. -

——, t. of the Cyrenaic, iii. +

——, t. of the Cyrenaic, iii. 292. -

——, t. of the Troglodytic, i. +

——, t. of the Troglodytic, i. 200; iii. 191, 194, 204. -

——, t. of the Thebais, iii. +

——, t. of the Thebais, iii. 258.

Ptolemies, i. 178.

Ptolemy Aultes, ii. 308; iii. 231, 232, 234. -

—— Ceraunus, ii. 400. -

——, Cocce's son, iii. 230. -

—— Epiphanes, iii. 231. -

Ptolemy Euergētes, iii. 231. -

—— Euergētes II. or Physcon, +

—— Ceraunus, ii. 400. +

——, Cocce's son, iii. 230. +

—— Epiphanes, iii. 231. +

Ptolemy Euergētes, iii. 231. +

—— Euergētes II. or Physcon, i. 149, 152, 156; ii. 124, 172; iii. 231, 234. -

—— Lathūrus, iii. 231. -

—— Philadelphus, ii. 120, 172; +

—— Lathūrus, iii. 231. +

—— Philadelphus, ii. 120, 172; iii. 47, 193, 194, 224, 231, 260. -

—— Philomētor, iii. 164, 231. -

—— Philopator, ii. 199; iii. +

—— Philomētor, iii. 164, 231. +

—— Philopator, ii. 199; iii. 176, 231. -

—— Sōter, iii. 290. -

——, king of Cyprus, iii. 71. -

——, son of Aulētes, iii. 234. -

——, son of Juba, iii. 281, 283, +

—— Sōter, iii. 290. +

——, king of Cyprus, iii. 71. +

——, son of Aulētes, iii. 234. +

——, son of Juba, iii. 281, 283, 297. -

——, son of Lagus, i. 463; iii +

——, son of Lagus, i. 463; iii 123, 229, 231, 239. -

——, son of Mennæus, iii. 166 -

Ptōum, mtn of Bœotia, ii. 109. +

——, son of Mennæus, iii. 166 +

Ptōum, mtn of Bœotia, ii. 109.

Publius Crassus. See Crassus. -

—— Claudius Pulcher. See Pul- +

—— Claudius Pulcher. See Pul- cher. -

—— Servilius, ii. 322. +

—— Servilius, ii. 322.

Pulcher, Publius Claudius, iii. 71.

Punic War, Second, i. 239.

Purali. See Arbis.

Puteoli (Pozzuoli), in Campania, i. -364, 366. See Dicærchia. -

Putrid Lake. See Sapra limnē. +364, 366. See Dicærchia. +

Putrid Lake. See Sapra limnē.

Pydna, c. of Macedonia, i. 508, 509, 513.

Pygalgeis, iii. 11. -

Pygěla, c. of Ionia, ii. 299; iii. 10, +

Pygěla, c. of Ionia, ii. 299; iii. 10, 11.

Pygmies, i. 54, 55, 59, 67, 68, 109, 458; iii. 107, 270. -

Pylæ, Thermopylæ, i. 17; ii. 118, +

Pylæ, Thermopylæ, i. 17; ii. 118, 129, 130, 137. -

Pylæan convention of Amphyctyons, +

Pylæan convention of Amphyctyons, ii. 118, 130. -

Pylæměnēs, ii. 286, 289. -

Pylæum, mtn of Lesbos, ii. 396. -

Pylæus, king of the Pelasgi, ii. 395, +

Pylæměnēs, ii. 286, 289. +

Pylæum, mtn of Lesbos, ii. 396. +

Pylæus, king of the Pelasgi, ii. 395, 396. -

Pylag&obreve;ræ, Pylag&obreve;ri, ii. 118. -

Pylaïc Assembly, ii. 140. -

—— Gulf (G. of Zeitun), ii. +

Pylagŏræ, Pylagŏri, ii. 118. +

Pylaïc Assembly, ii. 140. +

—— Gulf (G. of Zeitun), ii. 132. -

Pylēnē, t. of Ætolia, ii. 160, 172. +

Pylēnē, t. of Ætolia, ii. 160, 172.

Pylian Sea, ii. 22.

Pylii, Pylians, inhabitants of Pylus, @@ -102484,28 +102484,28 @@ ii. 118, 130. -i. 330, 398; ii. 7, 17, 22—28, 30; +i. 330, 398; ii. 7, 17, 22—28, 30; iii. 2. -

Pylōn, t. of Illyria, i. 495. +

Pylōn, t. of Illyria, i. 495.

Pylus, part of Elis, ii. 11, 17, 18. -

——, c. of Nestor, ii. 7, 25, 46; +

——, c. of Nestor, ii. 7, 25, 46; iii. 4. -

——, Eleian, ii. 25, 26. -

——, Triphylian, Lepreatic, or +

——, Eleian, ii. 25, 26. +

——, Triphylian, Lepreatic, or Arcadian, ii. 8, 11, 16, 18, 19, 25, 26. -

——, Messenian, ii. 11, 18—22, +

——, Messenian, ii. 11, 18—22, -26—28, 35—38. -

——, Ematheeis, ii. 31. -

Pyræchmēs, ii. 33. -

Pyrætheia, iii. 137. -

Pyræthi, in Cappadocia, iii. 137. -

Pyramids, the, in Egypt, iii. 249— +26—28, 35—38. +

——, Ematheeis, ii. 31. +

Pyræchmēs, ii. 33. +

Pyrætheia, iii. 137. +

Pyræthi, in Cappadocia, iii. 137. +

Pyramids, the, in Egypt, iii. 249— 252, 255.

Pyramus, r. of Cilicia (Dschehan- @@ -102516,37 +102516,37 @@ tschai), i. 82; ii. 279, 280; iii.

Pyrasus, t. of Phthiotis, ii. 138, 139. -

Pyrēnæan Venus, i 267, 272. +

Pyrēnæan Venus, i 267, 272.

Pyrenees, i. 110, 161, 181,192, 193, -206, 219, 233, 234, 239—242, +206, 219, 233, 234, 239—242, -249, 250, 264—267, 271, 272, +249, 250, 264—267, 271, 272, 275, 278, 279, 282, 284, 285, 292, 296.

Pyrgi, t. of Triphylia, ii. 22. -

——, t. of Etruria, i. 335. -

Pyrgïtæ, in Triphylia, ii. 22. -

Pyriphlegethōn, r. near Dicæarchia, +

——, t. of Etruria, i. 335. +

Pyrgïtæ, in Triphylia, ii. 22. +

Pyriphlegethōn, r. near Dicæarchia, i. 39, 363.

Pyrrha, wife of Deucalion, ii. 125, 134, 149. -

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 134. -

——, t. of Ionia, iii. 6. -

——, t. of Lesbos (Pira), ii. 391, +

——, t. of Thessaly, ii. 134. +

——, t. of Ionia, iii. 6. +

——, t. of Lesbos (Pira), ii. 391, 392. -

——, isl., ii. 139. -

——, prom. of Thessaly, ii. 139. -

——, prom. of Mysia, ii. 376. -

Pyrrhæa, name of Thessaly, ii. +

——, isl., ii. 139. +

——, prom. of Thessaly, ii. 139. +

——, prom. of Mysia, ii. 376. +

Pyrrhæa, name of Thessaly, ii. 149. -

Pyrrhæan Euripus, in the island of +

Pyrrhæan Euripus, in the island of Lesbos (entrance to the Gulf of @@ -102557,61 +102557,61 @@ Caloni), ii. 391.

Pyrrhus Neoptolemus, son of A- chiles, i. 500. -

——, king of Epirus, i. 387, 427, +

——, king of Epirus, i. 387, 427, 438, 498; ii. 59, 68.

Pythagoras, i. 395, 456; iii. 9, 114.

Pythagoreans, i. 25, 375, 395; ii. 68, 183; iii. 180. -

——, philosophy of the, i. +

——, philosophy of the, i. 427, 457; iii. 114. -

Pythaïstæ, ii. 97. +

Pythaïstæ, ii. 97.

Pythangelus, harbour, altars, iii. 199 -—201. -

Pytheas, i. 99—101, 110, 116, 154, +—201. +

Pytheas, i. 99—101, 110, 116, 154, 157, 158, 173, 204, 223, 237, 283, 291, 299, 452.

Pythian games, i. 390; ii. 117, 120. -

—— priestess, ii. 117; iii. 179. +

—— priestess, ii. 117; iii. 179.

Pythias, the, ii. 121.

Pythium, temple of Apollo, ii. 97. -

——, vill. of Attica, ii. 81. +

——, vill. of Attica, ii. 81.

Pytho, t. of Phocis, ii. 55, 115, 119. -

Pyth&obreve;dōris, ii. 305, 306, 309, 310. -

Pyth&obreve;dōrus, ii. 305; iii. 24. -

Pyth&obreve;laus, prom. of Ethiopia, iii. +

Pythŏdōris, ii. 305, 306, 309, 310. +

Pythŏdōrus, ii. 305; iii. 24. +

Pythŏlaus, prom. of Ethiopia, iii. 199, 201. -

Pythōn, ii. 120, 121. +

Pythōn, ii. 120, 121.

Pytia, ii. 349.

Pytius, ii. 349.

Pytna, part of Mt Ida, ii. 189. -

——, in Crete, ii. 189. -

Pyxūs, prom., r., and t. of Lucania, +

——, in Crete, ii. 189. +

Pyxūs, prom., r., and t. of Lucania, i. 376.

Quadi, i. 444.

Querci. See Cadurci.

Quintius Titus, ii. 146. -

Quintus Fabius Maximus Æmilia- +

Quintus Fabius Maximus Æmilia- nus, i. 277. -

Quirïnalis Collis, Mount Quirinus, +

Quirïnalis Collis, Mount Quirinus, at Rome, i. 348. -

Quirites, i. 342—344 +

Quirites, i. 342—344

Racca. See Chordiraza, iii. 157.

Ram's Head. See Criu-Metopon. -

Raphia (Refah), t. of Judæa, iii. 176. +

Raphia (Refah), t. of Judæa, iii. 176.

Rapti, modem name of Prasia.

Ras-el-Kasaroun. See Casium.

Ras-el-Razat. See Phycus. -

Ratoüs. See Arathus. +

Ratoüs. See Arathus.

Rauraris, i. 272.

Ravee. See Hyarotis. @@ -102623,104 +102623,104 @@ at Rome, i. 348.

Ravenna, i. 314, 318, 319, 322, 323, 326, 337. -

Reatě, c. of the Sabines (Rieti), i. +

Reatě, c. of the Sabines (Rieti), i. 338, 339.

Red Sea, see Arabian Gulf and -Erythræan Sea, iii. 244, 254, +Erythræan Sea, iii. 244, 254, 260.

Refah. See Raphia.

Reggio, i. 315, 317. -

——, in Modena. See Rhegium- +

——, in Modena. See Rhegium- Lepidum.

Regis-Villa, c. of Etruria, i. 335. -

Rēmi, people of Gaul, i. 289, 290. -

Rěmus, brother of Romulus, i. 340, +

Rēmi, people of Gaul, i. 289, 290. +

Rěmus, brother of Romulus, i. 340, 343.

Reneia, isl. (Rhena), ii. 209. -

Rhacōtis, part of Alexandria, iii. +

Rhacōtis, part of Alexandria, iii. 227.

Rhadamanthus, Cretan lawgiver, ii. 196, 204. -

——, brother of Minos, i. +

——, brother of Minos, i. 3, 225; ii. 122, 196, 328. -

——, tragedy of Euri- +

——, tragedy of Euri- pides, ii. 32. -

Rhadinē, song of Stesichorus, ii. 21. -

Rhæci, i. 343. -

Rhæti, i. 287, 304, 306, 307, 311, +

Rhadinē, song of Stesichorus, ii. 21. +

Rhæci, i. 343. +

Rhæti, i. 287, 304, 306, 307, 311, 317, 447, 448, 482. -

Rhætian wine, i. 306. -

Rhætica, Rhetia, i. 482. +

Rhætian wine, i. 306. +

Rhætica, Rhetia, i. 482.

Rhaga, ii. 264. -

Rhagæ, Rhages, c. of Media, i. 94; +

Rhagæ, Rhages, c. of Media, i. 94; ii. 250, 264. -

Rhamanïtæ, people of Arabia, iii. +

Rhamanïtæ, people of Arabia, iii. 212. -

Rhambæi, people of Syria, iii. 166. +

Rhambæi, people of Syria, iii. 166.

Rhamis, i. 446. -

Rhamnūs, t. of Attica, ii. 90. -

Rhathēnus, ii. 296. -

Rhatōtes, name of the Paphlagoni- +

Rhamnūs, t. of Attica, ii. 90. +

Rhathēnus, ii. 296. +

Rhatōtes, name of the Paphlagoni- ans, ii. 302.

Rhea, mother of the gods, ii. 22, -183—189. -

—— (Agdistis, Idæa, Dindymēnē, +183—189. +

—— (Agdistis, Idæa, Dindymēnē, -Sipylēnē, Pessinūntis, Cybělē, +Sipylēnē, Pessinūntis, Cybělē, -Cybēbē), ii. 184—186. -

——, Silvia, daughter of Numitor, +Cybēbē), ii. 184—186. +

——, Silvia, daughter of Numitor, i. 340.

Rhecas, ii. 224.

Rhegians, i. 391. -

Rhegīni, i. 385, 386. +

Rhegīni, i. 385, 386.

Rhegium (Reggio), i. 94, 186, 256. -

——, c. of the Bruttii, i. 77, +

——, c. of the Bruttii, i. 77, -384—386, 388—390, 404, 431. -

——, t. of Gaul, beyond the +384—386, 388—390, 404, 431. +

——, t. of Gaul, beyond the Po (Reggio), i. 317. -

—— Lepidum, t. of Gaul, this +

—— Lepidum, t. of Gaul, this side the Po (Reggio in Modena), i. 322. -

Rhēgma, at the mouths of the +

Rhēgma, at the mouths of the Cydnus, iii. 56.

Rhenus, r. (Rhine), i. 99, 192, 193, -264, 265, 285—290, 292, 296, +264, 265, 285—290, 292, 296, 297, 304, 306, 308, 310, 317, -442—447, 451, 480; iii. 296. -

——, sources of the, i. 265, 289, +442—447, 451, 480; iii. 296. +

——, sources of the, i. 265, 289, 304, 317. -

——, mouths of the, i. 99, 265, +

——, mouths of the, i. 99, 265, 288, 289, 296, 447, 451.

Rhesus, king of Thrace, i. 514; ii. 351. -

——, r. of the Troad, ii. 304, +

——, r. of the Troad, ii. 304, 341, 351, 357, 371.

Rhetia, mother of the Corybantes, @@ -102728,18 +102728,18 @@ Cydnus, iii. 56. ii. 190.

Rhiginia, r. of Thrace, i. 516.

Rhine. See Rhenus. -

Rhinocolūra, Rhincocorura, t. of +

Rhinocolūra, Rhincocorura, t. of -Phœnicia (El-Arish), iii. 149,176, +Phœnicia (El-Arish), iii. 149,176, 211. -

Rhipē, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75. +

Rhipē, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75.

Rhium, prom. of Achaia (Drepano), ii. 6, 73, 79. -

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 37, 38. -

Rhizæi, Bay of the, i. 485. -

Rhizōn, t. on the coast of Illyria +

——, t. of Messenia, ii. 37, 38. +

Rhizæi, Bay of the, i. 485. +

Rhizōn, t. on the coast of Illyria (Risano), i. 485.

Rhizonic Gulf (Gulf of Cataro), i. @@ -102748,19 +102748,19 @@ ii. 6, 73, 79.

Rhizophagi, people of Ethiopia, iii. 195. -

Rhizūs, t. ofThessaly, ii. 139, 148. +

Rhizūs, t. ofThessaly, ii. 139, 148.

Rhoa, i. 269.

Rhodanus, Rhone, r. of Gaul, i. 249, 266, 267, 269, 271, 272, 274 -—288, 302, 303, 310. +—288, 302, 303, 310.

Rhodaspes, son of Phraates, iii. 160.

Rhodes, i. 38, 105, 109, 123, 131, -133, 160, 172—175, 179, 180, +133, 160, 172—175, 179, 180, 184, 187, 189, 201, 202, 332, 423, @@ -102781,64 +102781,64 @@ ii. 85, 194; iii. 33, 34.

Rhodius, r. of the Troad, ii. 304, 357, 371. -

Rhod&obreve;pē (Rhodos, Rhode ?), t. of +

Rhodŏpē (Rhodos, Rhode ?), t. of Spain, i. 240; iii. 32. -

——, mtn of Thrace (Despoto- +

——, mtn of Thrace (Despoto- dagh), i. 311, 481, 489, 506, 514. -

Rhodōpis, iii. 250. +

Rhodōpis, iii. 250.

Rhodos. See Rhodes.

Rhoduntia, citadel near Thermo- -pylæ, ii. 129. -

Rhoeitēs, r. of the Troad, ii. 371. -

Rhœtaces, r. of Albania, ii. 230. -

Rhœtium, t. of the Troad, ii. 357, +pylæ, ii. 129. +

Rhoeitēs, r. of the Troad, ii. 371. +

Rhœtaces, r. of Albania, ii. 230. +

Rhœtium, t. of the Troad, ii. 357, 358, 361, 368.

Rhombites, the Greater, Bay of -Mæotis, ii. 221. -

——, the Lesser, ii. 221 +Mæotis, ii. 221. +

——, the Lesser, ii. 221

Rhone. See Rhodanus. -

Rhōsus, r. of Syria, iii. 164. +

Rhōsus, r. of Syria, iii. 164.

Rlundacus, r. of Mysia (Mualitsch- Tschai), ii. 299, 330, 332. -

Rhypes, c. of Achæa, ii. 71, 73, 75. +

Rhypes, c. of Achæa, ii. 71, 73, 75.

Rhypis, ii. 73.

Rhytium, t. of Crete, ii. 200.

Rieti. See Reate.

Rimini. See Ariminum.

Rion. See Phasis. -

Riphæan mtns, i. 452, 459. +

Riphæan mtns, i. 452, 459.

Risso. See Larisus.

Romans, i. 3, 16, 18, 22, 104, 153, 175, 191, 192, 209, 210, 212, 217, -222, 226—228,231,234,238,239, +222, 226—228,231,234,238,239, 243, 247, 249, 250, 253, 262, 263, -270, 271, 284, 286, 287,290—295, +270, 271, 284, 286, 287,290—295, 298, 302, 305, 306, 310, 313, 317, 319, 321, 322, 324, 326, 327, 331, -333—335, 338—356, 358, 360, +333—335, 338—356, 358, 360, 361, 364, 366, 371, 373, 374, 377, 378, 381, 383, 387, 397, 404, 405, -408, 412, 413, 424, 427, 437— +408, 412, 413, 424, 427, 437— 441, 443, 446, 447, 450, 451, 466 -—468, 475, 477, 480, 484, 485, +—468, 475, 477, 480, 484, 485, 488, 491, 494, 498, 500, 505, 509, @@ -102850,63 +102850,63 @@ Tschai), ii. 299, 330, 332. passim.

Roman army, i. 178. -

—— camp, i. 246. -

—— cavalry, i. 292. -

—— citizens, i. 342, 366. -

—— colonists, i. 252, 373. -

—— colony, i. 212, 322, 323. -

—— ustoms, i. 278. -

—— Empire, view of the, iii. - -295—297. -

—— garrison, i. 270. -

—— historians, i. 249. -

—— polity, i. 278. -

—— prefects, i. 286. -

—— territory, i. 151, 341. +

—— camp, i. 246. +

—— cavalry, i. 292. +

—— citizens, i. 342, 366. +

—— colonists, i. 252, 373. +

—— colony, i. 212, 322, 323. +

—— ustoms, i. 278. +

—— Empire, view of the, iii. + +295—297. +

—— garrison, i. 270. +

—— historians, i. 249. +

—— polity, i. 278. +

—— prefects, i. 286. +

—— territory, i. 151, 341.

Rome, i. 140, 202, 216, 253, 278, -293, 297, 317, 322—327, 330, +293, 297, 317, 322—327, 330, -331, 333, 336—356, 358, 366, +331, 333, 336—356, 358, 366, 370, 371, 398, 412, 413, 431, 441, 444; ii. 64, 65, 140, 171, 368; -iii. 172, 295—297. -

Rōmulus, i. 340, 342, 343. +iii. 172, 295—297. +

Rōmulus, i. 340, 342, 343.

Roumelia. See Thrace. -

Rōxana, wife of Alexander, ii. 254; +

Rōxana, wife of Alexander, ii. 254; iii. 229. -

Rōxolani, Scythian nation, i. 172, +

Rōxolani, Scythian nation, i. 172, 451, 470, 471. -

Rūbicōn, r. of Italy (prob. Pisatel- +

Rūbicōn, r. of Italy (prob. Pisatel- lo), i. 322, 324, 337. -

Rūcantii, i. 307. -

Rudiæ, c. of Calabria, i. 429, 430. -

Rūscino, r. and t. of Gaul (the Tet), +

Rūcantii, i. 307. +

Rudiæ, c. of Calabria, i. 429, 430. +

Rūscino, r. and t. of Gaul (the Tet), i. 272. -

Rūspinum, t. of Numidia, iii. 284. -

Rūtēni, people of Aquitania, i. 284. -

Rūtūli, people of Latium, i. 339, +

Rūspinum, t. of Numidia, iii. 284. +

Rūtēni, people of Aquitania, i. 284. +

Rūtūli, people of Latium, i. 339, 343, 346.

Saba, port in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 195. -

Sabæ (Assab), c. of the Troglodytæ, +

Sabæ (Assab), c. of the Troglodytæ, iii. 197. -

Sabæans, people of Arabia Felix, +

Sabæans, people of Arabia Felix, iii. 190, 206, 207, 209.

Sabata, c. of Arabia, iii. 190. -

—— (Lago di Bracciano), i. 336. +

—— (Lago di Bracciano), i. 336.

Sabatorum Vada, t. of Liguria (Vadi), i. 300, 322, 323. @@ -102923,17 +102923,17 @@ iii. 190, 206, 207, 209.

Sabini, Sabines, people of Italy, i. -325—327, 338,339,342, 357, 371, +325—327, 338,339,342, 357, 371, 438.

Sabos, king of Arabia, iii. 212. -

——, king of India, iii. 95. -

Sacæ, Scythian race, i. 465; ii. 245 +

——, king of India, iii. 95. +

Sacæ, Scythian race, i. 465; ii. 245 -—250. -

Sacæa, ii. 246. +—250. +

Sacæa, ii. 246.

Sacarauli, Scythian race, ii. 245. -

Sacasēne, distr. of Armenia, i. 112; +

Sacasēne, distr. of Armenia, i. 112; ii. 242, 246, 268.

Sacco. See Trerus. @@ -102946,19 +102946,19 @@ Spain (Cape St. Vincent), i. 160, 215, 223, 227.

Sadacora, t. of Cappadocia, iii. 44. -

Sadracæ, palace of Darius, near +

Sadracæ, palace of Darius, near Arbela, iii. 144. -

Sætabis, t. of Spain (Xativa), i. +

Sætabis, t. of Spain (Xativa), i. 241.

Sagalasseis, ii. 324.

Sagalassus, ii. 323, 410. -

Sagapēni, iii. 154. +

Sagapēni, iii. 154.

Sagra, Sagras, r. i. 391, 392. -

——, battle of the, i. 395 +

——, battle of the, i. 395

Sagrus, r., i. 360. -

Sagūntum, c. of Spain (Murviedro), +

Sagūntum, c. of Spain (Murviedro), i. 239, 241, 251.

Sagylium, citadel of Pontus (Ijan @@ -102969,7 +102969,7 @@ Kalessi), ii, 311. See Sinti.

St. Elias, mtn. See Oche.

St. Gothard. See Adulas. -

St. Mahé, Cape. See Cabæum. +

St. Mahé, Cape. See Cabæum.

St. Marcian, Island of. See Orty- gia. @@ -102978,22 +102978,22 @@ gia. St. Pola. See Plumbaria.

Saintes. See Mediolanium.

Sais, c. of Egypt, iii. 239, 242. -

Saïtæ, iii. 257. -

Saïtic mouth of the Nile (Gulf of +

Saïtæ, iii. 257. +

Saïtic mouth of the Nile (Gulf of Matzeia), iii. 240. -

—— nome, in Egypt, iii. 239, 240. +

—— nome, in Egypt, iii. 239, 240.

Sakaria. See Sangarius.

Salaminiac Bay, ii. 6.

Salaminii, ii. 83.

Salamis, c. of Cyprus, iii. 69.

Salamis, isl. (anciently Cychreia, -Sciras, Pityūssa) (Koluri), i. 187; +Sciras, Pityūssa) (Koluri), i. 187; ii. 57, 60, 84, 124, 153. -

——, t. of the isl., ii. 83. -

——, Gulf of, ii. 82, 83, 89. +

——, t. of the isl., ii. 83. +

——, Gulf of, ii. 82, 83, 89.

Salamoni. See Salmonium.

Salampria, r. See Peneius.

Salapia, c. of Apulia, i. 433, 434 @@ -103001,7 +103001,7 @@ ii. 57, 60, 84, 124, 153.

Salas, r. of Germany, i. 445.

Salassi, people of Cisalpine Gaul, i. -303—306, 309, 311, 314. +303—306, 309, 311, 314.

Salda, port of Mauritania (Bougie), iii. 284. @@ -103012,44 +103012,44 @@ iii. 284.

Salentinum, i. 430.

Salerno, Gulfof. See Posidonium.

Salernum, c. of Campania, i. 374. -

Salganeus, Bœotian, i. 17; ii. 96. -

——, c. of Bœotia, ii. 92, 98. +

Salganeus, Bœotian, i. 17; ii. 96. +

——, c. of Bœotia, ii. 92, 98.

Salmacis, ftn near Halicarnassus, iii. 35. -

Salmōnē, c. of Pisatis, ii. 31, 32. -

——, ftn of Enipeus, ii. 31, 32. -

Salmōneus, king of Elis, ii. 31—33. -

Salmōnium, prom. of Crete (Sala- +

Salmōnē, c. of Pisatis, ii. 31, 32. +

——, ftn of Enipeus, ii. 31, 32. +

Salmōneus, king of Elis, ii. 31—33. +

Salmōnium, prom. of Crete (Sala- moni), i. 160; ii. 189, 193, 191, 199, 213. -

Salmydēssus, c. and coast of Thrace +

Salmydēssus, c. and coast of Thrace (Midjeh), i. 79, 82, 490; ii. 287. -

Salōmē, sister of Herod, iii. 184. -

Salōn, t. of the Dalmatæ, i. 484. -

Salōn, t. of Bithynia, ii. 317, 318. -

——, cheese of, ii. 318. +

Salōmē, sister of Herod, iii. 184. +

Salōn, t. of the Dalmatæ, i. 484. +

Salōn, t. of Bithynia, ii. 317, 318. +

——, cheese of, ii. 318.

Salona. See Amphissa.

Salonica, Gulf of. See Thermaic Gulf. -

Saltiātæ (Saltigetæ?), in Lusitania, +

Saltiātæ (Saltigetæ?), in Lusitania, i. 217.

Salyes, people of Transalpine Gaul, -i. 267, 269—271, 275, 276, 278, +i. 267, 269—271, 275, 276, 278, 301, 302. -

Samæi, in Cephallenia, ii. 166. +

Samæi, in Cephallenia, ii. 166.

Samaria, same as Sebaste, c. of -Judæa, iii. 177. -

Samarianē, c. of Hyrcania, ii. 242. -

Samē, t. of Cephallenia, ii. 163, +Judæa, iii. 177. +

Samarianē, c. of Hyrcania, ii. 242. +

Samē, t. of Cephallenia, ii. 163, 166, 167.

Sami, heights, ii. 169. @@ -103070,45 +103070,45 @@ Judæa, iii. 177. 17, 19, 21, 26.

Samicus, plain, ii. 21. -

Samnīte, Samnites, Saunītæ, i. +

Samnīte, Samnites, Saunītæ, i. 339, 344, 346, 357, 360, 367, -371—374, 377, 378, 380, 387, +371—374, 377, 378, 380, 387, 399, 431, 438.

Samnites, c. of the, i. 353. -

——, women of the, in an +

——, women of the, in an island of Gaul, i. 295.

Samnitic mtns, i. 326.

Samnium, i. 360. -

Samōnium, prom. of Crete. See Sal- +

Samōnium, prom. of Crete. See Sal- monium. -

——, in the Neandris, ii. 189. -

——, Alexandrian, ii. 189. +

——, in the Neandris, ii. 189. +

——, Alexandrian, ii. 189.

Samos, isl. in the Icarian Sea (Sanmo), i. 93, 187; ii. 163, 168, -169, 303; iii. 2, 3, 7—11. -

——, Thracian, ii. 10. -

——, Ionian, ii. 10, 21. -

——, c. of the island of, iii. 3. -

——, c. of Triphylia, ii. 19, 21, +169, 303; iii. 2, 3, 7—11. +

——, Thracian, ii. 10. +

——, Ionian, ii. 10, 21. +

——, c. of the island of, iii. 3. +

——, c. of Triphylia, ii. 19, 21, 25. -

——, and Samē, same as Cephal- +

——, and Samē, same as Cephal- lenia, and c. of this isl., ii. 163, 166, 167. -

——, Threïcian, same as Samo- +

——, Threïcian, same as Samo- thrace, i. 516; ii. 168.

Samosata, c. of Syria, iii. 44, 161. -

Samothracē, Samothracia, isl. (Sa- +

Samothracē, Samothracia, isl. (Sa- mothraki), i. 43, 187, 296, 516; @@ -103121,7 +103121,7 @@ seni, iii. 166, 167.

Samsun Dagh. See Mycale.

San Dimitri. See Antandros.

San Giarno. See Corydallus. -

Sanā, t. of Pallene, i. 511. +

Sanā, t. of Pallene, i. 511.

Sanaus, c. of Phrygia, ii. 332.

Sandalium, citadel of Pisidia, ii. @@ -103130,7 +103130,7 @@ seni, iii. 166, 167. ii. 313.

Sandobanes, r. of Albania, ii. 230. -

Sandōn, father of Athenodorus, iii. +

Sandōn, father of Athenodorus, iii. 58.

Sandrocottus, king of the Prasii, i. @@ -103141,7 +103141,7 @@ ii. 313. ii. 289, 314, 321, 351; iii. 66.

Sangias, vill. of Phrygia, ii. 288. -

Sanisēnē, distr. of Paphlagonia, ii. +

Sanisēnē, distr. of Paphlagonia, ii. 314.

Sanni, people of Pontus, ii. 296. @@ -103154,10 +103154,10 @@ gilium. i. 283, 284, 310.

Santorino. See Thera. -

Saōcondarius, ii. 321. +

Saōcondarius, ii. 321.

Saone, r. See Arar.

Saos, r. See Save. -

Sapæ, Sapæi, people of Thrace, i. +

Sapæ, Sapæi, people of Thrace, i. 515, 516; ii. 169, 298, 305.

Saperdes, ii. 393. @@ -103168,21 +103168,21 @@ i. 322.

Sappho, i. 65; ii. 162, 388, 391, 393; iii. 250. -

Sapra limnē (or Putrid Lake), at +

Sapra limnē (or Putrid Lake), at the Tauric Chersonese, i. 473, 474. -

——, in the Troad, ii. 387. +

——, in the Troad, ii. 387.

Saraastus, king of India, ii. 253.

Sarabat. See Hermus. -

Saragossa. See Cæsar Augusta. +

Saragossa. See Cæsar Augusta.

Sarakoi. See Zeleia. -

Saramēnē, ii. 294. +

Saramēnē, ii. 294.

Sarapana, fortress of Colchis (Cho- ropani), ii. 227, 230. -

Saraparæ, people dwelling beyond +

Saraparæ, people dwelling beyond Armenia, ii. 273.

Sarapis, god of the Egyptians, iii. @@ -103191,7 +103191,7 @@ Armenia, ii. 273.

Sarapium, temple of Sarapis, iii. 230, 248. -

Saravēnē, prefecture of Cappa- +

Saravēnē, prefecture of Cappa- docia, ii. 278.

Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, iii @@ -103205,26 +103205,26 @@ docia, ii. 278.

Sardinia, i. 78, 160, 177, 185, 216, -330—331; iii. 32, 240, 297. -

——, Sea of, i. 78, 84, 159, 185, +330—331; iii. 32, 240, 297. +

——, Sea of, i. 78, 84, 159, 185, 216, 325.

Sardinian Gulf, i. 216.

Sardis, Sardeis, c. of Lydia (Sart), -i. 96; ii. 336, 400, 402—406; +i. 96; ii. 336, 400, 402—406; iii. 23. -

Sardō, Sardōn, isl., i. 219, same as +

Sardō, Sardōn, isl., i. 219, same as Sardinia.

Sareisa, c. of the Gordyenes, iii. 157. -

Sargarausēnē, prefecture of Cappa- +

Sargarausēnē, prefecture of Cappa- docia, ii. 278, 281. -

Sarmatians, Sauromatæ, i. 453, 468, +

Sarmatians, Sauromatæ, i. 453, 468, 470, 480; ii. 219, 226, 227, 230, @@ -103233,19 +103233,19 @@ docia, ii. 278, 281.

Sarnus, r. of Campania (Sarno), i. 367. -

Sarōnic Gulf, ii. 6, 49, 56, 63. -

—— Sea (Gulf of Engia), i. 187. +

Sarōnic Gulf, ii. 6, 49, 56, 63. +

—— Sea (Gulf of Engia), i. 187.

Saros, Bay of. See Melas. -

Sarpēdōn, prom. of Cilicia, ii. 405; +

Sarpēdōn, prom. of Cilicia, ii. 405; iii. 53, 69. -

——, prom. of Thrace, i. +

——, prom. of Thrace, i. 516. -

——, brother of Minos, founder of Miletus, ii. 328, 347; iii. +

——, brother of Minos, founder of Miletus, ii. 328, 347; iii. 49. -

——, leader of the Syrians, iii. +

——, leader of the Syrians, iii. 174.

Sarsina, t. of Umbria, i. 337. @@ -103254,12 +103254,12 @@ iii. 53, 69. ii. 279.

Sasamo. See Segesama. -

Sasō, isl. (Saseno), i. 429. +

Sasō, isl. (Saseno), i. 429.

Satalca, t. of Mesopotamia, iii. 157.

Satalda. See Pharsalus. -

Sataldere. See Æsepus. +

Sataldere. See Æsepus.

Satnioeis, or Saphnioeis, r. of the Troad, i. 494; ii. 375, 379, 394. @@ -103267,7 +103267,7 @@ Troad, i. 494; ii. 375, 379, 394.

Saturn, i. 494; ii. 39, 183,184, 189, 378. -

——, temple of, i. 254. +

——, temple of, i. 254.

Satyr, painted by Protogenes, iii. 29, 30. @@ -103276,12 +103276,12 @@ Troad, i. 494; ii. 375, 379, 394.

Satyrus, king of Bosporus, i. 462, 476. -

——, monument of, ii. 222. -

——, founder of the city of Phi- +

——, monument of, ii. 222. +

——, founder of the city of Phi- lotera, iii 193. -

Saunitæ, see Samnites, i. 372. -

Sauromatæ, i. 172, 194, 195, 452, +

Saunitæ, see Samnites, i. 372. +

Sauromatæ, i. 172, 194, 195, 452, 464; ii. 240, 302. See Sarma- @@ -103291,16 +103291,16 @@ tians. Save.

Save, r. i. 309, 482.

Savio. See Sapis. -

Scæan gates, in the city of Troy, ii. +

Scæan gates, in the city of Troy, ii. 351, 363. -

—— wall, ii. 351. -

Scæi, ii. 351. -

Scæus, r. in the Troad, ii. 351. +

—— wall, ii. 351. +

Scæi, ii. 351. +

Scæus, r. in the Troad, ii. 351.

Scamander, r. i. 90; ii. 358, 360, 361, 363, 369, 370, 378. -

——, plain of, ii. 361, 362. +

——, plain of, ii. 361, 362.

Scamandrius, son of Hector, ii. 377, 378; iii. 66. @@ -103308,17 +103308,17 @@ Save. the island of Cos, iii. 36.

Scardon, a Liburnian city (Scardona), i. 484. -

——, in Elis, ii. 347. +

——, in Elis, ii. 347.

Scardus, mtn of Macedonia (Schardagh), i. 505. -

Scarphē, c. of Bœotia, i. 95; ii. +

Scarphē, c. of Bœotia, i. 95; ii. 103. -

Scarpheia, Scarphē, c. of the Epicnemidian Locrians (Bondoniza), +

Scarpheia, Scarphē, c. of the Epicnemidian Locrians (Bondoniza), i. 94; ii. 126. -

Scaurus, M. Æmilius, i. 323. -

Scēnæ, c. of Mesopotamia, iii. 159. -

Scēnītæ, Scenites, in Arabia, Meso- +

Scaurus, M. Æmilius, i. 323. +

Scēnæ, c. of Mesopotamia, iii. 159. +

Scēnītæ, Scenites, in Arabia, Meso- potamia, Syria, etc., i. 63, 196, @@ -103326,110 +103326,110 @@ potamia, Syria, etc., i. 63, 196, 185, 190, 204.

Scepsia, ii. 361, 375. -

Scēpsian territory, ii. 190. -

Scēpsians, ii. 361, 377. -

Scēpsis, ii. 300, 360, 369, 375— +

Scēpsian territory, ii. 190. +

Scēpsians, ii. 361, 377. +

Scēpsis, ii. 300, 360, 369, 375— 381; iii. 5. -

Scēpsius, Demetrius. See Deme- +

Scēpsius, Demetrius. See Deme- trius. -

Scēptūchiæ, Scēptūchi, ii. 225. -

Schědia, t. of Egypt, iii. 237—241. +

Scēptūchiæ, Scēptūchi, ii. 225. +

Schědia, t. of Egypt, iii. 237—241. -

Schědieium, ii. 124 +

Schědieium, ii. 124

Schedius, ii. 124.

Schelidan Adassi. See Chelidonian Isles.

Scheria, same as Corcyra, i. 459. -

Schœnus, c. of Bœotia (Morikios), +

Schœnus, c. of Bœotia (Morikios), ii. 58, 103. -

Schœnus, r. of Bœotia, ii. 103. -

——, port of Corinth, ii. 49, +

Schœnus, r. of Bœotia, ii. 103. +

——, port of Corinth, ii. 49, 63, 79. -

——, clans of, i. 16. +

——, clans of, i. 16.

Schuss. See Susa.

Sciathus (Sciathos), isl. neat Mag- nesia, ii. 140. -

Scillūs, t. of Triphylia, ii. 16. +

Scillūs, t. of Triphylia, ii. 16.

Scilly Islands. See Cassiterides. -

Scilūrus, king of the Scythians, i. +

Scilūrus, king of the Scythians, i. 471, 475, 479.

Scingomagum, t. in the Alps, i. 268. -

Sciōnē, c. of Pallene, i. 511. +

Sciōnē, c. of Pallene, i. 511.

Scipio, Metellus, iii. 281, 284, 285. -

—— Æmilianus, i. 283; iii. 51, +

—— Æmilianus, i. 283; iii. 51, 286. -

—— Africanus, i. 361. -

—— Caius, i. 317. -

—— Nasica, i. 484. +

—— Africanus, i. 361. +

—— Caius, i. 317. +

—— Nasica, i. 484.

Scira, vill. of Attica, ii. 82.

Sciras, same as Salamis, ii. 82. -

—— Athene, ii. 82. +

—— Athene, ii. 82.

Sciron, ii. 80, 81.

Scirones (N.W. wind), i. 43.

Scironides rocks, ii. 80, 82. -

Scirophoriōn, ii. 82. +

Scirophoriōn, ii. 82.

Sciros, rocks of, i. 43.

Scollis, mtn of Elis, ii. 11, 13, 14, 74. -

Scōlus, c. of Bœotia (Kalyvi), i. +

Scōlus, c. of Bœotia (Kalyvi), i. 16; ii. 58, 103, 104.

Scombraria, isl. near Spain (Islote), i. 239.

Scombrus, iii. 25. -

Sc&obreve;pas, the sculptor, ii. 373; iii. +

Scŏpas, the sculptor, ii. 373; iii. 11.

Scopelo. See Peparethus. -

Scordistæ, Scordisci, i. 450, 454, +

Scordistæ, Scordisci, i. 450, 454, 482, 483, 485, 488, 489. -

——, Great, i. 488. -

——, Little, i. 488. -

Scotūssa, c. of Pelasgiotis, i. 503, +

——, Great, i. 488. +

——, Little, i. 488. +

Scotūssa, c. of Pelasgiotis, i. 503, 504, 514; ii. 146.

Scripu. See Orchomenus. -

Scūltanna, r. of Cisalpine Gaul +

Scūltanna, r. of Cisalpine Gaul (Panara), i 324. -

Scydisēs, mtn of Armenia (Aggi +

Scydisēs, mtn of Armenia (Aggi Dagh), ii. 226, 267, 296.

Scylacium. See Scylletium.

Scylax, ii. 318, 340; iii. 37. -

——, r. of Pontus (Tschoterlek +

——, r. of Pontus (Tschoterlek Irmak), ii. 295. -

Scylla, i. 31—33, 36, 37, 39. -

——, daughter of Nisus, ii. 55. -

Scyllæum, prom. and port of Italy, +

Scylla, i. 31—33, 36, 37, 39. +

——, daughter of Nisus, ii. 55. +

Scyllæum, prom. and port of Italy, -i. 35—37, 384. -

——, prom. of Argolis (Skylli), +i. 35—37, 384. +

——, prom. of Argolis (Skylli), ii. 47, 55, 207. -

Scyllēticus Sinus, Gulf of Scylle- +

Scyllēticus Sinus, Gulf of Scylle- tium (Golfo di Squillace), i. 380, 392. -

Scyllētium, Scylacium, t. of the +

Scyllētium, Scylacium, t. of the Bruttii (Squillace), i. 392.

Scyrus, isl. (Skyro), i. 187; ii. 124, @@ -103438,17 +103438,17 @@ Bruttii (Squillace), i. 392.

Scythia (Tartary), i. 13, 52, 99; ii. 216, 352. -

——, desert of, i. 79, 82. -

——, Little (or Tauric), i. 478, +

——, desert of, i. 79, 82. +

——, Little (or Tauric), i. 478, 489; ii. 279.

Scythian nations, i. 247, 480, 481; ii. 235. -

—— bow, i. 188. -

—— history, i. 32. -

—— zone, i. 147; ii. 247. -

—— custom, i. 299. +

—— bow, i. 188. +

—— history, i. 32. +

—— zone, i. 147; ii. 247. +

—— custom, i. 299.

Scythians, i. 23, 51, 52, 106, 115, 172, 179, 180, 194, 195, 458, 461, @@ -103461,16 +103461,16 @@ ii. 235.

Scythians of the East, i. 172.

Scythopolis, c, of Galilee, iii. 181.

Sebaket-Bardoil, See Sirbonis. -

Sebastē, c. of Pontus, ii. 300. -

——, same as Samaria, iii, 177. +

Sebastē, c. of Pontus, ii. 300. +

——, same as Samaria, iii, 177.

Sebennytic nome, iii. 240. -

—— mouth of the Nile, iii. +

—— mouth of the Nile, iii. 239, 240.

Sebennytice, c. of Egypt, iii. 239.

Secinus (Selinda), iii. 52.

Segeda. See Segida. -

Segesama, t. of the Vaccæi (Sasa- +

Segesama, t. of the Vaccæi (Sasa- mo), i. 244.

Segesta (Sisseck). See Segestica. @@ -103487,7 +103487,7 @@ mo), i. 244. i. 309, 482, 483, 488.

Segida, t. of the Aruaci, i. 243. -

Segimūntus, prince of the Cherusci, +

Segimūntus, prince of the Cherusci, i. 446.

Segni. See Signia. @@ -103500,78 +103500,78 @@ Gaul, i. 277, 286. Siris.

Selefkeh. See Seleuceia. -

Sělēnē, or the Moon, goddess wor- +

Sělēnē, or the Moon, goddess wor- shipped by the Albani, ii. 234. -

——, by the people of Memphis, +

——, by the people of Memphis, iii. 248. -

——, cognomen of Cleopatra, iii. +

——, cognomen of Cleopatra, iii. 161. -

——, Greek name for Luna, c. and +

——, Greek name for Luna, c. and port of Etruria, i. 330.

Seleuceia, c. of Susiana, iii. 154. -

——, c. of Assyria, on the Ti- +

——, c. of Assyria, on the Ti- gris, ii. 262, 271; iii. 145, 146, 152, 156, 162. -

——, Pierian, c. of Syria (Su- +

——, Pierian, c. of Syria (Su- -veidijeh), i. 486; iii. 61, 161— +veidijeh), i. 486; iii. 61, 161— 164, 167. -

——, fortress of Mesopotamia, +

——, fortress of Mesopotamia, iii. 161. -

——, c. of Cilicia, iii. 53, 54. +

——, c. of Cilicia, iii. 53, 54.

Seleucis, part of Syria, iii. 160, 161, 167, 171.

Seleucus, the Babylonian, i. 8, 261. -

—— Nicator, king of Syria, ii. +

—— Nicator, king of Syria, ii. 334, 400; iii. 51, 74, 125, 145, 146, 161, 162, 165. -

—— Callinicus, king of Syria, +

—— Callinicus, king of Syria, ii. 248; iii. 162, 168. -

Selgē, c. of Pisidia (Surk), ii. 324. -

Selgeis, ii. 323—325. +

Selgē, c. of Pisidia (Surk), ii. 324. +

Selgeis, ii. 323—325.

Selgessus, same as Sagalassus, ii. 323.

Selgic mountains, ii. 325.

Selidromi. See Icus.

Selindi. See Selinus. -

Sēlinūntia, hot springs in Sicily (I +

Sēlinūntia, hot springs in Sicily (I Bagni di Sciacca), i. 415. -

Sēlinūntius Apollo, worshipped by +

Sēlinūntius Apollo, worshipped by the Orobii, ii. 152. -

Sēlinūs, c. of Sicily, i. 412. -

——, c. of Cilicia, iii. 52. -

——, r. of Sicily, ii. 73; iii. 68. -

——, r. near Ephesus, ii. 73. -

——, r. of Elis, ii. 73. -

——, r. of Achæa, ii. 73. -

Selinüsia, lake near Ephesus, iii. +

Sēlinūs, c. of Sicily, i. 412. +

——, c. of Cilicia, iii. 52. +

——, r. of Sicily, ii. 73; iii. 68. +

——, r. near Ephesus, ii. 73. +

——, r. of Elis, ii. 73. +

——, r. of Achæa, ii. 73. +

Selinüsia, lake near Ephesus, iii. 14. -

Sellēis, r. near Sicyon, ii. 9. -

——, r. of Elis, i. 502; ii. 9—11. -

——, r. of the Troad, ii. 351. +

Sellēis, r. near Sicyon, ii. 9. +

——, r. of Elis, i. 502; ii. 9—11. +

——, r. of the Troad, ii. 351.

Selli, people of Epirus, i. 44, 502. -

Selūrus, i. 413. -

Sēlybria, c. of Thrace, i. 490, 518. +

Selūrus, i. 413. +

Sēlybria, c. of Thrace, i. 490, 518.

Selys, i. 490. -

Sembritæ, Egyptians driven into +

Sembritæ, Egyptians driven into exile by Psammitichus, iii. 195, @@ -103581,40 +103581,40 @@ exile by Psammitichus, iii. 195, ii. 271, 281, 309, 310; iii. 74, 75, 122, 143. -

——, rampart of, i. 124. -

Semnōnes, people of Germany, i. +

——, rampart of, i. 124. +

Semnōnes, people of Germany, i. 445. -

Sēna, t. of Umbria (Sinigaglia), i. +

Sēna, t. of Umbria (Sinigaglia), i. 337. -

Sěn&obreve;nes, people of Gaul, i. 289. -

——, people of Italy, i. 291, 317, +

Sěnŏnes, people of Gaul, i. 289. +

——, people of Italy, i. 291, 317, 322. -

Sentīnum, t. of Umbria (Sentina), +

Sentīnum, t. of Umbria (Sentina), i. 337. -

Sēpias, prom. and coast of Thessaly +

Sēpias, prom. and coast of Thessaly (C. Demitri), i. 512; ii. 148. -

——, c. of Magnesia, ii. 139. +

——, c. of Magnesia, ii. 139.

Sepius, same as Sipus. -

Septempěda, t. of Picenum (S. +

Septempěda, t. of Picenum (S. Severino), i. 357. -

Sēquana, r. (Seine), i. 281, 288, +

Sēquana, r. (Seine), i. 281, 288, 290, 291, 297. -

Sēquani, people of Gaul, i. 278, +

Sēquani, people of Gaul, i. 278, -286—288, 291, 307, 310. +286—288, 291, 307, 310.

Serapis. See Sarapis.

Seraspadanes, son of Phraates, iii, 160.

Sered. See Tigranocerta. -

Sērěs, people of India, ii. 253; iii +

Sērěs, people of India, ii. 253; iii 95, 97.

Serguntia, t. of Celtiberia, i. 243 @@ -103629,7 +103629,7 @@ Severino), i. 357. pho), ii. 28, 211.

Serrium, prom. of Thrace, i. 516. -

Sertōrius, i. 238, 242, 244, 439; +

Sertōrius, i. 238, 242, 244, 439; iii. 281.

Servilius, P. Isauricus, ii. 322; iii. @@ -103638,41 +103638,41 @@ iii. 281.

Servius, king of the Romans, i. 348.

Sesamum (Sesamoides), ii. 116.

Sesamus, t. of Paphlagonia, ii. 291. -

Sesarēthii, people of Epirus, i. 500. +

Sesarēthii, people of Epirus, i. 500.

Sesithacus, leader of the Cherusci, i. 446. -

Sesōstris, king of Egypt, i. 61, 96; +

Sesōstris, king of Egypt, i. 61, 96; iii. 74, 191, 194, 224, 244.

Sessola, Castel di. See Suessula. -

Sēstia, prom. of, in the Thracian +

Sēstia, prom. of, in the Thracian Chersonese, i. 518. -

Sēstos, t. of the Thracian Cherson- +

Sēstos, t. of the Thracian Cherson- ese, i. 164, 188, 518; ii. 350, -352—354. -

——, strait of, i. 517. +352—354. +

——, strait of, i. 517.

Setabis (Xativa), i. 241.

Sethroite nome, iii. 243. -

Sētia, t. of Latium (Sezza), i. 344, +

Sētia, t. of Latium (Sezza), i. 344, 347, 352. -

——, wine of, i. 347. -

Sētium, prom. of Gallia Narbonen- +

——, wine of, i. 347. +

Sētium, prom. of Gallia Narbonen- sis (Cape de Cette), i. 271.

Seusamora, c. of Iberia Caucasia, ii. 231. -

Seuthēs, king of the Odryse, i. 5, 6. +

Seuthēs, king of the Odryse, i. 5, 6.

Seven Brothers, monuments of the, iii. 278.

Severino, S. See Septempeda. -

Sextiæ, hot-baths near Marseilles, i. +

Sextiæ, hot-baths near Marseilles, i. 267, 270.

Sextius, i. 270. @@ -103681,93 +103681,93 @@ iii. 278. 388, 404, 408, 411.

Sezza. See Setia.

Shirban. See Artemita. -

Sibæ, people of India, iii. 77, 94. +

Sibæ, people of India, iii. 77, 94.

Sibini, people of Germany, i. 445. -

Sibyl, Erythræan, ii. 321; iii. 18, +

Sibyl, Erythræan, ii. 321; iii. 18, 258, 259. -

Sicambri, i. 289, 444—446, 451. +

Sicambri, i. 289, 444—446, 451.

Sicani, people of Sicily, i. 407.

Sicenus (Sikino), ii. 207.

Sicilians, i. 9, 336, '385, 407; ii. 118. -

Sicily, i. 33—78, 84, 89, 93, 128, +

Sicily, i. 33—78, 84, 89, 93, 128, -164, 184—186, 194, 213, 224, +164, 184—186, 194, 213, 224, -334, 361, 362, 369, 376—378, +334, 361, 362, 369, 376—378, -383—386, 388, 389, 392, 400 +383—386, 388, 389, 392, 400 -—404, 407—409, 411, 412, 414, +—404, 407—409, 411, 412, 414, -417—422, 425, 430. 437, 438, +417—422, 425, 430. 437, 438, 459; ii. 4, 35, 41, 71, 92, 116, 154, 158, 378, 404; iii. 32, 59. -

——, Sea of, i. 85, 185—187, 315, +

——, Sea of, i. 85, 185—187, 315, 346, 379, 380, 400, 495; ii. 5, 16, 287, 288, 297. -

——, Strait of. See Messina. -

Sicyōn, c. of Peloponnesus (Basi- +

——, Strait of. See Messina. +

Sicyōn, c. of Peloponnesus (Basi- lico), i. 410; ii. 5, 10, 53, 58, 59, 65, 66, 71, 77, 107, 108, 116, 124. -

Sicyōnia, ii. 5, 62, 66, 103. -

Sicyōnii, Sicyonians, ii. 64, 66. -

Sidē, c. of Pontus, ii. 295. -

——, c. of Pamphylia (Eski Ada- +

Sicyōnia, ii. 5, 62, 66, 103. +

Sicyōnii, Sicyonians, ii. 64, 66. +

Sidē, c. of Pontus, ii. 295. +

——, c. of Pamphylia (Eski Ada- lia), ii. 323; iii. 45, 50, 68. -

Sidēnē, distr. of Pontus (Sidin or +

Sidēnē, distr. of Pontus (Sidin or Valisa), i. 82, 190; ii. 294, 295, 296, 305. -

——, c. and distr. of Mysia, ii. +

——, c. and distr. of Mysia, ii. 347, 368. -

Sidētani, in Spain, i. 245. -

Sidicīni, people of Italy, i. 352, +

Sidētani, in Spain, i. 245. +

Sidicīni, people of Italy, i. 352, 436. -

Sidicīnum. See Teanum. +

Sidicīnum. See Teanum.

Sidin. See Sidene. -

Sidōn, c. of Phoenicia (Seide), i. +

Sidōn, c. of Phoenicia (Seide), i. 15, 59, 64, 90, 201; iii. 167, 169 -—174. -

Sid&obreve;nes, people of the Bastarnæ, i. +—174. +

Sidŏnes, people of the Bastarnæ, i. 470. -

Sidōnia (Pēdōnia ?), isl. on the +

Sidōnia (Pēdōnia ?), isl. on the coast of Egypt, iii. 235.

Sidonian women, i. 65. -

Sid&obreve;nii, Sidonians, i. 2, 41, 60, 65, +

Sidŏnii, Sidonians, i. 2, 41, 60, 65, 66, 68, 458; iii. 173, 174, 215, 216. -

Siga, c. of the Masæsylii (Tafna), +

Siga, c. of the Masæsylii (Tafna), iii. 282.

Sigeia, prom. in the Troad, ii. 358, 372. -

Sigēlus, monument of Narcissus, +

Sigēlus, monument of Narcissus, ii. 96.

Sigertis, king of India, ii. 253.

Sigeum, t. of the Troad (lenischer), -i. 517, 518; ii. 358—363, 366. +i. 517, 518; ii. 358—363, 366. 368. @@ -103777,7 +103777,7 @@ i. 517, 518; ii. 358—363, 366.

Sigia, ii. 373. -

Sigimērus, Segimerus, prince of the +

Sigimērus, Segimerus, prince of the Cherusci, i. 446.

Siginni, people inhabiting the Cas- @@ -103791,18 +103791,18 @@ pian, ii. 258.

Sigriana, distr. of Media, ii. 265.

Sigrium, prom. of Lesbos (Sigri), -i. 518; ii. 390—393. +i. 518; ii. 390—393.

Sihon. See Iaxartes.

Sikino. See Sicenus.

Sila, forest of the Bruttii, i. 391. -

——, r. of India, iii. 98. -

——, t., i. 435. -

Silacēni, people of Assyria, iii. 154. +

——, r. of India, iii. 98. +

——, t., i. 435. +

Silacēni, people of Assyria, iii. 154.

Silanus, i. 258.

Silaris, r. of Campania (Silaro), i. 374, 375, 380. -

Silēni, servants of Bacchus, i. 286, +

Silēni, servants of Bacchus, i. 286, 288, 290, 291, 297.

Silenus, ii. 186, 318. @@ -103818,33 +103818,33 @@ i. 518; ii. 390—393.

Simoeis, r. of the Troad, ii. 358, 361, 362, 368. -

——,r. of Sicily, ii. 378. -

——, plain of, in the Troad, ii. +

——,r. of Sicily, ii. 378. +

——, plain of, in the Troad, ii. 361. -

Simōnides, lyric poet, ii. 146, 210, +

Simōnides, lyric poet, ii. 146, 210, 394; iii. 108. -

—— Amorginus, ii. 212; iii. +

—— Amorginus, ii. 212; iii. 130.

Simuntis, cognomen of Troy, ii. 74.

Simus, physician, iii. 36. -

——, lyric poet, iii. 23. +

——, lyric poet, iii. 23.

Simyra, c. of Syria (Sumrah), iii. 167.

Sinda, c. of Pisidia (Dekoi), ii. 324, 409. -

Sindi, Mæotic race. ii. 223. +

Sindi, Mæotic race. ii. 223.

Sindic harbour, ii. 225

Sindica, distr. by the Cimmerian Bosporus, i. 478; ii. 219, 224, 305. -

—— Sea, ii. 219. +

—— Sea, ii. 219.

Sindomana, c. of India, iii. 95.

Singitic Gulf, Bay of Macedonia @@ -103853,21 +103853,21 @@ Bosporus, i. 478; ii. 219, 224,

Sinigaglia. See Sena.

Sinna, citadel of, iii. 170.

Sinno. See Siris. -

Sinōpe, c. of Pontus, colony of the +

Sinōpe, c. of Pontus, colony of the Milesians, i. 72, 106, 113, 114, 202, 216, 491; ii. 198, 225, 227, -284, 291—294, 302, 310; iii. 44, +284, 291—294, 302, 310; iii. 44, -61—63. +61—63.

Sinopenses, ii. 291. -

Sinōpis, Sinopītis, Sinopic district, +

Sinōpis, Sinopītis, Sinopic district, ii. 313. -

Sin&obreve;ria, fortress of Armenia, ii. 305. -

Sinōtium, t. of the Dalmatians, i. +

Sinŏria, fortress of Armenia, ii. 305. +

Sinōtium, t. of the Dalmatians, i. 484.

Sinti, Sinties, or Saii, people of @@ -103886,27 +103886,27 @@ Thrace, i. 514, 515; ii. 169, 208.

Sipuli. See Sipylene. -

Sipūs, c. of Apulia (Siponto), i. +

Sipūs, c. of Apulia (Siponto), i. 433, 434. -

Sipylēnē, cognomen of Rhea, ii. +

Sipylēnē, cognomen of Rhea, ii. 184. -

—— (Sipuli Dagh), ii. 184. +

—— (Sipuli Dagh), ii. 184.

Sipylus, mtn of Lydia, i. 91; ii. 326, 335, 337; iii. 66. -

——, c. of Lydia, i. 91; ii. +

——, c. of Lydia, i. 91; ii. 326.

Siraces, Siraci, inhabitants of the Caucasus, ii. 219, 238, 239. -

Siracēnē, ii. 236. +

Siracēnē, ii. 236.

Sirbis, r. of Lycia (Kodscha), iii. 47. -

Sirbōnis, Sirbōnitis, lake in Egypt +

Sirbōnis, Sirbōnitis, lake in Egypt (Sebaket-Bardoil), i. 79; iii. 176, @@ -103918,16 +103918,16 @@ Caucasus, ii. 219, 238, 239. -

Sirenusæ, Sirenussæ, prom. (Punta +

Sirenusæ, Sirenussæ, prom. (Punta della Campanella), i. 34, 35, 39, 368, 374, 375. -

Siris, c., i. 397—399. -

——, r. Sinno, i. 397. +

Siris, c., i. 397—399. +

——, r. Sinno, i. 397.

Siritis, i. 380.

Sirmium, c. of Pannonia, i. 483. -

Sisapō, c. of Spain, i. 214. +

Sisapō, c. of Spain, i. 214.

Siscia, t. of Pannonia, i. 483.

Sisimythres, stronghold of, in Bac- @@ -103938,19 +103938,19 @@ triana, ii. 254. ii. 62.

Sisyrba, an Amazon, iii. 3. -

Sisyrbītæ, iii. 3. -

Sitacēnē, distr. of Babylon, of Apol- +

Sisyrbītæ, iii. 3. +

Sitacēnē, distr. of Babylon, of Apol- -lōniātis (Descura), ii. 264; iii. +lōniātis (Descura), ii. 264; iii. 135, 146, 152. -

Sitacēni, ii. 223. -

Sithōnes, people of Macedonia, i. +

Sitacēni, ii. 223. +

Sithōnes, people of Macedonia, i. 506.

Sitia. See Dicte.

Sizeboli. See Apollonia. -

Skilli. See Scyllaæum. +

Skilli. See Scyllaæum.

Skio, isl. See Chios.

Smintheas. See Apollo.

Sminthia, ii. 374. @@ -103960,36 +103960,36 @@ Hamaxitus, ii. 190, 374.

Smyrna, c. of Ionia, ii. 237, 298, 303, 336; iii. 1, 4, 8, 20, 43. -

——, part of Ephesus, iii. 3. -

——, Bay of, iii. 20, 21. -

——, an Amazon, iii. 3. -

Smyrnæans, iii. 3, 20. +

——, part of Ephesus, iii. 3. +

——, Bay of, iii. 20, 21. +

——, an Amazon, iii. 3. +

Smyrnæans, iii. 3, 20.

Soandus, t. of Cappadocia, iii. 44.

Soanes, people bordering on the Caucasus, ii. 225, 229.

Soatra, t. of Lycaonia, ii. 321. -

Sōcrates, i. 452; ii. 95; iii. 114. -

Sodom, c. of Judæa, iii. 183. +

Sōcrates, i. 452; ii. 95; iii. 114. +

Sodom, c. of Judæa, iii. 183.

Sogdiana, i. 113; ii. 245, 248, 253 -—255; iii. 125, 126. +—255; iii. 125, 126.

Sogdiani, Sogdii, Sogdians, i. 112, 195; ii. 245, 248, 253.

Solfa-terra, la. See Forum Vulcani.

Soli, c. of Cilicia (Mesetlii), ii. 74, -347, 382; iii. 45, 46, 50, 53—55, +347, 382; iii. 45, 46, 50, 53—55, -59—61. +59—61.

Soli, c. of Cyprus, iii 70.

Solii, iii. 70.

Solmissus, mtn near Ephesus, iii. 11. -

Sol&obreve;cē, iii. 154. -

S&obreve;lōn, i. 154; ii. 83. +

Solŏcē, iii. 154. +

Sŏlōn, i. 154; ii. 83.

Solyme, mtns of Lycia, i. 53; iii. 48. @@ -104000,41 +104000,41 @@ Caucasus, ii. 225, 229. 63, 65.

Solymus, mtn of Pisidia, iii. 409.

Somnus, ii. 341. -

Sōpeithēs, king of the Indians, iii +

Sōpeithēs, king of the Indians, iii 92, 93. -

Sōphēnē, distr. of Armenia (Dzo- +

Sōphēnē, distr. of Armenia (Dzo- phok), ii. 260, 261, 268, 278, 304; iii. 44. -

——, prince of, ii. 278. -

Sōphēni, ii. 272, 273, 278. -

Sophoclēs, i. 410; ii. 32, 42, 51, +

——, prince of, ii. 278. +

Sōphēni, ii. 272, 273, 278. +

Sophoclēs, i. 410; ii. 32, 42, 51, 81, 90, 135, 170, 186, 191, 377; iii. 9, 15, 59, 60, 76. -

Sōra, t. of Latium, i. 353. +

Sōra, t. of Latium, i. 353.

Soracte, mtn of Latium (Monte di S. Silvestro), i. 336.

Sorgue. See Sulgas.

Sorrento. See Surrentum.

Sosicrates, ii. 193. -

Sōsip&obreve;lis, Jupiter, worshipped at +

Sōsipŏlis, Jupiter, worshipped at Magnesia, iii. 23. -

Sōssinati, people of Sardinia, i. 334. -

Sōstratus, tomb of, ii. 74. -

——, grammarian, iii. 26. -

—— of Cnidus, iii. 227. -

Sōtades, ii. 19. -

——, poet, iii. 23. -

Sōteira, harbour in the Arabian +

Sōssinati, people of Sardinia, i. 334. +

Sōstratus, tomb of, ii. 74. +

——, grammarian, iii. 26. +

—— of Cnidus, iii. 227. +

Sōtades, ii. 19. +

——, poet, iii. 23. +

Sōteira, harbour in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 194. -

Sōtēres, or Saviours, cognomen of +

Sōtēres, or Saviours, cognomen of the Dioscuri i. 345.

Sour. See Tyre. @@ -104048,9 +104048,9 @@ the Dioscuri i. 345. 192, 205, 206, 208, 210, 213,215 -—219, 222—226, 228, 229, 283, +—219, 222—226, 228, 229, 283, -234, 236, 240—242, 244, 245, +234, 236, 240—242, 244, 245, 249, 251, 252, 255, 263, 264, 267, @@ -104066,12 +104066,12 @@ the Dioscuri i. 345. et passim.

Spain, Citerior, i. 249, 250. -

——, Ulterior, i. 240, 245; iii. +

——, Ulterior, i. 240, 245; iii. 297.

Sparta, i. 274; ii. 15, 25, 36, 40 -—44, 47, 49, 59, 153, 203. See +—44, 47, 49, 59, 153, 203. See Lacedramon.

Spartans, i. 385; ii. 42, 202, 203. @@ -104088,21 +104088,21 @@ mela or Ellada), i. 95; ii. 55,

Spermophagi, people of Ethiopia, iii. 195. -

Sphagia, Sphactēria, island, ii. 22, +

Sphagia, Sphactēria, island, ii. 22, 36. -

Sphēttus, t. of Attica, ii. 88. +

Sphēttus, t. of Attica, ii. 88.

Spina, c. of Cisalpine Gaul (Spina- zino), i. 318. -

Spinītæ, i. 318; ii. 119. +

Spinītæ, i. 318; ii. 119.

Spitamenes, ii. 248, 255. -

Sp&obreve;lētium, c. of Umbria (Spoleto), +

Spŏlētium, c. of Umbria (Spoleto), i. 338.

Sporades, islands, i. 187; ii. 192. -207, 211—213; iii. 33. +207, 211—213; iii. 33.

Stadia, ancient name of Rhodes, iii. 31. @@ -104114,36 +104114,36 @@ i. 512, 513.

Stanko, isl. See Cos.

Staphylus, ii. 195.

Stapodia. See Melantian rocks. -

Stasanōr, iii. 70. +

Stasanōr, iii. 70.

Statanian wine, i. 347, 361. -

Statōnia, t. of Etruria, i. 335. +

Statōnia, t. of Etruria, i. 335.

Steganopodes, i. 68, 458.

Steiria, vill. of Attica, ii. 89. -

Stēlæ. See Pillars. +

Stēlæ. See Pillars.

Stenyclarus, c. of Messenia, ii. 38.

Sterophthalmi, i. 68, 458. -

Stēr&obreve;pa, ii. 198. -

Stēsichorus, i. 67; ii. 21, 32. -

Stēsimbr&obreve;tus, ii. 189. -

Sthěnělus, king of the Mycenæ, ii. +

Stērŏpa, ii. 198. +

Stēsichorus, i. 67; ii. 21, 32. +

Stēsimbrŏtus, ii. 189. +

Sthěnělus, king of the Mycenæ, ii. 59. -

Sthěnis, ii. 293. +

Sthěnis, ii. 293.

Stillida. See Phalara.

Stiphane (Ladik-Gol), ii. 311. -

Stoa Pœcile, ii. 87. -

St&obreve;bi, t. of Macedonia, i. 504; ii. +

Stoa Pœcile, ii. 87. +

Stŏbi, t. of Macedonia, i. 504; ii. 77. -

Stœchades, islands, i. 276. +

Stœchades, islands, i. 276.

Stoics, i. 24, 156. -

St&obreve;malimnē, a salt lake, i. 275; ii. +

Stŏmalimnē, a salt lake, i. 275; ii. 358, 361. -

——, village, iii. 36. -

St&obreve;ni (Sténéco), i. 304. +

——, village, iii. 36. +

Stŏni (Sténéco), i. 304.

Stony Plain, the, i. 273. -

St&obreve;ras, r. of Latium, i. 346. +

Stŏras, r. of Latium, i. 346.

Strabo, geographer, i. 505, 507, 516, 517: his country, ii. 195, 197, @@ -104159,31 +104159,31 @@ friends, i. 178, 209, 262: his age, ii. 61, 208, 255; iii. 102, 247, 262, 265; his History, i. 21; ii. 251. -

——, Pompey, i. 317. +

——, Pompey, i. 317.

Straits. See Gibraltar.

Stratarchas, ii. 198.

Stratia, t. of Arcadia, ii. 75.

Stratius, priest, i. 114. -

——. See Jupiter. +

——. See Jupiter.

Strato, isl. of, in the Arabian Gulf, iii. 195. -

—— tower, in Judæa, iii. 174. -

——, tyrant, ii. 294. -

——, natural philosopher, i. 78 +

—— tower, in Judæa, iii. 174. +

——, tyrant, ii. 294. +

——, natural philosopher, i. 78 -80—82. +80—82.

Stratocles, Athenian, ii. 35. -

——, Rhodian, iii. 33. +

——, Rhodian, iii. 33.

Stratonice, ii. 401.

Stratoniceia, c. of Caria (Eski-His- sar), iii. 37, 39, 40. -

——, by the Taurus, iii. 40. +

——, by the Taurus, iii. 40.

Stratoniceians, ii. 383; iii. 39, 40.

Stratonicus, ii. 381; iii. 28.

Stratus, c. of Acarnania, ii. 159. -

——, c. of Achaia, afterwards +

——, c. of Achaia, afterwards Dyme, ii. 74.

Strongyla, one of the Lipari islands @@ -104198,15 +104198,15 @@ Dyme, ii. 74. -

Strūthophagi, in Ethiopia, iii. 197. -

Strymōn, r. of Thrace (lemboli), i. +

Strūthophagi, in Ethiopia, iii. 197. +

Strymōn, r. of Thrace (lemboli), i. -496, 505, 506, 512—514. +496, 505, 506, 512—514.

Strymonic Gulf (G. of Orfano), i. 512, 513, 515.

Stura. See Storas. -

Struœ. See Styra. +

Struœ. See Styra.

Stygian stream. See Styx.

Stymbara, t. of the Deuriopes, i. 501.

Stymphalian lake, ii. 52, 76. @@ -104215,25 +104215,25 @@ Dyme, ii. 74.

Stymphalus, t. of Arcadia, i. 416; ii. 52, 66, 75, 76. -

Styra (Sturæ), t. of Eubœa, ii. 153. +

Styra (Sturæ), t. of Eubœa, ii. 153.

Styrieis, ii. 153.

Styx, at Lake Avernus, i. 363. -

——, near Pheneus, ii. 76. -

——, at Telchinas, iii. 31. +

——, near Pheneus, ii. 76. +

——, at Telchinas, iii. 31.

Suangela, c. of Caria, ii. 383. -

Sūchus, the sacred crocodile, iii. +

Sūchus, the sacred crocodile, iii. 195. -

Sūcro, r. of Spain (Xucar), i. 238, +

Sūcro, r. of Spain (Xucar), i. 238, 239, 245, 251. -

——, t. of Spain, i. 238. +

——, t. of Spain, i. 238.

Sudinus, iii. 146.

Suessa, c. of the Volsci, i. 344, 352.

Suessiones, people of Gaul, i. 289, 293. -

Suessūla, t. of Campania (Castel di +

Suessūla, t. of Campania (Castel di Sessola), i. 370.

Suevi, i. 289, 308, 444, 445, 448, @@ -104245,92 +104245,92 @@ Heroopolis.

Suffange-el-Bahri. See Myos-hor- mos. -

Sūgambri, people of Germany. See +

Sūgambri, people of Germany. See Sicambri.

Suidas, i. 503.

Sulchi, t. of Sardinia, i. 333.

Suleimanli. See Blaudus. -

Sūlgas, r. of Gaul (Sorgue), i. 277, +

Sūlgas, r. of Gaul (Sorgue), i. 277, 285. -

Sulmō, c. of the Peligni (Sulmona), +

Sulmō, c. of the Peligni (Sulmona), i. 359.

Sultan-Dagh. See Paroreia.

Sultan-Hissar. See Nisa.

Sumrah. See Simyra.

Sun, Colossus of the, iii. 29. -

Sūnium, prom. of Attica (Cape Co- +

Sūnium, prom. of Attica (Cape Co- lonna), i. 140, 164, 188, 496, -506; ii. 78—80, 89—96, 150, +506; ii. 78—80, 89—96, 150, 151, 154, 193, 208; iii. 7. -

Sūnium, demus of Attica, ii. 89. +

Sūnium, demus of Attica, ii. 89.

Sur. See Tyre. -

Sūrena, iii. 31. +

Sūrena, iii. 31.

Surk. See Selge.

Surrentum, c. of Campania (Sor- rento), i. 34, 361, 368. -

Sūsa, c. of Susiana (Schuss), ii. 75, +

Sūsa, c. of Susiana (Schuss), ii. 75, -122, 123, 132; iii. 130—134, 152. -

Sūsiana, distr. (Khosistan), i. 201; +122, 123, 132; iii. 130—134, 152. +

Sūsiana, distr. (Khosistan), i. 201; -iii. 83, 130—135, 142, 146, 151— +iii. 83, 130—135, 142, 146, 151— 154. -

Sūsians, i. 196; ii. 264, 266. -

Sūsis, Sūsias, same as Susiana. +

Sūsians, i. 196; ii. 264, 266. +

Sūsis, Sūsias, same as Susiana.

Suspiritis, ii. 235. -

Sūtrium, c. of Etruria (Sutri), i. +

Sūtrium, c. of Etruria (Sutri), i. 335.

Suveidijeh. See Seleucia, Pierian. i

Swiss. See Helvetii. -

Sybaris, c. of Lucania, i. 394—396; +

Sybaris, c. of Lucania, i. 394—396; ii. 73. -

——, c. of the Bruttii, a colony +

——, c. of the Bruttii, a colony of the Rhodians, i. 398, 399; iii. 33. -

——, r. of Lucania, i. 394—397; +

——, r. of Lucania, i. 394—397; ii. 73. -

——, ftn of Achaia, ii. 73. -

Sybaritæ, Sybarites, i. 373, 376, +

——, ftn of Achaia, ii. 73. +

Sybaritæ, Sybarites, i. 373, 376, 399; ii. 119.

Sybota, islands (Syvota), i. 187. 497. -

Sycaminopolis, c. of Judæa, iii. 175. -

Sydracæ (al. Oxydraceæ), people +

Sycaminopolis, c. of Judæa, iii. 175. +

Sydracæ (al. Oxydraceæ), people of India, iii. 76, 94, 95.

Syedra, t. of Cilicia, iii. 52. -

Syēnē, c. of Egypt (Assouan), i. 50, +

Syēnē, c. of Egypt (Assouan), i. 50, 64, 130, 143, 171, 172, 178, 200, -201; iii. 84, 217, 224—226, 264 +201; iii. 84, 217, 224—226, 264 -—266, 233, 243, 258, 263. +—266, 233, 243, 258, 263.

Sylla, L. Cornelius, i. 331, 371; ii. 85, 89, 154, 308, 356, 357, 380; iii. 32, 232. -

Syllæus, iii. 210—213, 267. -

Syl&obreve;sōn, iii. 8, 9. -

Symæthus, r. of Sicily (Giaretta), +

Syllæus, iii. 210—213, 267. +

Sylŏsōn, iii. 8, 9. +

Symæthus, r. of Sicily (Giaretta), i. 411.

Symbace, c. of Armenia or Media, ii. 263. -

Symb&obreve;lōn limen, or Signal harbour, +

Symbŏlōn limen, or Signal harbour, in the Tauric Chersonesus, i. @@ -104344,10 +104344,10 @@ in the Tauric Chersonesus, i.

Symbri, Symbrii (prob. corrupt), i. 321, 324. -

Symē, isl. of Caria, iii. 34. -

Symplēgaděs, by the Thracian Bos- +

Symē, isl. of Caria, iii. 34. +

Symplēgaděs, by the Thracian Bos- -porus, same as the Cyaneæ, i. 32, +porus, same as the Cyaneæ, i. 32, 224, 256.

Synnada, t. of Phrygia (Afium- @@ -104358,10 +104358,10 @@ Karahissar), ii. 332, 333.

Syphax, iii. 282.

Syracuse (Syragusa), i. 35, 186, -201, 368, 388, 389, 394, 402— +201, 368, 388, 389, 394, 402— 409, 413, 414; ii. 63. -

Syracūsans, i. 357, 389, 394, 407, +

Syracūsans, i. 357, 389, 394, 407, 408; ii. 158.

Syria, i. 63, 76, 90, 129, 189, 196, @@ -104372,23 +104372,23 @@ Karahissar), ii. 332, 333. 404; iii. 50, 51, 60, 61, 130, 140, -150, 158, 160—176, 179, 185, +150, 158, 160—176, 179, 185, 207, 209, 216, 230, 232. -

——, Upper, i. 201. -

——, Lower, iii. 83, 150. -

——, Cœle-Syria, i. 201; iii. 160, +

——, Upper, i. 201. +

——, Lower, iii. 83, 150. +

——, Cœle-Syria, i. 201; iii. 160, 161, 167, 169, 171, 185, 189. -

——, Sea of, i. 129; ii. 279; iii. +

——, Sea of, i. 129; ii. 279; iii. 160.

Syrians, i. 66, 196, 440; ii. 290, 301, 304. -

——, Leuco, ii. 301, 302, 304. -

Syriē, same as Syros. -

Syrmūs, king of the Triballi, i. +

——, Leuco, ii. 301, 302, 304. +

Syriē, same as Syros. +

Syrmūs, king of the Triballi, i. 463.

Syros (Syra), ii. 208, 211. @@ -104396,37 +104396,37 @@ Karahissar), ii. 332, 333. 185, 197, 198, 256, 403; iii. 275, -282, 285, 288—291. -

——, Greater (Gulf of Sidra or +282, 285, 288—291. +

——, Greater (Gulf of Sidra or Zalscho), i. 185, 190; iii. 289, 290, 294. -

——, Lesser (Gulf of Cabes), i. +

——, Lesser (Gulf of Cabes), i. -185, 237; iii. 288—290. -

—— Lotophagitis, iii. 288. +185, 237; iii. 288—290. +

—— Lotophagitis, iii. 288.

Syrus, i. 467. -

Syspirītis, distr. of Armenia, ii. 272. +

Syspirītis, distr. of Armenia, ii. 272.

Tab. See Croatis. -

Tabæ, c. of Phrygia (Tabas), ii. +

Tabæ, c. of Phrygia (Tabas), ii. 324, 332. -

Tabēnian plain, ii. 407. +

Tabēnian plain, ii. 407.

Tacazze. See Astaboras. -

Tænarum, prom. of Laconia (Cape +

Tænarum, prom. of Laconia (Cape Matapan), i. 187, 403; ii. 5, 40, 41, 46, 55, 393; iii. 292. -

——, t. of Laconia, ii. 36, 37. +

——, t. of Laconia, ii. 36, 37.

Tafna. See Siga.

Tagus, r. of Spain, i. 161, 208, 209, -214, 227—231, 243. +214, 227—231, 243.

Takli. See Acra. -

Talabr&obreve;cē, t. of Hyrcania, ii. 242. -

Talæmenes, ii. 403. +

Talabrŏcē, t. of Hyrcania, ii. 242. +

Talæmenes, ii. 403.

Talanta. See Atalanta.

Talares, people of Epirus, ii. 137.

Taman. See Corocondame. @@ -104437,49 +104437,49 @@ Tamasso), i. 381; iii. 71.

Tamna, t. of Arabia Felix, iii. 190. -

Tamynæ, t. of Eubœa, ii. 155. +

Tamynæ, t. of Eubœa, ii. 155.

Tamyracas, or Corcinitic Gulf, in the Tauric Chersonese, i. 471, 473. -

——, promontory, i. 473. -

Tamyras, r. of Phœnicia (Nahr- +

——, promontory, i. 473. +

Tamyras, r. of Phœnicia (Nahr- Damur), iii. 171. -

Tanagra, c. of Bœotia, ii. 66, 95— +

Tanagra, c. of Bœotia, ii. 66, 95— 97, 99, 104, 105. -

Tanagræa, Tanagricē, ii. 92, 95, 96, +

Tanagræa, Tanagricē, ii. 92, 95, 96, 143. -

Tanaïs, c., situated on the river of +

Tanaïs, c., situated on the river of that name, ii. 239, 224. -

——, river (Don), i. 102, 157, +

——, river (Don), i. 102, 157, 162, 163, 190, 191, 194, 442,443, 457, 470, 477, 480; ii. 1, 215, -216, 219—221, 224, 239, 240, +216, 219—221, 224, 239, 240, 243, 244, 303; iii. 296.

Tanis, c. of Egypt on the Delta, iii. 240. -

——, c. of the Thebaid, iii. 258. +

——, c. of the Thebaid, iii. 258.

Tanitic nome, iii. 240. -

—— mouth of the Nile, iii. 239, +

—— mouth of the Nile, iii. 239, 240.

Tantalus, i. 91; ii. 326, 337; iii. 66. -

Ta&obreve;cē, c. of Persia (Taug), iii. 131. +

Taŏcē, c. of Persia (Taug), iii. 131.

Taormina. See Tauromenium. -

Tapē, c. of Hyrcania, ii. 242. -

Taphiassus, mtn of Ætolia (Kaki- +

Tapē, c. of Hyrcania, ii. 242. +

Taphiassus, mtn of Ætolia (Kaki- Scala), ii. 127, 160, 171, 172.

Taphii, Taphians, ii. 166, 170, 173. @@ -104489,26 +104489,26 @@ Scala), ii. 127, 160, 171, 172. -

Taphītis, prom. on the Carthaginian +

Taphītis, prom. on the Carthaginian coast (Cape Aclibia), iii. 288. -

Taphos, Taphiūs, island near Acar- +

Taphos, Taphiūs, island near Acar- nania, ii. 166, 167, 170, 173.

Taphrii, in the Tauric Chersonesus, i. 473. -

Tap&obreve;seiris, c. of Egypt, iii. 236. -

—— the Less, c. of Egypt, +

Tapŏseiris, c. of Egypt, iii. 236. +

—— the Less, c. of Egypt, iii. 236, 238. -

Tapr&obreve;banē, isl. (Ceylon), i. 99, 111, +

Taprŏbanē, isl. (Ceylon), i. 99, 111, 114, 180, 196, 200; iii. 81.

Tapyri, people of Asia, ii. 248, 250, 258, 263. -

Taracōn, c. of Spain. See Tarraco. +

Taracōn, c. of Spain. See Tarraco.

Taranto, Gulf of. See Tarentum.

Taras. See Tarentum.

Tarbassus, c. of Pisidia, ii. 324. @@ -104516,29 +104516,29 @@ iii. 236, 238.

Tarcon (Tarquin), governor of Tar- quinia, i. 326. -

Tarcondim&obreve;tus, king of Cilicia, iii. +

Tarcondimŏtus, king of Cilicia, iii. 60.

Tarentini, Tarentines, i. 372, 389, -397—399, 427, 430, 438. +397—399, 427, 430, 438.

Tarentum, i. 347, 377, 379, 393, -399, 400, 423, 425, 427—434, +399, 400, 423, 425, 427—434, 497. -

——, Gulf of, i. 313, 315, 377, +

——, Gulf of, i. 313, 315, 377, 378, 393, 423, 429. -

Taricheæ, c. of Judæa, iii. 183. -

Taricheiæ, islands near Carthage, +

Taricheæ, c. of Judæa, iii. 183. +

Taricheiæ, islands near Carthage, iii. 288. -

Tarnē, t. of Bœotia, ii. 110. -

——, t. of Lydia, ii. 110. +

Tarnē, t. of Bœotia, ii. 110. +

——, t. of Lydia, ii. 110.

Taronitis, ii. 268, 269. -

Tarpētěs, ii. 223. -

Tarphē, c. of the Locrians, ii. 110, +

Tarpētěs, ii. 223. +

Tarphē, c. of the Locrians, ii. 110, 127.

Tarquin. See Tarquinius. @@ -104547,7 +104547,7 @@ iii. 288.

Tarquinius Priscus, Lucius, i. 327, 344. -

—— Superbus, i. 327, 344, +

—— Superbus, i. 327, 344, 438.

Tarracina, t. of Latium, i. 344, 346, @@ -104561,20 +104561,20 @@ iii. 288. ii. 347.

Tarsus, c. of Cilicia (Tarsous), i. -190; iii. 45, 50, 52, 55—59, 162. +190; iii. 45, 50, 52, 55—59, 162.

Tartarus, i. 223, 224.

Tartary. See Scythia. -

Tartēssians, i. 51. -

Tartēssis, i. 223. -

Tartēssus, c. of Spain, i. 224, 226. -

——, r. of Spain (Guadal- +

Tartēssians, i. 51. +

Tartēssis, i. 223. +

Tartēssus, c. of Spain, i. 224, 226. +

——, r. of Spain (Guadal- quiver), i. 222, 223. -

Tarūsco, t. of Gaul, i. 267, 268, +

Tarūsco, t. of Gaul, i. 267, 268, 279.

Tasch Kopri. See Pompeiopolis. -

Tasch Owa. See Phanarœa. +

Tasch Owa. See Phanarœa.

Tasius, leader of the Roxolani, i. 471. @@ -104587,7 +104587,7 @@ renaic, iii. 291, 292.

Taug. See Taoce.

Taulantii, people of Epirus, i. 500.

Tauri, Scythian race, i. 476, 478. -

——, Troglodytic mountains, iii. +

——, Troglodytic mountains, iii. 194.

Tauriana, distr. of the Bruttii, i. @@ -104596,11 +104596,11 @@ renaic, iii. 291, 292.

Tauric Chersonesus. See Chersone- sus. -

—— coasts, i. 475. -

Taurīni, people of Liguria, i. 303, +

—— coasts, i. 475. +

Taurīni, people of Liguria, i. 303, 311. -

Taurisci, Tauristæ, a people of +

Taurisci, Tauristæ, a people of Gaul, i. 307, 309, 310, 317, 450, @@ -104609,16 +104609,16 @@ Gaul, i. 307, 309, 310, 317, 450,

Tauroentium, t. of Gaul (Taurenti), i. 269, 275. -

Tauroměnia (Taormina), i. 404. -

Tauroměnitæ, i. 412. -

Tauroměnium, c. of Sicily (Taor- +

Tauroměnia (Taormina), i. 404. +

Tauroměnitæ, i. 412. +

Tauroměnium, c. of Sicily (Taor- mina), i. 402, 403, 405; iii. 12. -

Taurop&obreve;lium, temple of Diana, iii. +

Tauropŏlium, temple of Diana, iii. 10, 186. -

Taurus, fortress of Judæa, iii. 181. -

——, mtn of Asia, i. 32, 82, 105, +

Taurus, fortress of Judæa, iii. 181. +

——, mtn of Asia, i. 32, 82, 105, 106, 113, 120, 125, 126, 128, 131, @@ -104626,11 +104626,11 @@ mina), i. 402, 403, 405; iii. 12. 439; ii. 215, 216, 218, 226, 244, -250, 255, 256, 259—262, 267, +250, 255, 256, 259—262, 267, -277—279, 281, 284, 290, 314, +277—279, 281, 284, 290, 314, -321—325, 329, 333, 347, 355, +321—325, 329, 333, 347, 355, @@ -104640,12 +104640,12 @@ mina), i. 402, 403, 405; iii. 12. 399, 400, 407, 409, 410; iii. 27, -40, 54—57, 60, 61, 73, 78, 120, +40, 54—57, 60, 61, 73, 78, 120, 142, 143, 156, 297, et passim.

Taurus, Pisidian, i. 195; ii. 319. -

——, Cilician, ii. 276, 278, 319. -

——, Anti-, ii. 259, 260, 278, +

——, Cilician, ii. 276, 278, 319. +

——, Anti-, ii. 259, 260, 278, 279.

Tavium, ii. 320. @@ -104655,7 +104655,7 @@ mina), i. 402, 403, 405; iii. 12.

Taxiles, king of the Taxili, iii. 90, 92, 114. -

Taÿgětum, mtn of Laconia (Penta +

Taÿgětum, mtn of Laconia (Penta Dactylon), i. 311; ii. 37, 40, 46, @@ -104663,7 +104663,7 @@ Dactylon), i. 311; ii. 37, 40, 46,

Teanum, Sidicinum, c. of Campania (Teano), i. 352, 370. -

——, Apulian, i. 359, 436. +

——, Apulian, i. 359, 436.

Tearco, Ethiopian, i. 96; iii. 74.

Teatea, c. of the Marrucini (Chieti), @@ -104672,108 +104672,108 @@ i. 359.

Tectosages, people of Gallia Nar- bonensis, i. 279, 280, 282. -

——, people of Galatia, ii. +

——, people of Galatia, ii. 319, 320. -

Těgěa, c. of Arcadia, ii. 8, 54, 58, +

Těgěa, c. of Arcadia, ii. 8, 54, 58, 64, 75, 76. -

——, territory of, ii. 76. -

Tegeatæ, ii. 60. -

Teichiūs, fortress near Thermopylæ, +

——, territory of, ii. 76. +

Tegeatæ, ii. 60. +

Teichiūs, fortress near Thermopylæ, ii. 129. -

Teirěsias, ii. 107, 111; iii. 15, 180. +

Teirěsias, ii. 107, 111; iii. 15, 180.

Tekieh. See Pamphylia. -

Telamōn, ii. 83; iii. 69. -

Telchïnes, inhabitants of Rhodes, +

Telamōn, ii. 83; iii. 69. +

Telchïnes, inhabitants of Rhodes, ii. 180, 188; iii. 31, 32. -

Telchīnis, name of the island of +

Telchīnis, name of the island of Rhodes, iii. 31, 32. -

Tēlěboæ, i. 494; ii. 166, 170—173. -

Tēlěboas, i. 494. -

Tēlěclus, i. 425; ii. 37. -

Tēlemachus, i. 59, 62, 65, 503; ii. +

Tēlěboæ, i. 494; ii. 166, 170—173. +

Tēlěboas, i. 494. +

Tēlěclus, i. 425; ii. 37. +

Tēlemachus, i. 59, 62, 65, 503; ii. -9, 14, 17—19, 25, 46, 47, 155, +9, 14, 17—19, 25, 46, 47, 155, 173. -

Tēlephus, father of Eurypelus, ii. +

Tēlephus, father of Eurypelus, ii. 327, 343, 346, 389. -

Tělěsia, t. of the Samnites, i. 371. -

Telethrius, mtn of Eubœa (Mt +

Tělěsia, t. of the Samnites, i. 371. +

Telethrius, mtn of Eubœa (Mt Galzades), ii. 152. -

Tellēnæ, t. of Latium, i. 344. -

Telmēssis, prom. of, in Lycia, iii. +

Tellēnæ, t. of Latium, i. 344. +

Telmēssis, prom. of, in Lycia, iii. 46. -

Telmēssus, t. of Lycia, iii. 46. -

Tēlos, one of the Sporades (Tino), +

Telmēssus, t. of Lycia, iii. 46. +

Tēlos, one of the Sporades (Tino), ii. 212, 213. -

Tembriōn, founder of Samos, ii. +

Tembriōn, founder of Samos, ii. 168; iii. 3. -

Tēměnium, t. of Argolis, ii. 48. -

Tēměnus, leader of the Heraclidæ, +

Tēměnium, t. of Argolis, ii. 48. +

Tēměnus, leader of the Heraclidæ, ii. 33, 34, 48, 77. -

Těměsa, c. of Magna Grecia, after- +

Těměsa, c. of Magna Grecia, after- wards named Temsa, i. 9, 381. -

——, in Italy, ii. 300. -

Temmices, occupy Bœotia, i. 493; +

——, in Italy, ii. 300. +

Temmices, occupy Bœotia, i. 493; ii. 93. -

Tēmnum, mtn in Mysia, ii. 390. -

Tēmnus, c. of Mysia, ii. 397. -

Tempē, vill. of Thessaly, i. 505, +

Tēmnum, mtn in Mysia, ii. 390. +

Tēmnus, c. of Mysia, ii. 397. +

Tempē, vill. of Thessaly, i. 505, -507; ii. 77, 130, 131, 139—147, +507; ii. 77, 130, 131, 139—147, 272. -

Tempsa. See Těměsa. +

Tempsa. See Těměsa.

Tempyra, c. of Thrace, i. 516. -

Těněa, t. of the Corinthians, ii. 63. -

Těněas, r. of Umbria, i. 337, 349. -

Těnědii, ii. 64. -

Těnědos, isl. and t. (Tenedo), i. +

Těněa, t. of the Corinthians, ii. 63. +

Těněas, r. of Umbria, i. 337, 349. +

Těnědii, ii. 64. +

Těnědos, isl. and t. (Tenedo), i. 187, 410; ii. 213, 303, 339, 341, 360, 372, 393, 394. -

Tēněric plain, in Bœotia, ii. 109. -

Tēnerus, son of Apollo, ii. 109. -

Tēnessis, distr. of Ethiopia, iii. 195. +

Tēněric plain, in Bœotia, ii. 109. +

Tēnerus, son of Apollo, ii. 109. +

Tēnessis, distr. of Ethiopia, iii. 195.

Tennes, son of Cycnus, ii. 64, 373. -

Tēnos, one of the Cyclades (Tino), +

Tēnos, one of the Cyclades (Tino), ii. 156, 208, 211; iii. 9.

Tentyra, c. of Egypt, iii. 260. -

Tentyrïtae, iii. 260. -

Těōs, c. of Ionia, iii. 2, 16, 17. -

Těrēdōn, c. of Babylon, i. 123; iii. +

Tentyrïtae, iii. 260. +

Těōs, c. of Ionia, iii. 2, 16, 17. +

Těrēdōn, c. of Babylon, i. 123; iii. 186, 187. -

Tereia, Tereiē, c. of Mysia, ii. 317, +

Tereia, Tereiē, c. of Mysia, ii. 317, 346, 349. -

——, mtn, ii. 349. +

——, mtn, ii. 349.

Terentius Varro, i. 306. -

Tēreus, the Thracian, i. 493; ii. +

Tēreus, the Thracian, i. 493; ii. 122. -

Tergestě (Trieste), i. 482, 483; ii. +

Tergestě (Trieste), i. 482, 483; ii. 321.

Terina, c. of the Bruttii (Nocera), i. 382. -

Terměrium, prom. of Caria, iii. 36. +

Terměrium, prom. of Caria, iii. 36.

Termerum, c. of Caria, iii. 36. @@ -104781,11 +104781,11 @@ i. 382. -

Termēssians, ii. 409. -

Termēssus, c. of Pisidia, ii. 409, +

Termēssians, ii. 409. +

Termēssus, c. of Pisidia, ii. 409, 410; iii. 48. -

Termilæ, inhabit Lycia, ii. 328; iii. +

Termilæ, inhabit Lycia, ii. 328; iii. 49, 63.

Terni. See Interamna. @@ -104795,45 +104795,45 @@ i. 382.

Tetrapolis, Athenian, ii. 56, 57, 67, 88. -

——, the Dorian, ii. 114, 115, +

——, the Dorian, ii. 114, 115, 125, 128, 195. -

——, of Marathon, ii. 153. +

——, of Marathon, ii. 153.

Tetrapyrgia, in the Cyrenaic, iii. 294.

Teucer, son of Telamon, i. 236; iii. 55, 56, 69. -

——, of Attica, ii. 374. +

——, of Attica, ii. 374.

Teucrians, inhabitants of the Troad, i. 96; ii. 373, 374. -

Teumēssus, t. of Boeotia, ii. 104, +

Teumēssus, t. of Boeotia, ii. 104, 108.

Teutamis, ii. 395. -

Teuthěa, t. of Achæa, ii. 14. -

Teuthěas, r. of Achæa, ii. 14. +

Teuthěa, t. of Achæa, ii. 14. +

Teuthěas, r. of Achæa, ii. 14.

Teuthrania, distr. of Mysia, ii. 299, 326, 389.

Teuthras (? Traeis), river of the Bruttii, i. 398. -

——, king of Teuthrania, ii. +

——, king of Teuthrania, ii. -326—328, 346, 389. +326—328, 346, 389.

Teutons, i. 292.

Teutria, isl. of, i. 434.

Teverone. See Anio.

Thala, t. of Numidia, iii. 284. -

Thalamæ, t. of Laconia, ii. 36. +

Thalamæ, t. of Laconia, ii. 36.

Thales, Milesian, i. 12; iii. 5. -

—— of Crete, poet, ii. 202, +

—— of Crete, poet, ii. 202, 204. -

Thalēstria, queen of the Amazons, +

Thalēstria, queen of the Amazons, ii. 237.

Thamyris, the Thracian, i. 513; ii. @@ -104841,7 +104841,7 @@ ii. 237. 10, 23, 24, 187.

Thapsacus, c. of Babylonia (Elder), -i. 120, 122—127, 130, 131, 134— +i. 120, 122—127, 130, 131, 134— 139; iii. 148, 150, 156, 157, 187.

Thapsus, t. of Africa (Demass), iii. @@ -104858,66 +104858,66 @@ i. 120, 122—127, 130, 131, 134—

Thaumacia, c. of Magnesia, ii. 140

Theaki. See Ithaca.

Thebaic keep, in Egypt, iii. 258. -

Thebaïs, part of Egypt, i. 67; iii. +

Thebaïs, part of Egypt, i. 67; iii. 84, 211, 221, 225, 243, 258, 260. -

——, Thebais, Thebaïce, portion +

——, Thebais, Thebaïce, portion -of Bœotia, ii. 97, 102—106. +of Bœotia, ii. 97, 102—106.

Thebans, i. 155; ii. 39, 43, 68, 92, -94, 104, 109—112, 175. -

Thēbe, city of Pamphylia, iii. 49, +94, 104, 109—112, 175. +

Thēbe, city of Pamphylia, iii. 49, 63, 65. -

——, Thebæ, city of the Troad, +

——, Thebæ, city of the Troad, -ii. 343, 344, 346, 348, 384—387, +ii. 343, 344, 346, 348, 384—387, 394. -

—— Hypoplacia, ii. 343. +

—— Hypoplacia, ii. 343.

Thebes, city of Beotia, i. 499; ii. 66, 74, 93, 95, 97, 102, 103, -107—109. -

——, city of Egypt, i. 15, 46, 56, +107—109. +

——, city of Egypt, i. 15, 46, 56, 64; ii. 112, 300; iii. 140, 245, 257, 258, 261. -

—— Phthiotides, city of Thessa- +

—— Phthiotides, city of Thessa- ly, ii. 133, 135, 136, 138. -

——, plain of, in the Troad, ii. +

——, plain of, in the Troad, ii. 374, 385, 390, et passim. -

Thěmella, prince of the Arabians, +

Thěmella, prince of the Arabians, iii. 167. -

Thěmis, ii. 121. -

——, Ichnæan, ii. 138. +

Thěmis, ii. 121. +

——, Ichnæan, ii. 138.

Themiscyra, distr. of Pontus (Dja- nik), i. 82, 190; ii. 226, 236, -237, 290, 294—296, 305. +237, 290, 294—296, 305.

Themiscyran plain, i. 190. -

Themisōnium, t. of Phrygia (Tese- +

Themisōnium, t. of Phrygia (Tese- ni), ii. 332. -

Themistæ, i. 503. +

Themistæ, i. 503.

Themistocles, ii. 347; iii. 6, 22. -

Thěna, t. of Africa, iii. 285, 288. +

Thěna, t. of Africa, iii. 285, 288.

Theocles, Athenian, i. 404.

Theocritus, the Sophist, iii. 19.

Theodectes, poet, iii. 87. -

Theodōrus, ii. 402; iii. 175. -

Theod&obreve;sia, c. of Chersonesus (Caf- +

Theodōrus, ii. 402; iii. 175. +

Theodŏsia, c. of Chersonesus (Caf- fa), i. 475, 476, 478. -

Theod&obreve;sius, mathematician, ii. 318. -

Theomnēstus, of Cos, musician, iii. +

Theodŏsius, mathematician, ii. 318. +

Theomnēstus, of Cos, musician, iii. 36. @@ -104926,7 +104926,7 @@ fa), i. 475, 476, 478. -

Theōn-limen, city of Numidia, iii. +

Theōn-limen, city of Numidia, iii. 282.

Theophanes, of Mitylene, ii. 220, @@ -104941,77 +104941,77 @@ pher, ii. 88, 199, 378, 379, 392, 393.

Theopompus, of Cnidus, iii. 34. -

——, of Chios, i. 69, 459, +

——, of Chios, i. 69, 459, 487, 496; ii. 54, 57, 123, 152, 294, 352, 407; iii. 19. -

Theoprosōpon, prom. of Syria +

Theoprosōpon, prom. of Syria (Greego), iii. 169, 170.

Theoris, ii. 89.

Thera, isl. (Santorino), i. 73, 89, 90; ii. 21, 206, 207; iii. 292. -

Therapnæ, t. of the Thebans, ii. 104. -

Thēras, founder of Thera, ii. 21. +

Therapnæ, t. of the Thebans, ii. 104. +

Thēras, founder of Thera, ii. 21.

Therasia, isl., i. 89, 90; ii. 207.

Theriaca, iii. 273.

Therma, Therme, t. of Macedonia, -i. 508—510. -

——, Thermum, c. of Ætolia, +i. 508—510. +

——, Thermum, c. of Ætolia, ii. 176. -

Thermaic, Thermæan, Gulf (G. of +

Thermaic, Thermæan, Gulf (G. of -Salonica), i. 140,188, 496, 505— +Salonica), i. 140,188, 496, 505— 510, 512; ii. 4.

Thermeh. See Thermodon. -

Thermessa, isl., i. 417—419. +

Thermessa, isl., i. 417—419.

Thermia. See Cynthus. -

Thermōdōn, r. of Pontus (Ther- +

Thermōdōn, r. of Pontus (Ther- meh), i. 82, 457; ii. 237, 270, 295. -

Thermopylæ, i. 17, 57, 94, 95, 328; +

Thermopylæ, i. 17, 57, 94, 95, 328; ii. 4, 118, 125, 127, 129, 131, 136, 137, 151, 396. -

Thēseium, ii. 86, 87. +

Thēseium, ii. 86, 87.

Theseus, i. 30, 40, 76, 430; ii. 63, 80, 86, 88, 90, 197. -

Thespiæ, Thespeia, Thespia, c. of +

Thespiæ, Thespeia, Thespia, c. of -Bœotia, ii. 58, 95, 104—106, 111. +Bœotia, ii. 58, 95, 104—106, 111.

Thespians, ii. 99, 107.

Thesproti, i. 493, 496, 497, 502. -

Thesprōtia, i. 382, 502,504; ii. 10. -

Thesprōtis, i. 9, 43, 502. +

Thesprōtia, i. 382, 502,504; ii. 10. +

Thesprōtis, i. 9, 43, 502.

Thessalian dress, ii. 272.

Thessalians, i. 71, 319, 328, 500, 501, 503, 508; ii. 2, 4, 83, 114, -130—149, 158, 195, 272, 287. -

Thessaliōtæ, Thessaliōtis, ii. 132, +130—149, 158, 195, 272, 287. +

Thessaliōtæ, Thessaliōtis, ii. 132, 138, 142.

Thessalonica, Thessaloniceia, c. of Macedonia (Saloniki), i. 161, -495, 496, 506—510, 516; ii. 77, +495, 496, 506—510, 516; ii. 77, 91, 115.

Thessalonice, wife of Cassander, i. 509. -

Thessalus, son of Hæmon, ii. 149; +

Thessalus, son of Hæmon, ii. 149; iii. 31.

Thessaly, i. 72, 328, 493, 501, 506, @@ -105020,40 +105020,40 @@ iii. 31. 70, 75, 93, 107, 115, 123, 129,131 -—149, 177, 195, 350, et passim. -

——, mountains of, i. 43, 131. -

——, plains, ii. 132, 133, 140 +—149, 177, 195, 350, et passim. +

——, mountains of, i. 43, 131. +

——, plains, ii. 132, 133, 140 -—143. -

——, dress, ii. 156. -

Thestiadæ, brothers of Althæa, ii. +—143. +

——, dress, ii. 156. +

Thestiadæ, brothers of Althæa, ii. 179.

Thestius, father of Leda, ii. 173. -

——, father of Althæa, ii. 179. +

——, father of Althæa, ii. 179.

Thetidium, temple of Thetis, ii. 133.

Thiaki. See Ithaca. -

Thimbrōn, iii. 292. -

Thisbe, Thisbæ, c. of Bœotia, i. +

Thimbrōn, iii. 292. +

Thisbe, Thisbæ, c. of Bœotia, i. 25, 457; ii. 106, 107. -

Thoæ, islands, ii. 25, 169. +

Thoæ, islands, ii. 25, 169.

Thoantium, part of the coast of Rhodes, iii. 33.

Thoas, or Achelous, ii. 158. -

——, king of the Ætolians, i. 381. +

——, king of the Ætolians, i. 381.

Thome, or Ithome, ii. 141. -

Thōnis, king of Egypt, iii. 238. -

——, c. of Egypt, iii. 238. -

Thōpitis, lake of Armenia, same as +

Thōnis, king of Egypt, iii. 238. +

——, c. of Egypt, iii. 238. +

Thōpitis, lake of Armenia, same as Arsene, ii. 270; iii. 156. -

Thōrax, mtn of Lydia (Gamusch- +

Thōrax, mtn of Lydia (Gamusch- dagh), iii. 22.

Thoreis, village of Attica, ii. 89. -

Thoricus, t. of Attica, ii. 88—90. +

Thoricus, t. of Attica, ii. 88—90. 208.

Thornax, ii. 41. @@ -105063,7 +105063,7 @@ dagh), iii. 22. 311, 439, 443, 453, 466, 468, -481, 505—507, 510, 512, 515, +481, 505—507, 510, 512, 515, 516; ii. 140, 147, 187, 188, 197, @@ -105078,15 +105078,15 @@ i. 164, 188, 194. See Chersonesus.

Thracian Bosporus. See Bosporus. -

—— army, ii. 67. -

—— tribes, i. 247, 482, 483, +

—— army, ii. 67. +

—— tribes, i. 247, 482, 483, 496. -

—— mtns, i. 41, 488, 492, 504. -

—— race, i. 9. -

—— Sea, i. 42. -

—— coast, i. 9. -

Thracians, i. 164, 453—455, 460, +

—— mtns, i. 41, 488, 492, 504. +

—— race, i. 9. +

—— Sea, i. 42. +

—— coast, i. 9. +

Thracians, i. 164, 453—455, 460, 461, 463, 466, 468, 478, 481, @@ -105095,14 +105095,14 @@ i. 164, 188, 194. See Chersonesus. 93, 105, 151, 187, 286, 287, 301, 316, 318. -

——, Cabrenii, ii. 351. -

——, Xanthii, ii. 351. -

Thrasō, sculptor, iii. 13. +

——, Cabrenii, ii. 351. +

——, Xanthii, ii. 351. +

Thrasō, sculptor, iii. 13.

Thrasyalces, of Thasos, i. 44; iii. 225.

Thrasybulus, Athenian, ii. 87. -

Thrax, castle of Judæa, iii. 181. +

Thrax, castle of Judæa, iii. 181.

Thriasian plain, in Attica, ii. 81, 84.

Thrinacia, name of Sicily, i. 400.

Throni, prom. and t. of Cyprus (Cape @@ -105121,25 +105121,25 @@ ii. 23, 24, 27, 28.

Thule (Iceland), i. 99, 100, 157, 173, 299. -

Thumæum, same as Ithome or +

Thumæum, same as Ithome or Thome, ii. 141. -

Thūmelicus, son of Arminius, i. +

Thūmelicus, son of Arminius, i. 446. -

Thūnatæ, nation of Illyria, i. 485. -

Thuria, t. of Messenia, ii. 36—38. -

——, ftn, i. 396. -

——, c. of the Thurii, i. 427. +

Thūnatæ, nation of Illyria, i. 485. +

Thuria, t. of Messenia, ii. 36—38. +

——, ftn, i. 396. +

——, c. of the Thurii, i. 427.

Thurian wine, i. 397.

Thuriatic Gulf, ii. 37.

Thurii or Thurians, t. of Lucania, -i. 379, 380, 390, 396—398, 427; +i. 379, 380, 390, 396—398, 427; iii. 35.

Thurius, same as Herodotus, iii. 35. -

Thūsnelda, daughter of Segestes, i. +

Thūsnelda, daughter of Segestes, i. 446.

Thyamus, Thyamis, r. of Epirus, i. @@ -105147,7 +105147,7 @@ iii. 35. 497.

Thyateira, ii. 402; iii. 21.

Thymbra, plain near Ilium, ii. 362. -

Thymbræus. See Apollo. +

Thymbræus. See Apollo.

Thymbria, village of Caria, iii. 6.

Thymbrius, r. near Ilium, ii. 363.

Thyni, people of Bithynia, i. 453; @@ -105157,7 +105157,7 @@ ii. 287, 304.

Thynias, prom. and district of Thrace, i. 490; ii. 287, 289. -

Thyreæ, c. of Cynuria, i. 102, 103; +

Thyreæ, c. of Cynuria, i. 102, 103; ii. 58.

Thyrides, isl. and prom. of Laconia, @@ -105167,23 +105167,23 @@ ii. 5, 36, 40. 513.

Tianos, ii. 399. -

Tibarani, Tibarēni, ii. 267, 277, +

Tibarani, Tibarēni, ii. 267, 277, 285, 296, 304.

Tibarania, distr. of Pontus, i. 476.

Tibaranic nations, i. 195. -

Tiber, r., i. 322, 325—327, 330, +

Tiber, r., i. 322, 325—327, 330, -336—310, 345, 348, 349, 351. +336—310, 345, 348, 349, 351.

Tiberius, Emperor, i. 234, 307, 441, 447; ii. 392, 405; iii. 269. -

—— Gracchus. See Gracchus. +

—— Gracchus. See Gracchus.

Tibius, relative of Strabo, ii. 307. -

——, Paphlagonian name, i. 467; +

——, Paphlagonian name, i. 467; ii. 302. -

Tibūra, c. of Latium (Tivoli), i. +

Tibūra, c. of Latium (Tivoli), i. 353, 354.

Tiburtine stone-quarries, i. 354. @@ -105195,11 +105195,11 @@ ii. 302. (Ticino), i. 312, 323.

Tieium, c. of Bithynia (Tiljios), ii. -287—289, 291, 317. +287—289, 291, 317.

Tiga, c. of Mauritania, iii. 278.

Tigranes, king of Armenia, ii. 270 -—274, 284, 381; iii. 154, 157, +—274, 284, 381; iii. 154, 157, 164.

Tigranocerta, c. of Armenia (Meja- @@ -105207,14 +105207,14 @@ ii. 302. Farkin), ii. 261, 274, 284; iii 157. -

Tigris, i. 75, 122—124, 126, 134, +

Tigris, i. 75, 122—124, 126, 134, -137, 416; ii. 260—262, 267, 270; +137, 416; ii. 260—262, 267, 270; iii. 131, 132, 146, 147, 150, 152, 156, 158, 162. -

Tigurēni, i. 450. +

Tigurēni, i. 450.

Tilijos. See Tieium. @@ -105222,19 +105222,19 @@ iii. 131, 132, 146, 147, 150, 152, -

Tilphōssa, ftn of Bœotia, ii. 107, +

Tilphōssa, ftn of Bœotia, ii. 107, 110, 111. -

Tilphōssium (Petra), mtn of Bœo- +

Tilphōssium (Petra), mtn of Bœo- tia, ii. 107, 111. -

——, t. of Bœotia, ii. 107, +

——, t. of Bœotia, ii. 107, 110. -

Timæus, i. 274, 369, 390, 409; +

Timæus, i. 274, 369, 390, 409; ii. 366; iii. 12, 32. -

Timagěnēs, i. 280; iii. 108. +

Timagěnēs, i. 280; iii. 108.

Timavum, temple of Diomede (S. Giovanni del Carso), i. 319, @@ -105245,57 +105245,57 @@ Giovanni del Carso), i. 319, 319, 321, 417.

Timia, i. 349.

Timon, iii. 230. -

Timōnītis, distr. of Paphlagonia, ii. +

Timōnītis, distr. of Paphlagonia, ii. 313. -

Timōnium, iii. 230. +

Timōnium, iii. 230.

Timosthenes, i. 44, 139, 141, 142, 210; ii. 120; iii. 279. -

Tim&obreve;thěus, Patriōn, ii. 293. +

Timŏthěus, Patriōn, ii. 293.

Tine. See Tenos.

Tineh. See Pelusium.

Tingis, or Tiga, c. of Mauritania (Tiga), i. 210; iii. 278.

Tino. See Telos. -

Tirizis, prom. and citadel of Hæ- +

Tirizis, prom. and citadel of Hæ- mus, i. 490.

Tiryns, c. of Argolis, ii. 49, 54, 58; iii. 31.

Tisamenus, son of Orestes, ii. 68, 77. -

Tisiæūs, c. of Numidia, iii. 284. +

Tisiæūs, c. of Numidia, iii. 284.

Titanes, same as Pelagones, i. 514; ii. 188.

Titanus, t. of Thessaly, ii. 143. -

Titarēsius,'r. of Thessaly, i. 507; +

Titarēsius,'r. of Thessaly, i. 507; ii. 145, 146.

Titarius, mtn of Thessaly, i. 507; ii. 146. -

Tithōnus, father of Memnon, ii. +

Tithōnus, father of Memnon, ii. 347; iii. 130.

Titius, iii. 160.

Titus Quintius, ii. 146. -

—— Flaminius, i. 421. -

—— Tatius, i. 338, 342, 343, 348. +

—— Flaminius, i. 421. +

—— Tatius, i. 338, 342, 343, 348.

Tityri, servants of Bacchus, ii. 180, 183, 186.

Tityrus, mtn of Crete, ii. 200. -

Tityus, ii. 121—123. +

Tityus, ii. 121—123.

Tivoli. See Tibura.

Tlepolemus, son of Hercules, ii. 9; iii. 31, 32. -

Tlōs, c. of Lycia (Duvar), iii. 45. +

Tlōs, c. of Lycia (Duvar), iii. 45.

Tmarus. See Tomarus. -

Tmōlus, mtn of Lydia (Bouz Dagh), +

Tmōlus, mtn of Lydia (Bouz Dagh), ii. 102, 185, 303, 353, 381, 396, @@ -105305,56 +105305,56 @@ ii. 102, 185, 303, 353, 381, 396, artes, ii. 245.

Todi. See Tuder.

Togati, i. 227, 250. -

Tolistobōgii, people of Galatia, i. +

Tolistobōgii, people of Galatia, i. 279; ii. 294, 319, 320. -

Tolōssa, Toulouse, i. 280, 281. +

Tolōssa, Toulouse, i. 280, 281.

Tomaruri, same as Tomuri, i. 503.

Tomarus, Tmarus, mtn near Do- -dona, i. 501—503; ii. 137. -

T&obreve;mis, c. of Mœsia, i. 489, 490. -

Tomisa, Tomisæ, fortress of Cappa- +dona, i. 501—503; ii. 137. +

Tŏmis, c. of Mœsia, i. 489, 490. +

Tomisa, Tomisæ, fortress of Cappa- docia, ii. 278; iii. 44. -

Tomūri, i. 502, 503. -

T&obreve;peira, c. of Thrace, i. 515. -

Toreatæ, ii. 223. +

Tomūri, i. 502, 503. +

Tŏpeira, c. of Thrace, i. 515. +

Toreatæ, ii. 223.

Tornese. See Chelonatas. -

Torōnæan, Torōnic, Gulf, in Mace- +

Torōnæan, Torōnic, Gulf, in Mace- donia (G. of Cassandra), i. 511, 512.

Torre di Patria. See Liturnum. -

—— Macarese. See Fregena. +

—— Macarese. See Fregena.

Tortona. See Derthon.

Tortosa. See Dertossa. -

Toulouse. See Tolōssa. -

Tōygeni, i. 274, 450. +

Toulouse. See Tolōssa. +

Tōygeni, i. 274, 450.

Tracheia, iii. 3.

Trachin, t. of Phocis, ii. 123. -

——, t. of Thessaly, i. 94; ii. 123, +

——, t. of Thessaly, i. 94; ii. 123, 129, 132, 135, 136. -

——, Heracleian, ii. 103, 130. +

——, Heracleian, ii. 103, 130.

Trachina, same as Tarracina.

Trachinia, distr. of Thessaly, ii. 66, 135, 156.

Trachinii, ii. 123. -

Trachiōtæ, i. 196; iii. 50. -

Trachiōtis, Tracheia, see Cilicia, iii. +

Trachiōtæ, i. 196; iii. 50. +

Trachiōtis, Tracheia, see Cilicia, iii. 50, 56. -

Trachōnes, mtns near Damascus, +

Trachōnes, mtns near Damascus, iii. 169, 171.

Traclinia, ii. 4. -

Tragææ, islands not far from Mile- +

Tragææ, islands not far from Mile- tus, iii. 6. -

Tragasæan salt-pan, ii. 374. +

Tragasæan salt-pan, ii. 374. @@ -105368,13 +105368,13 @@ tus, iii. 6. iii. 24, 25, 43.

Tralliani, ii. 336; iii. 25.

Transpadana, i. 316, 321. -

Trapězōn, hill of Syria, iii. 164. -

Trapězūs, c. of Pontus (Trebizond), +

Trapězōn, hill of Syria, iii. 164. +

Trapězūs, c. of Pontus (Trebizond), i. 476, 491, 517; ii. 226, 294, 296, 304, 305. -

——, hill of the Tauric Cher- +

——, hill of the Tauric Cher- sonese, i. 476.

Trapontium, t. of Latium, i. 352. @@ -105382,24 +105382,24 @@ sonese, i. 476.

Trasumennus, lake, i. 336.

Trebias, r. of Cisalpine Gaul, i. 323.

Trebizond. See Trapezus. -

Trebōnius, iii. 20. -

Trēbūla, t. of the Sabines (Monte +

Trebōnius, iii. 20. +

Trēbūla, t. of the Sabines (Monte Leone della Sabina), i. 338.

Tremiti, islands of. See Diomede, isl.

Trephea, lake in Bceotia, ii. 102. -

Trēres, i. 93, 96; ii. 246, 301, 329, +

Trēres, i. 93, 96; ii. 246, 301, 329, 346, 405; iii. 22. -

Trērus, r. of Latium (Sacco), i. +

Trērus, r. of Latium (Sacco), i. 352. -

Trēta, c. of Cyprus (Capo Bianco), +

Trēta, c. of Cyprus (Capo Bianco), iii. 70. -

Trētum, prom. of Numidia (Ebba- +

Trētum, prom. of Numidia (Ebba- Ras), iii. 281, 282, 284, 285.

Treviri, people of Gaul, i. 289. @@ -105414,11 +105414,11 @@ Ras), iii. 281, 282, 284, 285. 501; ii. 36, 56, 141, 142, 156; iii. 22. -

Triccæus, Æsculapius, ii. 36. -

Trichæces, cognomen of the Dori- +

Triccæus, Æsculapius, ii. 36. +

Trichæces, cognomen of the Dori- ans, ii. 195. -

Trichōnium, c. of Ætolia, ii. 159. +

Trichōnium, c. of Ætolia, ii. 159.

Triclari, in Thessaly, i. 508.

Tricorii, people of Gaul, i. 276, @@ -105427,19 +105427,19 @@ ans, ii. 195. Attica, ii. 59, 67, 90.

Tridentini, i. 304. -

Triērēs, t, of Syria, iii. 169. +

Triērēs, t, of Syria, iii. 169.

Trieteric dance, ii. 186.

Tneterides, ii. 185.

Trikeri. See Cicynethus.

Trinacria, same as Sicily, i. 400. -

Triněmeis, vill. of Attica, ii. 91. +

Triněmeis, vill. of Attica, ii. 91.

Trinx (al. Tinx), t. of Mauritania, iii. 276.

Trionto, 1. 398.

Triphylia, part of Elis, ii. 8, 11, 14 -—19, 21, 22, 33—35, 45, 53, 155. +—19, 21, 22, 33—35, 45, 53, 155.

Triphyliac towns, ii. 17.

Triphylian Sea, ii. 22, 28.

Triphylii, ii. 8, 16, 22, 28, 31. @@ -105447,53 +105447,53 @@ iii. 276.

Tripodes, Tripodiscium, t. of Me- garis, ii. 84. -

Tripolis, c. of Phœnicia, iii. 169. -

Tripolītis. See Pelagonia. +

Tripolis, c. of Phœnicia, iii. 169. +

Tripolītis. See Pelagonia.

Triptolemus, father of Gordyes, i. 40; iii. 57, 157, 162. -

——, tragedy of Sophocles, +

——, tragedy of Sophocles, i. 40, 41. -

Tritæa, c. of Achaia, ii. 14. -

Tritæenses, Tritæeis, ii. 14, 71. -

Tritōn, t. of Bœotia, ii. 101. -

Tritōnis, iii. 291. -

Trōad, i. 8, 91, 172, 187, 189, 195, +

Tritæa, c. of Achaia, ii. 14. +

Tritæenses, Tritæeis, ii. 14, 71. +

Tritōn, t. of Bœotia, ii. 101. +

Tritōnis, iii. 291. +

Trōad, i. 8, 91, 172, 187, 189, 195, 202, 453, 517; ii. 56, 189, 277, -317, 332, 338—390. -

——, Pelasgic, i. 329. -

Trōades. See Trojans. -

Trōas, Alexandreia (Eski Stamboul, +317, 332, 338—390. +

——, Pelasgic, i. 329. +

Trōades. See Trojans. +

Trōas, Alexandreia (Eski Stamboul, or Old Constantinople), ii. 339.

Trocmi, people of Galatia, i. 279, ii. 312, 319, 320. -

Trœzen, son of Pelops, ii. 56. -

—— (Damala), ii. 49, 55, 56, 58. -

Trœzenians, iii. 35. -

Trōgilius, prom. of Ionia (Cape +

Trœzen, son of Pelops, ii. 56. +

—— (Damala), ii. 49, 55, 56, 58. +

Trœzenians, iii. 35. +

Trōgilius, prom. of Ionia (Cape Santa Maria), iii. 7. -

——, isl. of Ionia, iii. 7. -

Trogïtis, marsh, in Lycaonia, ii. 322. -

Troglodytæ, inhabiting the Arabian +

——, isl. of Ionia, iii. 7. +

Trogïtis, marsh, in Lycaonia, ii. 322. +

Troglodytæ, inhabiting the Arabian Gulf, i. 202, 203, 267, 489; iii. 203, 210, 215, 217, 219, 266, 280. -

——, in the Caucasus, ii. 238, +

——, in the Caucasus, ii. 238, 239; iii. 203.

Troglodytic, i. 197; iii. 88, 191, 193, 210, 235. -

Tr&obreve;phōnius, brother of Agamedes, +

Trŏphōnius, brother of Agamedes, ii. 119; iii. 180. @@ -105505,21 +105505,21 @@ ii. 119; iii. 180.

Trophonius Zeus, oracle of, at Le- badea, ii. 111. -

Trojan war, i. 31, 61—63, 76, 224, +

Trojan war, i. 31, 61—63, 76, 224, 316, 377, 404; ii. 30, 72, 200, 201. -

—— colony, i. 397. -

—— forces, i. 518. -

—— Minerva, i. 397. -

—— territory, i. 17. +

—— colony, i. 397. +

—— forces, i. 518. +

—— Minerva, i. 397. +

—— territory, i. 17.

Trojans, i. 64, 274, 394, 397, 453, 508, 516; ii. 18, 162, 163; iii. 41, 184, 299, et passim. -

——, Aphneian, ii. 344, 346. +

——, Aphneian, ii. 344, 346.

Troy, Troja, Ilium, ancient city of the Troad, i. 25, 26, 33, 55, @@ -105530,13 +105530,13 @@ of the Troad, i. 25, 26, 33, 55, 519; ii. 16, 30, 74, 113, 132, 157, -174, 186, 191, 317, 339, 350— +174, 186, 191, 317, 339, 350— 363; iii. 34, et passim. -

——, village of Egypt, iii. 252. +

——, village of Egypt, iii. 252.

Truentum, r. (Tronto), i. 357. -

——, t. i. 358. -

Tryphōn, see Diodotus, iii. 51, +

——, t. i. 358. +

Tryphōn, see Diodotus, iii. 51, 165.

Tsana, see Psebo. @@ -105546,46 +105546,46 @@ of the Troad, i. 25, 26, 33, 55,

Tschol-Abad. See Apollonias.

Tschorocsu. See Glaucus.

Tschoterlek Irmak. See Scylax. -

Tūbattii, people of Germany, i. 447. -

Tūder, t. of Umbria (Todi), i. 338. -

Tūisi, t. of Cantabria, i. 234. -

Tūikkis (Martos), i. 213. -

Tūllum, mtn, i. 308. +

Tūbattii, people of Germany, i. 447. +

Tūder, t. of Umbria (Todi), i. 338. +

Tūisi, t. of Cantabria, i. 234. +

Tūikkis (Martos), i. 213. +

Tūllum, mtn, i. 308.

Tunis, c. of the Carthaginians, iii. 287.

Turchal. See Gaziura. -

Turdētani, people of Spain, i. 209, +

Turdētani, people of Spain, i. 209, 221, 226, 227. -

Turdētania, i. 209, 210, 212, 214, +

Turdētania, i. 209, 210, 212, 214, -216—219, 224, 226, 235. -

Turdūli, same as Turdētani, i. 209, +216—219, 224, 226, 235. +

Turdūli, same as Turdētani, i. 209, 223, 227, 230. -

Tūriva, distr. of Bactriana, ii. 253. +

Tūriva, distr. of Bactriana, ii. 253.

Tuscany. See Tyrrhenia.

Tusci, same as Tyrrheni.

Tuscolo. See Tusculum.

Tusculan mountain, i. 351.

Tusculum, c. of Latium (Tuscolo), -i. 351—353, 355. +i. 351—353, 355.

Tyana, c. of Cappadocia (Kara- Hissar), ii. 281, 284, 347. -

Tyanītis, prefecture of Cappadocia, +

Tyanītis, prefecture of Cappadocia, ii. 278, 281.

Tyche. See Fortune.

Tychius, ii. 102, 403. -

Tychōn, ii. 348. +

Tychōn, ii. 348.

Tymbrias, c. of Pisidia, ii. 324. -

Tymphæi, Tymphæans, i. 499, 501, +

Tymphæi, Tymphæans, i. 499, 501, 505. -

Tymphē, mtn of Epirus, i. 498. +

Tymphē, mtn of Epirus, i. 498.

Tyndareian rocks, four islands on the coast of Marmora, iii. 235. @@ -105593,53 +105593,53 @@ the coast of Marmora, iii. 235. Tindaro), i. 401, 411.

Tyndarus, ii. 173. -

Typaněæ, c. of Triphylia, ii. 17 -

Typhoëus, ii. 403. -

Typhōn, i. 368, 369; ii. 336, 404, +

Typaněæ, c. of Triphylia, ii. 17 +

Typhoëus, ii. 403. +

Typhōn, i. 368, 369; ii. 336, 404, 406; iii. 163, 243. -

Typhōneia, iii. 260. -

Typhrēstus, mtn of Thessaly, ii. +

Typhōneia, iii. 260. +

Typhrēstus, mtn of Thessaly, ii. 136. -

Tyrambē, c. on the Cimmerian Bos- +

Tyrambē, c. on the Cimmerian Bos- porus, ii. 221. -

Tyrann1ōn, ii. 296, 380. +

Tyrann1ōn, ii. 296, 380.

Tyras, r. of Sarmatia (Dniester), i. 22, 162, 442, 468, 469, 478. -

Tyre, c. of Phœnicia (Sur), i. 91, +

Tyre, c. of Phœnicia (Sur), i. 91, -201; iii. 162, 169, 171—174. -

——, isl. in the Persian Gulf +201; iii. 162, 169, 171—174. +

——, isl. in the Persian Gulf (Ormus), iii. 187, 286. -

Tyregetæ, i. 177, 194, 443, 452, +

Tyregetæ, i. 177, 194, 443, 452, 470.

Tyrians, i. 238, 255. -

Tyriæum, c. of Phrygia, iii. 43. -

Tyrō, daughter of Salmoneus, ii. 32. +

Tyriæum, c. of Phrygia, iii. 43. +

Tyrō, daughter of Salmoneus, ii. 32.

Tyrrheni, Tyrrhenians, i. 319, 322, -325—328, 331, 334, 335, 357, +325—328, 331, 334, 335, 357, 360, 367, 385, 404, 417, 438; ii. 197, 404. -

Tyrrhenia, Tyrrhenicē, i. 31, 35, +

Tyrrhenia, Tyrrhenicē, i. 31, 35, -177, 301, 313, 323—330, 335— +177, 301, 313, 323—330, 335— 338, 349, 415, 502; ii. 61, 387.

Tyrrhenian cities, i. 331. -

—— Gulf, i. 139. -

—— Sea, i. 85,159, 185, 193, +

—— Gulf, i. 139. +

—— Sea, i. 85,159, 185, 193, 311, 314, 315, 325, 357, 360, 373, -377—380, 403, 415. +377—380, 403, 415. @@ -105647,11 +105647,11 @@ ii. 197, 404.

Tyrrhenian pirates, i. 345. -

—— diviners, iii. 180. +

—— diviners, iii. 180.

Tyrrhenus, son of Atys, i. 326, 329. -

Tyrtæus, poet, i. 426; ii. 39, 45. +

Tyrtæus, poet, i. 426; ii. 39, 45.

Tyrtamus, same as Theophrastus, ii. 392; iii. 17. @@ -105663,13 +105663,13 @@ ii. 392; iii. 17.

Ugernum, t. of Gaul (Beaucaire), i. 267, 268. -

Ulan Robât. See Arachoti. +

Ulan Robât. See Arachoti.

Ulyssea (Ulisipo or Lisbon), i. 224, 235. -

Ulysses, i. 18,26,27, 31, 33—37, 54, +

Ulysses, i. 18,26,27, 31, 33—37, 54, -60, 62, 64, 69—72, 76, 224, 225, +60, 62, 64, 69—72, 76, 224, 225, 236, 237, 328, 332, 346, 362, 364, @@ -105678,7 +105678,7 @@ i. 267, 268. 115, 143, 162, 166, 167, 201,364, 385; iii. 58. -

——, altar of, iii. 288. +

——, altar of, iii. 288.

Umbria. See Ombria.

Umbrians. See Ombrici.

Undalus, c. of Gaul. See Vindalum. @@ -105687,14 +105687,14 @@ i. 267, 268.

Uria, t. of Calabria (Oria), i. 430, 431. -

——, lake of Ætolia (Xerolimne), +

——, lake of Ætolia (Xerolimne), ii. 171.

Uriathus. See Viriathus.

Urium, t. of Apulia (Rodi), i. 434. -

Urludscha. See Œnoander. +

Urludscha. See Œnoander.

Urmiah. See Spauta. -

Ursō, c. of Betica (Osuna), i. 213. +

Ursō, c. of Betica (Osuna), i. 213.

Ushant. See Uxisama.

Usipi, people of Germany, i. 447.

Uxeau. See Ocelum. @@ -105704,10 +105704,10 @@ ii. 171. 131, 132, 135, 152.

Uxisama, island (Ushant), i. 101.

Uzita, t. of Numidia, iii. 284. -

Vaccæi, people of Spain, i. 228, +

Vaccæi, people of Spain, i. 228, 229, 243, 244. -

Vacūa, r. of Lusitania (Vouga), i. +

Vacūa, r. of Lusitania (Vouga), i. 229.

Vadi. See Sabatorum Vada. @@ -105715,48 +105715,48 @@ ii. 171. 284.

Valeria, i. 353. -

——, Via, i. 351, 353, 402. +

——, Via, i. 351, 353, 402.

Valerius Flaccus, consul, ii. 356.

Van. See Arsene and Thopitis.

Vapanes, t. of Corsica, i. 333.

Var, r., i. 267, 275, 302, 313.

Varagri, Alpine race, i. 303.

Varassova. See Chalcis. -

Vardæi. See Ardieei, i. 484. +

Vardæi. See Ardieei, i. 484.

Vardari, the. See Axius.

Varia, t. of Keltiberia, i. 243. -

——, t. of Latium, i. 353. +

——, t. of Latium, i. 353.

Varius Flaccus, ii. 356.

Varus Quintilius, i. 446. -

Vascōns, people of Spain, i.233, 242. +

Vascōns, people of Spain, i.233, 242.

Vates, i. 294.

Vathi. See Aulis.

Vathy. See Eretria.

Vedene. See Vindalum.

Veii, i. 335. -

Velestina. See Pheræ. -

Velitræ, t. of Latium (Velletri), i. +

Velestina. See Pheræ. +

Velitræ, t. of Latium (Velletri), i. 352. -

Vellæi, people of Gaul (inhabitants +

Vellæi, people of Gaul (inhabitants -of Vélai), i. 284. +of Vélai), i. 284.

Venafrum, t. of Campania (Vena- fro), i. 353, 361, 371.

Venasii, ii. 281. -

Vendōn, t. of the Iapodes (Windisch +

Vendōn, t. of the Iapodes (Windisch -Grätz, or Brindjel), i. 309, 483. -

Veněti, people of Gaul, see Heněti, +Grätz, or Brindjel), i. 309, 483. +

Veněti, people of Gaul, see Heněti, i. 290, 291, 316. -

——, in the Adriatic, i. 291. -

——, of Paphlagonia, i. 316. +

——, in the Adriatic, i. 291. +

——, of Paphlagonia, i. 316.

Venice, Gulf of. See Adriatic and Illyrian Seas. -

Vennōnes, people of the Vindelici +

Vennōnes, people of the Vindelici i. 304, 307.

Venosa. See Venusia. @@ -105781,20 +105781,20 @@ nites, i. 371, 379, 431.

Verestis, r., i. 355.

Veretum, i. 429, 430.

Verona, i. 306, 317. -

Vertinæ, t. of Lucania (Verzine), i. +

Vertinæ, t. of Lucania (Verzine), i. 379.

Vescini. See Vestini, i. 347.

Vesta, i. 327, 340. -

Vestīni, i. 326, 338, 358, 359. +

Vestīni, i. 326, 338, 358, 359.

Vesuvius, Mount, i. 39, 367. -

Vettōnes, people of Spain, i. 209, +

Vettōnes, people of Spain, i. 209, 228, 229, 243, 246.

Vibo-Valentia, t. of the Bruttii, i. 383. -

Vicětia, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Vi- +

Vicětia, t. of Cisalpine Gaul (Vi- cenza), i. 319.

Victimolo. See Ictimuli. @@ -105805,7 +105805,7 @@ cenza), i. 319. tius, i. 371.

Viminal Gate, in Rome, i. 348. -

—— Hill, i. 348. +

—— Hill, i. 348.

Vindalum, t. of Gaul (Vedene), i. 277. @@ -105823,14 +105823,14 @@ tius, i. 371.

Vocontii, people of Gaul, i. 268, 276, 279, 302, 303. -

Volaterræ, c. of Etruria (Volterra), +

Volaterræ, c. of Etruria (Volterra), i. 329.

Volaterrani, i. 331. -

Volcæ Arecomisci, people of Gaul, +

Volcæ Arecomisci, people of Gaul, i. 278, 279, 302. -

——, Tectosages, i. 279. +

——, Tectosages, i. 279.

Volo. See Iolcos.

Volsci, people of Italy, i. 339, 343, @@ -105838,7 +105838,7 @@ i. 278, 279, 302.

Volsinii, c, of the Tyrrhenians (Bolsena), i. 335, 336. -

Volterra. See Volaterræ. +

Volterra. See Volaterræ.

Volturno. See Vulturnus.

Vona. See Genetes.

Vouga. See Vacua. @@ -105853,38 +105853,38 @@ i. 278, 279, 302.

Wesir Kopti. See Gadilon.

Xanthia, t. of the Ciconi, i. 515.

Xanthii, in Lycia, iii. 47. -

——, Thracians, ii. 351. -

——, a tribe of the Dahæ, ii +

——, Thracians, ii. 351. +

——, a tribe of the Dahæ, ii 245, 251.

Xanthus, c. of Lycia (Eksenide), i. 201; iii. 45, 47. -

——, r. of Lycia, iii. 47. -

——, r. of the Troad, ii 351. -

——, king of the Bœotians, ii. +

——, r. of Lycia, iii. 47. +

——, r. of the Troad, ii 351. +

——, king of the Bœotians, ii. 82. -

——, of Lydia, historian, i. 78, +

——, of Lydia, historian, i. 78, 80; ii. 326, 336, 406; iii. 66, 67. -

Xativa. See Sætabis. +

Xativa. See Sætabis.

Xelsa. See Celsa.

Xenarchus, iii. 53. -

Xen&obreve;clēs, guardian of Alexander's +

Xenŏclēs, guardian of Alexander's treasure, i. 108. -

——, orator, ii. 387; iii. 40. +

——, orator, ii. 387; iii. 40.

Xenocrates, Bithynian, ii. 299, 318, 382.

Xenophanes, natural philosopher and poet, iii. 16. -

——, tyrant, iii. 56. -

Xenophōn, ii. 73, 95. +

——, tyrant, iii. 56. +

Xenophōn, ii. 73, 95.

Xerolimne. See Molycreiaand Uria. -

Xerxēne, district of Lesser Ar- +

Xerxēne, district of Lesser Ar- menia, ii. 268.

Xerxes, son of Darius, i. 17, 96, @@ -105892,16 +105892,16 @@ menia, ii. 268. 516, 517; ii. 83, 84, 148, 254, 347, 352; iii. 4, 6, 145. -

——, canal of, i. 512, 513. -

——, bridge of, i. 518. -

Ximēnē, distr. of Pontus, ii. 312. +

——, canal of, i. 512, 513. +

——, bridge of, i. 518. +

Ximēnē, distr. of Pontus, ii. 312.

Xiphonia, prom. in Sicily, i. 403. -

Xoïs, isl. and c. of Egypt, iii. 240. +

Xoïs, isl. and c. of Egypt, iii. 240.

Xucar, r. See Sucro. -

Xūthus, father of Ion, ii. 67. -

Xypěteon, ii. 374. +

Xūthus, father of Ion, ii. 67. +

Xypěteon, ii. 374.

Yenikaleh. See Myrmecium. -

Yniesta. See Egelastæ. +

Yniesta. See Egelastæ. @@ -105930,13 +105930,13 @@ Cimmerian.

Zamolxis (Geta), i. 456, 457, 467; iii. 180. -

Zanclæans, in Sicily, i. 385, 405, +

Zanclæans, in Sicily, i. 385, 405, 413.

Zancle, i. 404.

Zante. See Zacynthus.

Zarang. See Prophthasia. -

Zardōces, Paphlagonian name, ii. +

Zardōces, Paphlagonian name, ii. 302.

Zariadris, leader of the Armenians, @@ -105949,20 +105949,20 @@ ii. 269, 273.

Zeitun. See Pylaic Gulf, and Lamia. -

——, Gulf of. See Malea. -

Zēla, city of Pontus (Zileh), ii. 246, +

——, Gulf of. See Malea. +

Zēla, city of Pontus (Zileh), ii. 246, 309, 310. -

Zēlas, father of Prusias, ii. 315. +

Zēlas, father of Prusias, ii. 315.

Zeleia, city of the Troad (Sarakoi), -ii. 299, 300, 317, 332, 341—349, +ii. 299, 300, 317, 332, 341—349, 360, 371. -

Zēlis (Azzila), t. of Mauritania, i. +

Zēlis (Azzila), t. of Mauritania, i. 210; iii. 278. -

Zēlītis, ii. 306, 309, 310, 312. +

Zēlītis, ii. 306, 309, 310, 312.

Zella, iii. 285.

Zemorget. See Ophiodes.

Zenicetes, iii. 55. @@ -105972,15 +105972,15 @@ ii. 299, 300, 317, 332, 341—349,

Zeno, of Elea, the Pythagorean, i. 375. -

——, orator, ii. 334; iii. 39. -

Zēnodōrus, robber, iii. 171. -

Zēnod&obreve;tus, grammarian, ii. 110, +

——, orator, ii. 334; iii. 39. +

Zēnodōrus, robber, iii. 171. +

Zēnodŏtus, grammarian, ii. 110, 289, 302. -

Zēnophanes, tyrant of Cilicia, iii. +

Zēnophanes, tyrant of Cilicia, iii. 56. -

Zephyr, wind, i. 3, 42—44, 62. +

Zephyr, wind, i. 3, 42—44, 62.

Zephyra. See Halicarnassus.

Zephyria, prom. of Cyprus (Point @@ -105988,17 +105988,17 @@ Zephyro), iii. 70.

Zephyrium, prom. of Italy (Cape Bruzzano), i. 388, 389, 407. -

——, prom. of Caria, iii. 37. -

——, prom. of Cilicia (Cape +

——, prom. of Caria, iii. 37. +

——, prom. of Cilicia (Cape Zafra), iii. 55. -

——, prom. of Cilicia (Cape +

——, prom. of Cilicia (Cape Cavaliere), iii. 53. -

——, prom. of Egypt, iii. +

——, prom. of Egypt, iii. 238, 294. -

——, place on the coast of +

——, place on the coast of Marmara, iii. 236.

Zerbi, isl. See Meninx. @@ -106007,23 +106007,23 @@ Marmara, iii. 236.

Zeugma, at Thapsacus, ii. 263, 274; iii. 44, 157. -

——, at Commagene, iii. 157. -

——, at Samosata, ii. 274; iii +

——, at Commagene, iii. 157. +

——, at Samosata, ii. 274; iii 44, 157. -

——, Straits of, ii. 352. +

——, Straits of, ii. 352.

Zeus. See Jupiter.

Zeuxis, physician, ii. 336.

Zia. See Ceos.

Zigos. See Amacynthus.

Zincha, t. of Numidia, iii. 284. -

Zoïlus, orator, i. 410. -

Zōnas. See Diodorus. -

Zōstēr, prom. of Attica, ii. 89. -

Zūchis, lake and people of Libya, +

Zoïlus, orator, i. 410. +

Zōnas. See Diodorus. +

Zōstēr, prom. of Attica, ii. 89. +

Zūchis, lake and people of Libya, iii. 289. -

Zūmi, people of Germany, i. 444. +

Zūmi, people of Germany, i. 444.

Zygi, inhabitants of the Caucasus, i. 195; ii. 219, 224, 225; iii. @@ -106068,7 +106068,7 @@ Edited by H. G. Bohn. 6 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

ÆSCHYLUS, The Dramas of. +

ÆSCHYLUS, The Dramas of. Translated into English Verse by @@ -106076,7 +106076,7 @@ Anna Swanwick. 4th Edition, revised. 5s. -

—– The Tragedies of. Translated into Prose by T. A. Buckley, +

—– The Tragedies of. Translated into Prose by T. A. Buckley, B.A. 3s. 6d. @@ -106152,7 +106152,7 @@ Steel Engravings. 2 vols. 5s. each. Ethics. Translated, with Introduction and Notes, by the Venerable Archdeacon Browne. 5s. -

Politics and Economics. +

Politics and Economics. Translated by E. Walford, M.A., @@ -106172,11 +106172,11 @@ Translated by the Rev. John H. M'Mahon, M.A. 5s. -

—- History of Animals. Trans. +

—- History of Animals. Trans. by Richard Cresswell, M.A. 5s. -

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—– Rhetoric and Poetics. Trans. by T. Buckley, B.A. 5s. @@ -106196,7 +106196,7 @@ M.A., LL.D. With Maps and Plans. 5s. -

ATHENÆUS. The Deipnosophists; or, the Banquet of the +

ATHENÆUS. The Deipnosophists; or, the Banquet of the Learned. Trans. by Prof. C. D. @@ -106214,13 +106214,13 @@ VII., Henry VIII., Elizabeth, Henry Prince of Wales, History -of Great Britain, Julius Cæsar, +of Great Britain, Julius Cæsar, -and Augustus Cæsar. Edited by +and Augustus Cæsar. Edited by J. Devey, M.A. 3s. 6d. -

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—– Index of Dates. Comprehending the principal Facts in +

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Vol. I.—TABLE GAMES:—Billiards, Chess, Draughts, Backgammon, Dominoes, Solitaire, +

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CORNELIUS NEPOS.See +

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CONDÉ'S History of the Do minion of the Arabs in Spain. @@ -106910,9 +106910,9 @@ Marlborough's campaigns, 4to. 10s. 6d. -

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VI.—Duncan Campbell, New +

VI.—Duncan Campbell, New Voyage round the @@ -107040,7 +107040,7 @@ World, and Political Tracts. -

VII.—Robinson Crusoe. +

VII.—Robinson Crusoe.

DEMMIN'S History of Arms @@ -107060,11 +107060,11 @@ Translated by C. Rann Kennedy. 5 vols. Vol. I., 3s. 6d.; Vols. -II.–V., 5s. each. +II.–V., 5s. each.

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EUTROPIUS.See JUSTIN. +

EUTROPIUS.See JUSTIN.

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GILDAS, Chronicles of.See Old +

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—– Life and Letters. By his +

—– Life and Letters. By his Nephew, Pierre E. Irving. 2 vols. @@ -107956,7 +107956,7 @@ Vol. I. 5s.

JAMES'S (G. P. R.) Life of -Richard Cœur de Lion. 2 vols. +Richard Cœur de Lion. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. @@ -107982,7 +107982,7 @@ the Protectorate. 3 vols. With 42 Portraits. 5s. each. -

—– Memoirs of the Pretenders +

—– Memoirs of the Pretenders and their Adherents. With 6 @@ -108038,7 +108038,7 @@ by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. Translated by J. M. D. Meiklejohn. 5s. -

—– Prolegomena and Metaphysical Foundations of Natural +

—– Prolegomena and Metaphysical Foundations of Natural Science. Translated by E. Belfort @@ -108078,7 +108078,7 @@ Girondists. Translated by H. T. Ryde. 3 vols. 3s. 6s. each. -

—– History of the Restoration +

—– History of the Restoration of Monarchy in France (a Sequel @@ -108086,7 +108086,7 @@ to the History of the Girondists). 4 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– History of the French Revolution of 1848. 3s. 6d. +

—– History of the French Revolution of 1848. 3s. 6d.

LAMB'S (Charles) Essays of Elia @@ -108094,11 +108094,11 @@ and Eliana. Complete Edition. 3s. 6d. -

—– Specimens of English Dramatic Poets of the Time of +

—– Specimens of English Dramatic Poets of the Time of Elizabeth. 3s. 6d. -

—– Memorials and Letters of +

—– Memorials and Letters of Charles Lamb. By Serjeant @@ -108108,7 +108108,7 @@ by W. Carew Hazlitt. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Tales from Shakespeare +

—– Tales from Shakespeare With Illustrations by Byam Shaw. @@ -108140,7 +108140,7 @@ Saxon Kings. Translated by B. Thorpe, F.S.A. New edition, -revised by E. C. Otté. 2 vols. +revised by E. C. Otté. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. @@ -108178,7 +108178,7 @@ by Helen Zimmern. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Laokoon, Dramatic Notes, +

—– Laokoon, Dramatic Notes, and the Representation or @@ -108204,11 +108204,11 @@ Edited by J. A. St. John. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—- Life and Letters: By Lord +

—- Life and Letters: By Lord King. 3s. 6d. -

LOCKHART (J. G.)See BURNS. +

LOCKHART (J. G.)See BURNS.

LODGE'S Portraits of Illustrious @@ -108278,7 +108278,7 @@ Revised edition, by <*>J. D. Duff, M.A. 5s. -

—– Translated by the Rev. J. S. +

—– Translated by the Rev. J. S. <*>Watson, M.A. 5s. @@ -108288,7 +108288,7 @@ Revised edition, by <*>Hazlitt. 3s. 6d. -

—– Autobiography.—See +

—– Autobiography.—See MICHELET. @@ -108326,7 +108326,7 @@ MICHELET. and their Teachings. With numerous illustrative Woodcuts. 6s. -

—– Wonders of Geology. 8th +

—– Wonders of Geology. 8th Edition, revised by T. Rupert @@ -108356,13 +108356,13 @@ Masterman Ready. With 93 Woodcuts. 3s. 6d. -

—– Mission; or, Scenes in Africa. +

—– Mission; or, Scenes in Africa. Illustrated by Gilbert and Dalziel. 3s. 6d. -

—– Pirate and Three Cutters. +

—– Pirate and Three Cutters. With 8 Steel Engravings, from @@ -108370,21 +108370,21 @@ Drawings by Clarkson Stanfield, R.A. 3s. 6d. -

—– Privateersman. 8 Engravings on Steel. 3s. 6a +

—– Privateersman. 8 Engravings on Steel. 3s. 6a -

—– Settlers in Canada. 10 Engravings by Gilbert and Dalziel. +

—– Settlers in Canada. 10 Engravings by Gilbert and Dalziel. 3s. 6d. -

—– Poor Jack. With 16 Illustrations after Clarkson Stansfield, +

—– Poor Jack. With 16 Illustrations after Clarkson Stansfield, R.A. 3s. 6d. -

—– Peter Simple. With 8 full- +

—– Peter Simple. With 8 full- page Illustrations. 3s. 6d. -

—– Midshipman Easy. With 8 +

—– Midshipman Easy. With 8 full-page Illustrations. 3s. 6d. @@ -108404,15 +108404,15 @@ other sources. 7s. 6d. -

MARTINEAU'S (Harriet) History of England, from 1800–1815. 3s. 6d. +

MARTINEAU'S (Harriet) History of England, from 1800–1815. 3s. 6d. -

—– History of the Thirty Years +

—– History of the Thirty Years -Peace, A.D. 1815–46. 4 vols. +Peace, A.D. 1815–46. 4 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– See Comte's Positive Philosophy. +

—– See Comte's Positive Philosophy.

MATTHEW PARIS'S English @@ -108456,7 +108456,7 @@ Hazlitt. With an Appendix (110 pages) of Notes. 3s. 6d. -

—– History of the French Revolution from its earliest indications +

—– History of the French Revolution from its earliest indications to the flight of the King in 1791. @@ -108492,7 +108492,7 @@ Edited by J. A. St. John. 5 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Poetical Works, with a Memoir and Critical Remarks by +

—– Poetical Works, with a Memoir and Critical Remarks by James Montgomery, an Index to @@ -108518,7 +108518,7 @@ Scenery. With 2 Engravings on Steel. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

MOLIÉRE'S Dramatic Works. +

MOLIÉRE'S Dramatic Works. A new Translation in English @@ -108562,7 +108562,7 @@ played by the American Champion, with Explanatory and Analytical -Notes by J. Löwenthal. 5s. +Notes by J. Löwenthal. 5s.

MOTLEY (J. L.). The Rise of @@ -108598,11 +108598,11 @@ Church. Trans. from the German by J.Torrey. 10 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Life of Jesus Christ. Translated by J. McClintock and C. +

—– Life of Jesus Christ. Translated by J. McClintock and C. Blumenthal. 3s. 6d. -

—– History of the Planting and +

—– History of the Planting and Training of the Christian @@ -108612,7 +108612,7 @@ Translated by J. E. Ryland. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Memorials of Christian Life +

—– Memorials of Christian Life in the Early and Middle Ages; @@ -108790,7 +108790,7 @@ on Ancient Minstrels and a Glossary. Edited by J. V. Pritchard, A.M. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

PERSIUS.See JUVENAL. +

PERSIUS.See JUVENAL.

PETRARCH'S Sonnets, Triumphs, and other Poems. @@ -108802,7 +108802,7 @@ the Poet by Thomas Campbell. With Portrait and 15 Steel Engravings. 5s. -

PHILO-JUDÆUS, Works of. +

PHILO-JUDÆUS, Works of. Translated by Prof. C. D. Yonge, @@ -108828,13 +108828,13 @@ is added the Metrical Version by Abraham Moore. 5s. -

PLANCHÉ. History of British +

PLANCHÉ. History of British Costume, from the Earliest Time to the Ciose of the Eighteenth -Century. By j. R. Planché, +Century. By j. R. Planché, Somerset Herald. With upwards @@ -108844,19 +108844,19 @@ of 400 Illustrations. 5s. Notes. 6 vols. 5s. each. -

I.—The Apology of Socrates, +

I.—The Apology of Socrates, -Crito, Phædo, Gorgias, Protagoras, Phaedrus, Theætetus, +Crito, Phædo, Gorgias, Protagoras, Phaedrus, Theætetus, Euthyphron, Lysis. Translated by the Rev. H. Carey. -

II.—The Republic, Timæus, and +

II.—The Republic, Timæus, and Critias. Translated by Henry Davis. -

III.—Meno, Euthydemus, The +

III.—Meno, Euthydemus, The Sophist, Statesman, Cratylus, @@ -108864,7 +108864,7 @@ Parmenides, and the Banquet. Translated by G. Burges. -

IV.—Philebus, Charmides, Laches, +

IV.—Philebus, Charmides, Laches, Menexenus, Hippias, Ion, @@ -108876,13 +108876,13 @@ Minos, Clitopho, Epistles. Translated by G. Burges. -

V.—The Laws. Translated by +

V.—The Laws. Translated by G. Burges. -

VI.—The Doubtful Works. Translated by G. Burges. +

VI.—The Doubtful Works. Translated by G. Burges. -

—– Summary and Analysis of +

—– Summary and Analysis of the Dialogues. With Analytical @@ -108928,13 +108928,13 @@ by A. Stewart, M.A., and George Long, M.A. 4 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Morals. Theosophical Essays. +

—– Morals. Theosophical Essays. Translated by C. W. King, M.A. 5s. -

—– Morals. Ethical Essays. +

—– Morals. Ethical Essays. Translated by the Rev. A. R. @@ -108946,7 +108946,7 @@ American Poets, from 1776 to 1876. By W. J. Linton. 3s. 6d. -

POLITICAL CYCLOPÆDIA. +

POLITICAL CYCLOPÆDIA. A Dictionary of Political, Constitutional. Statistical, and Forensic Knowledge; forming a @@ -108966,7 +108966,7 @@ with copious Notes, by Robert Carruthers. With numerous Illustrations. 2 vols. 5s. each. -

—– Homer's Iliad. Edited by +

—– Homer's Iliad. Edited by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. @@ -108974,7 +108974,7 @@ Illustrated by the entire Series of Flaxman's Designs. 5s. -

—– Homer's Odyssey, with the +

—– Homer's Odyssey, with the Battle of Frogs and Mice, Hymns, @@ -108984,7 +108984,7 @@ by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. With the entire Series of Flaxman's Designs. 5s. -

—– Life, including many of his +

—– Life, including many of his Letters. By Robert Carruthers. @@ -108992,15 +108992,15 @@ With numerous Illustrations. 5s.

POUSHKIN'S Prose Tales: The -Captain's Daughter—Doubrovsky +Captain's Daughter—Doubrovsky -—The Queen of Spades — An +—The Queen of Spades — An -Amateur Peasant Girl—The Shot +Amateur Peasant Girl—The Shot -—The Snow Storm—The Postmaster—The Coffin Maker— +—The Snow Storm—The Postmaster—The Coffin Maker— -Kirdjali—The Egyptian Nights— +Kirdjali—The Egyptian Nights— Peter the Great's Negro. Translated by T. Keane, 3s. 6d. @@ -109014,13 +109014,13 @@ and an introduction by G. P. Winship. 3 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Conquest of Peru. Copyright +

—– Conquest of Peru. Copyright edition, with the notes of John Foster Kirk. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Reign of Ferdinand and +

—– Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. Copyright edition, @@ -109134,7 +109134,7 @@ considerable additions, by G. R. Dennis, B.A. 3 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– History of Servia and the +

—– History of Servia and the Servian Revolution. With an @@ -109182,7 +109182,7 @@ together with the Autobiography (a Fragment), and a short Prefatory Memoir. 3s. 6d. -

—– Flower, Fruit, and Thorn +

—– Flower, Fruit, and Thorn Pieces, or the Wedded Life, Death, @@ -109234,7 +109234,7 @@ With 34 Steel Engravings. 2 vols. 5s. each. -

—– See BURN. +

—– See BURN.

ROSCOE'S (W.) Life and Pontificate of Leo X. Final edition, @@ -109242,7 +109242,7 @@ revised by Thomas Roscoe. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, +

—– Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, called 'the Magnificent.' With @@ -109272,9 +109272,9 @@ Translated by J. S. Watson, M.A. by various hands. 7 vols. 3s. 6d. -each:— +each:— -

I.—Hstory of the Thirty Years' +

I.—Hstory of the Thirty Years' War. @@ -109284,7 +109284,7 @@ War. -

II.—History of the Revolt in the +

II.—History of the Revolt in the Netherlands, the Trials of @@ -109298,7 +109298,7 @@ preceding the Reign of Henry IV. -

III.—Don Carlos, Mary Stuart, +

III.—Don Carlos, Mary Stuart, Maid of Orleans, Bride of @@ -109312,7 +109312,7 @@ Tragedy (a short Essay). translated in metre. -

IV.—Robbers (with Schiller's +

IV.—Robbers (with Schiller's original Preface), Fiesco, @@ -109326,11 +109326,11 @@ volume are translated into Prose. -

V.—Poems. +

V.—Poems. -

VI.—Essays, Æsthetical and Philosophical +

VI.—Essays, Æsthetical and Philosophical -

VII.—Wallenstein's Camp, Piccolomini and Death of +

VII.—Wallenstein's Camp, Piccolomini and Death of Wallenstein, William Tell. @@ -109338,7 +109338,7 @@ Wallenstein, William Tell. Correspondence between, from -A.D. 1794–1805. Translated by +A.D. 1794–1805. Translated by L. Dora Schmitz. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. @@ -109350,13 +109350,13 @@ the Philosophy of Life and the Philosophy of Language. Translated by the Rev. A. J. W. Morrison, M.A. 3s. 6d. -

—– Lectures on the History of +

—– Lectures on the History of Literature, Ancient and Modern. Translated from the German. 3s. 6a. -

—– Lectures on the Philosophy +

—– Lectures on the Philosophy of History. Translated by J. B. @@ -109366,7 +109366,7 @@ Robertson. 3s. 6d. Modern History, together with -the Lectures entitled Cæsar and +the Lectures entitled Cæsar and Alexander, and The Beginning of @@ -109376,7 +109376,7 @@ Purcell and R. H. Whitetock. 3s. 6d. -

—– Æsthetic and Miscellaneous +

—– Æsthetic and Miscellaneous Works. Translated by E. J. @@ -109402,7 +109402,7 @@ Will in Nature. Translated by Madame Hillebrand. 5s. -

—– Essays. Selected and Translated. With a Biographical Introduction and Sketch of his Philosophy, by E. Belfort Bax. 5s. +

—– Essays. Selected and Translated. With a Biographical Introduction and Sketch of his Philosophy, by E. Belfort Bax. 5s.

SCHOUV'S Earth, Plants, and @@ -109416,7 +109416,7 @@ and Works, by August Reissmann. Translated by A. L. Alger. 3s. 6d. -

—– Early Letters. Originally published by his Wife. Translated +

—– Early Letters. Originally published by his Wife. Translated by May Herbert. With a Preface @@ -109430,7 +109430,7 @@ translated by A. Stewart, M.A. 3s. 6d. -

—– Minor Essays and On Clemency. Translated by A. Stewart, +

—– Minor Essays and On Clemency. Translated by A. Stewart, M.A. 5s. @@ -109492,7 +109492,7 @@ Roscoe. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. their Opposites. Revised Edition. 5s. -

—– Synonyms Discriminated. +

—– Synonyms Discriminated. A Dictionary of Synonymous @@ -109512,7 +109512,7 @@ Nations. Edited by E. Belfort Bax. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– Theory of Moral Sentiments. +

—– Theory of Moral Sentiments. With a Memoir of the Author by @@ -109546,13 +109546,13 @@ Cruikshank's Illustrations. 3s. 6d. With Bibliography and Cruikshank's Illustrations. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– The Expedition of Humphry Clinker. With Bibliography +

—– The Expedition of Humphry Clinker. With Bibliography and Cruikshank's Illustrations. 3s. 6d. -

SOCRATES (surnamed 'Scholasticus '). The Ecclesiastical History of (A. D. 305–445). Translated +

SOCRATES (surnamed 'Scholasticus '). The Ecclesiastical History of (A. D. 305–445). Translated from the Greek. 5s. @@ -109570,11 +109570,11 @@ With Portraits, Plans, and upwards of 50 Engravings on Steel and Wood. 5s. -

—– Life of Wesley, and the Rise +

—– Life of Wesley, and the Rise and Progress of Methodism. 5s. -

—– Robert Southey. The Story +

—– Robert Southey. The Story of his Life written in his Letters. @@ -109608,7 +109608,7 @@ of Women. With 14 Steel Engravings. 5s. Handbook. 5s. -

—– Chess Praxis. A Supplement +

—– Chess Praxis. A Supplement to the Chess-player's Handbook. @@ -109628,7 +109628,7 @@ Games, and a Selection of Original Problems. 5s. -

—– Chess Tournament of 1851. +

—– Chess Tournament of 1851. With Introduction and Notes. 5s. @@ -109658,11 +109658,11 @@ Edition. With 6 Portraits. 6 vols. 5s. each. -

—– Life of Mary Queen of Scots. +

—– Life of Mary Queen of Scots. 2 vols. 5s. each. -

—– Lives of the Tudor and Stuart +

—– Lives of the Tudor and Stuart Princesses. With Portraits. 5s @@ -109676,7 +109676,7 @@ numerous Woodcut Capitals. 5s.

SUETONIUS' Lives of the Twelve -Cæsars and Lives of the Grammarians. Thomson's translation, +Cæsars and Lives of the Grammarians. Thomson's translation, revised by T. Forester. 5s. @@ -109690,9 +109690,9 @@ With Portraits and Facsimiles. 12 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -[Vols. I.–XI. ready. +[Vols. I.–XI. ready. -

I.—A Tale of a Tub, The Battle +

I.—A Tale of a Tub, The Battle of the Books, and other @@ -109704,43 +109704,43 @@ Biographical Introduction by W. E. H. Lecky. -

II.—The Journal to Stella. Edited +

II.—The Journal to Stella. Edited by Frederick Ryland, M.A. With 2 Portraits and Facsimile. -

III. & IV.—Writings on Religion and +

III. & IV.—Writings on Religion and the Church. -

V.—Historical and Political +

V.—Historical and Political Tracts (English). -

VI.—The Drapier's Letters. +

VI.—The Drapier's Letters. With facsimiles of Wood's Coinage, &c. -

VII.—Historical and Political +

VII.—Historical and Political Tracts (Irish). -

VIII.—Gulliver's Travels. Edited +

VIII.—Gulliver's Travels. Edited by G. R. Dennis. With Portrait and Maps. -

IX. —Contributions to Periodicals. +

IX. —Contributions to Periodicals. -

X.—Historical Writings. +

X.—Historical Writings. -

XI.—Literary Essays. +

XI.—Literary Essays. -

XII.—Index and Bibliography, &c. +

XII.—Index and Bibliography, &c. [In preparation. @@ -109758,17 +109758,17 @@ Engravings on Steel and 24 Woodcuts by Thurston. 5s. Holy Living and Dying. 3s. 6d. -

TEN BRINK.—-See BRINK. +

TEN BRINK.—-See BRINK. -

TERENCE and PHÆDRUS. +

TERENCE and PHÆDRUS. Literally translated by H. T. Riley, M.A. To which is added, Smart's -Metrical Version of Phædrus. 5s. +Metrical Version of Phædrus. 5s. -

THEOCRITUS, BION, MOSCHUS, and TYRTÆUS. Literally translated by the Rev. J. +

THEOCRITUS, BION, MOSCHUS, and TYRTÆUS. Literally translated by the Rev. J. Banks, M.A. To which are appended the Metrical Versions of @@ -109800,7 +109800,7 @@ by the Rev. H. Dale. 2 vols. 3s. 6d. each. -

—– An Analysis and Summary +

—– An Analysis and Summary of. By J. T. Wheeler. 5s. @@ -109812,7 +109812,7 @@ by P. L. Simmonds. 2 vols. 5s. each. -

—– Philosophy of Manufactures. +

—– Philosophy of Manufactures. Edited by P. L. Simmonds. 7s. 6d. @@ -109834,7 +109834,7 @@ LL.D. With Portrait. 3s. 6d. by R. B. Boswell. Containing -Bebouc, Memnon, Candide, L'Ingénu, and other Tales. 3s. 6d. +Bebouc, Memnon, Candide, L'Ingénu, and other Tales. 3s. 6d.

WALTON'S Complete Angler. @@ -109846,7 +109846,7 @@ Wood and 26 Engravings on Steel. 5s. -

—– Lives of Donne, Hooker, &c. +

—– Lives of Donne, Hooker, &c. New Edition revised by A. H. @@ -109874,7 +109874,7 @@ Cyprus. Translated by E.A.M. Lewis. 3s. 6d. -

WESTROPP (H. M.) A Handbook of Archæology, Egyptian, +

WESTROPP (H. M.) A Handbook of Archæology, Egyptian, Greek, Etruscan, Roman. Illustrated. 5s. @@ -109924,13 +109924,13 @@ France during the years 1787, M. Betham Edwards. 3s. 6d. -

—– Tour in Ireland, with +

—– Tour in Ireland, with General Observations on the state of the country during the years -1776–79. Edited by A. W. +1776–79. Edited by A. W. Hutton. With Complete Bibliography by J. P. Anderson, and @@ -109962,7 +109962,7 @@ In leather, 3S. net. attractive series of reprints.... The size and style of the volumes are -exactly what they should be.'—Bookman. +exactly what they should be.'—Bookman.

The following volumes are now ready: @@ -110098,7 +110098,7 @@ and Notes, by G. R. DENNIS, with facsimiles of the original illustrations. and Notes, by F. RYLAND, M.A. -

TROLLOPE'S BARSETSHIRE NOVELS.—THE WARDEN +

TROLLOPE'S BARSETSHIRE NOVELS.—THE WARDEN (I vol.), BARCHESTER TOWERS (I vol.), DR. THORNE (I vol.), @@ -110244,7 +110244,7 @@ volume.

HAMLET. -

JULIUS CÆSAR. +

JULIUS CÆSAR.

KING HENRY IV. PART I. @@ -110310,23 +110310,23 @@ volume. -

'A fascinating little edition.'—Notes and Queries. +

'A fascinating little edition.'—Notes and Queries. -

'A cheap, very comely, and altogether desirable edition.'—Westminster Gazette. +

'A cheap, very comely, and altogether desirable edition.'—Westminster Gazette.

But a few years ago such volumes would have been deemed worthy to be considered -éditions de luxe. To-day, the low price at which they are offered to the public alone +éditions de luxe. To-day, the low price at which they are offered to the public alone -prevents them being so regarded.'—Studio. +prevents them being so regarded.'—Studio.

'Handy in shape and size, wonderfully cheap, beautifully printed from the Cambridge text, and illustrated quaintly yet admirably by Mr. Byam Shaw, we have nothing -but praise for it. No one who wants a good and convenient Shakespeare—without +but praise for it. No one who wants a good and convenient Shakespeare—without -excursusues, discursuses, or even too many notes—can do better, in our opinion, than +excursusues, discursuses, or even too many notes—can do better, in our opinion, than -subscribe to this issue: which is saying a good deal in these days of cheap reprints.'— +subscribe to this issue: which is saying a good deal in these days of cheap reprints.'— Vanity Fair. @@ -110334,7 +110334,7 @@ subscribe to this issue: which is saying a good deal in these days of cheap repr paper, as well as to the print and decoration; such stout laid paper will last for ages. -On this account alone, the 'Chiswick' should easily be first among pocket Shakespeares.'— Pall Mall Gazette. +On this account alone, the 'Chiswick' should easily be first among pocket Shakespeares.'— Pall Mall Gazette. @@ -110354,9 +110354,9 @@ BRITISH POETS. scholarly introductions, are something very different from the cheap volumes of -extracts which are just now so much too common.'—St. James's Gazette. +extracts which are just now so much too common.'—St. James's Gazette. -

'An excellent series. Small, handy, and complete.'—Saturday Review. +

'An excellent series. Small, handy, and complete.'—Saturday Review.

Blake. Edited by W. M. Rossetti. @@ -110502,7 +110502,7 @@ Rev. J. Mitford.

'The best instruction on games and sports by the best authorities, at the lowest -prices.'—Oxford Magazine. +prices.'—Oxford Magazine.

Small 8vo. cloth, Illustrated. Price 1s. each. @@ -110602,11 +110602,11 @@ F. GRAF.

Dumb-bells. By F. GRAF. -

Football— Rugby Game. By +

Football— Rugby Game. By HARRY VASSALL. -

Football—Association Game. By +

Football—Association Game. By C. W. ALCOCK. Revised Edition. @@ -110640,7 +110640,7 @@ Double vol. 2s.

'No well-regulated club or country house should be without this useful series of -books.'—Globe. +books.'—Globe.

Small 8vo. cloth, Illustrated. Price 1s. each. @@ -110682,11 +110682,11 @@ By 'BERKELEY.' By 'BERKELEY.' -

Bézique and Cribbage. +

Bézique and Cribbage. By 'BERKELEY.' -

Écarté and Euchre. +

Écarté and Euchre. By 'BERKELEY.' @@ -110738,7 +110738,7 @@ Architecture by the Rev. T. PERKINS, M.A., F.R.A.S.

EXETER. By PERCY ADDLESHAW, B.A. 2nd Edition, revised. -

GLOUCESTER. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. 3rd Edition. +

GLOUCESTER. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. 3rd Edition.

HEREFORD. By A. HUGH FISHER, A.R.E. 2nd Edition, revised. @@ -110796,7 +110796,7 @@ M.A., F.S.A. PERKINS, M.A. -

TEWKESBURY ABBEY AND DEERHURST PRIORY. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. +

TEWKESBURY ABBEY AND DEERHURST PRIORY. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. BATH ABBEY, MALMESBURY ABBEY, and BRADFORD-ON-AVON CHURCH, @@ -110818,9 +110818,9 @@ By Rev. T. PERKINS, M.A.

BAYEUX. By the Rev. R. S. MYLNE. -

CHARTRES: The Cathedral and Other Churches. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. +

CHARTRES: The Cathedral and Other Churches. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. -

MONT ST. MICHEL. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. +

MONT ST. MICHEL. By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A.

PARIS (NOTRE-DAME). By CHARLES HIATT. @@ -110864,7 +110864,7 @@ Proverbs, &c., a Biographical Dictionary with 10,000 names, &c, &c. -

Dr. MURRAY, Editor of the 'Oxford English Dictionary,' says:—'In this its +

Dr. MURRAY, Editor of the 'Oxford English Dictionary,' says:—'In this its latest form, and with its large Supplement and numerous appendices, it is a wonderful @@ -110876,7 +110876,7 @@ done within the limits.'

Professor JOSEPH WRIGHT, M.A., Ph.D., D.C.L., LL.D., Editor of -the 'English Dialect Dictionary,' says:—'The new edition of Webster's International +the 'English Dialect Dictionary,' says:—'The new edition of Webster's International Dictionary is undoubtedly the most useful and reliable work of its kind in any country. @@ -110884,7 +110884,7 @@ No one who has not examined the work carefully would believe that such a vast am of lexicographical information could possibly be found within so small a compass.' -

Rev. JOSEPH WOOD, D.D., Head Master of Harrow, says:—'I have always +

Rev. JOSEPH WOOD, D.D., Head Master of Harrow, says:—'I have always thought very highly of its merits. Indeed, I consider it to be far the most accurate diff --git a/data/tlg0526/tlg001/tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0526/tlg001/tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml index 7ad79a76d..23fbb9b0e 100755 --- a/data/tlg0526/tlg001/tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0526/tlg001/tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -648,7 +648,7 @@ them, as to the distance of 150 days to the 17th day of the 7th month, as Genesis 7. ult. with 8:3. called by the Macedonians Dius, but by the Hebrews Marchesuan: for so did they order their year in Egypt. But Moses appointed that -· Nisan, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the +· Nisan, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the first month for their festivals, because he brought them out of Egypt in that month: so that this month began the year as to all the solemnities they observed to the honor of God, although he preserved the original order @@ -1304,7 +1304,7 @@ God had forbidden her so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt; Rome, contemporary with Josephus; as also that it was so in the next century, is attested by Irenaeus, with the addition of an hypothesis, how -it came to last so long, with all its members entire.—Whether the account +it came to last so long, with all its members entire.—Whether the account that some modern travelers give be true, that it is still standing, I do not know. Its remote situation, at the most southern point of the Sea of Sodom, in the wild and dangerous deserts of Arabia, makes it exceeding @@ -1815,7 +1815,7 @@ together. At which time he saw in his sleep such a vision standing by him: - he seemed to see a ladder that reached from the earth unto heaven, and persons descending upon the ladder that seemed more excellent than human; and at last God himself stood above it, and was plainly visible to him, -who, calling him by his name, spake to him in these words: —

+who, calling him by his name, spake to him in these words: —

"O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who art the son of a good father, and grandson of one who had obtained a great reputation for his eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy present circumstances, but to hope @@ -3525,7 +3525,7 @@ and when God had given them this counsel, to make use of Moses the Hebrew, and take his assistance, the king commanded his daughter to produce him, that he might be the general This history of Moses, as general of the Egyptians against the Ethiopians, is wholly omitted in our Bibles; but is thus by Irenaeus, from Josephus, -and that soon after his own age: — "Josephus says, that when Moses +and that soon after his own age: — "Josephus says, that when Moses was nourished in the palace, he was appointed general of the army against the Ethiopians, and conquered them, when he married that king's daughter; because, out of her affection for him, she delivered the city up to him." @@ -3973,9 +3973,9 @@ into Egypt. Egypt, when it is clear even by that Masorete chronology elsewhere, as well as from the express text itself, in the Samaritan, Septuagint, and -Josephus, that they sojourned in Egypt but half that time,—and that by +Josephus, that they sojourned in Egypt but half that time,—and that by consequence, the other half of their peregrination was in the land of Canaan, -before they came into Egypt,—is hard to say. See Essay on the Old Testament, +before they came into Egypt,—is hard to say. See Essay on the Old Testament, p. 62, 63. It was the eightieth year of the age of Moses, and of that of Aaron three more. They also carried out the bones of Joesph with them, as he had charged @@ -4205,7 +4205,7 @@ quick passage." Appian, when he compares Caesar and Alexander together, their boldness and fortune, as much as on their skill in war. As an instance of which, Alexander journeyed over a country without water, in the heat of summer, to the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon, and quickly passed over the -Bay of Pamphylia, when, by Divine Providence, the sea was cut off—thus +Bay of Pamphylia, when, by Divine Providence, the sea was cut off—thus Providence restraining the sea on his account, as it had sent him rain when he traveled [over the desert]." through itself, had no other way to go; I mean, when it was the will of @@ -4288,7 +4288,7 @@ is perfectly agreeable to the character and usage of Josephus upon many occasions. This note is, I confess, barely conjectural; and since Josephus never tells us when his own copy, taken out of the temple, had such additions, or when any ancient notes supplied them; or indeed when they are derived -from Jewish, and when from Gentile antiquity, —we can go no further than +from Jewish, and when from Gentile antiquity, —we can go no further than bare conjectures in such cases; only the notions of Jews were generally so different from those of Gentiles, that we may sometimes make no improbable conjectures to which sort such additions belong. See also somewhat like @@ -8287,7 +8287,7 @@ among their treasures. And thus did Jericho perish.

the name of this chief was not Achan, as in the common copies, but Achar, as here in Josephus, and in the Apostolical Constit. B. VII. ch. 2., and elsewhere, is evident by the allusion to that name in the curse of Joshua, -"Why hast thou troubled us? — the Lord shall trouble thee;" where +"Why hast thou troubled us? — the Lord shall trouble thee;" where the Hebrew word alludes only to the name Achar, but not to Achan. Accordingly, this Valley of Achar, or Achor, was and is a known place, a little north of Gilgal, so called from the days of Joshua till this day. See Joshua @@ -8297,7 +8297,7 @@ a royal garment woven entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that weighed two hundred shekels; Here Dr. Bernard very justly observes, that a few words are dropped out of Josephus's copies, on account of the repetition of the word shekels, and that it ought -to be read thus: — "A piece of gold that weighed fifty shekels, and +to be read thus: — "A piece of gold that weighed fifty shekels, and one of silver that weighed two hundred shekels," as in our other copies, Joshua 7:21. and thinking it a very hard case, that what spoils he, by running some @@ -10572,7 +10572,7 @@ them for the present, which he did by force and violence, but by weakening them by subtlety and cunning, that they might not be able afterward to get clear of the slavery they were under to him; for he put out the right eyes Take -here Theodoret's note, cited by Dr. Hudson: — "He that exposes his +here Theodoret's note, cited by Dr. Hudson: — "He that exposes his shield to the enemy with his left hand, thereby hides his left eye, and looks at the enemy with his right eye: he therefore that plucks out that eye, makes men useless in war." @@ -13673,7 +13673,7 @@ hundred shekels Of this weight of Absalom's hair, well amount to two hundred shekels, or to somewhat above six pounds avoirdupois, see the Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, p. 77, 78. But a late very judicious author thinks that the LXXX. meant not its weight, but its value, -Was twenty shekels. — Dr. Wall's Critical Notes on the Old Testament, upon +Was twenty shekels. — Dr. Wall's Critical Notes on the Old Testament, upon 2 Samuel 14:26. It does not appear what was Josephus's opinion: he sets the text down honestly as he found it in his copies, only he thought that "at the end of days," when Absalom polled or weighed his hair, @@ -14442,7 +14442,7 @@ AND HOW THE DIVINE COMPASSION RESTRAINED THAT PUNISHMENT.

NOW king David was desirous to know how many ten thousands there were of the people, but forgot the commands of Moses, The words of God by Moses, Exodus 30:12, sufficiently satisfy the reason here given by Josephus for the great plague mentioned in this chapter: -— "When thou takest the sum of the children of Israel after their +— "When thou takest the sum of the children of Israel after their number, then shall they give a ransom for his soul unto the Lord, when thou numberest them; that there be no plague amongst them, when numberest them." Nor indeed could David's or the neglect of executing this law @@ -17792,7 +17792,7 @@ captain. But when this captain, who was a wise man, and of a mild disposition, came to the place where Elijah happened to be, and spake civilly to him; and said that he knew that it was without his own consent, and only in submission to the king's command that he came to him; and that those that -came before did not come willingly, but on the same account; — he therefore +came before did not come willingly, but on the same account; — he therefore desired him to have pity on those armed men that were with him, and that he would come down and follow him to the king. So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and courteous behavior, and came down and followed him. @@ -18017,7 +18017,7 @@ and as king Joram asked the prophet if he would give him leave to shoot at them, Elisha forbade him so to do; and said, that "it is just to kill those that are taken in battle, but that these men had done the country no harm, but, without knowing it, were come thither by the Divine Power:" -— so that his counsel was to treat them in a hospitable manner at his table, +— so that his counsel was to treat them in a hospitable manner at his table, and then send them away without hurting them. Upon occasion of this stratagem of Elisha, in Josephus, we may take notice, that although Josephus was one of the greatest lovers of truth in the world, @@ -18113,7 +18113,7 @@ account abode before the gates, while nobody gave them any food, by reason of the extremity of the famine; and as they were prohibited from entering into the city by the law, and they considered that if they were permitted to enter, they should miserably perish by the famine; as also, that if -they staid where they were, they should suffer in the same manner, — they +they staid where they were, they should suffer in the same manner, — they resolved to deliver themselves up to the enemy, that in case they should spare them, they should live; but if they should be killed, that would be an easy death. So when they had confirmed this their resolution, they @@ -18327,7 +18327,7 @@ the chamber, and endeavored not to be seen by any of the army.

But Jehu came out, and went to the place where he before sat with the captains; and when they asked him, and desired him to tell them, wherefore it was that this young man came to him, and added withal that he was mad, -he replied, —"You guess right, for the words he spake were the words of +he replied, —"You guess right, for the words he spake were the words of a madman;" and when they were eager about the matter, and desired he would tell them, he answered, that God had said he had chosen him to be king over the multitude. When he had said this, every one of them put @@ -19008,8 +19008,8 @@ the king of Assyria, a thousand talents, this is the first public money raised by any [Israelite] king by tax on the people; that they used before to raise it out of the treasures of the house of the Lord, or of their own house; that it was a poll-money on the rich men, [and them only,] to -raise £353,000, or, as others count a talent, £400,000, at -the rate of £6 or £7 per head; and that God commanded, by Ezekiel, +raise £353,000, or, as others count a talent, £400,000, at +the rate of £6 or £7 per head; and that God commanded, by Ezekiel, ch. 45:8; 46:18, that no such thing should be done [at the Jews' restoration], but the king should have land of his own." after which he died, and was buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah @@ -21151,7 +21151,7 @@ and to sit next to himself, on account of his wisdom; "and," says he, "he shall be called my cousin." Now when he had promised to give them these gifts, he asked the first of them, "Whether wine was not the strongest?"--the second, "Whether kings were not -such?" — and the third, "Whether women were not such? or whether truth +such?" — and the third, "Whether women were not such? or whether truth was not the strongest of all?" When he had proposed that they should make their inquiries about these problems, he went to rest; but in the morning he sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of Persia @@ -22881,7 +22881,7 @@ in Josephus and Aristeus, does better agree to twenty than to one hundred and twenty drachmae; and since the value of a slave of old was at the utmost but thirty shekels, or sixty drachmae; see Exodus 21:32; while in the present circumstances of these Jewish slaves, and those so very numerous, Philadelphus -would rather redeem them at a cheaper than at a dearer rate; — there is +would rather redeem them at a cheaper than at a dearer rate; — there is great reason to prefer here Aristeus's copies before Josephus's. for every one of the slaves? And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, @@ -25994,8 +25994,8 @@ book of Maccabees, so did it not begin at Babylon till the next spring, on the 311th year. See Prid. at the year 312. And it is truly observed by Dr. Hudson on this place, that the Syrians and Assyrians are sometimes confounded in ancient authors, according to the words of Justin, the -epitomizer of Trogus Pompeius, who says that “the Assyrians were afterwards -called Syrians.” 8.1 cb. xi. See of the War b. v. ch. ix. sect. 4. where the Philistines themselves, at +epitomizer of Trogus Pompeius, who says that “the Assyrians were afterwards +called Syrians.” 8.1 cb. xi. See of the War b. v. ch. ix. sect. 4. where the Philistines themselves, at the very south limit of Syria in its utmost extent, are called Assyrians by Josephus, as Spauheim observes. of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called @@ -26914,7 +26914,7 @@ for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, that this Antiochus Pius did not die in this battle; but, running away, was drowned in the river Orontes. Appian says that he, was deprived of the kingdom of Syria by Tigranes; but Porphyry makes this Laodice queen -of the Calamans; — all which is noted by Spanheim. In such confusion of +of the Calamans; — all which is noted by Spanheim. In such confusion of the later historians, we have no reason to prefer any of them before Josephus, who had more original ones before him. This reproach upon Alexander, that he was sprung from a captive, seems only the repetition of the old Pharisaical @@ -36497,7 +36497,7 @@ father's kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would -certainly take effect, — when he had estimated the number of those that +certainly take effect, — when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper @@ -37359,7 +37359,7 @@ set about it himself. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, -and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication, — partly on +and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication, — partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a terrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of @@ -37378,7 +37378,7 @@ but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his -grant, not to contradict him in any thing: — "yet," said he, "I +grant, not to contradict him in any thing: — "yet," said he, "I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which @@ -39927,7 +39927,7 @@ behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, This further account of the benefactions of Izates and Helena to the Jerusalem Jews which Josephus here promises is, I think, no where performed by him in his present works. But of this terrible famine itself in Judea, take -Dr. Hudson's note here: — "This ( says he ) is that famine foretold +Dr. Hudson's note here: — "This ( says he ) is that famine foretold by Agabus, Acts 11:28, which happened when Claudius was consul the fourth time; and not that other which happened when Claudius was consul the second time, and Cesina was his colleague, as Scaliger says upon Eusebius, p. diff --git a/data/tlg0526/tlg002/tlg0526.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0526/tlg002/tlg0526.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml index 6833cba9c..9564d2736 100644 --- a/data/tlg0526/tlg002/tlg0526.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0526/tlg002/tlg0526.tlg002.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -678,7 +678,7 @@ not leave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I would punish them sufficiently of the king [Agrippa] came to me out of the region of Trachonius, bringing their horses and their arms, and carrying with them their money also; and when the Jews would force them to be circumcised, if they would stay among -them, I would not permit them to have any force put upon them, Josephus's opinion is here well worth noting: —That every one is to be +them, I would not permit them to have any force put upon them, Josephus's opinion is here well worth noting: —That every one is to be permitted to worship God according to his own conscience, and is not to be compelled in matters of religion: as one may here observe, on the contrary, that the rest of the Jews were still for obliging all those who married @@ -1197,7 +1197,7 @@ But a few hours afterwards, I got up, and when I had dismissed the rest to go to their beds, I bid only four of my intimate friends to stay, and ordered my servant to get some wine ready. I also opened the letter so, that nobody could perceive it; and understanding thereby presently the -purport· of the writing, I sealed it up again, and appeared as if +purport· of the writing, I sealed it up again, and appeared as if I had not yet read it, but only held it in my hands. I ordered twenty drachmae should be given the soldier for the charges of his journey; and when he took the money, and said that he thanked me for it, I perceived that he diff --git a/data/tlg0526/tlg003/tlg0526.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0526/tlg003/tlg0526.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml index 14b08058a..9abdd58bf 100644 --- a/data/tlg0526/tlg003/tlg0526.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0526/tlg003/tlg0526.tlg003.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -755,7 +755,7 @@ to Hirom to be solved, and desired he would send others back for him to solve, and that he who could not solve the problems proposed to him should pay money to him that solved them. And when Hirom had agreed to the proposals, but was not able to solve the problems, he was obliged to pay a great deal -of money, as a penalty for the same. As also they relate, that one·Abdemon, +of money, as a penalty for the same. As also they relate, that one·Abdemon, a man of Tyre, did solve the problems, and propose others which Solomon could not solve, upon which he was obliged to repay a great deal of money to Hirom." These things are attested to by Dius, and confirm what diff --git a/data/tlg0543/tlg001/tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg0543/tlg001/tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml index 3b071ea6f..ab0144a7e 100644 --- a/data/tlg0543/tlg001/tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg0543/tlg001/tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -137,8 +137,8 @@ The Lacedaemonians, after contending for supremacy in 3. Macedonia.The Macedonians obtained dominion in Europe from the lands bordering on the Adriatic to the -Danube,—which after all is but a small fraction of this -continent,—and, by the destruction of the Persian Empire, +Danube,—which after all is but a small fraction of this +continent,—and, by the destruction of the Persian Empire, they afterwards added to that the dominion of Asia. And yet, though they had the credit of having made themselves masters of a larger number of countries and states than any @@ -248,7 +248,7 @@ been little better than dreamers. For indeed some idea of a whole may be got from a part, but an accurate knowledge and clear comprehension cannot. Wherefore we must conclude that episodical history contributes exceedingly little to the familiar knowledge and secure grasp of universal history. While it is only by the combination -and comparison of the separate parts of the whole,—by observing their likeness and their difference,—that a man can +and comparison of the separate parts of the whole,—by observing their likeness and their difference,—that a man can attain his object: can obtain a view at once clear and complete; and thus secure both the profit and the delight of History.

@@ -303,9 +303,9 @@ this the Tarentines insulted the ambassadors of Ro in fear of the consequences, invited and obtained the assistance of Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus, B. C. 280. This happened in the year before the Gauls invaded Greece, some of whom perished near Delphi, while others crossed into -Asia. Then it was that the Romans—having reduced the +Asia. Then it was that the Romans—having reduced the Etruscans and Samnites to obedience, and conquered the -Italian Celts in many battles—attempted for the first time the +Italian Celts in many battles—attempted for the first time the reduction of the rest of Italy. Southern Italy. The nations for whose possessions they were about to fight they affected to regard, not in the light of foreigners, but as @@ -358,8 +358,8 @@ Now, though the Romans were much annoyed at this transaction, they c engaged in the wars I have mentioned above. But having got free from them they invested and besieged the troops. They presently took the place and killed the greater number -in the assault,—for the men resisted desperately, -knowing what must follow,—but took more +in the assault,—for the men resisted desperately, +knowing what must follow,—but took more than three hundred alive. B. C. 271. C. Quintus Claudus, L. Genucius Clepsina, Coss. These were sent to Rome, and there the Consuls brought them into the forum, where they were scourged and beheaded according to custom: for they wished as far as they @@ -381,7 +381,7 @@ support, the captors of Rhegium being n town again by the Syracusans, under circumstances which I will now detail.

Not long before this the military forces of the SyracusansThe rise of Hiero. He is elected General by the army, B. C. 275-274. -had quarrelled with the citizens, and while stationed near Merganè elected commanders from +had quarrelled with the citizens, and while stationed near Merganè elected commanders from their own body. These were Artemidorus and Hiero, the latter of whom afterwards became King of Syracuse. At this time he was quite a young man, but @@ -451,7 +451,7 @@ penalties of the law, for having broken faith with the people of Rhegium: and now so soon afterwards to assist the Mamertines, who had done precisely the same to Messene as well as Rhegium, involved a breach of equity very hard to -justify. The motives of the Romans in acceding to this prayer,—jealousy of the growing power of Carthage. +justify. The motives of the Romans in acceding to this prayer,—jealousy of the growing power of Carthage. But while fully alive to these points, they yet saw that Carthaginian aggrandisement was not confined to Libya, but had embraced many districts in Iberia as well; and that Carthage was, besides, @@ -746,8 +746,8 @@ Romans were taking a more decided part in Sicilian politics, they conceived that they must have a more formidable force to enable them to confront their enemy and maintain their own interests in Sicily. They select Agrigentum as their headquarters. Accordingly, they enlisted mercenaries from over sea -—a large number of Ligurians and Celts, and a still larger -number of Iberians—and despatched them to Sicily. And +—a large number of Ligurians and Celts, and a still larger +number of Iberians—and despatched them to Sicily. And perceiving that Agrigentum possessed the greatest natural advantages as a place of arms, and was the most powerful city in their province, they collected their supplies and their forces into it, deciding to use this city as their headquarters for the war.

@@ -792,7 +792,7 @@ temple of Asclepius outside the town; with the other they encamped in the outskirts of the city on the side which looks towards Heracleia. The space between the camps on either side of the city they secured by two trenches, -—the inner one to protect themselves against sallies from the +—the inner one to protect themselves against sallies from the city, the outer as a precaution against attacks from without, and to intercept those persons or supplies which always make their way surreptitiously into cities that are sustaining @@ -854,10 +854,10 @@ their opponents. After two months, Hanno is fo though skirmishes took place daily. But as Hannibal all this time kept signalling and -sending messages from the town to Hanno,— +sending messages from the town to Hanno,— telling him that his men were impatient of the famine, and that many were even deserting to the enemy owing to the -distress for food,—the Carthaginian general determined to +distress for food,—the Carthaginian general determined to risk a battle, the Romans being equally ready, for the reasons I have mentioned. So both parties advanced into the space between the @@ -917,7 +917,7 @@ these causes; and, moreover, that while ItalyLibya remained permanently uninjured; they became eager to get upon the sea and meet the Carthaginians there.

It was this branch of the subject that more than anything else induced me to give an account of this war at somewhat greater length than I otherwise should have done. I was -unwilling that a first step of this kind should be unknown,— +unwilling that a first step of this kind should be unknown,— namely how, and when, and why the Romans first started a navy.

It was, then, because they saw that the war they had undertaken lingered to a weary length, that they first thought of getting a fleet built, consisting of a @@ -930,8 +930,8 @@ proof of the courage, or rather the extraordinary audacity of the Roman enterprise. Not only had they no resources for it of reasonable sufficiency; but without any resources for it at -all, and without having ever entertained an idea of naval war,— -for it was the first time they had thought of it,—they nevertheless handled the enterprise with such extraordinary audacity, +all, and without having ever entertained an idea of naval war,— +for it was the first time they had thought of it,—they nevertheless handled the enterprise with such extraordinary audacity, that, without so much as a preliminary trial, they took upon themselves there and then to meet the Carthaginians at sea, on which they had for generations held undisputed supremacy. @@ -978,7 +978,7 @@ to him for the surrender of the town of LiparaPanormus of what had taken place, the Carthaginian general -Hannibal despatched Boōdes, a member of the Senate, with +Hannibal despatched Boōdes, a member of the Senate, with a squadron of twenty ships. He accomplished the voyage at night and shut up Gnaeus and his men within the harbour. When day dawned the crews made for the shore and ran @@ -1074,7 +1074,7 @@ by an unexpected piece of luck and an act of great daring effected his escape in the ship's boat. The rest of the Carthaginian squadron were sailing up with the view of charging; but as they were coming near they saw what had happened to the ships which were sailing in the front, and accordingly sheered off and avoided the blows of the engines. -Yet trusting to their speed, they managed by a manœuvre to +Yet trusting to their speed, they managed by a manœuvre to sail round and charge the enemy, some on their broadside and others on their stern, expecting by that method to avoid danger. But the engines swung round to meet them in @@ -1182,7 +1182,7 @@ out the best hands from the land army and divided the whole force which they meant to take on board into four divisions. Roman forces. 330 ships, with average of 420 men (300 rowers + 120 marines) = 138,600 men. Each division had alternative titles; the first was called the "First Legion" or the "First -Squadron,"—and so on with the others. The +Squadron,"—and so on with the others. The fourth had a third title besides. They were called "Triarii," on the analogy of land armies. The total number of men thus making up @@ -1207,7 +1207,7 @@ banks of oars, those, namely, on which the Consuls Marcus Atilius and Lucius Manlius respectively were sailing. These they stationed side by side in front and in a line with each other. Behind each of these they stationed ships one behind the other -in single file—the first squadron behind the one, and the +in single file—the first squadron behind the one, and the second squadron behind the other. These were so arranged that, as each ship came to its place, the two files diverged farther and farther from each other; the vessels being also @@ -1261,14 +1261,14 @@ view of breaking up the Roman close order. They began to retire with all speed, and the Romans pursued them with exultation. The consequence was that, while the first and second Roman squadrons were pressing the flying enemy, the third and fourth "legions" had become detached and were left behind, -—the former because they had to tow the horse-transports, +—the former because they had to tow the horse-transports, and the "Triarii" because they kept their station with them and helped them to form a reserve. But when the Carthaginians thought that they had drawn the first and second squadron a sufficient distance from the main body a signal was hoisted on board Hamilcar's ship, and they all simultaneously swung their ships round and engaged their pursuers. The contest was a severe one. The Carthaginians had a great superiority -in the rapidity with which they manœuvred their ships. They +in the rapidity with which they manœuvred their ships. They darted out from their line and rowed round the enemy: they approached them with ease, and retired with despatch. But the Romans, no less than the Carthaginians, had their reasons @@ -1285,7 +1285,7 @@ meanwhile Hanno with the right wing, which had held aloof when the first encounter took place, crossing the open sea, charged the ships of the Triarii and caused them great difficulty and embarrassment: while those of the Carthaginians -who had been posted near the land manœuvred into line, +who had been posted near the land manœuvred into line, and getting their ships straight, charged the men who were towing the horse-transports. These latter let go the towingropes, grappled with the enemy, and kept up a desperate struggle.

@@ -1362,7 +1362,7 @@ environs.

garrison to hold it and its territory, and had besides sent home to Rome to announce the events which had taken place and to ask for instructions as -to the future,—what they were to do, and what arrangements +to the future,—what they were to do, and what arrangements they were to make. Having done this they made active preparations for a general advance and set about plundering the country. They met with no opposition in this: they @@ -1506,7 +1506,7 @@ mouth to mouth, and gave rise, as was to be expected, to a good deal of popular rumour and sanguine talk. This was confirmed when he had once handled the troops. The way in which he got them into order when he had led them -outside the town; the skill with which he manœuvred the +outside the town; the skill with which he manœuvred the separate detachments, and passed the word of command down the ranks in due conformity to the rules of tactics, at @@ -1571,13 +1571,13 @@ watching for the right moment for beginning the attack.

men on the elephants to advance and disperse the lines in front of them, and to his cavalry to outflank both wings and charge the enemy, than the Roman -army—clashing their shields and spears together after their -usual custom, and simultaneously raising their battle-cry— +army—clashing their shields and spears together after their +usual custom, and simultaneously raising their battle-cry— charged the enemy. The Roman cavalry being far outnumbered by the Carthaginians were soon in full retreat on both wings. But the fortune of the several divisions of the -infantry was various. Those stationed on the left wing— +infantry was various. Those stationed on the left wing— partly because they could avoid the elephants and partly -because they thought contemptuously of the mercenaries— +because they thought contemptuously of the mercenaries— charged the right wing of the Carthaginians, succeeded in driving them from their ground, and pursued them as far as their entrenchment. Those stationed in front of the elephants were less fortunate. The maniples in front were thrown @@ -1619,7 +1619,7 @@ clearest possible warning that no one should feel too confident of the favours of Fortune, especially in the hour of success. Here we see one, who a short time before refused all pity or consideration to the fallen, brought incontinently to beg them for his own life. Again, we -are taught the truth of that saying of Euripides— +are taught the truth of that saying of Euripides— One wise man's skill is worth a world in arms. For it was one man, one brain, that defeated the numbers which were believed to be invincible and able to accomplish @@ -1628,7 +1628,7 @@ anything; and restored to confidence a whole city that was unmistakably and utterly ruined, and the spirits of its army which had sunk to the lowest depths of despair. I record these things in the hope of benefiting my readers. There are two -roads to reformation for mankind—one through misfortunes of +roads to reformation for mankind—one through misfortunes of their own, the other through those of others: the former is the most unmistakable, the latter the less painful. One should never therefore voluntarily choose the former, for it makes reformation a matter of great difficulty and danger; but we @@ -1766,7 +1766,7 @@ their full strength, and after touching at SicilyLibya. There, as they coasted along the shore, they made a great number of descents upon the country without accomplishing anything of importance in any of them. At length they -came to the island of the Lotophagi called Mēnix, which is +came to the island of the Lotophagi called Mēnix, which is not far from the Lesser Syrtis. There, from ignorance of the waters, they ran upon some shallows; the tide receded, their ships went aground, and they were in extreme peril. However, @@ -1861,7 +1861,7 @@ pursued them up to the moat. But no sooner did the elephants thus come to close the archers on the wall, and overwhelmed with volleys of pila and javelins which poured thick and fast upon them from the men stationed on the outer edge of the moat, and who had -not yet been engaged,—and thus, studded all over with darts, +not yet been engaged,—and thus, studded all over with darts, and wounded past all bearing, they soon got beyond control. They turned and bore down upon their own masters, trampling men to death, and throwing their own lines into utter disorder @@ -2039,7 +2039,7 @@ not dared to intercept the course of the Carthaginians.

Himilco, the general in command at Lilybaeum, now A sally from Lilybaeum. saw that both divisions of his troops were in -high spirits and eager for service,—the original +high spirits and eager for service,—the original garrison owing to the presence of the reinforcement, the newly arrived because they had as yet had no experience of the hardships of the situation. He wished to take advantage of the excited feelings of both parties, before they cooled, in order to organise an attempt to set fire to the works of @@ -2081,7 +2081,7 @@ the shouting was loudest and the throng of combatants the densest. At these troops had been massed deliberately for attack and defence. The assailants strove their utmost to dislodge the defenders, the defenders exerted all their courage -to hold their ground and not yield an inch to the assailants,— +to hold their ground and not yield an inch to the assailants,— and with such emulation and fury on both sides, that they ended by falling at their posts rather than yield. But there were others mingled with these, carrying torchwood and tow @@ -2269,7 +2269,7 @@ land on his right. By daybreak the leading ships could be seen coming towards Drepana; and at the first sight of them Adherbal was overwhelmed with surprise. He quickly recovered his self-possession however: and, fully appreciating the significance of the enemy's attack, he determined to try -every manœuvre, and hazard every danger, rather than allow +every manœuvre, and hazard every danger, rather than allow himself and his men to be shut up in the blockade which threatened them. He lost no time in collecting his rowingcrews upon the beach, and summoning the mercenary soldiers who were in the town by proclamation. When the muster @@ -2334,7 +2334,7 @@ the many advantages which, taking it as a whole, the Carthaginians possessed, ga a continually increasing superiority. Owing to the better construction of their ships they had much the advantage in point of speed, while their position with the open sea behind them materially contributed to their -success, by giving them freer space for their manœuvres. Were +success, by giving them freer space for their manœuvres. Were any of them hard pressed by the enemy? Their speed secured them a sure escape, and a wide expanse of water was open to their flight. There they would swing round and attack the leading ships which were pursuing them: sometimes rowing round @@ -2352,8 +2352,8 @@ them were hard pressed, there was nowhere for them to retreat, for they were fighting close to the shore; and any ship of theirs that was hard driven by the enemy either backed into shallow water and stuck fast, or ran ashore and -was stranded. Moreover, that most effective of all manœuvres -in sea fights,—sailing through the enemy's line and appearing on their stern while they are engaged with others,—was +was stranded. Moreover, that most effective of all manœuvres +in sea fights,—sailing through the enemy's line and appearing on their stern while they are engaged with others,—was rendered impossible for them, owing to the bulk of their vessels; and still more so by the unskilfulness of their crews. Nor, again, were they able to bring help from behind to those @@ -2556,7 +2556,7 @@ of observation, commanding the surrounding district. It also commands a harbour conveniently situated for the passage from Drepana and Lilybaeum to Italy, in which there is always abundant depth of water; finally, it can only be reached by -three ways—two from the land side, one from the sea, all of +three ways—two from the land side, one from the sea, all of them difficult. Here Hamilcar entrenched himself. It was a bold measure: but he had no city which he could count upon as friendly, and no other hope on which he could rely; and @@ -2590,7 +2590,7 @@ of the transactions of every day; why they were undertaken, and how they were carried out. For every day had its ambuscade on one side or the other, its attack, or assault. A general assertion in regard to the men, combined with the actual result of their mutual determination to conquer, will -give a far better idea of the facts. It may be said then, generally, that nothing was left untried,—whether it be stratagems +give a far better idea of the facts. It may be said then, generally, that nothing was left untried,—whether it be stratagems which could be learnt from history, or plans suggested by the necessities of the hour and the immediate circumstances of the case, or undertakings depending upon an adventurous spirit @@ -2811,7 +2811,7 @@ always that they are ratified by the Roman people. The Carthaginians shall evacu war upon Hiero, nor bear arms against the Syracusans or their allies. The Carthaginians shall give up to the Romans all prisoners without ransom. The Carthaginians shall pay to the -Romans in twenty years 2200 Euboic talents of silver."About £500,000. For the value of the talent, taking the Euboic and +Romans in twenty years 2200 Euboic talents of silver."About £500,000. For the value of the talent, taking the Euboic and Attic talent as the same, see note on Book 34, 8.

The Longest and Harshest War in History @@ -2929,10 +2929,10 @@ Carthaginian government; so that one detachment should come to shore, receive the pay due to them, and depart from Carthage to their own country, before the next detachment was brought across and joined them. In accordance with this idea -Gesco began the transportation of the troops. But the Government—partly because the recent expenses had reduced their +Gesco began the transportation of the troops. But the Government—partly because the recent expenses had reduced their finances to a low ebb, partly because they felt certain that, if they collected the whole force and entertained them in Carthage, they would be able to persuade the mercenaries to -accept something less than the whole pay due to them—did +accept something less than the whole pay due to them—did not dismiss the detachments as they landed, but kept them massed in the city. The mercenaries sent to Sicca, But when this resulted in the commission of many acts of lawlessness by night and day, they began to @@ -2955,7 +2955,7 @@ the men, and roused strong feelings of animosity among them. These mercenaries being forced to retire to Sicca, lived there as they chose without any restraint upon their lawlessness. For they had obtained two things the most demoralising for -hired forces, and which in a word are in themselves the allsufficient source and origin of mutinies,—relaxation of discipline +hired forces, and which in a word are in themselves the allsufficient source and origin of mutinies,—relaxation of discipline and want of employment.Sicca Venerea, so called from a temple of Venus, was notorious for its licentiousness. Valer. Max. 2, 6, 15. For lack of something better to do, @@ -3071,7 +3071,7 @@ thought, taken every possible precaution for their interests, and especially in the arrangements for their conveyance to Libya. Accordingly they referred the dispute to the arbitration of the latter.

-Mathōs and Spendius +Mathōs and Spendius

Gesco came to Tunes by sea, bringing the money with him. There he held a meeting first of the officers, and then of the men, according to their nationalities; rebuked them for @@ -3085,7 +3085,7 @@ his master should recover possession of him, and he should be put to death with torture, in accordance with the laws of Rome, this man exerted himself to the utmost in word and deed to break off the arrangement with the Carthaginians. -Mathōs. He was seconded by a Libyan called Mathōs, +Mathōs. He was seconded by a Libyan called Mathōs, who was not a slave but free, and had actually served in the campaign. But he had been one of the most active agitators in the late disturbances: and being in terror @@ -3099,15 +3099,15 @@ striking terror into all the inhabitants of LibyaSpendius and Mathōs cause an outbreak. This was enough: the -men at once hurried to make a meeting; Spendius and Mathōs delivered violent invectives +rations and horses. Spendius and Mathōs cause an outbreak. This was enough: the +men at once hurried to make a meeting; Spendius and Mathōs delivered violent invectives against Gesco and the Carthaginians; their words were received with every sign of approval; no one else could get a hearing; whoever did attempt to speak was promptly stoned to death, without the assembly so much as waiting to ascertain whether be intended to support the party of Spendius or no. ba/lle. A considerable number of privates as well as officers were -killed in this manner in the various émeutes which took place; +killed in this manner in the various émeutes which took place; and from the constant repetition of this act of violence the whole army learnt the meaning of the word "throw," although there was not another word @@ -3118,7 +3118,7 @@ such occasions, if only some one started the cry "throw," such volleys were poured in from every side, and with such rapidity, that it was impossible for any one to escape who once ventured to stand forward to address them. The result was that soon no one had the courage to offer them any counsel at all; -and they accordingly appointed Mathōs and Spendius as their +and they accordingly appointed Mathōs and Spendius as their commanders.

Gesco and His Staff Arrested @@ -3134,11 +3134,11 @@ wages as soon as they considered that they ought to have been paid to them, approached Gesco himself with some insolence. Gesco and his staff seized and thrown into chains With the idea of rebuking their precipitancy he refused to produce the pay, -and bade them "go and ask their general Mathōs +and bade them "go and ask their general Mathōs for it." This so enraged them, that without a moment's delay they first made a raid upon the money that was kept in readiness, and then arrested Gesco and the Carthaginians -with him. Mathōs and Spendius thought that the speediest +with him. Mathōs and Spendius thought that the speediest way to secure an outbreak of war was for the men to commit some outrage upon the sanctity of law and in violation of their engagements. They therefore co-operated with the mass of @@ -3151,7 +3151,7 @@ them into custody. Thenceforth they were at open war with were at once impious and contrary to the principles universally received among mankind.

This was the origin and beginning of the mercenary, or, asB.C. 240. -it is also called, the Libyan war. Mathōs lost no +it is also called, the Libyan war. Mathōs lost no time after this outrage in sending emissaries to the various cities in Libya, urging them to assert their freedom, and begging them to come to their aid and join them in their @@ -3208,7 +3208,7 @@ their husbands and fathers were being led off to prison for the non-payment of the taxes, now bound themselves by an oath in their several towns that they would conceal nothing that they possessed; and, stripping off their ornaments, unreservedly contributed them to furnish pay for the soldiers. They thus put such large means into the hands of -Mathōs and Spendius, that they not only discharged the +Mathōs and Spendius, that they not only discharged the arrears due to the mercenaries, which they had promised them as an inducement to mutiny, but remained well supplied for future needs. A striking illustration of the fact that true policy @@ -3225,7 +3225,7 @@ the city called Hecatompylos, in -and refitting what were left of their ships, triremes, penteconters, and the largest of the pinnaces. Meanwhile Mathōs, +and refitting what were left of their ships, triremes, penteconters, and the largest of the pinnaces. Meanwhile Mathōs, being joined by as many as seventy thousand Libyans, distributed these fresh troops between the two forces which were besieging Utica and Hippo Zarytus, and carried on those sieges without let or hindrance. At the same time they kept @@ -3311,14 +3311,14 @@ his former achievements, and of the confidence felt in him by the people. What he accomplished on this service was this.

A chain of hills runs along the isthmus connecting CarthageHe gets his men across the Macaras. with the mainland, which are difficult of access, and are crossed -by artificial passes into the mainland; of these hills Mathōs +by artificial passes into the mainland; of these hills Mathōs had occupied all the available points and posted guards there. Besides these there is a river called Macaras (Bagradas), which at certain points interrupts the passage of travellers from the city to the mainland, and though for the most part impassable, owing to the strength of its stream, is only crossed by one bridge. This -means of egress also Mathōs was guarding securely, and had +means of egress also Mathōs was guarding securely, and had built a town on it. The result was that, to say nothing of the Carthaginians entering the mainland with an army, it was rendered exceedingly difficult even for private individuals, who @@ -3380,7 +3380,7 @@ some little spirit and courage, or at least rescued them from the state of absolute despair into which they had fallen.

Mathos Harasses Hamilcar -

Meanwhile Mathōs himself was continuing the siege +

Meanwhile Mathōs himself was continuing the siege of Hippo Zarytus, and he now counselled Autaritus, the leader of the Gauls, and Spendius to stick close @@ -3388,7 +3388,7 @@ to the skirts of the enemy, avoiding the plains, because the enemy were strong in cavalry and elephants, but marching parallel with them on the slopes of the mountains, and attacking them whenever they saw them -in any difficulty. Mathōs harasses Hamilcar's march. While suggesting these tactics, he at the +in any difficulty. Mathōs harasses Hamilcar's march. While suggesting these tactics, he at the same time sent messengers to the Numidians and Libyans, entreating them to come to their aid, and not to let slip the opportunity of securing their own freedom. Accordingly, @@ -3407,9 +3407,9 @@ that of Spendius on their flank; and it seemed impossible to escape from the danger which thus menaced them on every side.

-Narávas Joins Hamilcar -

But there was at that time a certain Narávas, a Numidian -Hamilcar is joined by the Numidian Narávas. +Narávas Joins Hamilcar +

But there was at that time a certain Narávas, a Numidian +Hamilcar is joined by the Numidian Narávas. of high rank and warlike spirit, who entertained an ancestral feeling of affection for the Carthaginians, rendered especially warm at that time by admiration for Hamilcar. He now thought that he @@ -3417,8 +3417,8 @@ had an excellent opportunity for an interview and association with that general; and accordingly came to the Carthaginian quarters with a body of a hundred Numidians, and boldly approaching the outworks, remained there waving his hand. Wondering what his object could be Hamilcar sent a horseman -to see; to whom Narávas said that he wished for an interview -with the general. The Carthaginian leader still showing hesitation and incredulity, Narávas committed his horse and javelins +to see; to whom Narávas said that he wished for an interview +with the general. The Carthaginian leader still showing hesitation and incredulity, Narávas committed his horse and javelins to the care of his guards, and boldly came into the camp unarmed. His fearlessness made a profound impression not unmixed with surprise. No further objection, however, was made to his presence, and the desired interview was accorded; in @@ -3429,7 +3429,7 @@ full intention of taking his place by his side and of faithfully sharing all his actions and undertakings." Hamilcar, on hearing these words, was so immensely charmed by the young man's courage in coming, and his honest simplicity in the interview, that he not only consented to accept his co-operation, but promised also with an oath that he would give him his daughter in -marriage if he kept faith with Carthage to the end. The agreement having been thus made, Narávas came with his division of +marriage if he kept faith with Carthage to the end. The agreement having been thus made, Narávas came with his division of Numidians, numbering two thousand. Thus reinforced Hamilcar offered the enemy battle; which Spendius, having joined forces with the Libyans, accepted; and descending into @@ -3437,7 +3437,7 @@ the plain engaged the Carthaginians. Again def severe battle which followed Hamilcar's army was victorious: a result which he owed partly to the excellent behaviour of the elephants, but particularly to the brilliant -services rendered by Narávas. Autaritus and Spendius managed +services rendered by Narávas. Autaritus and Spendius managed to escape; but of the rest as many as ten thousand were killed and four thousand taken prisoners. When the victory was completed, Hamilcar gave permission to those of the prisoners who chose @@ -3452,7 +3452,7 @@ them were ever caught so doing, he warned them distinctly that he would meet with no mercy.

The Mutineers Resolve to Murder Gesco -

This conspiracy of Mathōs and Spendius caused an +

This conspiracy of Mathōs and Spendius caused an outbreak about this same time in another quarter. Mutiny in Sardinia. For the mercenaries who were in garrison in Sardinia, inspired by their example, @@ -3473,7 +3473,7 @@ its inhabitants, and its natural products. But as many have described it at great length, I do not think that I need repeat statements about which there is no manner of dispute.

To return to Libya. The indulgence shown by HamilcarB. C. 239. Plan of Spendius for doing away with the good impression made by the leniency of Barcas. -to the captives alarmed Mathōs and Spendius +to the captives alarmed Mathōs and Spendius and Autaritus Gaul. They were afraid that conciliatory treatment of this sort would induce the Libyans, and the main body of the mercenaries, to embrace with eagerness the impunity @@ -3637,17 +3637,17 @@ come from Carthage to their aid, a and threw the bodies from the wall. They surrendered their town to the Libyans, while they even refused the request of the Carthaginians to be allowed to bury the corpses of their -unfortunate soldiers, Mathōs and Spendius were so elated by +unfortunate soldiers, Mathōs and Spendius were so elated by these events that they were emboldened to attempt Carthage itself. But Barcas had now got Hannibal as his coadjutor, who had been sent by the citizens to the army in the place of -Hanno,—recalled in accordance with the sentence of the +Hanno,—recalled in accordance with the sentence of the army, which the government had left to their discretion in reference to the disputes that arose between the two generals. -Accompanied, therefore, by this Hannibal and by Narávas, +Accompanied, therefore, by this Hannibal and by Narávas, Hamilcar scoured the country to intercept the supplies of -Mathōs and Spendius, receiving his most efficient support in -this, as in other things; from the Numidian Narávas.

+Mathōs and Spendius, receiving his most efficient support in +this, as in other things; from the Numidian Narávas.

Hippo and Utica Join the Rebels

Such being the position of their forces in the field, the @@ -3688,11 +3688,11 @@ the treaty.

Hamilcar's Tactical Superiority

The assistance thus obtained from these allies encouraged the Carthaginians to maintain their resistance: while -Mathōs and Spendius found themselves quite as much in the +Mathōs and Spendius found themselves quite as much in the position of besieged as in that of besiegers; for Hamilcar's force reduced them to such distress for provisions that they -were at last compelled to raise the siege. B. C. 238. Hamilcar, with assistance from Sicily, surrounds Mathōs and Spendius. However, after a +were at last compelled to raise the siege. B. C. 238. Hamilcar, with assistance from Sicily, surrounds Mathōs and Spendius. However, after a short interval, they managed to muster the most effective of the mercenaries and Libyans, to the number in all of fifty thousand, among whom, @@ -3700,7 +3700,7 @@ besides others, was Zarzas the Libyan, with his division, and commenced once more to watch and follow on the flank of Hamilcar's march. Their method was to keep away from the level country, for -fear of the elephants and the cavalry of Narávas; but to seize +fear of the elephants and the cavalry of Narávas; but to seize in advance of him all points of vantage, whether it were rising ground or narrow pass. In these operations they showed themselves quite a match for their opponents in the fury of @@ -3762,23 +3762,23 @@ a man. This slaughter, by which more than forty thousand perished, took place near a place called the Saw, so named from its shape resembling that tool.

-Mathōs Captures Hannibal +Mathōs Captures Hannibal

This achievement of Hamilcar revived the hopes of -Siege of Mathōs in Tunes. -the Carthaginians who had been in absolute despair: while he, in conjunction with Narávas +Siege of Mathōs in Tunes. +the Carthaginians who had been in absolute despair: while he, in conjunction with Narávas and Hannibal, employed himself in traversing the country and visiting the cities. His victory secured the submission of the Libyans; and when they had come in, and the greater number of the towns had been reduced to obedience, he and his colleagues advanced to attack Tunes, -and commenced besieging Mathōs. Hannibal pitched his +and commenced besieging Mathōs. Hannibal pitched his camp on the side of the town nearest to Carthage, and Hamilcar on the opposite side. When this was done they brought the captives taken from the army of Spendius and crucified them in the sight of the enemy. Defeat and death of Hannibal. But observing that Hannibal was conducting his command with -negligence and over-confidence, Mathōs assaulted the ramparts, killed many of the Carthaginians, and drove the entire army from the camp. All the +negligence and over-confidence, Mathōs assaulted the ramparts, killed many of the Carthaginians, and drove the entire army from the camp. All the baggage fell into the hands of the enemy, and Hannibal himself was made a prisoner. They at once took him up to the cross on which Spendius was hanging, and after the infliction of exquisite tortures, took down the latter's body and fastened @@ -3813,20 +3813,20 @@ employment of many various arguments, they induced the generals to meet; and Hanno and Barcas were compelled to give in and yield to their representations. The result was -that they ever afterwards co-operated with each other so cordially, that Mathōs found himself continually worsted in the +that they ever afterwards co-operated with each other so cordially, that Mathōs found himself continually worsted in the numerous skirmishes which took place round the town called Leptis, as well as certain other towns; and at last became eager to bring the matter to the decision of a general engagement, a desire in which the Carthaginians also shared in an equal degree. Both sides therefore having determined upon this course: they summoned all their allies to join them-in confronting the peril, and collected the garrisons stationed in the various towns, conscious that they were about to stake their all -on the hazard. Mathōs beaten and captured. All being ready on either side for the conflict, +on the hazard. Mathōs beaten and captured. All being ready on either side for the conflict, they gave each other battle by mutual consent, both sides being drawn up in full military array. When victory declared itself on the side of the Carthaginians, the larger number of the Libyans perished on the field; and the rest, having escaped to a certain -town, surrendered shortly afterwards; while Mathōs himself +town, surrendered shortly afterwards; while Mathōs himself was taken prisoner by his enemies.

Aftereffects in Hippo, Utica, and Sardinia @@ -3849,7 +3849,7 @@ re-establish her authority over Libya, act in the drama was performed by the young men conducting a triumphal procession through the town, and finally inflicting every kind of torture upon -Mathōs. For three years and about four months did the +Mathōs. For three years and about four months did the mercenaries maintain a war against the Carthaginians which far surpassed any that I ever heard of for cruelty and inhumanity.

@@ -4479,10 +4479,10 @@ Trigoboli, of which streams the northern is called the Padoa, the southern the Olana. At the mouth of the latter there is a harbour affording as safe anchorage as any in the Adriatic. The whole river is called by the country folk the Bodencus. -As to the other stories current in Greece about this river,—I +As to the other stories current in Greece about this river,—I mean Phaethon and his fall, and the tears of the poplars and the black clothes of the inhabitants along this stream, which -they are said to wear at this day as mourning for Phaethon,—all +they are said to wear at this day as mourning for Phaethon,—all such tragic incidents I omit for the present, as not being suitable to the kind of work I have in hand; but I shall return to them at some other more fitting opportunity, particularly because @@ -4512,7 +4512,7 @@ of themselves. First, the country near the source of the Insubres settled in the country, the largest tribe of all; and next them, along the bank of the river, the Cenomani. But the district along the shore of the Adriatic was held by another -very ancient tribe called Ven&ebreve;ti, in customs and dress nearly +very ancient tribe called Venĕti, in customs and dress nearly allied to Celts, but using quite a different language, about whom the tragic poets have written a great many wonderful tales. South of the Padus, in the Apennine district, first @@ -4549,7 +4549,7 @@ conquered the Romans in battle, and pursuing the flying legions, in three days after the battle occupied Rome itself with the exception of the Capitol. Battle of the Allia, 18th July, B. C. 390. But a circumstance intervened which recalled them home, an invasion, that is to say, of their territory by -the Ven&ebreve;ti. Accordingly they made terms with the Romans, +the Venĕti. Accordingly they made terms with the Romans, handed back the city, and returned to their own land; and subsequently were occupied with domestic wars. Some of the tribes, also, who dwelt on the Alps, comparing their own barren @@ -4606,7 +4606,7 @@ an expedition against them, which was met by the tribe called the Senones. In a pitched battle the army of the Senones were cut to pieces, and the rest of the tribe expelled from the county; into which the Romans sent the first colony which they ever -planted in Gaul—namely, the town of Sena, so +planted in Gaul—namely, the town of Sena, so called from the tribe of Gauls which formerly occupied it. Sena Gallica. This is the town which I mentioned before as lying on the coast at the extremity of the plains of the Padus.

@@ -4721,7 +4721,7 @@ formidable army, furnished with a variety of armour, in the eighth year after the distribution of the lands of Picenum. The Insubres and Boii remained loyal to the agreement they had -made with them: but the Ven&ebreve;ti and Cenomani being induced +made with them: but the Venĕti and Cenomani being induced by embassies from Rome to take the Roman side, the Celtic kings were obliged to leave a portion of their forces behind, to guard against an invasion of their territory by those tribes. @@ -4769,7 +4769,7 @@ were formed into an army and sent in advance into Etruria, under the command of one of the Praetors. Moreover, the Umbrians and Sarsinatae, hill tribes of the Apennine district, were collected to the number of twenty thousand; and with -them were twenty thousand Ven&ebreve;ti and Cenomani. These +them were twenty thousand Venĕti and Cenomani. These were stationed on the frontier of the Gallic territory, that they might divert the attention of the invaders, by making an incursion into the territory of the Boii. These were the forces @@ -4854,8 +4854,8 @@ of the cavalry, led the way towards the hill. The Gallic chieftains too had seen his watch fires, and understood that the enemy was come; and at once held council of war. The advice of King Aneroestes was, "that seeing the amount of -booty they had taken,—an incalculable quantity indeed of -captives, cattle, and other spoil,—they had better not run +booty they had taken,—an incalculable quantity indeed of +captives, cattle, and other spoil,—they had better not run the risk of another general engagement, but return home in safety; and having disposed of this booty, and freed themselves from its incumbrance, return, if they thought good, to make @@ -5103,7 +5103,7 @@ eventually killed the greater number of them. And this was due to the foresight of the Tribunes: for the Consul Flaminius is thought to have made a strategic mistake in his arrangements for this battle. By drawing up his men along the very brink -of the river, he rendered impossible a manœuvre characteristic +of the river, he rendered impossible a manœuvre characteristic of Roman tactics, because he left the lines no room for their deliberate retrograde movements; for if, in the course of the battle, the men had been forced ever so little from their ground, @@ -5122,7 +5122,7 @@ submission, the new Consuls, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Calvus, were urgent that no peace should be granted them. Thus frustrated, they determined to try a last chance, and once more -took active measures to hire thirty thousand Gaesatae,—the +took active measures to hire thirty thousand Gaesatae,—the Gallic tribe which lives on the Rhone. Having obtained these, they held themselves in readiness, and waited for the attack of their enemies. At the beginning of spring the Consuls assumed @@ -5246,8 +5246,8 @@ undertaken, as previous writers have done, to write the history of particular peoples, such as the Greeks or Persians, but the history of all known parts of the world at once, because there was something in the state of our own times which made such -a plan peculiarly feasible,—of which I shall speak more at -length hereafter,—it will be proper, before entering on my main +a plan peculiarly feasible,—of which I shall speak more at +length hereafter,—it will be proper, before entering on my main subject, to touch briefly on the state of the most important of the recognised nations of the world.

Of Asia and Egypt I need not speak before the time at @@ -5324,7 +5324,7 @@ part of Italy became the scene of murde and every kind of confusion; deputations were sent from most parts of Greece to endeavour to bring about some settlement of these disorders.The Pythagorean clubs, beginning in combinations for the cultivation of -mystic philosophy and ascetic life, had grown to be political,—a combination +mystic philosophy and ascetic life, had grown to be political,—a combination of the upper or cultivated classes to secure political power. Thus Archytas was for many years ruler in Tarentum (Strabo, I.3.4). The earliest was at Croton, but they were also established in many cities of Magna Graecia. @@ -5370,7 +5370,7 @@ at another, still more effectually, by that of Mace Unification of the Peloponnese

When at length, however, the country did obtain leaders of sufficient ability, it quickly manifested its intrinsic -excellence by the accomplishment of that most glorious achievement,—the union of the Peloponnese. The originator of +excellence by the accomplishment of that most glorious achievement,—the union of the Peloponnese. The originator of this policy in the first instance was Aratus of Sicyon; its active promotion and consummation was due to Philopoemen of Megalopolis; while Lycortas and his party must be looked @@ -5442,7 +5442,7 @@ the second league, which exists at this day, and which were the first members of the original league to do so; and, secondly, that the continuity of the policy pursued by the Achaeans might rest, not on my word only, but on the evidence of the -actual facts. It was in virtue of this policy,—by holding +actual facts. It was in virtue of this policy,—by holding out the bait of equality and freedom, and by invariably making war upon and crushing those who on their own account, or with the support of the kings, enslaved any of the states within their borders, that they finally accomplished the @@ -5674,7 +5674,7 @@ of all Greece, in which it would be imp succeed without first crushing the government of Macedonia. They were, therefore, to urge him to consider, with a view to the future, which of the two courses would be the more to his -own interests,—to fight for supremacy in Greece in conjunction with the Achaeans and Boeotians against Cleomenes in +own interests,—to fight for supremacy in Greece in conjunction with the Achaeans and Boeotians against Cleomenes in the Peloponnese; or to abandon the most powerful race, and to stake the Macedonian empire on a battle in Thessaly, against a combined force of Aetolians and Boeotians, with the Achaeans @@ -5753,14 +5753,14 @@ bring the existing war to a conclusion unaided.

But when Ptolemy, despairing of retaining the league's Euergetes, jealous of the Macedonian policy of Aratus, helps Cleomenes. friendship, began to furnish Cleomenes with -supplies,—which he did with a view of setting +supplies,—which he did with a view of setting him up as a foil to Antigonus, thinking the Lacedaemonians offered him better hopes than the Achaeans of being able to thwart the policy of the Macedonian kings.; and when the Achaeans themselves had suffered -three defeats,—one at Lycaeum in an engagement with Cleomenes whom they had met on a march; and again in a pitched +three defeats,—one at Lycaeum in an engagement with Cleomenes whom they had met on a march; and again in a pitched battle at Ladocaea in the territory of Megalopolis, in which Lydiades fell; and a third time decisively at a place called Hecatomboeum in the territory of Dyme where their whole forces had -been engaged,—after these misfortunes, no further delay was +been engaged,—after these misfortunes, no further delay was possible, and they were compelled by the force of circumstances to appeal unanimously to Antigonus. Thereupon Aratus sent his son to Antigonus, and ratified the terms of the subvention. @@ -5910,7 +5910,7 @@ When day broke he had a narrow escape from being ejected, if not from absolute destruction, through the valour of the citizens. This had been his fortune three months before, when he had made his way into the city by the region which is called the -Cōlaeum: but on this occasion, by the superiority of his +Cōlaeum: but on this occasion, by the superiority of his force, and the seizure in advance of the strongest positions in the town, he succeeded in effecting his purpose. He eventually ejected the inhabitants, and took entire possession of the city; which, once in his power, he dismantled in so savage @@ -6063,7 +6063,7 @@ a crime of the most impious description. To slaughter and wreak vengeance on the men who had just before taken their city, and refrained from doing them the least harm, and who were at that very moment engaged in protecting -their lives and liberties,—can anything be imagined more +their lives and liberties,—can anything be imagined more detestable? What punishment can be conceived to correspond with its enormity? If one suggests that they would be rightly @@ -6097,7 +6097,7 @@ a man of a most distinguished family, who had been despot of Argos, as his fathers had been before him, upon falling into the hands of Antigonus and the league "was hurried off to Cenchreae and there -racked to death,—an unparalleled instance of injustice and +racked to death,—an unparalleled instance of injustice and cruelty." But in this matter also our author preserves his peculiar method. He makes up a story about certain cries of this man, when he was on the rack, being heard @@ -6120,11 +6120,11 @@ and crime possible to mankind. And if Aristomachus endured the most terrible tortures, as Phylarchus says, he yet would not have been sufficiently punished for the crime of one day, in which, when Aratus had effected an entrance into Argos -with the Achaean soldiers,—and after supporting the most +with the Achaean soldiers,—and after supporting the most severe struggles and dangers for the freedom of its citizens, had eventually been driven out, because the party within who were in league with him had not ventured to stir, for fear of the -tyrant,—Aristomachus availed himself of the pretext of their +tyrant,—Aristomachus availed himself of the pretext of their complicity with the irruption of the Achaeans to put to the rack and execute eighty of the leading citizens, who were perfectly innocent, in the presence of their relations. I pass by the @@ -6151,7 +6151,7 @@ For the Achaean government not only secured him an indemnity for all crimes committed by him while despot, but admitted him as a member of the league, and invested him -with the highest office in it,—that, namely, of Commander-in-Chief and +with the highest office in it,—that, namely, of Commander-in-Chief and Strategus.h(gemo/na kai\ strathgo\n. It is not quite clear whether this is merely a description of the ordinary office of Strategus, or whether any special office is meant, such as that conferred on Antigonus. In 4, 11 h(gemo/nes includes the @@ -6185,15 +6185,15 @@ instance, he has told us clearly enough how Cleomenes took the town, preserved it from damage, and forthwith sent couriers to the Megalopolitans in Messene with a despatch, offering them the safe enjoyment of their country if they would throw -in their lot with him;—and his object in telling all this is +in their lot with him;—and his object in telling all this is to enhance the magnanimity and moderation of Cleomenes towards his enemies. Nay, he has gone farther, and told us how the people of Megalopolis would not allow the letter to be read to the end, and were not far from stoning the bearers of it. Thus much he does tell us. But the sequel to this, so -appropriate to an historian,—the commendation, I mean, and -honourable mention of their noble conduct,—this he has altogether left out. And yet he had an opportunity ready to his +appropriate to an historian,—the commendation, I mean, and +honourable mention of their noble conduct,—this he has altogether left out. And yet he had an opportunity ready to his hand. For if we view with approval the conduct of a people who merely by their declarations and votes support a war in behalf of friends and allies; while to those who go so far as to @@ -6265,7 +6265,7 @@ of six thousand talents, he would have been better supplied than Ptolemy himself. And as for war with Antigonus, if he had become master of only three hundred talents, he would have been able to continue it without any difficulty. But the -writer states two inconsistent propositions—that Cleomenes +writer states two inconsistent propositions—that Cleomenes depended wholly on Ptolemy for money: and that he at the same time had become master of that enormous sum. Is this not irrational, and grossly careless besides? I might mention @@ -6284,7 +6284,7 @@ and foolhardy step, because the places at which the frontier was crossed were strongly fortified; but those who were capable of judging regarded the measure as at once safe and prudent. For seeing that Antigonus had dismissed his forces, -he reckoned on two things,—there would be no one to resist +he reckoned on two things,—there would be no one to resist him, and therefore he would run no risk; and when the Argives found that their territory was being laid waste up to their walls, they would be certain to be roused to anger and to @@ -6388,7 +6388,7 @@ stationed with Cleomenes's cavalry, observing that the Achaean lines were not covered by any other troops behind them, charged them on the rear; and thus reduced the division while endeavouring to carry the hill of Evas to a state of -great peril,—being met as they were on their front by Eucleidas +great peril,—being met as they were on their front by Eucleidas from the top of the hill, and being charged and vigorously attacked by the light-armed mercenaries on their rear. Philopoemen's presence of mind. It was at this point @@ -6437,7 +6437,7 @@ to give them battle on the very summit of the hill; and so, as soon as he was forced by the weight of their heavy armour and their close order to give any ground, it was immediately occupied by the Illyrians; while his own men were obliged to -take lower ground, because they had no space for manœuvring +take lower ground, because they had no space for manœuvring on the top. The result was not long in arriving: they suffered a repulse, which the difficult and precipitous nature of the ground over which they had to retire turned into a disastrous flight.

@@ -6517,10 +6517,10 @@ Ptolemy Philopator succeeded to the throne of Egypt same period died Seleucus, son of that Seleucus who had the double surnames of Callinicus and Pogon: he was succeeded on the throne of Syria by his brother Antiochus. The deaths of -these three sovereigns—Antigonus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus—fell +these three sovereigns—Antigonus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus—fell in the same Olympiad, as was the case with the three immediate successors to Alexander the -Great,—Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus,— +Great,—Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus,— for the latter all died in the 124th Olympiad, and the former in the 139th.

I may now fitly close this book. I have completed the @@ -6530,7 +6530,7 @@ after becoming supreme in Italy, began outside of it, and to dispute with the Carthaginians the dominion of the sea. I have at the same time explained the state of Greece, Macedonia, and Carthage at this epoch. I have now -arrived at the period which I originally marked out,—that +arrived at the period which I originally marked out,—that namely in which the Greeks were on the point of beginning the Social, the Romans the Hannibalic war, and the kings in Asia the war for the possession of Coele-Syria. The termination therefore of the wars just described, and the death of the @@ -6837,7 +6837,7 @@ to the demands of Rome by surrendering injury; and thus get rid of the common enemy of the state without the odium of doing it themselves, and secure the safety of their territory by ridding themselves of the threatened -war—all of which they could have effected by merely passing +war—all of which they could have effected by merely passing a decree?" If this question were put, I say, it would admit of no answer. The fact is that, so far from doing anything of the sort, they maintained the war in accordance with Hannibal's policy for seventeen years; and refused to make terms @@ -6848,8 +6848,8 @@ their own city and persons in imminent danger of destruction.

I do not allude to Fabius and his annals from any fear of their wearing such an air of probability in themselves as to -gain any credit,—for the fact is that his assertions are so contrary to reason, that it does not need any argument of mine to -help his readers to perceive it,—but I wished to warn those +gain any credit,—for the fact is that his assertions are so contrary to reason, that it does not need any argument of mine to +help his readers to perceive it,—but I wished to warn those who take up his books not to be misled by the authority of his name, but to be guided by facts. For there is a certain class of readers in whose eyes the personality of the writer is of more @@ -6880,7 +6880,7 @@ war, and had to give his attention entirely to that.

B.C. 238. Bk. i. ch. 88. Second cause. war, proclaimed war with Carthage, the latter at first was inclined to resist at all hazards, because the goodness of her cause gave her hopes -of victory,—as I have shown in my former book, without which +of victory,—as I have shown in my former book, without which it would be impossible to understand adequately either this or what is to follow. The Romans, however, would not listen to anything: and the Carthaginians therefore yielded to the force @@ -7197,7 +7197,7 @@ island. Demetrius himself made his way to some galleys which he kept at anchor at a solitary point on the coast, with a view to every contingency; and going on board, he sailed away at nightfall, and arrived unexpectedly at the court of King -Philip, where he passed the remainder of his life:—a man +Philip, where he passed the remainder of his life:—a man whose undoubted boldness and courage were unsupported by either prudence or judgment. His end was of a piece with the whole tenor of his life; for while endeavouring at the instigation of Philip to seize Messene, he exposed himself during @@ -7232,7 +7232,7 @@ believe that Fortune, among its other bounties, granted the Romans the privilege of being men of being men of the world from their cradles. I need not waste any more words upon such compositions as those of Chaereas and Sosilus;Of Chaereas nothing seems known; a few fragments of an historian of his -name are given in Müller, vol. iii. Of Sosilus, Diodorus (26, fr. 6) says that he +name are given in Müller, vol. iii. Of Sosilus, Diodorus (26, fr. 6) says that he was of Ilium and wrote a history of Hannibal in seven books. Nepos (Hann. 13) calls him a Lacedaemonian, and says that he lived in Hannibal's camp and taught him Greek. which, in my @@ -7259,7 +7259,7 @@ them because made without their consent (and on this point they quoted the precedent of the Romans themselves, who in the Sicilian war repudiated the terms agreed upon and accepted by Lutatius, as having been made without their -consent)—passing over this, they pressed with all the +consent)—passing over this, they pressed with all the vehemence they could, throughout the discussion, the last treaty made in the Sicilian war; in which they affirmed that there was no clause relating to Iberia, but one expressly providing security for the allies of both parties to the treaty. Now, @@ -7270,7 +7270,7 @@ On this occasion the Roman envoys contented themselves with the reply that, while Saguntum was intact, the matter in dispute admitted of pleadings and of a discussion on its merits; but that, that city having been treacherously seized, they had -only two alternatives,—either to deliver the persons guilty of +only two alternatives,—either to deliver the persons guilty of the act, and thereby make it clear that they had no share in their crime, and that it was done without their consent; or, if they were not willing to do that, and avowed their complicity @@ -7294,10 +7294,10 @@ Horatius, the first Consuls appointed after the expulsion of the kings, by which men also the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was consecrated. This was twenty-eight years before the invasion of Greece -by Xerxes. The first treaty, B. C. 509-508. Of this treaty I append a translation, as accurate as I could make it,—for the +by Xerxes. The first treaty, B. C. 509-508. Of this treaty I append a translation, as accurate as I could make it,—for the fact is that the ancient language differs so much from that at present in use, that the best scholars among the Romans themselves have great difficulty in interpreting some points in it, -even after much study. The treaty is as follows:—

+even after much study. The treaty is as follows:—

"There shall be friendship between the Romans and their allies, and the Carthaginians and their allies, on these conditions:

"Neither the Romans nor their allies are to sail beyond @@ -7309,7 +7309,7 @@ shall depart within five days.

"Men landing for traffic shall strike no bargain save in the presence of a herald or town-clerk. Whatever is sold in the presence of these, let the price be secured to the seller on the -credit of the state—that is to say, if such sale be in Libya or +credit of the state—that is to say, if such sale be in Libya or Sardinia.

"If any Roman comes to the Carthaginian province in Sicily he shall enjoy all rights enjoyed by others. The Carthaginians shall do no injury to the people of Ardea, Antium, @@ -7398,7 +7398,7 @@ treaty refers.

the invasion of Pyrrhus into Sicily; before the Carthaginians undertook the war for the possession of Sicily. This treaty contains the same provisions as the two earlier treaties with these additional -clauses:—

+clauses:—

"If they make a treaty of alliance with Pyrrhus, the Romans or Carthaginians shall make it on such terms as @@ -7421,7 +7421,7 @@ hand, and, having taken the oath in the name of his country, added these words, "If I abide by this oath may he bless me; but if I do otherwise in thought or act, may all others be kept safe each in his own country, under his own laws, in enjoyment -of his own goods, household gods, and tombs,—may I alone +of his own goods, household gods, and tombs,—may I alone be cast out, even as this stone is now." And having uttered these words he throws the stone from his hand.

@@ -7499,7 +7499,7 @@ question compelled by the necessities of their position, contrary to all justice, to evacuate Sardinia, and to pay this enormous sum of money. For as to the allegation of the Romans, that they had during the Mercenary war been guilty of acts of hostility -to ships sailing from Rome,—that was barred by their own act +to ships sailing from Rome,—that was barred by their own act in restoring, without ransom, the Carthaginian prisoners, in gratitude for similar conduct on the part of Carthage to Romans who had landed on their shores; a transaction which @@ -7577,9 +7577,9 @@ minute discussion on points of this kind is unnecessary. And if any man were entirely self-sufficing in every event, I might allow that the accurate knowledge of the past, though a graceful accomplishment, was perhaps not essential: but as long as it is not in mere mortals to say this, either in public or private -affairs,—seeing that no man of sense, even if he is prosperous +affairs,—seeing that no man of sense, even if he is prosperous for the moment, will ever reckon with certainty on the future, -—then I say that such knowledge is essential, and not merely +—then I say that such knowledge is essential, and not merely graceful. For take the three commonest cases. Suppose, first, a statesman to be attacked either in his own person or in that of his country: or, secondly, suppose him to be anxious @@ -7599,7 +7599,7 @@ without disguise the motives and purposes of the several persons engaged; and te favour, active kindness, and assistance, or the reverse. They give us also many opportunities of distinguishing who would be likely to pity us, feel indignation at our wrongs, and defend -our cause,—a power that contributes very greatly to national +our cause,—a power that contributes very greatly to national as well as individual security. Neither the writer nor the reader of history, therefore, should confine his attention to a bare statement of facts: he must take into account all that @@ -7626,9 +7626,9 @@ are many times as numerous as mine, it is impossible for their readers to get any certain information from them: first, because most of them differ in their account of the same transactions; and secondly, because they omit contemporary -history,—the comparative review of which would put a very +history,—the comparative review of which would put a very different complexion upon events to that derived from isolated -treatment,—and are unable to touch upon the most decisive +treatment,—and are unable to touch upon the most decisive events at all. For, indeed, the most important parts of history are those which treat the events which follow or accompany a certain course of conduct, and pre-eminently so those which treat of causes. For instance, we see that the war with @@ -7758,9 +7758,9 @@ which he did with unexpected rapidity, though not without severe fighting and serious loss; he left Hanno in chief command of all the district north of the Iber, and with absolute authority over the Burgusii, who were the people that gave him most uneasiness on account of their friendly feeling towards Rome. He then detached from his army ten thousand -foot and a thousand horse for the service of Hanno,—to whom +foot and a thousand horse for the service of Hanno,—to whom also he entrusted the heavy baggage of the troops that were to -accompany himself,—and the same number to go to their own +accompany himself,—and the same number to go to their own land. The object of this last measure was twofold: he thereby left a certain number of well-affected persons behind him; and @@ -7808,10 +7808,10 @@ the world, the next point will be to make the geography of our own part of it intelligible by a corresponding division.

It falls, then, into three divisions, each distinguished by a -particular name,—Asia, Libya, Europe.This division of the world into three parts was an advance upon the +particular name,—Asia, Libya, Europe.This division of the world into three parts was an advance upon the ancient geographers, who divided it into two, combining Egypt with Asia, and Africa with Europe. See Sall. Jug. 17; -Lucan, Phars. 9, 411; Varro de L. L. 5, § 31. +Lucan, Phars. 9, 411; Varro de L. L. 5, § 31. And note on 12, 25. The boundaries are respectively the Don, the Nile, and the Straits of the Pillars of Hercules. Asia lies between the Don and the Nile, and lies @@ -7873,7 +7873,7 @@ the name long after the disappearance of the altars (Stra a seaboard of over sixteen thousand stades. They had also crossed the strait of the Pillars of Hercules, and got possession of the whole seaboard of Iberia on the Mediterranean as far as -the Pyrenees, which separate the Iberes from the Celts—that +the Pyrenees, which separate the Iberes from the Celts—that is, for a distance of about eight thousand stades: for it is three thousand from the Pillars to New Carthage, from which Hannibal started for Italy; two thousand six hundred from @@ -7928,8 +7928,8 @@ territory recently allotted by the Romans, and following close upon the track of the flying colonists, laid siege to the Roman colony of Mutina, in which the fugitives had taken refuge. Among them were the triumviri or three commissioners who -had been sent out to allot the lands; of whom one—Gaius -Lutatius—was an ex-consul, the other two ex-praetors. Outrage by Boii and Insubres. These +had been sent out to allot the lands; of whom one—Gaius +Lutatius—was an ex-consul, the other two ex-praetors. Outrage by Boii and Insubres. These men having demanded a parley with the enemy, the Boii consented: but treacherously seized them upon their leaving the town, @@ -7958,7 +7958,7 @@ Consul to enrol two more legions for himself from the allies.

to the arrival of Hannibal; thus completing the course of events which I have already had occasion to describe.

Meanwhile the Consuls, having completed the necessaryTiberius Sempronius prepares to attack Carthage. -preparations for their respective missions, set sail at the beginning of summer—Publius to Iberia, with sixty +preparations for their respective missions, set sail at the beginning of summer—Publius to Iberia, with sixty ships, and Tiberius Sempronius to Libya, with a hundred and sixty quinqueremes. The latter thought by means of this great fleet to strike @@ -7980,9 +7980,9 @@ marched, and having made his way through the Celts partly by bribes and partly by force. Being informed that the enemy were at hand, Publius was at first incredulous of the fact, because of the rapidity of the advance; but wishing to -know the exact state of the case,—while staying behind himself to refresh his troops after their voyage, and to consult with +know the exact state of the case,—while staying behind himself to refresh his troops after their voyage, and to consult with the Tribunes as to the best ground on which to give the -enemy battle,—he sent out a reconnoitring party, consisting +enemy battle,—he sent out a reconnoitring party, consisting of three hundred of his bravest horse; joining with them as guides and supports some Celts, who chanced to be serving as mercenaries at the time in Marseilles.

@@ -8205,7 +8205,7 @@ into Italy.

to produce a striking effect by their descriptions of the wonders of this country, have fallen into two errors which are more -alien than anything else to the spirit of history,—perversion of +alien than anything else to the spirit of history,—perversion of fact and inconsistency. Introducing Hannibal as a prodigy of strategic skill and boldness, they yet represent him as acting with the most conspicuous indiscretion; and then, finding @@ -8219,7 +8219,7 @@ active men on foot to do so: and similarly they tell us that the desolation of this district is so complete, that, had not some god or hero met Hannibal's forces and showed them the way, they would have been hopelessly lost and perished to a man.

-

Such stories involve both the errors I have mentioned,— +

Such stories involve both the errors I have mentioned,— they are both false and inconsistent.

Absurd Premises of Other Historians @@ -8231,7 +8231,7 @@ taken, and the people to which it led, and above all as to the practicability of what he was undertaking to do? They, in fact, represent Hannibal, when at the height of his expectation of success, doing what those would hardly do who have utterly -failed and have been reduced to despair,—that is, to entrust +failed and have been reduced to despair,—that is, to entrust themselves and their forces to an unknown country. And so, too, what they say about the desolation of the district, and its precipitous and inaccessible character, only serves to bring their @@ -8377,7 +8377,7 @@ and went to the relief of the advancing line. Having the advantage of charging the enemy from the higher ground he inflicted a severe loss upon them, but suffered also as severe a one in his own army; for the commotion in the line now -grew worse, and in both directions at once—thanks to the +grew worse, and in both directions at once—thanks to the shouting and struggling of these combatants: and it was not until he had killed the greater number of the Allobroges, and forced the rest to fly to their own land, that the remainder of @@ -8491,9 +8491,9 @@ The troops however bore up against the fatigue, having now grown accustomed to such hardships; but when they came to a place where the path was too narrow for the elephants or -beasts of burden to pass,—and which, narrowed before by +beasts of burden to pass,—and which, narrowed before by landslips extending about a stade and a half, had recently -been made more so by another landslip,—then once more +been made more so by another landslip,—then once more despondency and consternation fell upon the troops. Hannibal's first idea was to avoid this mauvais pas by a detour, but this route too being made impossible by a snow-storm, he abandoned the idea.

@@ -8712,8 +8712,8 @@ feelings were entertained at Rome when there. For scarcely had the last rumour about the taking of Saguntum by the Carthaginians ceased to attract attention, and scarcely had the measures adopted in view of that event been -taken,—namely the despatch of one Consul to Libya to besiege -Carthage, and of the other to Iberia to meet Hannibal there,— +taken,—namely the despatch of one Consul to Libya to besiege +Carthage, and of the other to Iberia to meet Hannibal there,— than news came that Hannibal had arrived in Italy with his army, and was already besieging certain towns in it. Tiberius Sempronius recalled. Thrown into great alarm by this unexpected turn of affairs, the Roman @@ -8825,7 +8825,7 @@ extravagant presumption of the Carthaginians to venture to face Romans, by whom they had been so often beaten, and to whom they had for so many years paid tribute and been all but slaves. And when in addition to this they at present -knew thus much of their mettle,—that they dared not face +knew thus much of their mettle,—that they dared not face them, what was the fair inference to be drawn for the future? Their cavalry, in a chance encounter on the Rhone with those of Rome, had, so far from coming off well, lost a large number @@ -9128,8 +9128,8 @@ trees: not knowing that for the concealment and safety of an ambush such places are much better than woods; because the men can command from them a distant view of all that is going on: while nearly all places have sufficient cover to -make concealment possible,—a stream with an overhanging -bank, reeds, or ferns, or some sort of bramble-bushes,—which +make concealment possible,—a stream with an overhanging +bank, reeds, or ferns, or some sort of bramble-bushes,—which are good enough to hide not infantry only, but sometimes even cavalry, if the simple precaution is taken of laying conspicuous @@ -9381,8 +9381,8 @@ made it hard to recognise him, not only for those who met him suddenly, but even for his intimates. But seeing that the Celts were discontented at the lengthened continuance of the war within their borders, and were in a state of restless hurry -to invade the enemy's territory,—on the pretence of hatred for -Rome, but in reality from love of booty,—he determined to +to invade the enemy's territory,—on the pretence of hatred for +Rome, but in reality from love of booty,—he determined to break up his camp as soon as possible, and satisfy the desires of his army. Accordingly as soon as the change of season set in, by questioning those who were reputed to know the @@ -9391,7 +9391,7 @@ Etruria were long and well known to the enemy, but that the one which led through the marshes was short, and would bring them upon Flaminius as a surprise."He crossed the Apennines, not by the ordinary road to Lucca, descending the valley of the Macra, but, as it appears, by a straighter line down the -valley of the Auser or Serchio."—ARNOLD. This was what suited his +valley of the Auser or Serchio."—ARNOLD. This was what suited his peculiar genius, and he therefore decided to take this route. But when the report was spread in his army that the general was going to lead them through some marshes, every soldier @@ -9480,7 +9480,7 @@ to a general than the knowledge of his opponent's character and disposition. As in combats between individuals or ranks, he who would conquer must observe carefully how it is possible to attain his object, and what part -of his enemy appears unguarded or insufficiently armed,— +of his enemy appears unguarded or insufficiently armed,— so must a commander of an army look out for the weak place, not in the body, but in the mind of the leader of the hostile force. For it has often happened before now that, from mere @@ -9508,7 +9508,7 @@ on the point where he is most open to it, will very soon be the victor in the campaign. For as a ship, if you deprive it of its steerer, falls with all its crew into the hands of the enemy; so, in the case of an army in war, if you outwit or -out-manœuvre its general, the whole will often fall into your +out-manœuvre its general, the whole will often fall into your hands.

Flaminius Enticed Out @@ -9562,9 +9562,9 @@ valley. Making his way to the end of the valley along the bank of the lake, Hannibal posted himself with the Spanish and Libyan troops on the hill immediately in front of him as he marched, and pitched a camp on it; but sent his Balearic -slingers and light-armed troops by a détour, and stationed +slingers and light-armed troops by a détour, and stationed them in extended order under the cover of the hills to the -right of the valley; and by a similar détour placed the Gauls +right of the valley; and by a similar détour placed the Gauls and cavalry under the cover of hills to the left, causing them also to extend their line so far as to cover the entrance of the defile running between the cliff and lake into the valley.Livy, 22, 4-6. For @@ -9687,10 +9687,10 @@ the duty of all classes to do, and how they were to do it.

About the same time as the battle of Thrasymene, Servilius's advanced guard cut to pieces. the Consul Gnaeus Servilius, who had been -stationed on duty at Ariminum,—which +stationed on duty at Ariminum,—which is on the coast of the Adriatic, where the plains of Cis-Alpine Gaul join the rest of Italy, not far from -the mouths of the Padus,—having heard that Hannibal had +the mouths of the Padus,—having heard that Hannibal had entered Etruria and was encamped near Flaminius, designed to join the latter with his whole army. But finding himself hampered by the difficulty of transporting so heavy a force, he @@ -9832,7 +9832,7 @@ and therefore, their manifest inferiority making it impossible for Fabius to offer the enemy battle, he fell back upon those resources in which the Romans had the advantage of the enemy; clung to them; and conducted the war by their means: -and they were—an inexhaustible supply of provisions and of +and they were—an inexhaustible supply of provisions and of men.

@@ -9848,7 +9848,7 @@ close union, he watched for favourable opportunities of time and place; and by this method of proceeding captured and killed a large number of the enemy, who in their contempt of him straggled from their camp in search of plunder. His -object in these manœuvres was twofold,—to gradually diminish +object in these manœuvres was twofold,—to gradually diminish the limited numbers of the enemy: and to strengthen and renew by such successes in detail the spirits of his own men, which had been depressed, to begin with, by the general defeat of their armies. But nothing would induce him to agree to @@ -9870,7 +9870,7 @@ approach or engage the enemy. Accordingly, when Hannibal saw that Fabius plainly meant to decline a battle, but yet would not abandon the country altogether, he formed the bold resolution of penetrating to the plains round Capua; and actually did so as far as Falernum, convinced that thereby he should -do one of two things,—force the enemy to give him battle, or +do one of two things,—force the enemy to give him battle, or make it evident to all that the victory was his, and that the Romans had abandoned the country to him. This he hoped @@ -9879,7 +9879,7 @@ be eager to revolt from Rome. For up t the Romans had been beaten in two battles, not a single city in Italy had revolted to the Carthaginians; but all maintained their fidelity, although some of them were suffering severely; -—a fact which may show us the awe and respect which the +—a fact which may show us the awe and respect which the Republic had inspired in its allies.

Fertility and Beauty of the Plains Near Capua @@ -9986,7 +9986,7 @@ them at the double, and, with as much noise as possible, make for the top of the ridge; that, if they found any of the enemy there, they might close with and attack them at once. At the same time he himself led the main army towards the narrow -gorge of the pass,—his heavy-armed men in front, next to them +gorge of the pass,—his heavy-armed men in front, next to them the cavalry, then the booty, and the Iberians and Celts bringing up the rear.

Fabius Returns to Rome @@ -10167,7 +10167,7 @@ crossed the Iber, the Carthaginians could no longer hold Saguntum and were besieging it, and that the city was in -danger,—if he were to take the hostages and restore them to +danger,—if he were to take the hostages and restore them to their parents and cities, he would not only frustrate the ambitious scheme of the Romans, who wished above all things by getting possession of the hostages to have the credit @@ -10382,7 +10382,7 @@ was taking place, he looked upon it as an excellent opportunity; and immediately orders to engage the enemy and contest the possession of the position; after these he sent his cavalry, and close behind them he led his heavy-armed troops in person, as on the former -occasion, intending to repeat exactly the same manœuvres.

+occasion, intending to repeat exactly the same manœuvres.

Cautious Fabius Saves the Day

As the day broke, and the thoughts and eyes of all @@ -10427,9 +10427,9 @@ placed a guard upon it, proceeded thenceforth with their preparations for the wi elected Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Terentius. On their appointment the Dictators laid down their offices, and the Consuls of the previous -year, Gnaeus Servilius and Marcus Regulus— +year, Gnaeus Servilius and Marcus Regulus— who had been appointed after the death of -Flaminius,—were invested with pro-consular authority by +Flaminius,—were invested with pro-consular authority by Aemilius; and, taking the command at the seat of war, administered the affairs of the army independently. Meanwhile Aemilius, in consultation with the Senate, set at once to work to levy new soldiers, to fill up the numbers of the legions @@ -10549,13 +10549,13 @@ come off victorious, should, when drawn up all together, and nearly double of the enemy in number, be defeated."

"Wherefore, men of the army," he continued, "seeing that we have every advantage on our side for securing a victory, -there is only one thing necessary,—your determination, your +there is only one thing necessary,—your determination, your zeal! And I do not think I need say more to you on that point. To men serving others for pay, or to those who fight as allies on behalf of others, who have no greater danger to expect than meets them on the field, and for whom the issues at stake -are of little importance,—such men may need words of exhortation. But men who, like you, are fighting not for others, but -themselves,—for country, wives, and children; and for whom +are of little importance,—such men may need words of exhortation. But men who, like you, are fighting not for others, but +themselves,—for country, wives, and children; and for whom the issue is of far more momentous consequence than the mere danger of the hour, need only to be reminded: require no exhortation. For who is there among you who would not wish @@ -10608,7 +10608,7 @@ Roman light-armed, and helped to sustain the battle. Nightfall for the present p at all answered to the hopes of the Carthaginians. But next day Aemilius, not thinking it right to engage, and yet being unable any longer to lead off his army, encamped with twothirds of it on the banks of the Aufidus, the only river which -flows right through the Apennines,—that chain of mountains +flows right through the Apennines,—that chain of mountains which forms the watershed of all the Italian rivers, which flow either west to the Tuscan sea, or east to the Hadriatic. This chain is, I say, pierced by the Aufidus, which rises on the side @@ -10636,8 +10636,8 @@ of cavalry on their side?" And when all signified their acquiescence in such an evident truth, he added: "First, then, give thanks to the gods: for they have brought the enemy into this country, because they designed the victory for us. And, -next to me, for having compelled the enemy to fight,—for -they cannot avoid it any longer,—and to fight in a place so +next to me, for having compelled the enemy to fight,—for +they cannot avoid it any longer,—and to fight in a place so full of advantages for us. But I do not think it becoming in me now to use many words in exhorting you to be brave and forward in this battle. When you had had no experience of @@ -10740,7 +10740,7 @@ battles. The shield of the Iberians and Celts was about the same size, but their swords were quite different. For that of the Roman can thrust with as deadly effects as it can cut, while the Gallic sword can only cut, and that requires some room. -And the companies coming alternately,—the naked Celts, and +And the companies coming alternately,—the naked Celts, and the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with purple stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and terrifying. The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was ten thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty @@ -10765,10 +10765,10 @@ began in earnest, and in the true barbaric fashion: for there was none of the usual formal advance and retreat; but when they once got to close quarters, they grappled man to man, and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But -when the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed most of their opponents on the ground,— +when the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed most of their opponents on the ground,— because the Romans all maintained the fight with spirit and -determination,—and began chasing the remainder along the +determination,—and began chasing the remainder along the river, slaying as they went and giving no quarter; then the legionaries took the place of the light-armed and closed with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic @@ -10798,7 +10798,7 @@ must mean "against," "so as to attack." And this seems to be Casaubon's interpretation. the exigency of the moment suggesting to them what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal had planned, that the Romans were caught between two -hostile lines of Libyans—thanks to their impetuous pursuit of +hostile lines of Libyans—thanks to their impetuous pursuit of the Celts. Still they fought, though no longer in line, yet singly, or in maniples, which faced about to meet those who charged them on the flanks.

@@ -11282,10 +11282,10 @@ suffering; and expressed their willingness to become allies of the league, and their anxiety to be enrolled among its members. The Achaean magistrates declined the offered alliance, on the ground that it was impossible to admit a new member without the -concurrence of Philip and the other allies,—for the sworn alliance +concurrence of Philip and the other allies,—for the sworn alliance negotiated by Antigonus during the Cleomenic war was still in force, and included Achaia, Epirus, Phocis, Macedonia, -Boeotia, Acarnania, and Thessaly;—but they said that they +Boeotia, Acarnania, and Thessaly;—but they said that they would march out to their relief, if the envoys there present would place their sons in Sparta, as hostages for their promise not to make terms with the Aetolians without the consent of @@ -11305,7 +11305,7 @@ therefore at once sent despatches to Cyllene and to the Aetolian Strategus, Ariston, begging that the transports should be sent to a place on the coast of Elis called the island of Pheia;The city of Pheia was on the isthmus connecting the promontory Ichthys -(Cape Katákolo) with the mainland: opposite its harbour is a small island +(Cape Katákolo) with the mainland: opposite its harbour is a small island which Polybius here calls Pheias, i.e. the island belonging to Pheia. and they themselves two days later struck camp, and laden with booty marched towards Elis. For the Aetolians always maintained a friendship with the @@ -11313,7 +11313,7 @@ Eleans that they might have through them an entrance for their plundering and piratical expeditions into the Peloponnese.

Aratus Dismisses the Achaean Troops -

Aratus waited two days: and then, foolishly — believing +

Aratus waited two days: and then, foolishly — believing Aratus dismisses the Achaean levy, with the exception of 3000 foot and 300 horse. that the Aetolians would return by the route they had indicated, he dismissed all the Achaeans @@ -11537,7 +11537,7 @@ Messenians; hoping by that crafty measure to tamper with the loyalty of the Achaean allies and sow disunion among them. With the Achaeans themselves they voted to maintain peace, on condition that they withdrew from alliance with Messenia, -and to proclaim war if they refused,—than which nothing +and to proclaim war if they refused,—than which nothing could have been more unreasonable. For being themselves in alliance, both with Achaeans and Messenians, they proclaimed war against the former, unless the two ceased to be in @@ -11587,12 +11587,12 @@ Illyrians.

But the Aetolian Strategus Ariston, ignoring everything that was going on, remained quietly at home, asserting that he was not at war with the Achaeans, but was maintaining peace: -a foolish and childish mode of acting,—for what better epithets +a foolish and childish mode of acting,—for what better epithets could be applied to a man who supposed that he could cloak notorious facts by mere words? Meanwhile Dorimachus and his colleague had marched through the Achaean territory and suddenly appeared at Cynaetha.

-

Cynaetha was an Arcadian cityBut outside the natural borders of Arcadia. Mod. Kalávryta. which, +

Cynaetha was an Arcadian cityBut outside the natural borders of Arcadia. Mod. Kalávryta. which, for many years past,The previous history of Cynaetha. had been afflicted with implacable and violent political factions. The two parties had frequently retaliated on each other with massacres, @@ -12012,7 +12012,7 @@ policy. To pass a decree against going to war,See B. C. 382. When Phoebidas treacherously seized the Cadmeia, the Lacedaemonians @@ -12052,7 +12052,7 @@ that the wars in Italy, Greece and chose from fear to side with the -Persians,—nor indeed for Pindar who supported their inaction -in the verses—See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines. +Persians,—nor indeed for Pindar who supported their inaction +in the verses—See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines. A quiet haven for the ship of state Should be the patriot's aim, And smiling peace, to small and great @@ -12166,10 +12166,10 @@ themselves; and they finally involved their country in the gravest misfortunes. And the reason in my opinion was this, that being neighbours to two of the most powerful nations in the Peloponnese, or I might almost say in Greece, I mean the -Arcadians and Lacedaemonians,—one of which had been +Arcadians and Lacedaemonians,—one of which had been irreconcilably hostile to them from the moment they occupied the country, and the other disposed to be friendly and protect -them,—they never frankly accepted hostility to the Spartans, or +them,—they never frankly accepted hostility to the Spartans, or friendship with the Arcadians. Accordingly when the attention of the former was distracted by domestic or foreign war, the Messenians were secure; for they always enjoyed peace and @@ -12205,7 +12205,7 @@ in the sacred enclosure of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus. according to the evidence of Callisthenes, in which they inscribed the following verses: A faithless king will perish soon or late! Messene tracked him down right easily, -The traitor:—perjury must meet its fate; +The traitor:—perjury must meet its fate; Glory to Zeus, and life to Arcady! The point of this is, that, having lost their own country, they pray the gods to save Arcadia as their second country.But Pausanias represents the pillar as put up by the Arcadians, not the @@ -12277,10 +12277,10 @@ advised the adoption of their alliance, and those who took the opposite side. When, however, some of the elders reminded the people of the good services rendered them by Antigonus and the Macedonians, and the injuries inflicted on them by -Charixenus and Timaeus,—when the Aetolians invaded them +Charixenus and Timaeus,—when the Aetolians invaded them with their full force and ravaged their territory, enslaved the neighbouring villages, and laid a plot for attacking Sparta -itself by a fraudulent and forcible restoration of exiles,—these +itself by a fraudulent and forcible restoration of exiles,—these words produced a great revulsion of feeling, and the people finally decided to maintain the alliance with Philip and the Macedonians. Machatas accordingly had to go home without @@ -12322,8 +12322,8 @@ renewed popularity. This people for instance, to say nothing of other examples, after nearly three years of constitutional government, following the banishment of Cleomenes, without once thinking of appointing kings at Sparta, no sooner heard -of the death of Cleomenes than they were eager—populace -and Ephors alike—to restore kingly rule. Agesipolis appointed king. +of the death of Cleomenes than they were eager—populace +and Ephors alike—to restore kingly rule. Agesipolis appointed king. Accordingly the Ephors who were in sympathy with the conspirators, and who had made the alliance with Aetolia which I just now mentioned, did so. One of these kings so restored they appointed in accordance with the regular and legal succession, namely Agesipolis. @@ -12387,9 +12387,9 @@ equinox, while the Achaeans hold theirs about the time of the rising of the Pleiads. As soon therefore as summer had well set in, and Aratus the younger had taken over his -office, all these wars at once began simultaneously. June—September, B.C. 219. Hannibal began besieging Saguntum; the +office, all these wars at once began simultaneously. June—September, B.C. 219. Hannibal began besieging Saguntum; the Romans sent Lucius Aemilius with an army to Illyria against -Demetrius of Pharos,—of both which I spoke in the last book; +Demetrius of Pharos,—of both which I spoke in the last book; Antiochus, having had Ptolemais and Tyre betrayed to him by Theodotus, meditated attacking Coele-Syria; and Ptolemy was engaged in preparing for the war with Antiochus. While @@ -12506,7 +12506,7 @@ the present day, in which every sea and land has been thrown open to travellers; and in which, therefore, one can no longer employ the evidence of poets and fabulists, as my predecessors have done on very many points, "offering," as Heraclitus says, -"tainted witnesses to disputed facts,"—but I must try to +"tainted witnesses to disputed facts,"—but I must try to make my narrative in itself carry conviction to my readers.

I say then the Pontus has long been in process of being filled up with mud, and that this process is actually going on @@ -12607,7 +12607,7 @@ channel connecting the Pontus and Propo being, as I have said, a hundred and twenty stades, and Hieron marking its termination towards the Pontus, and the Strait of Byzantium that towards the Propontis, -—half-way between these, on the European side, stands Hermaeum, on a headland jutting out into the channel, about +—half-way between these, on the European side, stands Hermaeum, on a headland jutting out into the channel, about five stades from the Asiatic coast, just at the narrowest point of the whole channel; where Darius is said to have made his bridge of ships across the strait, @@ -12642,10 +12642,10 @@ so; while the current carries you to the former, whether you will or no, as I have just now shown. B.C. 410. And a proof of my assertion is this: those who want to cross from Calchedon to Byzantium cannot sail straight across the channel, but coast up -to the Cow and Chrysopolis,—which the Athenians formerly +to the Cow and Chrysopolis,—which the Athenians formerly seized, by the advice of Alcibiades, when they for the first time levied customs on -ships sailing into the Pontus,Xenophon, Hellen. 1, 1, 22.—and then drift down +ships sailing into the Pontus,Xenophon, Hellen. 1, 1, 22.—and then drift down the current, which carries them as a matter of course to Byzantium. And the same is the case with a voyage on either side of Byzantium. For if a man is running before a @@ -12781,9 +12781,9 @@ was all in favour of his assuming the crown; yet he refused to do so, and preserving the royal title for Antiochus the younger, son of Seleucus, went on energetically with the expedition, and the recovery of the whole of the territory this side Taurus. -Meeting however with unexpected success,—for he shut up +Meeting however with unexpected success,—for he shut up Attalus within the walls of Pergamus and became master of all -the rest of the country,—he was puffed up by his good fortune, +the rest of the country,—he was puffed up by his good fortune, and at once swerved from his straightforward course of policy. He assumed the diadem, adopted the title of king, and was at this time the most powerful and formidable of all the kings @@ -12902,7 +12902,7 @@ and sent Polemocles with him in command of three triremes, wishing, as the saying is, to send the Byzantines "spear and herald's staff at once." Upon their appearance a pacification was arranged, in the year of Cothon, son of Callisthenes, Hieromnemon in Byzantium.That this was the name of a yearly officer at Byzantium appears from a -decree in Demosthenes (de Cor. § 90), and Byzantine coins, Eckhel, ii. p. 31. +decree in Demosthenes (de Cor. § 90), and Byzantine coins, Eckhel, ii. p. 31. The title seems to have been brought from the mother-city Megara; as at Chalcedon, another colony of Megara, the same existed (C. I. G. 3794). It was connected with the worship of Apollo brought from Megara, Muller's @@ -13042,7 +13042,7 @@ this peninsula, connecting it with Asia two stades wide, that the city is so placed as to entirely close it up from sea to sea; the rest of the peninsula stretches out -into the open sea,—a piece of flat land from which the town +into the open sea,—a piece of flat land from which the town is easily accessible, but surrounded by a steep coast offering very bad harbourage, and having exceedingly few spots admitting of disembarkation. The Sinopeans then were dreadfully alarmed lest Mithridates should blockade them, by throwing @@ -13055,7 +13055,7 @@ round the places accessible from the sea; and at the same time by storing weapons and stationing guards at all points open to attack: for the whole area is not large, but is capable of being easily defended and by a moderate force.

-

Such was the situation at Sinope at the time of the commencement of the Social war,—to which I must now return.

+

Such was the situation at Sinope at the time of the commencement of the Social war,—to which I must now return.

Philip Starts for Aetolia

King Philip started from Macedonia with his army for @@ -13362,7 +13362,7 @@ to collect booty from the country; and by the time he reached Oeniadae his army was richly provided with every kind of goods. But he resolved first to take Paeanium: and having pitched his camp under its walls, -by a series of assaults carried the place by force,— +by a series of assaults carried the place by force,— a town not large in circumference, for that was less than seven stades, but second to none in the construction of its houses, walls, and towers. The wall of this town @@ -13410,7 +13410,7 @@ with all speed, by the same route as that by which he had come. When he was on the point of recrossing the Ambracian gulf from Acarnania into Epirus, Demetrius of Pharos presented himself, sailing with a single galley, having just been banished -from Illyria by the Romans,—as I have stated in the previous +from Illyria by the Romans,—as I have stated in the previous book.3, 19. Philip received him with kindness and bade him sail to Corinth, and go thence through Thessaly to Macedonia; @@ -13475,11 +13475,11 @@ Having made these arrangements, he again started, and pitched his camp near the temple of the Dioscuri in Phliasia.

Euripidas Intends to Attack Sicyon -

Meanwhile Euripidas, with two companies of Eleans,— +

Meanwhile Euripidas, with two companies of Eleans,— B. C. 218, Jan.-Feb. Destruction of a marauding army of Eleans under Euripidas. who combined with the pirates and mercenaries made up an army of two thousand two hundred -men, besides a hundred horse,—started from +men, besides a hundred horse,—started from Psophis and began marching by way of Pheneus and Stymphalus, knowing nothing about Philip's arrival, with the purpose of wasting the territory @@ -13605,9 +13605,9 @@ he gave the signal by the sound of trumpet, and began the assault on the walls at once. At first the garrison offered a spirited resistance and hurled many of the enemy from their ladders; but when the supply of weapons inside the town, as -well as other necessary materials, began to run short,—as was to +well as other necessary materials, began to run short,—as was to be expected from the hasty nature of the preparations for -defence,—and the Macedonians showed no sign of terror, the +defence,—and the Macedonians showed no sign of terror, the next man filling up the place of each who was hurled from the scaling-ladder, the garrison at length turned to flight, and made their escape one and all into the citadel. In the king's army @@ -13683,7 +13683,7 @@ the rest of the Peloponnese: and some o enamoured of a country life, that there are cases of families who, being in enjoyment of considerable wealth, have for two or three generations never entered a public law-court -at all.Reading a(li/an. See Müller's Dorians, Vol. ii. p. 88. +at all.Reading a(li/an. See Müller's Dorians, Vol. ii. p. 88. And this result is brought about by the great care and attention bestowed upon the agricultural class by the government, to see that their law-suits should be settled on the spot, and every @@ -13743,7 +13743,7 @@ leave nothing unattempted or incomplete, he occupied certain spots which commanded the approach to it, with his mercenaries: while leaving his baggage and main army in his entrenched camp, he himself led his peltasts and light-armed troops through the gorge, and, without meeting with any resistance, came directly under the fortress. The fugitives were -panic-stricken at his approach: for they were utterly inexperienced in war and unprovided with means of defence,—a +panic-stricken at his approach: for they were utterly inexperienced in war and unprovided with means of defence,—a mere rabble hurriedly collected together; they therefore at once surrendered, and among them two hundred mercenary soldiers, of various nationalities, who had been brought there by @@ -13969,7 +13969,7 @@ that the chief obstacles in the way of the accomplishment of his design were Lycurgus, and those Ephors who had invested him with the crown, he directed his first efforts against them. The Ephors he seized while at dinner, and put them all to -death on the spot,—chance thus inflicting upon them the +death on the spot,—chance thus inflicting upon them the punishment they deserved: for whether we regard the person at whose hands, or the person for whose sake they were thus @@ -14166,7 +14166,7 @@ placed in command of the Peloponnese by and asserting that he was a proper person to be with the king on a campaign; his object being to get some one else appointed to conduct the government of the Peloponnese. This was -indeed a novel method of defamation,—to damage one's neighbours, not by attacking, but by praising their characters; and +indeed a novel method of defamation,—to damage one's neighbours, not by attacking, but by praising their characters; and this method of wreaking one's malice, envy, and treachery may be regarded as primarily and specially the invention of the @@ -14267,7 +14267,7 @@ best deprive them of the opportunity of coming to each others' relief; as they were widely scattered, and each would be in alarm for their own safety, because the approach of an enemy by sea is so silent and rapid. For he was at war with three -separate nations,—Aetolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans.

+separate nations,—Aetolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans.

Having arrived at this decision, he ordered the ships of the Achaeans as well as his own to muster at Lechaeum; and there he made continual experiments in practising the soldiers @@ -14335,9 +14335,9 @@ town, to see how he could bring his siege-works and artillery to bear upon the wall. He wished to be able to use the place as a rendezvous for his allies; but he was also desirous of taking it: first, because he would thereby deprive the Aetolians of their -most useful support,—for it was by means of Cephallenian +most useful support,—for it was by means of Cephallenian ships that they made their descents upon the Peloponnese, and -ravaged the sea-boards of Epirus and Acarnania,—and, +ravaged the sea-boards of Epirus and Acarnania,—and, secondly, that he might secure for himself and his allies a convenient base of operations against the enemy's territory. For Cephallenia lies exactly opposite the Corinthian Gulf, in @@ -14387,7 +14387,7 @@ with his friends on the next step to be taken.

Philip Invades Aetolia

Meanwhile Lycurgus had invaded Messenia; and Dorimachus had started for Thessaly with half the Ambassadors from Acarnania urge Philip to invade Aetolia; others from Messenia beg him to come there. -Aetolian army,—both with the idea that they +Aetolian army,—both with the idea that they would thus draw off Philip from the siege of Palus. Presently ambassadors arrived at the court to make representations on these subjects @@ -14537,7 +14537,7 @@ bivouacked on the spot laden with booty of every description; but the next morning they selected the most valuable and portable part of it, and making the rest into a heap in front of their tents, set fire to it. So also in regard to the dedicated -arms which were hanging up in the porticoes,—those of them +arms which were hanging up in the porticoes,—those of them which were valuable they took down and carried off, some they exchanged for their own, while the rest they collected together and burnt. The number of these was more than @@ -14560,7 +14560,7 @@ the names or figures of gods. Such they did abstain from injuring. On the walls also they wrote the celebrated line composed by Samus, the son of Chrysogonus, a foster-brother of the king, whose genius was then beginning to manifest itself. -The line was this— +The line was this— "Seest thou the path the bolt divine has sped?" And in fact the king and his staff were fully convinced that, in thus acting, they were obeying the dictates of right and @@ -14624,7 +14624,7 @@ dedicated to the gods; though it was in precisely such that the injuries of the Persians in Greece had been most conspicuous. These were the precedents which Philip should have called to mind on this occasion; and so have shown himself the -successor and heir of these men,—not so much of their power, +successor and heir of these men,—not so much of their power, as of their principles and magnanimity. The subsequent decline in Philip's character. But throughout his life he was exceedingly anxious to establish his relationship to Alexander and Philip, and yet took not the @@ -14658,7 +14658,7 @@ their object to involve the innocent in the destruction of the guilty, but rather to see that those who are held to be guilty should share in the preservation and elevation of the guiltless. It is the act of a tyrant to inflict injury, and so to maintain his power -over unwilling subjects by terror,—hated, and hating those +over unwilling subjects by terror,—hated, and hating those under him: but it is the glory of a king to secure, by doing good to all, that he should rule over willing subjects, whose love he has earned by humanity and beneficence.

@@ -14893,9 +14893,9 @@ Lacedaemonians before they became aware of it. Aetolia
; and there was even some talk among them of sending Lycurgus to the assistance of the Aetolians. Dismay at Sparta. But no @@ -14913,7 +14913,7 @@ he renewed his voyage before daybreak, and after a two days' sail, during which he ravaged the sea-board of the Aetolians, he dropped anchor in Lechaeum; thence, after seven days' continuous march, he arrived on the heights above Sparta in -the neighbourhood of the Menelaïum,—a feat which most of +the neighbourhood of the Menelaïum,—a feat which most of those even who saw it done could scarcely believe.

Philip Marches Through Laconia @@ -14989,7 +14989,7 @@ about noon, arrived once more with his whole army at Amyclae.

Lycurgus Goes Out to Resist

Leaving directions with his officers and friends as to the coming engagement, Lycurgus himself left Sparta and -occupied the ground near the Menelaïum, with as many as two +occupied the ground near the Menelaïum, with as many as two thousand men. He agreed with the officers in the town that they should watch carefully, in order that, whenever he raised the signal, they might lead out their troops from the town at @@ -15023,7 +15023,7 @@ and is situated on level ground, broken at certain points by irregularities and hills. The river Eurotas flows past it on the east, and for the greater part of the year is too large to be forded; and the -hills on which the Menelaïum stands are on the other side of +hills on which the Menelaïum stands are on the other side of the river, to the south-east of the town, rugged and difficult of access and exceedingly lofty; they exactly command the space between the town and the Eurotas, which flows at the very @@ -15046,7 +15046,7 @@ relieve another.

with his friends decided that the matter of most urgent necessity was to dislodge the division of Lycurgus, first of all, from the position near the -Menelaïum. He took therefore his mercenaries, peltasts, +Menelaïum. He took therefore his mercenaries, peltasts, and Illyrians, and advanced across the river in the direction of the hills. Perceiving Philip's design, Lycurgus began getting his men ready, and exhorted them to face the battle, and @@ -15179,7 +15179,7 @@ reported to him; and the cities in GreeceCoele-Syria, had once more dismissed his army into winter quarters. The Spartan king Lycurgus fled to Aetolia in fear of the Ephors: for acting on a -false charge that he was meditating a coup d'état, they had +false charge that he was meditating a coup d'état, they had collected the young men and come to his house at night. But getting previous intimation of what was impending, he had quitted the town accompanied by the members of his household.

@@ -15415,7 +15415,7 @@ been made by many other historians of an intention to write a universal history, and of undertaking a work on a larger scale than their predecessors. About these writers, putting out of the question Ephorus, the first and only man who has really attempted a universal history, I will not mention any name or say -more about them than this,—that several of my contemporaries, +more about them than this,—that several of my contemporaries, while professing to write a universal history have imagined that they could tell the story of the war of Rome and Carthage in three or four pages. Yet every one knows that events more @@ -15480,10 +15480,10 @@ Cleomenes took no steps. But upon that monarch's death, seeing that the time was slipping away, and that the peculiar position of affairs in Greece seemed almost to cry aloud for -Cleomenes,—for Antigonus was dead, the Achaeans involved +Cleomenes,—for Antigonus was dead, the Achaeans involved in war, and the Lacedaemonians were at one with the Aetolians in hostility to the Achaeans and Macedonians, which -was the policy originally adopted by Cleomenes,—then, indeed, +was the policy originally adopted by Cleomenes,—then, indeed, he was actually compelled to use some expedition, and to bestir himself to secure his departure from Alexandria. First therefore, in interviews with the king, he urged him to @@ -15620,13 +15620,13 @@ only in the superior size of his prison. Finding himself in this distressing plight, and with fear of worse for the future, Cleomenes determined to make the most desperate attempts for freedom: not so much because he felt confident of success, -—for he had none of the elements of success in such an enterprise on his side,—but rather because he was eager to die +—for he had none of the elements of success in such an enterprise on his side,—but rather because he was eager to die nobly, and endure nothing unworthy of the gallantry which he had previously displayed. He must, I think, as is usually the case with men of high courage, have recalled and reflected -upon as his model those words of the hero:Homer, Il., 22, 304.— -"Yea, let me die,—but not a coward's death, +upon as his model those words of the hero:Homer, Il., 22, 304.— +"Yea, let me die,—but not a coward's death, Nor all inglorious: let me do one deed, That children yet unborn may hear and mark!"

@@ -15691,7 +15691,7 @@ treacherously assassinated after crossing Mount Taurus with his army, as I have he succeeded to the throne himself; and made Achaeus governor of Asia on this side Taurus, Molon and his brother Alexander guardians of -his dominions in upper Asia,—Molon acting as Satrap of Media, +his dominions in upper Asia,—Molon acting as Satrap of Media, his brother of Persia.

The Royal Family of Syria @@ -15824,7 +15824,7 @@ and the territory of Apollonia. I the barrier of Mount Zagrus, which has an ascent of a hundred stades, and containing in its range many separate peaks and defiles is subdivided by deep valleys, and at certain -points by cañons, inhabited by Cosseans, Corbrenians, Carchi, +points by cañons, inhabited by Cosseans, Corbrenians, Carchi, and several other barbarous tribes who have the reputation of being excellent warriors. Again on the west it is coterminous @@ -15863,7 +15863,7 @@ monarchs. Having therefore the young king entirely in his power, owing to his age, he set out; and having mustered the army at Apameia he started thence and arrived at Laodiceia. King Antiochus in Coele-Syria. Advancing from that time with his whole army, the king crossed -the desert and entered the cañon called Marsyas, which lies +the desert and entered the cañon called Marsyas, which lies between the skirts of Libanus and Anti-Libanus, and is contracted into a narrow gorge by those two mountains. Just where the valley is narrowest it is divided by marshes and lakes, from which the scented reed is cut. @@ -15965,7 +15965,7 @@ but threw their beasts of burden in also, with their packs, as though they thought that the river by some providential instinct would take their part and convey them safely to the opposite camp. The result was that the stream presented a -truly pitiable and extraordinary spectacle,—horses, beasts of +truly pitiable and extraordinary spectacle,—horses, beasts of burden, arms, corpses, and every kind of baggage being carried down the current along with the swimmers.

Having secured the camp of Xenoetas, Molon crossed theMolon's successful campaign. B.C. 221. @@ -16344,7 +16344,7 @@ spring, he summoned his friends to advise with him as to the invasion of Coele-Syria. After many suggestions had been made in respect to this undertaking, touching the nature of the country, the military preparation required, and -the assistance to be rendered by the fleet,—Apollophanes of +the assistance to be rendered by the fleet,—Apollophanes of Seleucia, whom I mentioned before, put an abrupt end to all these suggestions by remarking that "it was folly to desire Coele-Syria and to march against that, @@ -16474,8 +16474,8 @@ After passing the canon called Marsyas, he encamped near Gerrha, close to the lake which lies between the two mountains. Hearing there that Ptolemy's general Nicolaus was besieging Theodotus in Ptolemais, he left his heavy-armed troops -behind with orders to their leaders to besiege Brochi,—the -stronghold which commands the road along the lake,—and +behind with orders to their leaders to besiege Brochi,—the +stronghold which commands the road along the lake,—and led his light-armed troops forward himself, with the intention of raising the siege of Ptolemais. But Nicolaus had already got intelligence of the king's approach; and had accordingly @@ -16536,7 +16536,7 @@ inviting them to send commissioners to discuss the terms of a treaty. The commissioners duly arrived, and by occupying the time with going backwards and forwards between the two kings, abundantly secured to these statesmen the two things -which they wanted,—delay, and time to make their preparations for war. They fixed their residence at Memphis and +which they wanted,—delay, and time to make their preparations for war. They fixed their residence at Memphis and there carried on these negotiations continuously. Nor were they less attentive to the ambassadors from Antiochus, whom they received with every mark of courtesy and kindness. But @@ -16597,7 +16597,7 @@ Socrates of Boeotia had two thousand li him; while the Achaean Phoxidas, and Ptolemy the son of Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus were associated in the duty of drilling the phalanx and the mercenary Greek -soldiers on the same ground,—Andromachus and Ptolemy +soldiers on the same ground,—Andromachus and Ptolemy commanding the phalanx, Phoxidas the mercenaries; of which the numbers were respectively twenty-five thousand and eight thousand. The cavalry, again, attached to the court, amounting to seven hundred, as well as that which was obtained from @@ -17020,7 +17020,7 @@ for reference in our minds the disasters of those who have made mistakes before us in this or that particular. But while preparing with great labour and cost stores of corn and money, and a provision of walls and weapons to meet unforeseen eventualities, that which is the easiest of all and the most serviceable in the -hour of danger—that we all neglect; although we might obtain +hour of danger—that we all neglect; although we might obtain this experience from history and research, which in themselves add a dignity to leisure and a charm to existence.

Achaeus then duly arrived at the time expected: and afterFailure of the treason of Logbasis. @@ -17108,9 +17108,9 @@ the river Megistus.

Mutiny of the Gauls. and the Gauls who had all along been much discontented at the hardships of the -march,—which was rendered the more painful +march,—which was rendered the more painful for them by the fact of their being accompanied by their -wives and children, who followed the host in waggons,— +wives and children, who followed the host in waggons,— now regarded the eclipse as an evil augury, and refused to go on. But King Attalus, who got no effective service out of them, and saw that they straggled during the march and @@ -17237,7 +17237,7 @@ Ptolemy beginning to move his army outside its camp, Antiochus hastened to do the same. Both formed their front of their phalanx and men armed in the Macedonian manner. But Ptolemy's two -wings were formed as follows:—Polycrates, with the cavalry +wings were formed as follows:—Polycrates, with the cavalry under his command, occupied the left, and between him and the phalanx were Cretans standing close by the horsemen; next them came the royal guard;Agema. See note on 5, 25. then the peltasts under @@ -17549,10 +17549,10 @@ rest of the world.

B.C. 217. Greece. Return of Lycurgus to Sparta. He projects an invasion of Messenia. was Strategus of the Aetolians, and when Aratus had just become Strategus of the Achaean -league,—at which point we broke off in our +league,—at which point we broke off in our history of the Social war,See ante, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of 218 B.C., Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer of B.C. -217.—Lycurgus of Sparta +217.—Lycurgus of Sparta returned home from Aetolia. The Ephors had discovered that the charge on which he had been banished was false; and had accordingly sent for him @@ -17600,7 +17600,7 @@ anything.

Aratus, with a provident regard for the future, arranged with Taurion to provide fifty horse and five hundred foot, and with the Messenians to send an equal number; with the view of -using these men to protect the territories of Messenia, Megalopolis, Tegea, and Argos,—for these districts, being on the +using these men to protect the territories of Messenia, Megalopolis, Tegea, and Argos,—for these districts, being on the frontier of Laconia, have to bear the brunt of Lacedaemonian invasion for the rest of the Peloponnese; while with the Achaean levies and mercenaries he planned to guard the parts @@ -17620,7 +17620,7 @@ disputes, jealousies, and mutual hatred; which is ever the case, both with states and individuals, when means fall short of desires. The first controversy was about the walling of the -town,—one party maintaining that the limits of the city should +town,—one party maintaining that the limits of the city should be contracted to a size admitting of being completely walled and guarded at a time of danger; for that in the late occasion it was its size and unguarded state which had caused their @@ -17747,7 +17747,7 @@ Alexander and his men threw themselves into the citadel also: the Aetolian hundred picked soldiers were made prisoners; and when daylight showed Agetas what had taken place, he -drew off his troops,—baffled by a ruse very like what he had +drew off his troops,—baffled by a ruse very like what he had on many occasions practised himself.

Philip Secures His Frontier @@ -17780,7 +17780,7 @@ intend to effect their entrance? Or again, while satisfying themselves as to these measurements, to entrust the construction of ladders and all such machinery, which, though taking little time to make, have to stand the test of a very critical service, -without consideration, and to incompetent persons,—is not +without consideration, and to incompetent persons,—is not this deserving of censure? For in such actions it is not a question of succeeding or failing without ill consequences; but failure is followed by positive damage in manifold respects: @@ -18161,8 +18161,8 @@ And it was then that at Rome Caius Terentius and Lucius Aemilius entered upon th Philip's preparation for an invasion of Italy. consideration that he would want ships to carry out his designs, and men for rowing, not -for fighting,—for he could never have even -entertained a hope of fighting the Romans at sea,—but rather +for fighting,—for he could never have even +entertained a hope of fighting the Romans at sea,—but rather for the transport of soldiers, and to enable him to cross with greater speed to any point to which he might desire to go, and so surprise the enemy by a sudden appearance, and @@ -18262,7 +18262,7 @@ the best in itself, and the most instructive to the students of it, was that it would enable them to know and fully realise in what manner, and under what kind of constitution, it came about that nearly the whole world fell under the power of Rome -in somewhat less than fifty-three years,—an event certainly +in somewhat less than fifty-three years,—an event certainly without precedent. This being my settled purpose, I could see no more fitting period than the present for making a pause, and examining the truth of the remarks about to be made on @@ -18313,7 +18313,7 @@ they are wrong. For it is plain that we must regard as the best constitution that which partakes of all these three elements. And this is no mere assertion, but has been proved by the example of Lycurgus, who was the first to construct a -constitution—that of Sparta—on this principle. Nor can we +constitution—that of Sparta—on this principle. Nor can we admit that these are the only forms: for we have had before now examples of absolute and tyrannical forms of government, @@ -18339,7 +18339,7 @@ where reverence to the gods, succour of parents, respect to elders, obedience to laws, are traditional and habitual, in such communities, if the will of the majority prevail, we may speak of the form of government as a democracy. So then we -enumerate six forms of government,—the three commonly +enumerate six forms of government,—the three commonly spoken of which I have just mentioned, and three more allied forms, I mean despotism, oligarchy and mob-rule. The first of these arises without artificial aid and in the natural order of @@ -18352,9 +18352,9 @@ people passionately avenging the unjust acts of their rulers, democracy comes into existence; which again by its violence and contempt of law becomes sheer mob-rule.Aristotle's classification is kingship, aristocracy, politei/a, democracy, oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato (Pol. 302, c.) -who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct +who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct name, except dhmokrati/a para/nomos, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls -o)xlokrati/a, "mob-rule." Polybius's arrangement is this— +o)xlokrati/a, "mob-rule." Polybius's arrangement is this— Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy) degenerates into Tyranny. Aristocracy degenerates into Oligarchy. Democracy degenerates into Mob-rule. No clearer @@ -18396,11 +18396,11 @@ as with the animals, he who was superior to the rest in strength of body or courage of soul would lead and rule them. For what we see happen in the case of animals that are without the -faculty of reason, such as bulls, goats, and cocks,—among +faculty of reason, such as bulls, goats, and cocks,—among whom there can be no dispute that the strongest take the lead, -—that we must regard as in the truest sense the teaching of +—that we must regard as in the truest sense the teaching of nature. Originally then it is probable that the condition of -life among men was this,—herding together like animals and +life among men was this,—herding together like animals and following the strongest and bravest as leaders. The limit of this authority would be physical strength, and the name we should give it would be despotism. But as soon as the idea @@ -18507,10 +18507,10 @@ upon this charge at first as a great privilege, made the public advantage their chief concern, and conducted all kinds of business, public or private, with diligence and caution. But when the sons of these men received the same position of -authority from their fathers,—having had no experience of +authority from their fathers,—having had no experience of misfortunes, and none at all of civil equality and freedom of speech, but having been bred up from the first under the -shadow of their fathers' authority and lofty position,—some +shadow of their fathers' authority and lofty position,—some of them gave themselves up with passion to avarice and unscrupulous love of money, others to drinking and the @@ -18690,7 +18690,7 @@ inflicting punishment on all who are under their command while on active service: and they have authority to expend as much of the public money as they choose, being accompanied by a quaestor who is entirely at their orders. A survey of -these powers would in fact justify our describing the constitution as despotic,—a clear case of royal government. +these powers would in fact justify our describing the constitution as despotic,—a clear case of royal government. Nor will it affect the truth of my description, if any of the institutions I have described are changed in our time, or in that of our posterity: and the same remarks apply to what @@ -18711,11 +18711,11 @@ such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, or wilful murder, are in the hands of the Senate. Besides, if any individual or state among the Italian allies requires a controversy to be settled, a -penalty to be assessed, help or protection to be afforded,—all +penalty to be assessed, help or protection to be afforded,—all this is the province of the Senate. Or again, outside Italy, if it is necessary to send an embassy to reconcile warring communities, or to remind them of their duty, or sometimes to impose requisitions upon them, or to receive their submission, -or finally to proclaim war against them,—this too is the +or finally to proclaim war against them,—this too is the business of the Senate. In like manner the reception to be given to foreign ambassadors in Rome, and the answers to be returned to them, are decided by the Senate. With such business the people have nothing to do. Consequently, if one @@ -18735,7 +18735,7 @@ a part left the people, and it is a most important one. For the people is the sole fountain of honour and of punishment; and it is by these two things and these alone that dynasties and constitutions and, in a word, human society are held together: for where the distinction between them is not -sharply drawn both in theory and practice, there no undertaking can be properly administered,—as indeed we might expect +sharply drawn both in theory and practice, there no undertaking can be properly administered,—as indeed we might expect when good and bad are held in exactly the same honour. The people then are the only court to decide matters of life and death; and even in-cases where the penalty is money, if @@ -18743,10 +18743,10 @@ the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious, and especially when the accused have held the higher magistracies. And in regard to this arrangement there is one point deserving especial commendation and record. Men who are on trial for their -lives at Rome, while sentence is in process of being voted,—if +lives at Rome, while sentence is in process of being voted,—if even only one of the tribes whose votes are needed to ratify the -sentence has not voted,—have the privilege at Rome of openly +sentence has not voted,—have the privilege at Rome of openly departing and condemning themselves to a voluntary exile. Such men are safe at Naples or Praeneste or at Tibur, and at other towns with which this arrangement has been duly @@ -18808,10 +18808,10 @@ it is obliged in public affairs to take the multitude into account, and respect the wishes of the people; and it cannot put into execution the penalty for offences against the republic, which are punishable with death, unless the people first ratify its decrees. -Similarly even in matters which directly affect the senators,— +Similarly even in matters which directly affect the senators,— for instance, in the case of a law diminishing the Senate's traditional authority, or depriving senators of certain dignities -and offices, or even actually cutting down their property,— +and offices, or even actually cutting down their property,— even in such cases the people have the sole power of passing or rejecting the law. But most important of all is the fact that, if the Tribunes interpose their veto, the Senate not only @@ -18831,7 +18831,7 @@ contracts, too numerous to count, are given out by the censors in all parts of Italy for the repairs or construction of public buildings; there is also the collection of revenue from many -rivers, harbours, gardens, mines, and land—everything, in a +rivers, harbours, gardens, mines, and land—everything, in a word, that comes under the control of the Roman government: and in all these the people at large are engaged; so that there is scarcely a man, so to speak, who is not interested either as @@ -18880,7 +18880,7 @@ determines to attempt. Nay, even when these external alarms are past, and the people are enjoying their good fortune and the fruits of their victories, and, as usually happens, growing corrupted by flattery and idleness, show a tendency to violence -and arrogance,—it is in these circumstances, more than ever, +and arrogance,—it is in these circumstances, more than ever, that the constitution is seen to possess within itself the power of correcting abuses. For when any one of the three classes becomes puffed up, and manifests an inclination to be contentious and unduly encroaching, the mutual interdependency @@ -18890,7 +18890,7 @@ check this tendency: and so the proper equilibrium is maintained by the impulsiv by its fear of the other. . . .

On the Roman Army -

After electing the Consuls they proceed to elect military tribunes,—fourteen from those who had five years', and +

After electing the Consuls they proceed to elect military tribunes,—fourteen from those who had five years', and ten from those who had ten years', service. All citizens must serve ten years in the cavalry or twenty years in the infantry before the forty-sixth year of their age, except those rated @@ -18933,9 +18933,9 @@ the last. With the next four the tribunes of the third legion have the first choice, those of the second the last; and so on in regular rotation: of which the result is that each legion gets men of much the same standard. But when they have -selected the number prescribed,—which is four thousand two +selected the number prescribed,—which is four thousand two hundred infantry for each legion, or at times of special danger -five thousand,—they next used to pass men for the cavalry, in +five thousand,—they next used to pass men for the cavalry, in old times after the four thousand two hundred infantry; but now they do it before them, the selection having been made by the censor on the basis of wealth; and they enrol three hundred @@ -19009,7 +19009,7 @@ to have the2. Arms of the H complete panoply. This to a Roman means, first, a large shield (scutum), the surface of which is curved outwards, its breadth two and -a half feet, its length four feet,—though there is also an extra +a half feet, its length four feet,—though there is also an extra sized shield in which these measures are increased by a palm's breadth. It consists of two layers of wood fastened together with bull's-hide glue; the outer surface of which is first @@ -19176,17 +19176,17 @@ to put the Praetorium, they measure off a square round this standard; in such a way that each of its sides is a hundred feet from the standard, and the area of the square is four plethra.the plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium, therefore, is 200 feet. -Along one side of this square—whichever aspect appears -most convenient for watering and foraging—the legions are +Along one side of this square—whichever aspect appears +most convenient for watering and foraging—the legions are stationed as follows. I have said that there were six Tribuni -in each legion, and that each Consul had two legions,—it +in each legion, and that each Consul had two legions,—it follows that there are twelve Tribuni in a Consular army. Well, they pitch the tents of these Tribuni all in one straight line, parallel to the side of the square selected, at a distance of fifty feet from it (there is a place too selected for the horses, beasts of burden, and other baggage of the Tribuni); these tents face the outer side of the camp and away from the square -described above,—a direction which will henceforth be called +described above,—a direction which will henceforth be called "the front" by me. The tents of the Tribuni stand at equal distances from each other, so that they extend along the whole breadth of the space occupied by the legions.

@@ -19198,7 +19198,7 @@ they measure another distance of a hundred feet towards the front. At that distance another parallel straight line is drawn, and it is from this last that they begin arranging the quarters of the legions, which they do as -follows:—they bisect the last mentioned straight line, and +follows:—they bisect the last mentioned straight line, and from that point draw another straight line at right angles to it; along this line, on either side of it facing @@ -19258,7 +19258,7 @@ out the camp the spaces assigned to the latter are made proportionally deeper, s those occupied by the legions. Thus five viae are formed:That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each. and back to back with these cavalry are the spaces for the infantry of the allies, the depth being proportionally increased -according to their numbers;That is to say—without the extraordinarii (1/5)—there are 2400 to get into +according to their numbers;That is to say—without the extraordinarii (1/5)—there are 2400 to get into 10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30. and these maniples face the outer sides of the camp and the agger. In each maniple the first tent at either end is occupied by the centurions. Via Quintana. Between @@ -19534,7 +19534,7 @@ the camp, or bearing false witness: as also to any one who in full manhood is detected in shameful immorality: or to any one who has been thrice punished for the same offence. All these things are punished as crimes. But such as the following are reckoned as cowardly and dishonourable in a soldier: -—for a man to make a false report to the Tribunes of his +—for a man to make a false report to the Tribunes of his valour in order to get reward; or for men who have been told off to an ambuscade to quit the place assigned them from fear; and also for a man to throw away any of his arms from @@ -19649,8 +19649,8 @@ lines. With this order of march, on an alarm being given, the columns face to the right or left according to the quarter on which the enemy appears, and get clear of the baggage. So that in a short space of time, and by one movement, the whole -of the hoplites are in line of battle—except that sometimes it -is necessary to half-wheel the Hastati also—and the baggage +of the hoplites are in line of battle—except that sometimes it +is necessary to half-wheel the Hastati also—and the baggage and the rest of the army are in their proper place for safety, namely, in the rear of the line of combatants.

@@ -19752,10 +19752,10 @@ or the occurrence of a storm induce the crew to be of one mind and to obey the helmsman, everything goes well; but if they recover from this fear, and begin to treat their officers with contempt, and to quarrel with each other because they are no -longer all of one mind,—one party wishing to continue the +longer all of one mind,—one party wishing to continue the voyage, and the other urging the steersman to bring the ship to anchor; some letting out the sheets, and others hauling -them in, and ordering the sails to be furled,—their discord and +them in, and ordering the sails to be furled,—their discord and quarrels make a sorry show to lookers on; and the position of affairs is full of risk to those on board engaged on the same voyage: and the result has often been that, after escaping the @@ -19774,7 +19774,7 @@ was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the period of her rise with that of her decline.
Therefore I need say no more about either it, or the Theban constitution: in both of which a mob manages everything on its own unfettered -impulse—a mob in the one city distinguished for headlong outbursts of fiery temper, in the other trained in long habits of +impulse—a mob in the one city distinguished for headlong outbursts of fiery temper, in the other trained in long habits of violence and ferocity.

The Cretan Constitution Compared to the Spartan @@ -19785,8 +19785,8 @@ is how such writers as Ephorus, Xenophon, Callisthenes and PlatoFor what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10.4.8-9. The reference to Plato is to the "Laws," especially Book I. See also Aristotle, Pol. 2, 10, who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and -Lacedaemonian constitutions.—who are the most -learned of the ancients—could assert that it was like that +Lacedaemonian constitutions.—who are the most +learned of the ancients—could assert that it was like that of Sparta; and secondly how they came to assert that it was at all admirable. I can agree with neither assertion; and I will explain why I say so. And first as to its dissimilarity @@ -19823,8 +19823,8 @@ overlooking these important differences, these writers have gone out of their way to comment at length on the legislation of Lycurgus: "He was the only legislator," they say, "who saw the important points. For there being two things on -which the safety of a commonwealth depends,—courage in -the face of the enemy and concord at home,—by abolishing +which the safety of a commonwealth depends,—courage in +the face of the enemy and concord at home,—by abolishing covetousness, he with it removed all motive for civil broil and contest: whence it has been brought about that the Lacedaemonians are the best governed and most united people in Greece." Yet while giving utterance to these sentiments, and @@ -19895,7 +19895,7 @@ men brave and noble minded: but when both these virtues, courage and high morality, are combined in one soul or in one state, vice will not readily spring from such a soil, nor will such men easily be overcome by their enemies. By constructing his constitution therefore in this spirit, and of these -elements, he secured two blessings to the Spartans,—safety for +elements, he secured two blessings to the Spartans,—safety for their territory, and a lasting freedom for themselves long after he was gone. He appears however to have made no one provision whatever, particular or general, for the acquisition of the territory @@ -19960,7 +19960,7 @@ neither exists, nor ever has existed, a constitution and civil order preferable to that of Sparta. But if any one is seeking aggrandisement, and believes that to be a leader and ruler and despot of numerous subjects, and to have all looking and -turning to him, is a finer thing than that,—in this point of +turning to him, is a finer thing than that,—in this point of view we must acknowledge that the Spartan constitution is deficient, and that of Rome superior and better constituted for @@ -19969,7 +19969,7 @@ For when the Lacedaemonians strove to possess themselves of the supremacy in Greece, it was not long before they brought their own freedom itself into danger. Whereas the Romans, after obtaining supreme power over the Italians themselves, soon -brought the whole world under their rule,—in which achievement the abundance and availability of their supplies largely +brought the whole world under their rule,—in which achievement the abundance and availability of their supplies largely contributed to their success.

Carthage Compared with Rome @@ -20012,10 +20012,10 @@ the war.

at the provisions for carrying on a war, we shall find that whereas for a naval expedition the Carthaginians are the better trained and -prepared,—as it is only natural with a people +prepared,—as it is only natural with a people with whom it has been hereditary for many generations to practise this craft, and to follow the seaman's trade above all -nations in the world,—yet, in regard to military service on +nations in the world,—yet, in regard to military service on land, the Romans train themselves to a much higher pitch than the Carthaginians. The former bestow their whole attention upon this department: whereas the Carthaginians @@ -20058,9 +20058,9 @@ age and he is there, or, failing him, one of his relations, mounts the Rostra and delivers a speech concerning the virtues of the deceased, and the successful exploits performed by him in his lifetime. Imagines. By these means the people are reminded of what -has been done, and made to see it with their own eyes,—not +has been done, and made to see it with their own eyes,—not only such as were engaged in the actual -transactions but those also who were not;— +transactions but those also who were not;— and their sympathies are so deeply moved, that the loss appears not to be confined to the actual mourners, but to be a public one affecting the whole people. After the burial @@ -20259,8 +20259,8 @@ got what he had left behind, once more set out, under the belief that by means of this return he had kept his promise and discharged his oath. Upon the arrival of the envoys at Rome, imploring and beseeching the Senate not to grudge the captured troops their return home, but to allow them to rejoin their -friends by paying three minae each for them,—for these were -the terms, they said, granted by Hannibal,—and declaring that +friends by paying three minae each for them,—for these were +the terms, they said, granted by Hannibal,—and declaring that the men deserved redemption, for they had neither played the coward in the field, nor done anything unworthy of Rome, but had been left behind to guard the camp; and that, when @@ -20270,7 +20270,7 @@ the time deprived of, roughly speaking, all their allies, they neither yielded so far to misfortune as to disregard what was becoming to themselves, nor omitted to take into account any necessary consideration. They saw through Hannibal's -purpose in thus acting,—which was at once to get a large supply +purpose in thus acting,—which was at once to get a large supply of money, and at the same time to take away all enthusiasm from the troops opposed to him, by showing that even the conquered had a hope of getting safe home again. Therefore @@ -20492,8 +20492,8 @@ incidents, and to speak at inordinate length on subjects that scarcely deserve to be recorded at all. There are some, too, who fall into a similar mistake from mere want of judgment. With how much more reason might the space employed on -these descriptions,—which they use merely to fill up and spin -out their books,—have been devoted to Hiero and Gelo, +these descriptions,—which they use merely to fill up and spin +out their books,—have been devoted to Hiero and Gelo, without mentioning Hieronymus at all! It would have given greater pleasure to readers and more instruction to students.

@@ -20504,7 +20504,7 @@ greater pleasure to readers and more instruction to students.

abilities without inheriting wealth, or reputation, or any other advantage of fortune. And, in the second place, was established king of Syracuse without putting to death, banishing, or -harassing any one of the citizens,—which is the most astonishing circumstance of all. And what is quite as surprising as +harassing any one of the citizens,—which is the most astonishing circumstance of all. And what is quite as surprising as the innocence of his acquisition of power is the fact that it did not change his character. For during a reign of fifty-four years he preserved peace for the country, maintained his own @@ -20550,7 +20550,7 @@ him, and all Carthaginians serving in his army, subject to our mutual consent, proposes to make this sworn treaty of friendship and honourable good-will. Let us be friends, close -allies, and brethren, on the conditions herein following:—

+allies, and brethren, on the conditions herein following:—

(1) Let the Carthaginians, as supreme, Hannibal their1st article sworn to by Philip's representative. chief general and those serving with him, all members of the Carthaginian dominion living @@ -20642,7 +20642,7 @@ to him, he took them in his hands, and, turning round a little to one side, held them out to Aratus and asked him "what he thought the sacrifices indicated? To quit the citadel or hold it?" Thereupon Demetrius struck in on the spur of the -moment by saying, "If you have the heart of an augur,—to +moment by saying, "If you have the heart of an augur,—to quit it as quick as you can: but if of a gallant and wise king, to keep it, lest if you quit it now you may never have so good an opportunity again: for it is by thus holding the two horns @@ -20703,7 +20703,7 @@ advantage of lofty principle and strict integrity, that the Cretans, having at length come to an understanding with each other and made a national alliance, selected Philip to arbitrate between them; and that this settlement was completed without an -appeal to arms and without danger,—a thing for which it +appeal to arms and without danger,—a thing for which it would be difficult to find a precedent in similar circumstances. From the time of his exploits at Messene all this was utterly changed. And it was natural that it should be so. For his @@ -21061,7 +21061,7 @@ gain Iberia, or at another time 215. His death, however, did not bring more p relations between Syracuse and Rome, but only gave the Syracusans more able leaders (Livy, 24, 21). After the slaughter of Themistius and Andramodorus, who had been elected on the board of Generals, and the cruel murder of all the royal family, -Epicydes and Hippocrates,—Syracusans by descent, but born and +Epicydes and Hippocrates,—Syracusans by descent, but born and brought up at Carthage, and who had been sent to Syracuse on a -special mission by Hannibal,—were elected into the vacant places +special mission by Hannibal,—were elected into the vacant places in the board of Generals. They became the leading spirits in the Syracusan government, and for a time kept up an appearance of wishing to come to terms with Rome; and legates were actually @@ -21097,7 +21097,7 @@ people to vote for the peace with Rome But Hippocrates and Epicydes determined not to acknowledge the peace: they therefore provoked the Romans by plundering in or near the Roman pale,To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius preserved -by Suidas, s. v. dieskeuasme/nhn—"They send out certain Cretans, as though +by Suidas, s. v. dieskeuasme/nhn—"They send out certain Cretans, as though on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry." See Livy, 24, 30-31. and then took refuge in Leontini. Marcellus complained at Syracuse, but was told that Leontini was not within Syracusan jurisdiction. Marcellus, therefore, @@ -21156,7 +21156,7 @@ then had been lashed together on the sides thus left bare. But if any one will take the trouble to read the opening passage of his forty-ninth book, he would be indeed astonished -at this writer's extravagance. Besides his other strange statements he has ventured to write as follows—for I here subjoin -his actual words:—"If there was any one in all Greece, or among +at this writer's extravagance. Besides his other strange statements he has ventured to write as follows—for I here subjoin +his actual words:—"If there was any one in all Greece, or among the Barbarians, whose character was lascivious and shameless, he was invariably attracted to Philip's court in Macedonia and got the title of 'the king's companion.' For it was Philip's constant @@ -21391,7 +21391,7 @@ ventured to use such foul language; and what that monarch's principles and debauchery were in his lifetime we gather from the inscription on his tomb, which runs thus: "The joys I had from love or wine -Or dainty meats—those now are mine." +Or dainty meats—those now are mine." But when speaking of Philip and his friends, a man ought to be on his guard, not so much of accusing them of effeminacy and want of courage, or still more of shameless immorality, but on @@ -21421,7 +21421,7 @@ nearly all the world, they filled a very large number of histories with the record of their glorious deeds. We may admit then that the bitter invective of the historian Timaeus against Agathocles, despot of Sicily, though it seems unmeasured, has -yet some reason in it,—for it is directed against a personal +yet some reason in it,—for it is directed against a personal enemy, a bad man, and a tyrant; but that of Theopompus is too scurrilous to be taken seriously.

@@ -21491,7 +21491,7 @@ disinterested virtue, that the sufferer was more ashamed, than the inflicter of the injury, of having it known, that, after so many splendid services performed in the interests of Philip, he had got such a return as that for his loyalty.The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common one, as -readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of +readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of health was too great to allow us to accept them without question. It is doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way, were known to the ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no conclusive evidence of @@ -21689,8 +21689,8 @@ was under the special favour of Providence, he repeatedly begged and prayed Cambylus to bring it to a conclusion. Bolis was equally successful with Nicomachus and Melancomas. They entertained no doubt of his sincerity, and joined him in -the composition of letters to Achaeus,—composed in a -cipher which they had been accustomed to use,—to prevent +the composition of letters to Achaeus,—composed in a +cipher which they had been accustomed to use,—to prevent any one who got hold of the letter from making out its contents, exhorting him to trust Bolis and Cambylus. So Arianus, having by the aid of Cambylus made his way into the acropolis, @@ -21782,7 +21782,7 @@ send some two or three of his friends with him, and by the time that they had joined Melancomas he would be prepared to depart. So Achaeus did all he could for his security; but he did not know that he was trying to do what the proverb -declares to be impossible—out-cretan a Cretan. For there was +declares to be impossible—out-cretan a Cretan. For there was no trick likely to be tried that Bolis had not anticipated. However when the night came, in which Achaeus said that he would send his friends with them, he sent on Arianus and Bolis to the entrance of the acropolis, with instructions to wait there until @@ -21844,7 +21844,7 @@ and married to Laodice, a daughter of King Mithridates, and who had made himself master of all Asia this side of Taurus, and who at that very moment was believed by his own army, as well as by that of his enemy, to be safely ensconced in -the strongest position in the world,—sitting chained upon the +the strongest position in the world,—sitting chained upon the ground, in the hands of his enemies, before a single person knew of it except those who had effected the capture.

@@ -21882,7 +21882,7 @@ produced mutual distrust, and before long both parties surrendered themselves and the acropolis. Thus Achaeus, in spite of having taken every reasonable precaution, lost his life by the perfidy of those in whom he trusted. His fate may teach -posterity two useful lessons,—not to put faith in any one +posterity two useful lessons,—not to put faith in any one lightly; and not to be over-confident in the hour of prosperity, knowing that, in human affairs, there is no accident which we may not expect. . . .

@@ -21927,7 +21927,7 @@ By these proceedings, in which he was thought to have acted with true royal magnanimity, he won the affection and support of all the inhabitants of that part of the country.

-The Hannibalian War — Tarentum +The Hannibalian War — Tarentum

It was in the wantonness of excessive prosperity that the Tarentines invited Pyrrhus of Epirus; for democratic liberty that has enjoyed a long and unchecked career comes @@ -22425,7 +22425,7 @@ rear and range them in front of themselves. This produced a defence of greater security than any palisade.This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain, B. C. 212. . . .

So entirely unable are the majority of mankind to submit -to that lightest of all burdens—-silence. . . .

+to that lightest of all burdens—-silence. . . .

Anything in the future seems preferable to what exists in the present. . . .

@@ -22466,7 +22466,7 @@ colonisations, as well as of the foundations of cities and the consanguinity of peoples, there was nothing left for a writer at this date but to copy the words of others and claim them as his -own,—than which nothing could be more dishonourable; or, +own,—than which nothing could be more dishonourable; or, if he did not choose to do that, to absolutely waste his labour, being obliged to acknowledge that he is composing a history and bestowing thought on what has already been sufficiently set @@ -22474,7 +22474,7 @@ forth and transmitted to posterity by his predecessors. For these and sundry other reasons I abandoned such themes as these, and determined on writing a history of actions: first, because they are continually new and require a new narrative, -—as of course one generation cannot give us the history of +—as of course one generation cannot give us the history of the next; and secondly, because such a narrative is of all others the most instructive. This it has always been: but it is eminently so now, because the arts and sciences have made @@ -22618,7 +22618,7 @@ his camp.

Rome Saved by Luck

On this being known at Rome, the utmost confusion Terror at Rome. -and terror prevailed among the inhabitants,— +and terror prevailed among the inhabitants,— this movement of Hannibal's being as unexpected as it was sudden; for he had never been so close to the city before. At the same time their alarm was increased by the idea at once occurring to them, @@ -22662,7 +22662,7 @@ one into which no one had ever expected an enemy to set foot.

Hannibal starts on his return. within ten stades of him, Hannibal broke up his quarters before daylight. He did so for three -reasons:—first, because he had collected an +reasons:—first, because he had collected an enormous booty; secondly, because he had given up all hope of taking Rome; and lastly, because he reckoned that the time had now come at which he expected, according to @@ -22893,7 +22893,7 @@ and have no fixed design.

Scientific Strategy

Every operation requires a time fixed for its commencement, a period and place for its execution, -The points of inherent importance in the conduct of a campaign,—time, place, secrecy, code of signals, agents, and method. +The points of inherent importance in the conduct of a campaign,—time, place, secrecy, code of signals, agents, and method. secrecy, definite signals, persons by whom and with whom it is to be executed, and a settled plan for conducting it. It is evident that the man @@ -22949,7 +22949,7 @@ next best thing is that he should make careful inquiries and not trust just any one: and men who undertake to act as guides to such places should always deposit security with those whom they are conducting.

-

These,—and other points like them, it is perhaps possible6. Accurate knowledge of natural +

These,—and other points like them, it is perhaps possible6. Accurate knowledge of natural phenomena enabling a general to make accurate calculation of time. that leaders may learn sufficiently from the mere study of strategy, whether practical or in books. @@ -22968,7 +22968,7 @@ the increase and diminution of both the one and the other. How can a man calculate a march, and the distance practicable in a day or in a night, if he is unacquainted with the variation of these periods of time? In fact nothing can be done up to time -without this knowledge,—it is inevitable otherwise that a man +without this knowledge,—it is inevitable otherwise that a man should be sometimes too late and sometimes too soon. And these operations are the only ones in which being too soon is a worse fault than being too late. For the general who overstays @@ -23028,7 +23028,7 @@ and are incapable of being accurately reckoned upon, are quite sufficient to bring us to great and frequent distress, for instance, downpours of rain and rise of torrents, excessive frosts and snows, misty and cloudy weather, and other things -like these;—but if we also neglect to provide for those which +like these;—but if we also neglect to provide for those which can be foreseen, is it not likely that we shall have ourselves to thank for frequent failures? None of these means then must be neglected, if we wish to avoid those errors into which @@ -23219,7 +23219,7 @@ of history as a whole, from writers of partial histories. . . .

Estimate of Hannibal

Of all that befell the Romans and Carthaginians, good -or bad, the cause was one man and one mind,—Hannibal. +or bad, the cause was one man and one mind,—Hannibal. For it is notorious that he managed the Italian campaigns in person, and the Spanish by the agency of the elder of his @@ -23322,7 +23322,7 @@ result of circumstances.

Fond of money indeed he does seem to have His avarice. been to a conspicuous degree, and to have -had a friend of the same character—Mago, +had a friend of the same character—Mago, who commanded in Bruttium. That account I got from the Carthaginians themselves; for natives know best not only which way the wind lies, as the proverb has it, but @@ -23353,8 +23353,8 @@ and began to look round for opportunities and pretexts for revolting back again was then that Hannibal seems to have been at his lowest point of distress and despair. For neither was he able to keep a watch upon all the cities so widely removed from each -other,—while he remained entrenched at one spot, and the -enemy were manœuvering against him with several armies,— +other,—while he remained entrenched at one spot, and the +enemy were manœuvering against him with several armies,— nor could he divide his force into many parts; for he would have put an easy victory into the hands of the enemy by becoming inferior to them in numbers, and finding it impossible to be personally present at all points. Wherefore he was @@ -23374,7 +23374,7 @@ character of Hannibal, owing to the influence exercised on it by the counsel of friends and the force of circumstances. The prevailing notion about him, however, at Carthage was that he was greedy of money, at Rome that he was cruel.See 3, 86, note. -Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de +Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter probitatem ejus non nimis alienos animos habemus; alterum propter crudelitatem semper hacc civitas oderit. . . .

@@ -23433,7 +23433,7 @@ his authority by the terror which he had thus set up. Greece. Accordingly, without waiting @@ -23521,7 +23521,7 @@ war if all these combine?

Conclusion of the Speech

"I have said thus much with the deliberate purpose of showing you that you are not hampered by previous engagements, but are entirely free in your deliberations as to which -you ought to join—Aetolians or Macedonians. If you are +you ought to join—Aetolians or Macedonians. If you are under an earlier engagement, and have already made up your minds on these points, what room is there for further argument? For if you had made the alliance now existing between yourselves and us, previous to the good services done @@ -23542,7 +23542,7 @@ subsequent wrong done you by Aetolians, or subsequent favour by Macedonians: or if neither of these exist, on what grounds are you now, at the instance of the very men to whom you justly refused to listen formerly, when no obligation -existed, about to undo treaties and oaths—the strongest +existed, about to undo treaties and oaths—the strongest bonds of fidelity existing among mankind."

Such was the conclusion of what was considered a very cogent speech by Chlaeneas.

@@ -23551,7 +23551,7 @@ cogent speech by Chlaeneas.

After him the ambassador of the Acarnanians, Lyciscus, came forward: and at first he paused, seeing the multitude talking to each other about the last speech; but when at last -silence was obtained, he began his speech as follows:—

+silence was obtained, he began his speech as follows:—

"I and my colleagues, men of Sparta, have been sent toSpeech of Lyciscus, envoy from Acarnania, which country was to fall to the Aetolians by the proposed new treaty. See Livy, 26, 24. you by the common league of the Acarnanians; @@ -23577,7 +23577,7 @@ foolish of men, and that the arguments I am about to put forward are indeed futile, if, as he maintains, nothing fresh has happened, and Greek affairs are in precisely the same position as before. But if exactly the reverse be the case, as I shall -clearly prove in the course of my speech,—then I imagine that +clearly prove in the course of my speech,—then I imagine that I shall be shown to give you some salutary advice, and Chlaeneas to be quite in the wrong. We are come, then, expressly because we are convinced that it is needful for us to speak on @@ -23639,14 +23639,14 @@ vengeance of the Persians for their outrages on all the Greeks you made no mention at all; nor of his having released us all in common from heavy miseries, by enslaving the barbarians, and depriving them of the -supplies which they used for the ruin of the Greeks,—sometimes pitting the Athenians against the ancestors of these +supplies which they used for the ruin of the Greeks,—sometimes pitting the Athenians against the ancestors of these gentlemen here, at another the Thebans; nor finally of his having subjected Asia to the Greeks.

"As for Alexander's successors how had you the audacityThe Diadochi. to mention them? They were indeed, according to the circumstances of the time, on many occasions the authors of good to some and of harm to others: for which perhaps others might be allowed to bear them a grudge.The Aetolian policy. -But to you Aetolians it is in no circumstance open to do so,— +But to you Aetolians it is in no circumstance open to do so,— you who have never been the authors of anything good to any one, but of mischief to many and on many occasions! Who was it that called in Antigonus son of @@ -23727,7 +23727,7 @@ have allied yourselves not with Aetolians but with Macedonians; and now again, in answer to these invitations, you ought to join Philip rather than the former people. But, it may be objected, you will be breaking a treaty. Which will be the graver -breach of right on your part,—to neglect a private arrangement +breach of right on your part,—to neglect a private arrangement made with Aetolians, or one that has been inscribed on a column and solemnly consecrated in the sight of all Greece? On what ground are you so careful of breaking faith with this @@ -23765,7 +23765,7 @@ another race, whom you think to bring against Philip, but have really unconsciously brought against yourselves and all Greece. For just as men in the stress of war, by introducing into their cities garrisons superior in strength to their own forces, while successfully repelling all danger from the enemy, -put themselves at the mercy of their friends,—just so are the +put themselves at the mercy of their friends,—just so are the Aetolians acting in the present case. For in their desire to conquer Philip and humble Macedonia, they have unconsciously brought such a mighty cloud from the west, as for the present perhaps will overshadow Macedonia first, but which in @@ -23780,7 +23780,7 @@ when Xerxes sent an ambassador to your town demanding earth and water, thrust the man into a well, and, throwing earth upon him, bade him take back word to Xerxes that he had got from the Lacedaemonians what he had -demanded from them,—earth and water? Why was it again, +demanded from them,—earth and water? Why was it again, do you suppose, that Leonidas and his men started forth to a voluntary and certain death? Was it not that they might have the glory of being the @@ -23854,7 +23854,7 @@ promptly to the relief of Acarnania; he Aetolians returned home. Livy, l. c.

Zeal on the part of friends, if shown in time, is of great service; but if it is dilatory and late, it renders the assistance -nugatory,—supposing, of course, that they wish to keep the +nugatory,—supposing, of course, that they wish to keep the terms of their alliance, not merely on paper, but by actual deeds.On the margin of one MS. is written "For such is the characteristic @@ -23906,8 +23906,8 @@ secured his position excellently on the side of the town, and had strengthened the outer line of his camp with a trench and wall, Publius Sulpicius, the Roman pro-consul, and Dorimachus, Strategus of the Aetolians, -arrived in person,—Publius with a fleet, and -Dorimachus with an army of infantry and cavalry,—and +arrived in person,—Publius with a fleet, and +Dorimachus with an army of infantry and cavalry,—and assaulted Philip's entrenchment. Their repulse led to greater exertions on Philip's part in his attack upon the Echinaeans, who in despair surrendered to him. For Dorimachus was @@ -23973,7 +23973,7 @@ their attention to the war.

-The Hannibalian War — The Recovery of Tarentum +The Hannibalian War — The Recovery of Tarentum

THE distance from the strait and town of Rhegium to B.C. 209, Coss. Q. Fabius Maximus V. Q. Fulvius Flaccus IV. Tarentum is more than two thousand stades; @@ -24040,7 +24040,7 @@ establishment of the Lacedaemonian constitution; nor that Publius depended on dr words for his success in securing empire for his country. But as both saw that the majority of mankind cannot be got to accept contentedly what is new and strange, nor to face dangers -with courage, without some hope of divine favour,—Lycurgus, +with courage, without some hope of divine favour,—Lycurgus, by always supporting his own schemes by an oracular response from the Pythia, secured better acceptation and credit for his ideas; and Publius, by always in like manner instilling into @@ -24211,8 +24211,8 @@ than ten days' march from the New Town. be risking too much to do so against all three at once, because his predecessors had been beaten, and because the enemy would vastly out-number him; if, on the other hand, he were to march rapidly to engage one of the three, and should then find -himself surrounded—which might happen by the one attacked -retreating, and the others coming up to his relief,—he dreaded +himself surrounded—which might happen by the one attacked +retreating, and the others coming up to his relief,—he dreaded a disaster like that of his uncle Gnaeus and his father Publius.

@@ -24229,7 +24229,7 @@ very conveniently for the Carthaginians to make the sea passage from Libya; that they in fact had the bulk of their money and war material in it, as well as their hostages from the whole of Iberia; that, most important of all, the number of fighting men garrisoning the citadel only amounted -to a thousand,—because no one would ever suppose that, +to a thousand,—because no one would ever suppose that, while the Carthaginians commanded nearly the whole of Iberia, any one would conceive the idea of assaulting this @@ -24248,7 +24248,7 @@ considerations convinced him that, if he could accomplish his purpose, he would not only damage his opponents, but gain a considerable advantage for himself; and that, if on the other hand he failed in effecting it, he would yet be able to secure -the safety of his men owing to his command of the sea, provided he had once made his camp secure,—and this was easy, +the safety of his men owing to his command of the sea, provided he had once made his camp secure,—and this was easy, because of the wide dispersion of the enemy's forces. He had therefore, during his residence in winter quarters, devoted himself to preparing for this operation to the exclusion of @@ -24316,8 +24316,8 @@ Exactly opposite this lies the western mountain in a closely-corresponding posit great cost, which it is said was built by Hasdrubal when he was aiming at establishing royal power. The remaining three lesser elevations bound it on the north, of which the westernmost is called the hill of Hephaestus, the next to it that of -Aletes,—who is believed to have attained divine honours from -having been the discoverer of the silver mines,—and the third +Aletes,—who is believed to have attained divine honours from +having been the discoverer of the silver mines,—and the third is called the hill of Cronus. The lagoon has been connected with the adjoining sea artificially for the sake of the maritime folk; and over the channel thus cut between it and the sea a @@ -24330,14 +24330,14 @@ of the Roman camp which faced the city therefore was secured, without any artificial means, by the lagoon and the sea. The neck of land lying between these two, and connecting the city with the continent, Scipio did not fence off with a stockade, although it abutted on the middle of his -camp,—either for the sake of making an impression upon the +camp,—either for the sake of making an impression upon the enemy, or by way of suiting the arrangement to his own design, -—that he might have nothing to hamper the free egress and +—that he might have nothing to hamper the free egress and return of his troops to and from the camp. The circuit of -the city wall was not more than twenty stades formerly,— +the city wall was not more than twenty stades formerly,— though I am aware that it has been stated at forty stades; but this is false, as I know from personal inspection and not -from mere report,—and in our day it has been still farther +from mere report,—and in our day it has been still farther contracted.

The fleet arrived to the hour, and Publius then thought itScipio discloses his intention of assaulting New Carthage. time to summon a meeting of his men and to @@ -24558,7 +24558,7 @@ that the arrangement whereby the Roman army is thus divided, half being engaged in gathering booty and half remaining drawn up in reserve, precludes all danger of a general catastrophe arising from personal rivalry in greed. For as both parties feel absolute confidence in the fair dealing of each in respect to the -booty,—the reserves no less than the plunderers,—no one +booty,—the reserves no less than the plunderers,—no one leaves the ranks, which has been the most frequent cause of disaster in the case of other armies.

@@ -24643,7 +24643,7 @@ articles as were fitting for his purpose, he presented each with what was suitable to their sex and age: the girls with ear-rings and bracelets, the young men with daggers and swords. The women. Among the captive women was the wife of Mandonius, -brother of Andobalus king of the Ilergētes. +brother of Andobalus king of the Ilergētes. This woman fell at his feet and besought him with tears to protect their honour better than the Carthaginians had done. Touched by her distress Scipio asked her in what respect she @@ -24728,7 +24728,7 @@ overseers over them in regular divisions to secure that this was done; but he also personally inspected them every day, and saw that they were severally supplied with what was necessary. Thus while the legions were practising and training in the -vicinity of the town, and the fleet manœuvring and rowing in +vicinity of the town, and the fleet manœuvring and rowing in the sea, and the city people sharpening weapons or forging arms or working in wood, every one in short busily employed in making armour, the whole place must have presented the @@ -24869,7 +24869,7 @@ drill. He did not ride in front of the army, as generals nowadays do, from the n a commander. For what can be less scientific or more dangerous than for a commander to be seen by all his men, -and yet not to see one of them? In such manœuvres a +and yet not to see one of them? In such manœuvres a Hipparch should not make a display not of mere military dignity, but of the skill and ability of an officer, appearing at one time in the front, at another on the rear, and at another in the @@ -25106,7 +25106,7 @@ Labus. The barbarians being mustered there, and resolved to dispute his passage, a severe engagement took place, in which the barbarians were eventually dislodged, and -by the following manœuvre. As long as they were engaged +by the following manœuvre. As long as they were engaged face to face with the phalanx, they kept well together and fought desperately; but before daybreak the light-armed troops had made a wide circuit, and seized some high ground on the @@ -25195,7 +25195,7 @@ Cp. Plato, Laches, 187 B; Euthydemus, 285 B; Euripides, Cyclops, 654.
not on the general. Fiat experimentum in corpore vili For to -say "I shouldn't have thought it,"—"Who would have +say "I shouldn't have thought it,"—"Who would have expected it?" seems to me the clearest proof of strategical incompetence and dulness.

@@ -25248,8 +25248,8 @@ winter quarters, he came to Tarraco, ac kinsfolk and friends; and there being admitted to an interview with Scipio, he said that "he thanked the gods heartily that he was the first of the native princes to come to him; for whereas the others were still sending ambassadors to the -Carthaginians and looking to them for support,—even while -stretching out their hands to the Romans,—he was come there +Carthaginians and looking to them for support,—even while +stretching out their hands to the Romans,—he was come there to offer not only himself, but his friends and kinsfolk also, to the protection of Rome. If therefore he should have the honour to be regarded by him as a friend and ally, he would @@ -25397,7 +25397,7 @@ mines. But when he learnt the approach of the Romans, he shifted his quarters; and his rear being secured by a river, and having a stretch of tableland in front of his entrenchment of sufficient extent -for his troops to manœuvre, and bounded by a steep descent +for his troops to manœuvre, and bounded by a steep descent sufficiently deep for security, he stayed quietly in position: always taking care to post pickets on the brow of the descent. As soon as he came within distance, Scipio was @@ -25488,7 +25488,7 @@ pride, not merely in any human breast, but even, if I may say so without irreverence, in that of a god. But Scipio's greatness of soul was so superior to the common standard of mankind, that he again and again rejected what Fortune had put within his grasp, that prize beyond which men's boldest -prayers do not go—the power of a king: and he steadily preferred his country and his duty to that royalty, which men +prayers do not go—the power of a king: and he steadily preferred his country and his duty to that royalty, which men gaze at with such admiration and envy.

Scipio next proceeded to select from the captives theScipio occupies the position evacuated by the Carthaginians. native Iberians, and all these he dismissed to @@ -25532,7 +25532,7 @@ of this sort is well worth the observation and attention of my readers; for it affords a trial and test of the vigour of the leader affected. As in the hunting-field the wild animals never show their full courage and strength until surrounded -and brought to bay,—so it is with leaders. And no more +and brought to bay,—so it is with leaders. And no more conspicuous instance could be found than this of Philip. He dismissed the various embassies, promising each that he would do his best: and then devoted his attention to the war which @@ -25611,7 +25611,7 @@ make some improvement; but his invention still fell very far short of what was wanted, as the following passage from his treatise will show.This passage does not occur in the extant treatise of Aeneas; -but is apparently referred to (ch. 7, § 4) as being contained in a preparatory treatise +but is apparently referred to (ch. 7, § 4) as being contained in a preparatory treatise (paraskeuastikh\ bi/blos). "Let those who wish," he says, "to communicate any matter of pressing importance to each other by fire-signals prepare two earthenware vessels of exactly equal size both as @@ -25704,7 +25704,7 @@ on which side the torches are raised, and to hide them entirely when they are lo on both sides, when a man wishes, for instance, to send the message "Some of our soldiers to the number of a hundred -have deserted to the enemy,"—the first thing to do is to select +have deserted to the enemy,"—the first thing to do is to select words that may give the same information with the fewest letters, for instance, "A hundred Cretans have deserted," for thus the number of letters is diminished by more than a half @@ -25715,7 +25715,7 @@ letters and therefore on the second tablet; the signaller therefore must raise two torches on the left to show the recipient that he must look at the second tablet; then he will raise five on the right, because k is the fifth letter in the -group,

The grouping of these letters will be as follows:— +group,

The grouping of these letters will be as follows:—

12345 1 azlpf @@ -26020,7 +26020,7 @@ which, though profitless (and most wars are that), was yet glorious from the motive which prompted it, and the reputation likely to accrue from it, you might be pardoned perhaps for a fixed determination to continue it; but if it is a war of the most signal infamy, which can bring you nothing -but discredit and obloquy,—does not such an undertaking +but discredit and obloquy,—does not such an undertaking claim considerable hesitation on your part? We will speak our opinion frankly; and you, if you are wise, will give us a quiet hearing. For it is much better to hear a disagreeable @@ -26040,9 +26040,9 @@ you: but now your execution of it has made that disgrace palpable to the eyes of all the world. Moreover, Philip merely lends his name and serves as a pretext for the war: he is not -exposed to any attack: it is against his allies,—the majority of +exposed to any attack: it is against his allies,—the majority of the Peloponnesian states, Boeotia, Euboea, Phocis, Locris, -Thessaly, Epirus,—that you have made this treaty, bargaining +Thessaly, Epirus,—that you have made this treaty, bargaining that their bodies and their goods shall belong to the Romans, their cities and their territory to the Aetolians. Cp. 9. 39. And though personally, if you took a city, you @@ -26052,18 +26052,18 @@ over all other Greeks to the barbarians, to be exposed to the most shameful violence and lawlessness. And all this was hitherto kept a secret. But now the fate of the people of Oreus, and of the miserable Aeginetans, has betrayed you to -every one,—Fortune having, as though of set purpose, suddenly +every one,—Fortune having, as though of set purpose, suddenly brought your infatuation before the scenes.

"So much for the origin of the war and its events up to -now. But as to its result,—supposing everything to go to -your wish,—what do you expect that to be? Will it not be +now. But as to its result,—supposing everything to go to +your wish,—what do you expect that to be? Will it not be the beginning of great miseries to all Greece?

Philip In Aetolia Again

"For I presume no one can fail to see that, if once the -Romans get rid of the war in Italy,—and this is all but done, +Romans get rid of the war in Italy,—and this is all but done, now that Hannibal has been confined to a narrow district in -Bruttii,—they will direct their whole power upon Greece: +Bruttii,—they will direct their whole power upon Greece: professedly, indeed, in aid of the Boeotians against Philip, but really with the view of reducing it entirely under their own power. And if they design to treat it well when they have @@ -26086,7 +26086,7 @@ safety of yourselves or of the rest of GreeceThis speaker having, as it seemed, made a considerable impression, he was followed by the ambassadors of Philip, who, without making a long speech, merely said that they were -commissioned to do one of two things,—if the Aetolians chose +commissioned to do one of two things,—if the Aetolians chose peace, to accept it readily: if not, to call the gods and the ambassadors from Greece to witness that the Aetolians, and not Philip, ought to be held responsible for what happened @@ -26137,7 +26137,7 @@ now bestow on your dress, and transfer to your dress the neglect which you now show of your arms. By thus acting, you will at once save your money, and be undoubtedly able to maintain the interests of your country. Therefore the man -who is going to take part in manœuvres or a campaign ought, +who is going to take part in manœuvres or a campaign ought, when putting on his greaves, to see that they are bright and well-fitting, much more than that his shoes and boots are; and when he takes up his shield and helmet, to take care that they @@ -26152,7 +26152,7 @@ and their country with glory."

so much struck with the wisdom of the advice, that, immediately after leaving the council-chamber, they began pointing with scorn at the over-dressed dandies, and forced some of them to quit -the market-place; and what is more, in future manœuvres and +the market-place; and what is more, in future manœuvres and campaigns they kept a stricter watch on each other in these points.

@@ -26249,8 +26249,8 @@ the enemy's plan was, by pouring volleys from the catapults into his phalanx, to throw the ranks into confusion: he therefore gave him no time or interval of repose, but opened the engagement by a vigorous charge of his TarentinesThe "Tarentines" were horsemen armed with light skirmishing -javelins. See 4, 77; 16, 18; and cp. Arrian, Tact. 4, § 5; -18, § 2. Livy, 35, +javelins. See 4, 77; 16, 18; and cp. Arrian, Tact. 4, § 5; +18, § 2. Livy, 35, 28; 37, 40. close to the temple of Poseidon, where the ground was flat and suitable for cavalry. The battle begun by light-cavalry charges. Whereupon @@ -26372,7 +26372,7 @@ that if he advanced with a full apprehension of the difficulty presented by the dyke, and then changing his mind and deciding to shrink from the attempt, were to retire in loose order and a long straggling column,The text is certainly corrupt here, and it is not clear what the general -sense of the passage is beyond this,—that Philopoemen calculated on defeating +sense of the passage is beyond this,—that Philopoemen calculated on defeating the enemy, as he did, while struggling through the dyke: or on their exposing themselves to attack if they retreated from the dyke without crossing it. the victory would be his, without a general engagement, and the defeat his adversary's. @@ -26605,14 +26605,14 @@ force from the left wing, turned the one to the left the other to the right, and advanced at a great speed in column upon the enemy, the troops in succession forming up and following in column as they wheeled. When these troops were within a short -distance of the enemy,—the Iberians in the line direct being -still a considerable distance behind, because they were advancing at a deliberate pace,—they came into contact with the two +distance of the enemy,—the Iberians in the line direct being +still a considerable distance behind, because they were advancing at a deliberate pace,—they came into contact with the two wings of the enemy simultaneously, the Roman forces being in column, according to Scipio's original plan. The movements subsequent to this, which resulted in the troops on the rear finding themselves in the same line as the troops in front, and engaged like them with the enemy, -were exactly the converse of each other—taking the right +were exactly the converse of each other—taking the right and left wings in general, and the cavalry and infantry in particular. For the cavalry and velites on the right wing came into line on the right and tried to outflank the enemy, while the heavy infantry came into line on the left; @@ -26632,7 +26632,7 @@ were severely handled, being wounded and harassed on every side by the velites and cavalry, and did as much harm to their friends as to their foes; for they rushed about promiscuously and killed every one that -fell in their way on either side alike. As to the infantry,— +fell in their way on either side alike. As to the infantry,— the Carthaginian wings began to be broken, but the centre occupied by the Libyans, and which was the best part of the army, was never engaged at all. It could not quit its ground @@ -26787,7 +26787,7 @@ they were struck with terror.

their grievances were, or what they looked for forward that induced them to mutiny. For that there were three motives only on which men usually venture to rebel against their -country and their commanders,—discontent and anger with +country and their commanders,—discontent and anger with their officers; dissatisfaction with their present position; or, lastly, hopes of something better and more glorious. "Now, I ask you," he continued, "which of these can you allege? It is @@ -26831,10 +26831,10 @@ surely to become the enemies of your country in reliance on such men as these! Nor again had you any prospect of becoming masters of Iberia by your own prowess: for you would not have been strong enough, even in conjunction with Andobales, to meet us in the field, to say nothing of doing so without -such aid. I should like then to ask,—what was it in which +such aid. I should like then to ask,—what was it in which you trusted? Surely not in the skill and valour of the leaders whom you have now elected, or in the fasces and axes which -were borne in front of them,—men of whom I will not deign +were borne in front of them,—men of whom I will not deign to say even another word. All this, my men, is absolutely futile; nor will you be able to allege even the smallest just complaint against me or your country. Wherefore I will @@ -27000,7 +27000,7 @@ points caused a written treaty to be drawn up, and the terms of the treaty to be confirmed on oath, he marched away; after liberally provisioning his troops, and accepting the elephants belonging to Euthydemus. Antiochus continues his march into the interior of Asia. He crossed the -CaucasusThat is the Caucasus Indicus or Paropamisus: mod. Hindú Kúsh. and descended into India; renewed +CaucasusThat is the Caucasus Indicus or Paropamisus: mod. Hindú Kúsh. and descended into India; renewed his friendship with Sophagasenus the king of the Indians; received more elephants, until he had a hundred and fifty altogether; and having once more @@ -27403,7 +27403,7 @@ did he visit? What cities of the one or the other? In whose hands did he find the treaty? Yet we all know, I suppose, that this is a speciality of Timaeus's, and that it is in this that he has surpassed all other historians, and rests his chief claim -to credit,—I mean his parade of accuracy in studying chronology +to credit,—I mean his parade of accuracy in studying chronology and ancient monuments, and his care in that department of research. Therefore we may well wonder how he came to omit telling us the name of the city in which he found the @@ -27417,12 +27417,12 @@ deliberate falsehood. For that Timaeus, if he really had obtained such proofs, would not have let them slip, but would have fastened upon them with both hands, as the saying is, is proved by the following considerations. Would a writer who -tried to establish his credit on that of Echecrates,—he mentioning him by name as the person with whom he had conversed, +tried to establish his credit on that of Echecrates,—he mentioning him by name as the person with whom he had conversed, and from whom he had obtained his facts about the Italian -Locri,—taking the trouble to add, by way of showing that he +Locri,—taking the trouble to add, by way of showing that he had been told them by no ordinary person, that this man's father had formerly been entrusted with an embassy by -Dionysius,—would such a writer have remained silent about it +Dionysius,—would such a writer have remained silent about it if he had really got hold of a public record or an ancient tablet?

@@ -27479,9 +27479,9 @@ but an idle tale." See @@ -27607,7 +27607,7 @@ and smoke and clay, at the early age of eighteen, should have within a short time advanced from that humble beginning to be master of all Sicily, and after being a terror to the Carthaginians, should have grown old in office and died in enjoyment of -the royal title,—does not this prove that Agathocles had some +the royal title,—does not this prove that Agathocles had some great and admirable qualities, and many endowments and talents for administration? In view of these the historian ought not to have recounted to posterity only what served to discredit @@ -27848,7 +27848,7 @@ for Ephorus and Callisthenes. . . .

Timaeus Exalts Timoleon To Excess

Timaeus attacks Ephorus with great severity, though he Timaeus's over-estimate of Timoleon. -is himself liable to two grave charges—bitterness +is himself liable to two grave charges—bitterness in attacking others for faults of which he is himself guilty, and complete demoralisation, shown by the opinions which he expresses in his memoirs, and which he endeavours to implant in the minds of his readers. If we @@ -27892,7 +27892,7 @@ variegated colours." If we apply this principle to Timaeus, we shall have abundant reason to think badly of him. In attacking others he shows great acuteness and boldness; when he comes to independent narrative he is full of dreams, -miracles, incredible myths,—in a word, of miserable superstition and old wives' tales. The truth is that Timaeus is a proof +miracles, incredible myths,—in a word, of miserable superstition and old wives' tales. The truth is that Timaeus is a proof of the fact, that at times, and in the case of many men, want of skill and want of judgment so completely destroy the value @@ -27924,7 +27924,7 @@ be said he will be shown to be unphilosophical, and, in short, utterly uninstructed. For towards the end of his twenty-first book, in the course of his "harangue of Timoleon," he remarks that "the whole sublunary world being divided into three parts -—Asia, Libya, and Europe. . . ."See 3, 37. The point seems to be that the remark was too commonplace +—Asia, Libya, and Europe. . . ."See 3, 37. The point seems to be that the remark was too commonplace to put into the mouth of a hero. One could scarcely believe such a remark to have come, I don't say from Timaeus, but even from the proverbial Margites. . . .

@@ -28010,7 +28010,7 @@ have been persuaded by their powerful arguments to commit themselves to their treatment, and have thereby endangered their lives: for they are like men trying to steer a ship out of -a book. Still such men go from city to city with great éclât, +a book. Still such men go from city to city with great éclât, and get the common people together to listen to them. But if, when this is done, they induce certain people to submit as a specimen to their practical treatment; they only succeed in @@ -28207,7 +28207,7 @@ knew the difference between peace and war." Then after making two or three practical suggestions, Hermocrates is represented as expressing an opinion that "if they seriously consider the matter they will learn the profound difference between peace -and war,"—although just before he had said that it was precisely this which moved his gratitude to the men of Gela, that +and war,"—although just before he had said that it was precisely this which moved his gratitude to the men of Gela, that "the discussion did not take place in the mass assembly, but in a congress of men who knew the difference between peace and war." This is an instance in which Timaeus not only fails to @@ -28236,17 +28236,17 @@ of his own principles;" and that "he had injured all those persons against whom he waged war, under compulsion and in obedience to the order of another, but was never voluntarily the author of harm to any man."Ib. ch. 25. Next he quotes the instance -of Zeus in Homer as being displeased with Ares, and sayingHomer, Il. 5. 890.— +of Zeus in Homer as being displeased with Ares, and sayingHomer, Il. 5. 890."Of all the gods that on Olympus dwell I hold thee most detested; for thy joy Is ever strife and war and battle." -And again the wisest of the heroes saysHomer Il. 9, 63.— +And again the wisest of the heroes saysHomer Il. 9, 63. "He is a wretch, insensible and dead To all the charities of social life, Whose pleasure is in civil broil and war." Then he goes on to allege that Euripides agrees with Homer -in the linesEuripides, fr.— +in the linesEuripides, fr."O well of infinite riches! O fairest of beings divine! O Peace, how alas! thou delayest; @@ -28261,7 +28261,7 @@ in the former even the healthy perish. Moreover, in time of peace, the old are buried by the young as nature directs, while in war the case is reversed; and above all in war there is no security even as far as the city walls, while in peace it extends -to the frontier of the territory"—and so on. I wonder what +to the frontier of the territory"—and so on. I wonder what other arguments would have been employed by a youth who had just devoted himself to scholastic exercises and studies in history; and who wished, according to the rules of the art, to @@ -28396,14 +28396,14 @@ engaged in most political contests." The same might be said of the art of healing and of steering. Homer has spoken even more emphatically than these writers on this point. For when he wishes to describe what the man of light and leading should -be, he introduces Odysseus in these words— +be, he introduces Odysseus in these words— "Tell me, oh Muse, the man of many shifts Who wandered far and wide." -and then goes on— +and then goes on— "And towns of many saw, and learnt their mind, And suffered much in heart by land and sea." -and againHomer, Odyss. 1, 1-4; 8, 183.— +and againHomer, Odyss. 1, 1-4; 8, 183."Passing through wars of men and grievous waves."

Mere Inquiry Is Insufficient @@ -28457,10 +28457,10 @@ underwent in collecting records from Assyria, and in studying the customs of the Ligures, Celts, and Iberians. But he exaggerates these so much, that he could not have himself expected to be believed. One would be glad to ask the historian which of the two he thinks is the more expensive -and laborious,—to remain quietly at home and collect records +and laborious,—to remain quietly at home and collect records and study the customs of Ligures and Celts, or to obtain personal experience of all the tribes possible, and see them -with his own eyes? To ask questions about manœuvres on +with his own eyes? To ask questions about manœuvres on the field of battle and the sieges of cities and fights at sea from those who were present, or to take personal part in the dangers and vicissitudes of these operations as they occur? @@ -28477,7 +28477,7 @@ important and most difficult. And, indeed, in this particular department of research, men who have had no personal experience must necessarily fall into grave errors. For how is a man, who has no knowledge of such things, to put the right -questions as to manœuvering of troops, sieges of cities, and +questions as to manœuvering of troops, sieges of cities, and fights at sea? And how can he understand the details of what is told him? Indeed, the questioner is as important as the narrator for getting a clear story. For in the case of men @@ -28554,7 +28554,7 @@ and war.

Philip Intrigues Against Rhodes

Philip gave Heracleides a kind of problem to work out, -—how to circumvent and destroy the Rhodian fleet. At the +—how to circumvent and destroy the Rhodian fleet. At the same time he sent envoys to Crete to excite and provoke them to go to war with the Rhodians. Heracleides, @@ -28653,7 +28653,7 @@ mercenaries he had to support for their security, and the expenses which fell up religion and the needs of the State. If the listeners gave in he was satisfied; but if they ever refused to comply with his demand, he would say, "Perhaps I cannot persuade you, but I -think this lady Apéga will succeed in doing so." Apéga was +think this lady Apéga will succeed in doing so." Apéga was the name of his wife. Immediately on his saying these words, the figure I have described was brought in. As soon as the man offered his hand to the supposed lady to raise her from @@ -28698,7 +28698,7 @@ rugged country, but the wealth of the Gerraei who inhabit it has adorned it with villages and towers. It lies along the Arabian Sea, and Antiochus gave orders to spare it. . . .

In a letter to Antiochus the Gerraei demanded that he should -not destroy what the gods had given them—perpetual peace +not destroy what the gods had given them—perpetual peace and freedom; and this letter having been interpreted to him he granted the request. . . .

Their freedom having been confirmed to the Gerraei, they @@ -28711,7 +28711,7 @@ and thence to Seleucia. . . . Preface -

PERHAPS a resumé of events in each Olympiad may arrest the +

PERHAPS a resumé of events in each Olympiad may arrest the attention of my readers both by their number and importance, the transactions in every part of the world being brought under one view. 144th Olympiad, B. C. 204-200. However, I think the @@ -29160,7 +29160,7 @@ of Murtium, Mnesis, and Pothine? And yet Mnesis was a flute-girl, as was Pothine, and Murtium was a public prostitute. And was not Agathocleia, the mistress of -king Ptolemy Philopator, an influential personage,—she who +king Ptolemy Philopator, an influential personage,—she who was the ruin of the whole kingdom? . . .

Ptolemy Philopator, B.C. 222-205 @@ -29232,7 +29232,7 @@ Romans. Remembering all this, the general and the officers then present in the council were at a loss to understand what had encouraged them to forget what they then said, and to venture to break their sworn articles of agreement. Hannibal leaves Italy, 23d June, B.C. 203. Plainly it -was this—they trusted in Hannibal and the +was this—they trusted in Hannibal and the forces that had arrived with him. But they were very ill advised. All the world knew that he and his army had been driven these two years past @@ -29444,7 +29444,7 @@ country; while, if you are worsted, you will have been yourself the means of ent glories you have already won. What then is the point that I am seeking to establish by these arguments? It is that the Romans should retain all the countries for which we have -hitherto contended—I mean Sicily, Sardinia, and Iberia; and +hitherto contended—I mean Sicily, Sardinia, and Iberia; and that the Carthaginians should engage never to go to war with Rome for these; and also that all the islands lying between Italy and Libya should belong to Rome. For I am persuaded that such a treaty will be at once safest for the @@ -29476,7 +29476,7 @@ should restore prisoners without ransom, should surrender all their decked vessels, pay five thousand talents, and give hostages for their performance of these articles. These were the terms which I and they mutually agreed upon; we both -despatched envoys to our respective Senates and people,—we +despatched envoys to our respective Senates and people,—we consenting to grant these terms, the Carthaginians begging to have them granted. The Senate agreed: the people ratified the treaty. But though they had got what they asked, the @@ -29513,7 +29513,7 @@ find, or any other occasion on which the prizes proposed by destiny to the combatants were more momentous. For it was not merely of Libya or Europe that the victors in this battle were destined to become masters, but of all other parts of the -world known to history,—a destiny which had not to wait +world known to history,—a destiny which had not to wait long for its fulfilment.

Scipio placed his men on the field in the following order:Scipio's order of battle. the hastati first, with an interval between their @@ -29636,7 +29636,7 @@ usual their war-cry, and clashing their swords against their shields: while the Carthaginian mercenaries uttered a strange confusion of cries, the effect of which was indescribable, for, in the words of the poet,Homer, Iliad, 4, 437. the -"voice of all was not one — +"voice of all was not one — nor one their cry: But manifold their speech as was their race."

@@ -29679,7 +29679,7 @@ in position was full of blood, wounded men, and dead corpses; and thus the rout of the enemy proved an impediment of a perplexing nature to the Roman general. Everything was calculated -to make an advance in order difficult,—the +to make an advance in order difficult,—the ground slippery with gore, the corpses lying piled up in bloody heaps, and with the corpses arms flung about in every direction. However Scipio caused the wounded @@ -29741,7 +29741,7 @@ the mercenaries in front and the Carthaginians behind them, in order to wear out the bodies of the enemy with fatigue beforehand, and to blunt the edge of their swords by the numbers that would be killed by them; and moreover to compel the Carthaginians, by being in the middle of the army, to stay -where they were and fight, as the poet saysHomer, Iliad, 4, 300.— +where they were and fight, as the poet saysHomer, Iliad, 4, 300."That howsoe'er unwilling fight he must." But the most warlike and steady part of his army he held in reserve at some distance, in order that they might not see @@ -29790,7 +29790,7 @@ to which they were to submit.

Terms Made After the Battle of Zama

The following are the heads of the terms offered Terms imposed on Carthage after the battle of Zama, B. C. 202-201. -them:—The Carthaginians to retain the towns +them:—The Carthaginians to retain the towns in Libya, of which they were possessed before they commenced the last war against Rome, and the territory which they also heretofore held, with @@ -29798,7 +29798,7 @@ its cattle, slaves, and other stock: and from that day should not be subject to acts of hostility, should enjoy their own laws and customs, and not have a Roman garrison in their city. These were the concessions favourable to them. The clauses of an -opposite character were as follows:—The Carthaginians to pay +opposite character were as follows:—The Carthaginians to pay an indemnity to the Romans for all wrongs committed during the truce; to restore all captives and runaway slaves without limit of time; to hand over all their ships of war except ten @@ -29811,7 +29811,7 @@ months, and with pay, until such time as an answer shall be returned from Rome on the subject of the treaty; to pay ten thousand talents of silver in fifty years, two hundred Euboic talents every year; to give a hundred hostages of their good faith, -—such hostages to be selected from the young men of the country +—such hostages to be selected from the young men of the country by the Roman general, and to be not younger than fourteen or older than thirty years.

@@ -29839,8 +29839,8 @@ unaccountable, that any one calling himself a Carthaginian, and being fully aware of the policy which they had individually and collectively adopted against the Romans, should do otherwise than adore the kindness of Fortune for obtaining such favourable terms, when in their power, as a few days ago no -one—considering the extraordinary provocation they had -given—would have ventured to mention, if they had been +one—considering the extraordinary provocation they had +given—would have ventured to mention, if they had been asked what they expected would happen to their country, in case of the Romans proving victorious. Therefore he called upon them now not to debate, but unanimously to accept the @@ -29952,12 +29952,12 @@ Philip had to thank Fortune as well as himself.

For it happened that just when his ambassador was The anger of the Rhodians at the fall of Cius. defending his master before the Rhodians in -the theatre,—enlarging on "the magnanimity of +the theatre,—enlarging on "the magnanimity of Philip," and announcing that "though already in a manner master of Cius, he conceded its safety to the wishes of the Rhodian people; and did so because he desired to refute the calumnies of his enemies, and to establish the -honesty of his intentions in the eyes of Rhodes,"—just then a +honesty of his intentions in the eyes of Rhodes,"—just then a man entered the Prytaneum who had newly arrived in the island, and brought the news of the enslavement of the Cians and the cruelty which Philip had exercised upon them. The @@ -30263,7 +30263,7 @@ his escape by secret flight; but as he had nothing ready for such a measure, thanks to his own imprudence, he had to give up that idea. At another time he set himself to drawing out lists of men likely to assist -him in a bold coup d'état, by which he should put to death +him in a bold coup d'état, by which he should put to death or arrest his enemies, and then possess himself of absolute power. While still meditating these plans he received information that Moeragenes, one of the body-guard, was betraying all the secrets of the palace to Tlepolemus, and was @@ -30363,8 +30363,8 @@ were running backwards and forwards seeking to conceal themselves in houses and now the open spaces round the palace, the stadium, and the street were filled with a motley crowd, as well as the area in front of the Dionysian Theatre. Being informed of this, -Agathocles roused himself from a drunken lethargy,—for he had -just dismissed his drinking party,—and, accompanied by all his +Agathocles roused himself from a drunken lethargy,—for he had +just dismissed his drinking party,—and, accompanied by all his family, with the exception of Philo, went to the king. After a few words of lamentation over his misfortunes addressed to the child, he took him by the hand, and proceeded to the @@ -30427,9 +30427,9 @@ come no more himself. Having dismissed Aristomenes with these words, the Macedonians proceeded to burst open the second door also. When convinced by their proceedings, no less than by the answers they had returned, of the fierce purpose of the Macedonians, the first idea of Agathocles was to -thrust his hand through the latticed door,—while Agathocleia +thrust his hand through the latticed door,—while Agathocleia did the same with her breasts which she said had suckled the -king,—and by every kind of entreaty to beg that the +king,—and by every kind of entreaty to beg that the Macedonians would grant him bare life.

The King Conducted to the Stadium @@ -30449,7 +30449,7 @@ on whom to wreak their vengeance, when Sosibius, who, though a son of the elder Sosibius, was at that time a member of the bodyguard, and as such had a special eye to the safety of the -king and the State,—seeing that the furious desire of the +king and the State,—seeing that the furious desire of the multitude was implacable, and that the child was frightened at the unaccustomed faces that surrounded him and the uproar of the crowd, asked the king whether he would "surrender to @@ -30535,8 +30535,8 @@ was in place, for instance, in the case of the Sicilian monarchs, Agathocles and Dionysius, and certain others who have administered governments with reputation. See 12. 15. For the former of these, starting from a plebeian and -humble position—having been, as Timaeus sneeringly remarks, -a potter—came from the wheel, clay, and smoke, quite a young +humble position—having been, as Timaeus sneeringly remarks, +a potter—came from the wheel, clay, and smoke, quite a young man to Syracuse. And, to begin with, both these men in their respective generations became tyrants of Syracuse, a city that had obtained at that time the greatest reputation and the greatest wealth of any in the world; and afterwards were regarded @@ -30562,7 +30562,7 @@ catastrophes are only worth listening to once; not only are subsequent exhibitions of them unprofitable to ear and eye, but elaborate harping upon soon becomes simply troublesome. For those who are engaged on representing anything either to -eye or ear can have only two objects to aim at,—pleasure and +eye or ear can have only two objects to aim at,—pleasure and profit; and in history, more than in anything else, excessive prolixity on events of tragic interest fails of both these objects. For, in the first place, who would wish to emulate extraordinary @@ -30582,7 +30582,7 @@ those which they happen to have come across themselves or to have heard from others, and they therefore give their attention exclusively to those. They accordingly do not perceive that they are making a mistake in expatiating on events which are -neither novel,—for they have been narrated by others before,— +neither novel,—for they have been narrated by others before,— nor capable of giving instruction or pleasure. So much on this point. . . .

@@ -30643,7 +30643,7 @@ Theophiliscus (of Rhodes), directly they saw him putting to sea, lost no time in taking action. And although, from their previous conviction that Philip meant to stay where he was, they were not in a position to put to sea quite simultaneously, still by a vigorous use of their oars they managed to -overtake him, and attacked,—Attalus the enemy's right wing, +overtake him, and attacked,—Attalus the enemy's right wing, which was his leading squadron, and Theophiliscus his left. Thus intercepted and surrounded, Philip gave the signal to the ships of his right wing, ordering them to turn their prows towards @@ -30730,13 +30730,13 @@ running sometimes against the blades of their oars so as to hinder the rowing, and sometimes upon their prows, or again upon their sterns, thus hampering the service of steerers and rowers alike. In the direct charges, however, the Rhodians -employed a particular manœuvre. By depressing their bows +employed a particular manœuvre. By depressing their bows they received the blows of the enemy above the water-line, while by staving in the enemy's ships below the water-line they rendered the blows fatal. Still it was rarely that they succeeded in doing this, for, as a rule, they avoided collisions, because the Macedonians fought gallantly from their decks when they came -to close quarters. Their most frequent manœuvre was to row +to close quarters. Their most frequent manœuvre was to row through the Macedonian line, and disable the enemy's ships by breaking off their oars, and then, rowing round into position, @@ -31122,8 +31122,8 @@ the TarentinesSee on 4, 7 the spaces between the elephants with archers and slingers. And finally, that he took up his own station on the rear of the elephants with a squadron of household cavalry and bodyguards." After this preliminary description he continues: "The -younger Antiochus"—whom he had described as being on the -level ground with the heavy-armed cavalry—"charged down +younger Antiochus"—whom he had described as being on the +level ground with the heavy-armed cavalry—"charged down from the high ground and put to flight and pursued the cavalry under Ptolemy, son of Aeropus, who was in command of the Aetolians in the plain on the left wing; but the two lines, @@ -31196,7 +31196,7 @@ lack of information, to make allowances: and I ask it for myself more than others, owing to the size of my history and the extent of ground covered by its transactions. . . .

-Egypt — Character of Tlepolemus +Egypt — Character of Tlepolemus

Tlepolemus,See 15, 25. the chief minister in the kingdom of Character and extravagance of Tlepolemus. Egypt, was a young man, but one who had @@ -31462,7 +31462,7 @@ reason for the deficiency of enthusiasm is within the power of few. From this point of view one cannot but disparage the inactivity of Attalus and the Rhodians, while regarding with admiration the royal and lofty spirit displayed by Philip, and -his constancy to his purpose,—not meaning to speak in praise +his constancy to his purpose,—not meaning to speak in praise of his character as a whole, but simply commending the vigour with which he acted on this occasion. I make this distinction to prevent any one supposing that I contradict @@ -31504,14 +31504,14 @@ I imagine that it will not be otherwise than useful to remind my readers briefly of the facts, by way of attracting their attention. A man would best realise the advantages of these cities, not by regarding their sites by themselves, but by comparing and contrasting them with those about to be mentioned. For -just as it is impossible to sail from the Ocean,—or as some -call it the Atlantic,—into our sea, except by passing between +just as it is impossible to sail from the Ocean,—or as some +call it the Atlantic,—into our sea, except by passing between the Pillars of Heracles, so is it impossible to sail from our sea into the Propontis and the Pontus except through the channel separating Sestos and Abydos. But as though Fortune had designed these two straits to counterbalance each other, the passage between the Pillars of Heracles is many times as broad -as that of the Hellespont,—the former being sixty, the latter two +as that of the Hellespont,—the former being sixty, the latter two stades; the reason being, as far as one may conjecture, the great superiority in size of the external Ocean to our sea: while the channel at Abydos is more convenient than that at the @@ -32108,9 +32108,9 @@ nephew Quintus Fabius, Quintus Fulvius, and Appius Claudius Nero. From the Aetolians went Alexander Isius, Damocritus of Calydon, Dicaearchus of Trichonium, Polemarchus of -Arsinoe, Lamius of Ambracia, Nicomachus of Acarnania,— +Arsinoe, Lamius of Ambracia, Nicomachus of Acarnania,— one of those who had fled from Thurium and settled in -Ambracia,—and Theodotus of Pherae, an exile from Thessaly +Ambracia,—and Theodotus of Pherae, an exile from Thessaly who settled in Stratus: from the Achaeans Xenophon of Aegium: from King Attalus only Alexander: and from the Athenian people Cephisodorus and his colleagues.

@@ -32217,7 +32217,7 @@ Daochus and Cineas; in Boeotia, Theogeiton and Timolas: and many more besides he has included in the same category, naming them city by city; and yet all these men have a weighty and obvious plea to urge in defence of their conduct, -and above all those of Arcadia and Messene.Demosthenes, de Corona, §§ 43, +and above all those of Arcadia and Messene.Demosthenes, de Corona, §§ 43, 48, 295. For it was by their bringing Philip into the Peloponnese, and humbling the Lacedaemonians, that these men in the first place enabled all @@ -32281,7 +32281,7 @@ to conceal it at the moment of his crime, yet all have been detected in the course of time. Nor when known has any such ever had a happy life; but, as a rule, they meet with the punishment they deserve from the very persons in whose -favour they act. Demosth. de Corona, § 47. For, indeed, though generals and princes +favour they act. Demosth. de Corona, § 47. For, indeed, though generals and princes constantly employ traitors for their own purposes; yet when they have got all they can out of them, they treat them thenceforth as traitors, as Demosthenes says; very naturally considering that @@ -32328,8 +32328,8 @@ he seems to have visited Sicyon. . . .

Attalus and the Boeotians

The tyrant Nabis, leaving Timocrates of Pellene at The cruelty of Apega, wife of Nabis. -Argos,—because he trusted him more than any -one else and employed him in his most important undertakings,—returned to Sparta: and +Argos,—because he trusted him more than any +one else and employed him in his most important undertakings,—returned to Sparta: and thence, after some few days, despatched his wife with instructions to go to Argos and raise money. On her arrival she far surpassed Nabis himself in cruelty. For she summoned women to her presence either privately or in families, and inflicted @@ -32618,14 +32618,14 @@ having already fallen and the rest slowly retiring, but that hopes of saving himself still remained on the right, Flamininus hastily transferred himself to the latter wing; and when he perceived that -the enemy's force was not well together—part being in contact +the enemy's force was not well together—part being in contact with the actual fighters, part just in the act of mounting the ridge, and part halting on it and not yet beginning to descend,I have given the meaning which I conceive this sentence to have; but the editors generally suspect the loss of a word like a)/prakta or a)pragou=nta after ta\ me\n sunexh= toi=s diagwnizome/nois. This is unnecessary if we regard sunexh= as predicative, and I think this way of taking it gives sufficient sense. Polybius is thinking of the Macedonian army as being so dislocated by the nature of the ground, that, while some parts were in contact with the enemy, -the rest had not arrived on the scene of the fighting.— +the rest had not arrived on the scene of the fighting.— keeping the elephants in front he led the maniples of his right against the enemy. The Macedonians having no one to give @@ -32719,7 +32719,7 @@ former times the Macedonian tactics proved themselves by experience capable of conquering those of Asia and Greece; while the Roman tactics sufficed to conquer the nations of Africa and all those of Western Europe; and since in our -own day there have been numerous opportunities of comparing the men as well as their tactics,—it will be, I think, a +own day there have been numerous opportunities of comparing the men as well as their tactics,—it will be, I think, a useful and worthy task to investigate their differences, and discover why it is that the Romans conquer and carry off the palm from their enemies in the operations of war: that we may not put it all down to Fortune, and congratulate them on their @@ -32766,7 +32766,7 @@ rank will have their sarissae projecting farther beyond the front rank than the men of the fifth, yet even these last will have two cubits of their sarissae beyond the front rank; if only the phalanx is properly formed and the men close up properly both -flank and rear, like the description in HomerIliad, 13, 131.— +flank and rear, like the description in HomerIliad, 13, 131."So buckler pressed on buckler; helm on helm; And man on man: and waving horse-hair plumes In polished head-piece mingled, as they swayed @@ -32797,17 +32797,17 @@ the peculiarities and distinctive features of the Roman arms and tactics. Now, a Roman soldier in full armour also requires a space of three square feet. But as their method of fighting admits of -individual motion for each man—because he defends his body +individual motion for each man—because he defends his body with a shield, which he moves about to any point from which a blow is coming, and because he uses his sword both for -cutting and stabbing,—it is evident that each man must have +cutting and stabbing,—it is evident that each man must have a clear space, and an interval of at least three feet both on flank and rear, if he is to do his duty with any effect. The result of this will be that each Roman soldier will face two of the front rank of a phalanx, so that he has to encounter and fight against ten spears, which one man cannot find time even to cut away, when once the two lines are engaged, nor force -his way through easily—seeing that the Roman front ranks are +his way through easily—seeing that the Roman front ranks are not supported by the rear ranks, either by way of adding weight to their charge, or vigour to the use of their swords. Therefore it may readily be understood that, as I said before, it is impossible to confront a charge of the phalanx, so long as it @@ -32845,7 +32845,7 @@ the country: while if it quits its proper ground, from the wish to strike a blow, it will be an easy prey to the enemy. Nay, if a general does descend into the plain, and yet does not risk his whole army upon one charge of the phalanx or upon -one chance, but manœuvres for a time to avoid coming to +one chance, but manœuvres for a time to avoid coming to close quarters in the engagement, it is easy to learn what will be the result from what the Romans are now actually doing.

@@ -32955,13 +32955,13 @@ Flamininus being unable to resist the temptation.

The disinterestedness of the Romans generally as to money. no hesitation in asserting of the Romans as a nation that they would not be likely to do such -a thing,—I mean in the period before they engaged in wars beyond the sea, and while they retained their +a thing,—I mean in the period before they engaged in wars beyond the sea, and while they retained their own habits and principles uncontaminated.See 6, 56; 32, 11. But in the present times I should not venture to say this of them all; still, as individuals, I should be bold to say of the majority of the men of Rome that they are capable of preserving their honesty in this particular: and as evidence that I am making no impossible assertion, I would quote two names which will command -general assent,—I mean first, Lucius Aemilius +general assent,—I mean first, Lucius Aemilius who conquered Perseus, and won the kingdom of Macedonia.Lucius Aemilius Paulus. In that kingdom, besides all the other splendour and wealth, there was found in the treasury @@ -33054,7 +33054,7 @@ course, to the approval of the Senate: and that the Aetolians were free to take what measures they chose for themselves." Upon Phaeneas attempting to reply that "Everything done hitherto went for nothing; for if Philip managed to extricate himself from his present difficulties, he would at once -find some other occasion for hostilities,"—Flamininus sprang +find some other occasion for hostilities,"—Flamininus sprang at once from his seat, and said, with some heat, "Cease this trifling, Phaeneas! For I will so settle the terms of the peace @@ -33091,7 +33091,7 @@ to be still in force, they had no right to recover or take over such cities as had voluntarily put themselves under the protection of Rome, as the whole of the cities in Thessaly had done, but only such as were taken by force.Livy (33, 13) has mistaken the meaning of Polybius in this passage, representing the quarrel of the Aetolians and Flamininus as being for the -possession of Thebes,—the only town, in fact, on which there was no dispute. +possession of Thebes,—the only town, in fact, on which there was no dispute.

Peace Terms Agreed On @@ -33160,7 +33160,7 @@ and contributes largely to the destruction of body and soul. For few indeed are the souls that are able by the aid of wealth to repel dangers of this description. This king's greatness of mind therefore deserves our admiration, because he never attempted to use his wealth for anything else but the -acquisition of royal power,—an object than which none greater +acquisition of royal power,—an object than which none greater can be mentioned. Moreover he made the first step in this design, not only by doing services to his friends and gaining their affection, but also by achievements in war. For it was @@ -33198,7 +33198,7 @@ Senate for an alliance with Rome; but as some opposition was raised to this at the time, on account of a counter-claim of the Eleians upon Triphylia, and of the Messenians, who were at the time actually in alliance with Rome, upon Asine and -Pylus, and of the Aetolians upon Heraea,—the decision was +Pylus, and of the Aetolians upon Heraea,—the decision was referred to the commission of ten. Such were the proceedings in the Senate. . . .

@@ -33219,7 +33219,7 @@ to be well disposed to the royal house of Macedonia. Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, heads of the Romanising party, determine to get rid of Brachylles, B. C. 196.They also sent an embassy to Philip to thank him for the return of the young men, thus derogating from the favour done them -by Flamininus,—a measure highly disquieting +by Flamininus,—a measure highly disquieting to Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, and all who were regarded as partisans of Rome; because they foresaw what would happen to themselves and @@ -33258,7 +33258,7 @@ whether in Asia or Europe, to be free and enjoy their own laws; but that Philip should hand over to the Romans those at present under his authority, and all towns in which he had -a garrison, before the Isthmian games; and restore Eurōmus, +a garrison, before the Isthmian games; and restore Eurōmus, Pedasa, Bargylia, Iasus, Abydos, Thasus, Marinus, and Perinthus to freedom, and remove his garrisons from them. That Flamininus should write to Prusias commanding him to liberate Cius, in accordance with the decree of the Senate. @@ -33544,8 +33544,8 @@ was consulting with them, Aristomenes sent some of the royal bodyguards and summoned him to the king's council. Whereupon Scopas was so infatuated that he was neither bold enough to carry out his designs, nor able to make up his mind -to obey the king's summons,—which is in itself the most -extreme step,—until Aristomenes, understanding the blunder +to obey the king's summons,—which is in itself the most +extreme step,—until Aristomenes, understanding the blunder he had made, caused soldiers and elephants to surround his house, and sent Ptolemy son of Eumenes in with some young men, with orders to bring him quietly if he would come, but, if @@ -33680,8 +33680,8 @@ accordingly will give the Roman envoys no satisfactory answer.

B. C. 192: L. Quintius Flamininus, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Coss.

The Romans therefore prepare for war. A fleet under the praetor -Atilius is sent against Nabis: commissioners are sent into Greece—T. -Quintius Flamininius, C. Octavius, Cn. Servilius, P. Villius—early in +Atilius is sent against Nabis: commissioners are sent into Greece—T. +Quintius Flamininius, C. Octavius, Cn. Servilius, P. Villius—early in the year: M. Baebius is ordered to hold his army in readiness at Brundisium. Then news is brought to Rome by Attalus of Pergamum (brother of king Eumenes) that Antiochus has crossed the Hellespont, and the Aetolians on the point of joining him. Therefore Baebius is @@ -33705,8 +33705,8 @@ to go to Greece, where he takes over the army of Baebius, and after taking many towns in Thessaly meets and defeats Antiochus at Thermopylae; where the Aetolian league did after all little service to the king, who retires to Ephesus.

-

See Livy, 34, 4336, 21. See also Plutarch, Philopoemen, and -Flamininus; Appian, Syriacae, 6—21. +

See Livy, 34, 4336, 21. See also Plutarch, Philopoemen, and +Flamininus; Appian, Syriacae, 6—21.

@@ -33887,8 +33887,8 @@ went out to meet him, and after holding a friendly conversation with him conduct Antiochus wintering in Chalcis, B. C. 192-191. completed his marriage, when he was fifty years old, and had already undertaken his two most -important labours, the liberation of Greece—as -he called it—and the war with Rome. However, having fallen in love with a young lady of Chalcis, he was +important labours, the liberation of Greece—as +he called it—and the war with Rome. However, having fallen in love with a young lady of Chalcis, he was bent on marrying her, though the war was still going on; for he was much addicted to wine and delighted in excesses. The lady was a daughter of Cleoptolemus, a man of rank, and was possessed of extraordinary beauty. He remained in Chalcis all the @@ -33954,9 +33954,9 @@ Aetolians), "and also King Amynander, with such of the Athamanians as accompanied him in his desertion to your side." Here Phaeneas interrupted him by saying: "But it is neither just nor consonant with Greek customs, O Consul, to do what -you order." To which Acilius replied,—not so much because +you order." To which Acilius replied,—not so much because he was angry, as because he wished to show him the dangerous -position in which he stood, and to thoroughly frighten him,— +position in which he stood, and to thoroughly frighten him,— "Do you still presume to talk to me about Greek customs, and about honour and duty, after having committed yourselves to my good faith? Why, I might if I chose put you all in chains and commit you to prison!" With these @@ -34105,9 +34105,9 @@ fell ill and died. . . .

Directly the news of the victory at sea reached Rome, Supplicatio for the victory off Phocaea. the Senate first decreed a public supplicatio for -nine days,—which means a public and universal +nine days,—which means a public and universal holiday, accompanied by the sacrifice of thank -offerings to the gods for the happy success,—and next gave +offerings to the gods for the happy success,—and next gave audience to the envoys from Aetolia and Manius Acilius. Answer to the Aetolian Envoys sent, on the intercession of Flamininus, when When both parties had pleaded their cause at some length, the Senate decreed to offer the @@ -34159,10 +34159,10 @@ they had better put themselves in his hands. At first, all who were present felt very sanguine that the pacification was about to be accomplished. But when, in answer to the Aetolian demand to know on what terms they were to make the peace, -Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives—to +Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives—to submit their entire case unconditionally to the arbitrament of Rome, or to pay a thousand talents down and to make an -offensive and defensive alliance with her—the Aetolians +offensive and defensive alliance with her—the Aetolians present were thrown into the state of the most painful perplexity at the inconsistency of this announcement with the previous talk: but finally they said that they would consult the Aetolians on the terms imposed.

@@ -34447,9 +34447,9 @@ the present war. He added many arguments besides, urging the Romans "Not to tempt fortune too far, as they were but men; nor to extend their empire indefinitely, but rather to keep -it within limits, if possible those of Europe,—for even then +it within limits, if possible those of Europe,—for even then they would have an enormous and unprecedented dominion, -such as no nation before them had attained;—but if they were +such as no nation before them had attained;—but if they were determined at all hazards to grasp parts of Asia also, let them say definitely what parts those were, for the king would go to the utmost stretch of his power to meet their wishes." After @@ -34722,7 +34722,7 @@ public and private relations were of the most friendly description. It was the o honourable course, and the one which above all others would redound to the credit of Rome, was, that the Greeks in Asia should be set free, and should recover that possession dearest -to all mankind—autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit +to all mankind—autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit Eumenes and his brothers. It was the nature of monarchy to hate equality, and to endeavour to have everybody, or at least as many as possible, subject and obedient. But though @@ -35028,10 +35028,10 @@ became ignited lower down. The plan was successfully executed; the volume of smo the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore, found themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing position, as they could neither stop nor endure the smoke in -the mines.Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manœuvres. +the mines.Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manœuvres. See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means taken by workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an Athenian law -directed against it. See Demosth. in Pantaen. § 36. The siege being thus still further protracted the +directed against it. See Demosth. in Pantaen. § 36. The siege being thus still further protracted the Aetolian commander determined to send an envoy to the Consul. . . .

Athens, Rhodes, and Athamania Intercede @@ -35098,8 +35098,8 @@ the Athenian and Rhodian envoys remained where they were, waiting for the decision of the Aetolians. On being informed by Damoteles and his colleagues on their return of the nature of the terms that had been granted them, -the Aetolians consented to the general principle—for they -were in fact much better than they had expected,—but in regard +the Aetolians consented to the general principle—for they +were in fact much better than they had expected,—but in regard to the towns formerly included in their league they hesitated for some time; finally, however, they acquiesced. Marcus Fulvius accordingly took over Ambracia, and allowed the Aetolian @@ -35161,7 +35161,7 @@ measures. But when Thoas and Dicaearchus brought a storm from Asia, and Mnestas and Damocritus from Europe, and, disturbing the calm of the Aetolian masses, compelled -them to become reckless of what they said or did,—then +them to become reckless of what they said or did,—then indeed their good disposition gave way to bad, and while intending to do mischief to you they really inflicted damage upon themselves. It is against these mischief-makers therefore that you should be implacable; while you should take pity on the masses and make peace with them: with the assurance that, if once more left to themselves, with the additional @@ -35226,30 +35226,30 @@ that another war in Asia, that, namely, against the Gauls, was brought to a conclusion, the account of which I am now about to give. . . .

-Moag&ebreve;Tes of Cibyra -

Moag&ebreve;tes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man, +MoagĕTes of Cibyra +

Moagĕtes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man, whose career deserves somewhat more than a passing reference. . . .

When Cnaeus Manlius was approaching Cibyra and had -Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior, B. C. 189; Moag&ebreve;tes reduced to submission. +Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior, B. C. 189; Moagĕtes reduced to submission. sent Helvius to find out the intentions of -Moag&ebreve;tes, the latter begged him by ambassadors not to damage the country, because he was +Moagĕtes, the latter begged him by ambassadors not to damage the country, because he was a friend of Rome, and ready to do anything that was required of him; and, at the same time, he offered Helvius a compliment of fifteen talents. In answer to this, Helvius said that he would refrain from damaging the territory; but that as to the general question -Moag&ebreve;tes must communicate with the Consul, for he was -close behind with his army. Moag&ebreve;tes accordingly sent ambassadors to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them. +Moagĕtes must communicate with the Consul, for he was +close behind with his army. Moagĕtes accordingly sent ambassadors to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them. When the Consul met them in the road, he addressed them in threatening and reproachful terms, asserting that "Not only -had Moag&ebreve;tes shown himself the most determined enemy of +had Moagĕtes shown himself the most determined enemy of Rome, of all the princes in Asia, but had done his very best to overthrow their empire, and deserved punishment rather than friendship."The Greek text is corrupt. The sense is given from Livy, 38, 14. Terrified by this display of anger, the ambassadors abstained from delivering the rest of the message with which they were charged, and merely begged him to have -an interview with Moag&ebreve;tes: and when Cnaeus consented they +an interview with Moagĕtes: and when Cnaeus consented they returned to Cibyra. Next morning the Tyrant came out of the town accompanied by his friends, displaying his humility by a mean dress and absence of all pomp; and, in conducting @@ -35259,12 +35259,12 @@ entreated Cnaeus to accept the fifteen talents. Astonished at his assurance, Cnaeus made no answer, except that, "If he did not pay five hundred talents, and be thankful that he was allowed to do so, he would not loot the country, but he would -storm and sack the city." In abject terror Moag&ebreve;tes begged +storm and sack the city." In abject terror Moagĕtes begged him not to do anything of the sort; and kept adding to his offer little by little, until at last he persuaded Cnaeus to take one hundred talents, and one thousand medimni of corn, and admit him to friendship.The dynasty lasted until the time of the Mithridatic wars. The last -Moag&ebreve;tes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to Lycia. +Moagĕtes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to Lycia. Strabo, 13.4.71. . . .

Pacification of Pamphylia @@ -35509,7 +35509,7 @@ and immediately held a consultation with them on the measures to be taken. The first resolution come to was to confirm the sworn agreement and treaty with Antiochus, about which I need say no more, beyond giving the actual text of -the treaty, which was as follows:—

+the treaty, which was as follows:—

Treaty With Antiochus

"There shall be perpetual peace between Antiochus @@ -35871,9 +35871,9 @@ a cause, or again between a pretext and a beginning of a war. And since events at the present time recall this distinction I feel compelled to renew my discussion of this subject.See bk. 3, ch. 6. For instance, of the events just referred to, the first -three are pretexts; the last two—the plot against +three are pretexts; the last two—the plot against Eumenes, the murder of the ambassadors, and other similar -things that happened during the same period—are clear beginnings of the war between Rome and Perseus, and of the final +things that happened during the same period—are clear beginnings of the war between Rome and Perseus, and of the final overthrow of the Macedonian kingdom; but not one of them is a cause of these things. I will illustrate by examples. Just as we say that Philip son of Amyntas contemplated and @@ -36085,7 +36085,7 @@ both of the former visit of Marcus Fulvius and the present one of Caecilius on Aristaenus and Diophanes, on the ground that they had invited them on account of their political opposition to Philopoemen; and accordingly the general public felt a certain suspicion of these two men. Such was the state of -the—Peloponnese. . . .

+the—Peloponnese. . . .

Philopoemen on Archon

Philopoemen had a sharp difference in debate with @@ -36127,14 +36127,14 @@ had sent Apollonidas of Sicyon, and others, to justify themselves to Caecilius for his having received no answer, and generally to inform the Senate on the question of Sparta; and at the same time Areus -and Alcibiades had come from Sparta as ambassadors,—two +and Alcibiades had come from Sparta as ambassadors,—two of the old exiles recently restored by Philopoemen and the Achaeans. And this was a circumstance that particularly roused the anger of the Achaeans; because they thought it the height of ingratitude on the part of the exiles, after receiving so important and recent a service at their hands, to be now sending a hostile embassy, and accusing to the sovereign people those -who had been the authors of their unlooked—for preservation +who had been the authors of their unlooked—for preservation and restoration to their country.

Another Commission For Greece @@ -36187,7 +36187,7 @@ and he vented his wrath upon the unhappy people of Maroneia. He sent for Onomastus, his governor in Thrace, and communicated with him on the subject. And Onomastus on his return sent Cassander to Maroneia, who, from long -residence there, was familiar with the inhabitants,—for Philip's +residence there, was familiar with the inhabitants,—for Philip's practice had long been to place members of his court in these cities, and accustom the people to their residence among them. Some few days after his arrival, the Thracians having @@ -36547,9 +36547,9 @@ they therefore awaited his arrival without taking any step of any sort. Having landed at Naupactus, Flamininus addressed a despatch to the Strategus and DemiurgiThe ten federal magistrates of the league, who formed a council to act with the general. Their number probably arose from the number of the -Achaean cantons or towns, after two of the twelve—Helice and Olenus—were +Achaean cantons or towns, after two of the twelve—Helice and Olenus—were destroyed. Polybius nowhere else gives them this title in any part of the history -we possess, but its use by Livy, 32, 22, seems to point to his having used it—in +we possess, but its use by Livy, 32, 22, seems to point to his having used it—in other places. It also occurs in a letter of Philip II. (perhaps genuine) quoted in Demosth. de Cor. 157. Polybius calls them also oi( a)/rxontes, a)rxai/, proestw=tes suna/rxontes, sunarxi/ai. See @@ -36578,7 +36578,7 @@ but their colleagues arrived safely at Rome. . . .

him the formal reply, in which the Romans referred all the favour and confidence which they avowed to their regard for Demetrius, saying that all they had done or would do was for his -sake,—the Macedonians gave Demetrius a +sake,—the Macedonians gave Demetrius a cordial reception, believing that they were relieved from all fear and danger: for they had looked upon war with Rome as all but at their doors, owing to the provocations given by Philip. But Philip and Perseus were far from pleased, and were much offended at the idea of the Romans @@ -36702,7 +36702,7 @@ Macedonians as had been put to death by him, and place them in ward; in which he referred especially to Admetus, Pyrrhicus, and Samus, and those who had perished with them: but he also included all others whosoever that had been put to death by order of the king, quoting -this verse, we are told:—Stasinus fr. +this verse, we are told:—Stasinus fr. "Oh fool! to slay the sire and leave the sons." Most of these men being persons of distinguished families, their fate made a great noise and excited universal pity. But Fortune @@ -36728,7 +36728,7 @@ army with horses fully equipped. . . .

Philip Addresses his Sons

"One should not merely read tragedies, tales, and -Part of a speech of Philip to his two sons after the quarrel at the manœuvres. See Livy, 40, 8. +Part of a speech of Philip to his two sons after the quarrel at the manœuvres. See Livy, 40, 8. histories, but should understand and ponder over them. In all of them one may learn that whenever brothers fall out and allow their quarrel to go any great length, they invariably end not only @@ -36772,7 +36772,7 @@ assistance. But it was, I suppose, a case of the common proverb, "a man may have a stroke of luck, but no man can be lucky always." We must, therefore, call our predecessors fortunate, without pretending that they -were so invariably—for what need is there to flatter Fortune +were so invariably—for what need is there to flatter Fortune by a meaningless and false compliment? It is those who have enjoyed Fortune's smiles in their life for the longest time, and who, when she changes her mind, meet with only @@ -36868,9 +36868,9 @@ no longer able to face the people under this storm of popular odium, yielded to circumstances and retired to their own houses. Thereupon the people, acting under the advice of the older men, and especially under that of Epaenetus and Apollodorus, -the ambassadors from Boeotia,—who, having arrived some +the ambassadors from Boeotia,—who, having arrived some time before to negotiate a peace, happened fortunately to be at -that time at Messene,—appointed and despatched envoys, +that time at Messene,—appointed and despatched envoys, begging forgiveness for their transgressions. The Achaean Strategus, having summoned his colleaguesThat is the ten Demiurgi. to council, and given the envoys a hearing, answered that "There was but @@ -36894,11 +36894,11 @@ and having summoned a meeting of the people, addressed them in terms befitting the occasion, promising that "they would never have reason to repent having committed themselves to the honour of the Achaeans." Summer B. C. 182. The general question of -what was to be done he thus referred to the league,—for it +what was to be done he thus referred to the league,—for it happened conveniently that the Achaeans were just then reassembling at Megalopolis for the second Congress,The second congress of the year seems to mean not that held for election of the Strategus for the next year, which met about 12th May, but the second -regular meeting in August.—but of +regular meeting in August.—but of those who were guilty of the disturbances, he ordered all such as were actually implicated in the summary execution of Philopoemen to put an end to their @@ -36929,7 +36929,7 @@ at Sicyon, and on its assembling, proposed a resolution for the reception of Sparta into the league, alleging that "The Romans had declined the arbitration which had -previously been offered to them in regard to this city,—for +previously been offered to them in regard to this city,—for they had answered that they had now no concern with any of the affairs of Sparta. Those, however, at present in power at Sparta were desirous of being admitted to the privileges @@ -37235,7 +37235,7 @@ political opponents; and, not contented with that, he undertook to rebuke the Se Callicrates, instead of obeying his instructions, denounces his opponents, and persuades the Senate that their interference is necessary. and orders instead of obeying them. For in all the democratic states of the day there were -two parties,—one recommending obedience to +two parties,—one recommending obedience to the Roman rescripts, and holding neither law nor tablet nor anything else to be superior to the will of Rome; the other always quoting oaths and @@ -37244,7 +37244,7 @@ about breaking them. Now the latter policy was by far the most popular in Achaia, and the most influential with the multitude; consequently the Romanisers were discredited and -denounced among the populace—their opponents glorified. +denounced among the populace—their opponents glorified. If then the Senate would give some sign of their interest in the matter, the leaders, in the first place, would quickly change to the Romanising party, and, in the next place, would be @@ -37310,7 +37310,7 @@ but especially to the Achaeans. This nation had still at that time the privilege of dealing on something like equal terms with Rome, because it had kept faith with her from the time that it had elected to maintain the Roman cause, in the hour of her -greatest danger—I mean during the wars with Philip and +greatest danger—I mean during the wars with Philip and Antiochus. . . . The league, too, had made progress in material strength and in every direction from the period from which my history commences; but the audacious proceeding of Callicrates @@ -37363,7 +37363,7 @@ If we have the resolution to withstand them face to face, and can do so, well and good. But if Philopoemen himself does not venture to assert this,Something is lost from the text. . . . why should we lose what is possible in striving for the impossible? There -are but two marks that every policy must aim at—honour and +are but two marks that every policy must aim at—honour and expediency. Those to whom honour is a possible attainment should stick to that, if they have political wisdom; those to whom it is not must take refuge in expediency. To miss @@ -37488,7 +37488,7 @@ a custom common from the earliest times, at any rate as far as Delos and Delphi are concerned. Iton was in Thessaly, and the temple and oracle of Athena there was celebrated throughout Greece, and was the central place of worship for the Thessalians. The town stood in a rich plain on the river -Cuarius, and hence its name—sometimes written Siton—was connected by +Cuarius, and hence its name—sometimes written Siton—was connected by some with sito/foros, "corn-bearing" (Steph. Byz.) Homer calls it mhte/ra mh/lwn, "mother of sheep." Pyrrhus hung up in this temple the spoils of Antigonus and his Gallic soldiers about B. C. 273. [Pausan. 1.13.2], @@ -37595,7 +37595,7 @@ young men. . .

SELEUCUS PHILOPATOR, whom we last heard of as king of Syria, was -assassinated by one of his nobles—Heliodorus—in the twelfth year of his +assassinated by one of his nobles—Heliodorus—in the twelfth year of his reign. Antiochus his younger brother had been a hostage at Rome, and being, according to agreement, exchanged in B. C. 175 for Philopator's son Demetrius, he was returning to Syria. At Athens, on his journey home, he @@ -37658,7 +37658,7 @@ was loud laughter. . . .

The events of the years B.C. 174, 173, 172, which gradually led up to the war with Perseus, to be described in the twenty-seventh book, were briefly -these:—

+these:—

In B.C. 174 Perseus forced the Dolopes, who had appealed against him to Rome, to submit to his authority. After this successful expedition he marched through Central and Northern Greece, visiting Delphi, where he @@ -38016,7 +38016,7 @@ were requested to withdraw, and they deliberated on the proposition thus made to return as stern an answer as possible. For this is a peculiarity of the Romans, which they have inherited from their ancestors, -and are continually displaying,—to show themselves most +and are continually displaying,—to show themselves most peremptory and imperious in the presence of defeat, and most moderate when successful: a very noble peculiarity, as every one will acknowledge; but whether it be feasible under certain @@ -38212,9 +38212,9 @@ entertaining any designs hostile to Rome. Aeto Hippolochus, Nicander, and Lochagus arrested without cause, and conveyed to Rome after the cavalry battle, and that the accusations -made against them by Lyciscus were believed,—Lyciscus +made against them by Lyciscus were believed,—Lyciscus being a leader of the same party in Aetolia as Charops was -in Epirus,—they at length began to be anxious about what +in Epirus,—they at length began to be anxious about what would happen, and to consider their position. They resolved therefore to try every possible means to prevent themselves from being similarly arrested without trial and carried to @@ -38262,7 +38262,7 @@ Phocis), knowing that his brother Eumenes was annoyed in the highest possible degree at the splendid honours which had been awarded to him having been annulled by a public decree of the -Peloponnesians, though he concealed his annoyance from every one,—he took upon himself to +Peloponnesians, though he concealed his annoyance from every one,—he took upon himself to send messages to certain of the Achaeans, urging that not only the statues of honour, but the complimentary inscriptions @@ -38459,7 +38459,7 @@ compliments to the Acarnanians. . . .

Meeting of Achaean statesmen to consider their policy, B. C. 169 required much consideration on their part. They therefore called to council such men as -were of one mind in other political questions,— +were of one mind in other political questions,— Arcesilaus and Ariston of Megalopolis, Stratius of Tritaea, Xenon of Patrae and Apollonides of Sicyon. Lycortas is for complete neutrality. But Lycortas stood firm to his original @@ -38512,8 +38512,8 @@ animosity against the king thought this a good opportunity for revenging themselves upon him; while others again, from spite against those who supported him, were determined that Attalus should not obtain his request. Archon, however, the -Strategus, rose to support the envoys,—for it was a matter -that called for an expression of opinion from the Strategus,— +Strategus, rose to support the envoys,—for it was a matter +that called for an expression of opinion from the Strategus,— but after a few words he stood down, afraid of being thought to be giving his advice from interested motives and the hope of making money, because he had spent a large sum on his @@ -38563,7 +38563,7 @@ Romans, Dardani, Epirotes, and Illyrians up to the present time; and to urge him to make a friendship and alliance with him in Macedonia. These envoys journeyed beyond Mount Scardus, -through Illyria Deserta, as it is called,—a region +through Illyria Deserta, as it is called,—a region a short time back depopulated by the Macedonians, in order to make an invasion of Illyria and Macedonia difficult for the Dardani. Their journey through this region was accompanied @@ -38593,7 +38593,7 @@ started the king himself removed with his army to Hyscana.H Genthius being unpersuaded by the second mission, Perseus sends a third, but still without offering money. having accomplished anything more than the previous envoys, and without any fresh answer; -for Genthius remained of the same mind,— +for Genthius remained of the same mind,— willing to join with Perseus in his war, but professing to be in want of money. Perseus disregarded the hint, and sent another mission under Hippias to conclude the treaty, without taking any notice of the main point, while professing a wish to do whatever @@ -38606,7 +38606,7 @@ For I do not think it will be denied by any man of reflection that, had Perseus at that time been willing to make grants of money either to states as such, or individually to kings and -statesmen, I do not say on a great scale, but even to a moderate extent, they would all—Greeks and kings alike—have +statesmen, I do not say on a great scale, but even to a moderate extent, they would all—Greeks and kings alike—have yielded to the temptation. As it was, he happily did not take that course, which would have given him, if successful, an @@ -38652,13 +38652,13 @@ attacked with three picked maniples: and the first made a protection for their heads by locking their shields together over them so closely, that they presented the appearance of a sloping tiled roof. . . .

-

This manœuvre the Romans used also in mock fights. . . .

+

This manœuvre the Romans used also in mock fights. . . .

While C. Marcius Figulus, the praetor, was engaged in Chalcidice, Q. Marcius sent M. Popilius to besiege Meliboea in Magnesia. Perseus sent Euphranor to relieve it, and, if he succeeded, to enter Demetrias. This he did, and was not -attacked at the latter place by Popilius or Eumenes—scandal +attacked at the latter place by Popilius or Eumenes—scandal saying that the latter was in secret communication with Perseus. Livy, 44, 10-13, B. C. 169.

@@ -38883,7 +38883,7 @@ pretext of re-establishing Philometor. B.C. 171. See < Character of Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes). daring in design, and showed himself worthy of the royal name, except in regard to his -manœuvres at Pelusium. . . .

+manœuvres at Pelusium. . . .

Envoys Sent to Antiochus

When Antiochus was actually in occupation of Egypt, @@ -38968,7 +38968,7 @@ from his enemies, should not make one effort to save his honour, while in possession too of such abundant resources, and master over such wide territory and such numerous subjects, but should at once without a blow -surrender a most splendid and wealthy kingdom,—is not this +surrender a most splendid and wealthy kingdom,—is not this the sign of a spirit utterly effeminate and corrupted? And if this had been Ptolemy's natural character, we must have laid the blame upon nature and not upon any external influence. @@ -39047,7 +39047,7 @@ alliance; to take from Genthius such hostages as he himself might select, and send them at once to Macedonia; and to allow Genthius to have such hostages from Perseus as he might name in the text of the treaty; further, he was to make arrangements -for the transport of the three hundred talents. Pantauchus immediately started and met Genthius at Mebeōn, in the country of +for the transport of the three hundred talents. Pantauchus immediately started and met Genthius at Mebeōn, in the country of the Labeates, and quickly bought the young monarch over to join in the projects of Perseus. The treaty having been sworn to and reduced to writing, Genthius at once sent the hostages @@ -39237,7 +39237,7 @@ probably his life also, by coming forward as an enemy of the Romans. For if, even as it was, when he accomplished nothing, but only imagined it, he fell into the gravest dangers, what would have happened to him if this design had been -brought to perfection? And again, as to Perseus—who could +brought to perfection? And again, as to Perseus—who could fail to be surprised at his thinking anything of higher importance, or more to his advantage, than to give the money and allow Eumenes to swallow the bait? For if, on the one hand, Eumenes had performed any part of his promises, and had @@ -39404,7 +39404,7 @@ common saying that "war has many a groundless scare."The Ro Sulpicius Gallus, famous for his knowledge of Greek literature and astronomy. He is represented by Cicero as explaining the celestial globe (sphaera) which Marcellus brought from Syracuse. He was consul in B. C. 166. Livy, 44, 37; -Cicero, Brut. § 78; de Repub. 1, § 21. . . .

+Cicero, Brut. § 78; de Repub. 1, § 21.
. . .

Perseus finding himself thus on the point of being outflanked retired on Pydna, near which town Aemilius Paulus, after considerable delay, about midsummer inflicted a crushing defeat @@ -39434,7 +39434,7 @@ danger was approaching, and it became necessary to fight a decisive battle, his resolution gave way. . . .

As soon as the battle began, the Macedonian king played the coward and rode off to the town, under the pretext of -sacrificing to Hercules,—who certainly does not accept craven +sacrificing to Hercules,—who certainly does not accept craven gifts from cravens, nor fulfil unworthy prayers. . . .

Ambitious Youth @@ -39451,14 +39451,14 @@ save himself by flight, the Senate determined to admit the ambassadors, who had come from Rhodes to negotiate a peace, to an audience: Fortune thus appearing designedly to parade -the folly of the Rhodians on the stage,—if we may say "of the +the folly of the Rhodians on the stage,—if we may say "of the Rhodians," and not rather "of the individuals who were then in the ascendant at Rhodes." When Agesipolis and his colleagues entered the Senate, they said that "They had come -to arrange an end to the war; for the people of Rhodes,—seeing that the war was become protracted to a considerable length +to arrange an end to the war; for the people of Rhodes,—seeing that the war was become protracted to a considerable length of time, and seeing that it was disadvantageous to all the Greeks, as well as to the Romans themselves, on account of its enormous -expenses,—had come to that conclusion. But as the war was +expenses,—had come to that conclusion. But as the war was already ended, and the wish of the Rhodians was thus fulfilled, they had only to congratulate the Romans." Such was the @@ -39485,7 +39485,7 @@ answer to the Rhodians. . . .

Perseus, being brought a prisoner before Aemilius Paulus and his council, refuses to reply to his questions. Paulus addresses the king in Greek and then his council in Latin. Livy, 45, 8. the members of his council, "With such a sight -before their eyes,"—pointing to Perseus,—"not +before their eyes,"—pointing to Perseus,—"not to be too boastful in the hour of success, nor to take any extreme or inhuman measures against any one, nor in fact ever to feel confidence in @@ -39617,21 +39617,21 @@ help abroad in public assembly.e)n a) going on with the proposition at the time, seems to have been got over before the meeting at Sicyon; unless, indeed, the latter was considered to be of a different nature in regard to the age of those attending. But we have no information -as to this restriction of thirty years of age,—whether it was universal, +as to this restriction of thirty years of age,—whether it was universal, or confined to particular occasions. This passage would seem to point to the latter alternative. But a short time afterwards a meeting was summoned at Sicyon, which was attended not only by the members of the council, but by all citizens over thirty years of age; and after a lengthened debate, Polybius especially dwelling on -the fact that the Romans did not require assistance,—in which he +the fact that the Romans did not require assistance,—in which he was believed not to be speaking without good reason, as he had spent the previous summer in Macedonia at the headquarters -of Marcius Philippus,—and also alleging that, even supposing +of Marcius Philippus,—and also alleging that, even supposing the Romans did turn out to require their active support, the Achaeans would not be rendered incapable of furnishing it by the two hundred horse and one thousand foot which were to -be despatched to Alexandria,—for they could, without any inconvenience, put thirty or forty thousand men into the field,— +be despatched to Alexandria,—for they could, without any inconvenience, put thirty or forty thousand men into the field,— the majority of the meeting were convinced, and were inclined to the idea of sending the aid. Accordingly, on the second of the two days on which, according to the laws, those who @@ -39643,8 +39643,8 @@ more, on these two motions being put, there was an animated contest; in which, however, Lycortas and Polybius got a considerable majority on their side. For there was a very wide distinction between the claims of the two kingdoms. There were very few instances to be found in past times of any act -of friendship on the part of Syria to the Greeks,—though the -liberality of the present king was well known in Greece,—but +of friendship on the part of Syria to the Greeks,—though the +liberality of the present king was well known in Greece,—but from Egypt the acts of kindness in past times to the Achaeans had been as numerous and important as any one could possibly expect. By dwelling on this point Lycortas made a great @@ -39683,7 +39683,7 @@ the war. . . .

Annoyed by the two Ptolemies thus joining each other, Antiochus renews the war, B.C. 168. began preparing for a renewal of the war against Ptolemy. So true are the words of -Simonides,—"'Tis hard to be good." For to +Simonides,—"'Tis hard to be good." For to have certain impulses towards virtue, and even to hold to it up to a certain point, is easy; but to be uniformly consistent, and to allow no @@ -39825,7 +39825,7 @@ But when, after receiving these marks of favour, he at once left Rome without fulfilling any of its expectations, the Senate, though foiled in its hopes, had nothing else which it could do; but before he had got out of Italy it declared -Aeneus and Maronea free cities,—thus rescinding its promise,—and sent Publius Licinius at +Aeneus and Maronea free cities,—thus rescinding its promise,—and sent Publius Licinius at the head of a mission to the Gauls. Embassy to Galatia. And what instructions these ambassadors had given to them it is not easy to say, but it may be guessed without difficulty from what subsequently happened. And this will be rendered clear from the @@ -39892,12 +39892,12 @@ against their country might be made unknown to them. But when this answer of the Senate was reported at Rhodes, the people, considering -themselves relieved of the worst fear—that, namely, of war— +themselves relieved of the worst fear—that, namely, of war— made light of the rest, though extremely unfavourable. So true it ever is that a dread of worse makes men forget lighter misfortunes. They immediately voted a complimentary crown worth ten thousand gold piecesLivy says viginti millia. By xrusou=s Polybius appears to mean "staters," worth about 20 drachmae (20 francs). This would give a rough -value of the present as £8000, or on Livy's computation twice that amount. to Rome, and appointed +value of the present as £8000, or on Livy's computation twice that amount. to Rome, and appointed Theaetetus at once envoy and navarch to convey it at the beginning of summer, accompanied by an embassy under Rhodophon, to attempt in every possible way to make an alliance with the Romans. They acted thus because they wished that, @@ -40090,7 +40090,7 @@ delivery upon Roman territory. Both peoples obeyed the despatch: and thus Polyaratus eventually came to Rome, after making a spectacle of his folly and cowardice to the best of his ability; and after having been, thanks to his own folly, -four times surrendered—by king Ptolemy, the people of +four times surrendered—by king Ptolemy, the people of Phaselis, the Cibyratae, and the Rhodians.

The reason of my having dwelt at some length on the story of Polyaratus and Deinon is not that I have any desire @@ -40163,7 +40163,7 @@ event. And as now all power tended towards Rome, in every city those who were regarded as of the Romanising party were in the ascendant, and were appointed to embassies -and other services. Accordingly they flocked into Macedonia—from Achaia, Callicrates, Aristodamus, Agesias, and +and other services. Accordingly they flocked into Macedonia—from Achaia, Callicrates, Aristodamus, Agesias, and Philippus; from Boeotia, Mnasippos; from Acarnania, Chremas; from Epirus, Charops and Nicias; from Aetolia, Lyciscus and Tisippus. These all having met, and eagerly vieing with @@ -40181,7 +40181,7 @@ Domitius. They had two reasons for doing so: the first was that they were uneasy lest the Achaeans should refuse to obey the written order, and lest Callicrates and his colleagues should be in absolute danger from being reputed to be the authors -of the accusations against all the Greeks,—which was about +of the accusations against all the Greeks,—which was about true; and in the second place, because in the intercepted despatches nothing distinct had been discovered against any Achaean. Accordingly, after a while, the proconsul sent the @@ -40263,9 +40263,9 @@ of his son, and pleading his defence for having acted on the side of Perseus. The Romans, considering that they had effected their purpose by the successful issue of the war against Perseus, and that they had no need to press their quarrel with Cotys any further, allowed -him to take his son back—who, having been sent as a hostage +him to take his son back—who, having been sent as a hostage to Macedonia, had been captured with the children of Perseus, -—wishing to display their clemency and magnanimity, and with +—wishing to display their clemency and magnanimity, and with the idea at the same time of binding Cotys to themselves by so great a favour. . . .

@@ -40332,9 +40332,9 @@ depressed, while the Gauls were doubly encouraged to press on the war. And it was in fact their desire to humiliate him in every possible way that induced the Senate to adopt this resolution.Winter of B.C. 167-166. These things were going on at the -beginning of the winter: but to all other ambassadors who arrived—and there was no city +beginning of the winter: but to all other ambassadors who arrived—and there was no city or prince or king who had not at that time sent an embassy -of congratulation—the Senate returned a gracious and friendly +of congratulation—the Senate returned a gracious and friendly answer, except to the Rhodians; and these they dismissed with displeasure, and with ambiguous declarations as to the future. As to the Athenians again the Senate hesitated. . . .

@@ -40355,7 +40355,7 @@ as far as Delos and Lemnos were concerned, for they had of old laid claim to them; but there is good reason for reproaching them in respect to the territory of Haliartus. Haliartus was nearly the most ancient city in -Boeotia; had met with a heavy misfortune: instead of endeavouring in every possible way to restore it,—to contribute +Boeotia; had met with a heavy misfortune: instead of endeavouring in every possible way to restore it,—to contribute to its utter annihilation, and to deprive its dispossessed inhabitants of even their hopes for the future, was an act which would be thought worthy of no Greek nation, and least of all of the Athenians. They open their own territory to all @@ -40394,10 +40394,10 @@ and his party. . . .

An instance of the hatred entertained for Callicrates andUnpopularity of Callicrates, Adronidas, and their party. Adronidas, and the others who agreed with them, was this. The festival of the Antigoneia -was being held at Sicyon,—the baths being all +was being held at Sicyon,—the baths being all supplied with large public bathing tubs, and smaller ones placed by them used by bathers of the better -sort,—if Adronidas or Callicrates entered one of these, not a +sort,—if Adronidas or Callicrates entered one of these, not a single one of the bystanders would get into it any more, until the bathman had let every drop of water run out and filled it with fresh. They did this from the idea that they would be @@ -40575,7 +40575,7 @@ with the Romans. . . .

B. C. 164. Complaints against Eumenes at Rome from Prusias of Bithynia, and other part of Asia. were those with Astymedes from Rhodes, Eureus Anaxidamus and Satyrus from the Achaeans, -and those with Pytho from Prusias,—the Senate +and those with Pytho from Prusias,—the Senate gave audience to these last. The ambassadors from Prusias complained of king Eumenes, alleging that he had taken certain places belonging to their @@ -40668,7 +40668,7 @@ between Rome and Rhodes. . . .

Envoys from Achaia in the Senate

After an interval the envoys of the Achaeans were B. C. 165. Embassy from Achaia asking for the trial or release of -the Achaean détenus, who to the number of over 1000 +the Achaean détenus, who to the number of over 1000 had been summoned to Italy in B. C. 167. See 30, 13. Pausan. 7.10.11. admitted with instructions conformable to the last reply received, which was to the effect that @@ -40807,9 +40807,9 @@ with the additional task of making an inspection of Macedonia; for the Macedonia by popular assembly, were splitting up into hostile factions.The Senatus Consultum de Macedonibus (Livy, 45, 29) had declared all Macedonians free; each city to enjoy its own laws, create its own annual -magistrates, and pay a tribute to Rome—half the amount that it had paid to the +magistrates, and pay a tribute to Rome—half the amount that it had paid to the king. Macedonia was divided into four regions, at the respective capitals of -which—Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia—the district +which—Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia—the district assemblies (concilia) were to be held, the revenue of the district was to be collected, and the district magistrates elected; and there was to be no inter-marriage or mutual rights of owning property between the regions. Gnaeus and his colleagues were also to @@ -41038,9 +41038,9 @@ had the charge of Demetrius as a child, and was a man of considerable adroitness, who had besides made a careful inspection of the state of affairs in Syria. He now pointed out to Demetrius that "The confusion caused by the murder of -Octavius,—the people mistrusting Lysias, and Lysias mistrusting the people, while the Senate was convinced that the +Octavius,—the people mistrusting Lysias, and Lysias mistrusting the people, while the Senate was convinced that the lawless murder of their envoy really originated with the -king's friends,—presented a most excellent opportunity for +king's friends,—presented a most excellent opportunity for his appearing on the scene: for the people there would promptly transfer the crown to him, even though he were to arrive attended by but one slave; while the Senate would @@ -41107,7 +41107,7 @@ came, and to bid the cupbearer to give it to Demetrius to read at once. His orders were carried out, and Demetrius read the tablet, which contained the following apophthegmsThe first line is of unknown authorship. The second is from Euripides, Phoeniss. 633. The third apophthegm is again unknown. The last is from -Epicharmus, see 18, 40.:— +Epicharmus, see 18, 40.:— "The ready hand bears off the sluggard's prize." "Night favours all, but more the daring heart." "Be bold: front danger: strike! then lose or win, @@ -41190,11 +41190,11 @@ was to be sent to him. . . .

grown to such a height, and broke out in such extravagances, that there were many instances of men purchasing a jar of Pontic salt-fish for three -hundred drachmae.About £12. In reference to which Marcus Porcius +hundred drachmae.About £12. In reference to which Marcus Porcius Cato once said to the people in indignation, that no better proof could be shown of the degeneracy of the state than that good-looking slavesIn his Censorship (B. C. 184) Cato imposed a tax on slaves under twenty -sold for more than ten sestertia (about £70.) Livy, 39, 44. should fetch more than a farm, and a jar +sold for more than ten sestertia (about £70.) Livy, 39, 44. should fetch more than a farm, and a jar of salt-fish more than a carter. . . .

The Rhodians Lapse in Dignity @@ -41400,7 +41400,7 @@ pieces, and announcing the king's faithful attachment to Rome; and of this they Tiberius and his colleagues as witnesses. Tiberius and his colleagues confirmed their statements: whereupon the Senate accepted the present with warm thanks, and sent back -in return presents, which with them are the most honourable they can give—a sceptre and ivory chair. These +in return presents, which with them are the most honourable they can give—a sceptre and ivory chair. These ambassadors were dismissed at once by the Senate before the winter. Attalus again in Rome early in B. C. 160. Coss. L. Anicius Gallus, M. Cornelius Cathegus. But after them arrived Attalus when the new Consuls had already entered on their office; @@ -41512,16 +41512,16 @@ spoken in some detail. See Polybius has the fear of Roman critics before his eyes. No one then would voluntarily expose himself to @@ -41669,14 +41669,14 @@ prayed for blessings upon him. This act, indeed, would be thought honourable anywhere, but at Rome it was quite astonishing: for there no one ever thinks of giving any of his private property to any one if he can help it. This was the beginning of Scipio's reputation for nobility of character, -and it spread very widely,—for women are talkative and prone +and it spread very widely,—for women are talkative and prone to exaggeration whenever they feel warmly.

Scipio's Liberality

The next instance was his conduct to the daughters Scipio's liberality to his cousins, sisters to his adoptive father. of the Great Scipio, sisters to his adoptive -father.

The following pedigree will show the various family connexions here alluded to:— +father.

The following pedigree will show the various family connexions here alluded to:—

Publius Cornelius Scipioob. in Spain B. C. 212 @@ -41713,7 +41713,7 @@ first paid within ten months according to custom.ornamenta of a bride, consisting of clothes, jewels, slaves, and other things, in accordance with her station. See Horace, Sat. 2, 3, 214. For the three instalments in which it was necessary to pay dowries, see -Cicero ad Att. ii. 23; 2 Phil. § 113. But +Cicero ad Att. ii. 23; 2 Phil. § 113. But Scipio instructed his banker at once to pay the twenty-five talents to each within the ten months. When, therefore, Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Nasica, for they were the @@ -41778,9 +41778,9 @@ a haeres, nor take a legacy greater than that of the haeres, or of all the haeredes together. The object of the law was to prevent the transference of the property of one gens to another on a large scale. It was evaded (1) by trusteeships, Gaius, 2, 274; Plutarch, Cic. 41: -(2) by the assent of the haeres, Cic. de Off. 2, § 55. And it was relaxed +(2) by the assent of the haeres, Cic. de Off. 2, § 55. And it was relaxed by Augustus in favour of mothers of three children, Dio Cass. 56, 10. See also -Cicero de Sen. § 14; +Cicero de Sen. § 14; de legg. 2, 20; de Rep. 3, 10; Verr. 2, 1, 42; @@ -41840,7 +41840,7 @@ and endeavouring thereby to ingratiate themselves with the people, Scipio devoted to hunting; and, by continually displaying brilliant and memorable acts of prowess, won a greater reputation than others, whose only chance of gaining credit was -by inflicting some damage on one of their fellow-citizens,—for +by inflicting some damage on one of their fellow-citizens,—for that was the usual result of these law proceedings. Scipio, on the other hand, without inflicting annoyance on any one, gained a popular reputation for manly courage, rivalling @@ -41891,8 +41891,8 @@ Delians were to be binding. . . .

The people of Issa having often sent embassies to Piracies of the Dalmatians on the island of Issa, B. C. 158. Rome, complaining that the Dalmatians damaged -their territory and the cities subject to them,— -meaning thereby Epetium and Tragyrium,—and +their territory and the cities subject to them,— +meaning thereby Epetium and Tragyrium,—and the Daorsi also bringing similar complaints, the Senate sent a commission under Gaius Fannius to inspect the state of Illyria, with special reference to the Dalmatians. @@ -41914,7 +41914,7 @@ vice or virtue of one man. . . .

Though he was a man of the worst character, Lyciscus ended his life by an honourable death; and accordingly, most people with some reason reproach Fortune for sometimes -giving to the worst of men what is the prize of the good—an +giving to the worst of men what is the prize of the good—an easy death. . . .

Tyranny of Charops in Epirus @@ -42056,7 +42056,7 @@ the king visited them privately, presenting in his personal appearance a striking picture of the dangers with which he was surrounded.

Ambassadors also arrived from Demetrius, headed by -Miltiades, prepared to act in two capacities—to defend the +Miltiades, prepared to act in two capacities—to defend the conduct of Demetrius in regard to Ariarathes, and to accuse that king with the utmost bitterness. Orophernes also had sent Timotheus and Diogenes to represent him, conveying a @@ -42131,13 +42131,13 @@ continuance of Sparta in the Achaean league. The date of the original quarrel between Athens and Oropus is not fixed, but the mission of the philosophers was in B.C. 155. See Plutarch, Cato, 22; Pliny, N. H. 7, 112-113; Aulus -Gellius, 6, 14; Cic. ad Att. 12, 23; Tusc. 4, § 5. . . .

+Gellius, 6, 14; Cic. ad Att. 12, 23; Tusc. 4, § 5. . . .

For the most part when things go well men generally get on together; but in times of failure, in their annoyance at events, they become sore and irritable with their friends. And this is what happened to Orophernes, when his affairs began -to take a wrong turn in his relations with Theotimus,—both +to take a wrong turn in his relations with Theotimus,—both indulging in mutual recriminations. . . .

The Senate Receives Ambassadors from Epirus @@ -42166,7 +42166,7 @@ against the Nicephorium, and destroyed all the temples and sacred enclosures, and plundered all the statues of men and the marble images of the gods. Finally he carried off the statue of Asclepius also, an admirably executed work of -Phyromachus, and transferred it to his own country,—the +Phyromachus, and transferred it to his own country,—the very image before which the day before he had poured libations and offered sacrifice; desiring, it would seem, that the god might in every way be propitious and @@ -42178,7 +42178,7 @@ propitiate heaven by their means, worshipping and uttering the most earnest prayers before holy tables and altars, as Prusias was wont to do, with bendings of the knee and effeminate prostrations, and at the same time to violate these sacred -objects and to flout heaven by their destruction,—can we ascribe +objects and to flout heaven by their destruction,—can we ascribe such conduct to anything but a mind disordered and a spirit lost to sober reason? I am sure this was the case with Prusias: for he led his army off to Elaea, without having performed a @@ -42249,7 +42249,7 @@ by a very narrow majority.It fails by the acti really prevented the release from being carried was Aulus Postumius, who was praetor, and as such presided in the Senate on that occasion. -Three alternatives were proposed—one for +Three alternatives were proposed—one for an absolute release, another for an absolute refusal, and a third for a postponement of the release for the present. The largest numbers @@ -42406,7 +42406,7 @@ and anchors. War ordered with the Oxybii and D attended to with all possible care; but when the Senate was informed of the transaction, it immediately ordered one of the consuls, Quintus Opimius, to lead an army against the Oxybii and Deciatae.Ligurian tribes -between Nice and Marseilles. Pliny, N. H. 3, § 47.

+between Nice and Marseilles. Pliny, N. H. 3, § 47.

Ligurian War

Having collected his army at Placentia, Quintus @@ -42740,8 +42740,8 @@ poems with a view to having any serious meaning, or to seek for history in them.

It is better, again, to take the lineOdyss. 9, 82. "Thence for nine days the foul winds drave us on," -to mean that he made but a short distance—for foul winds do -not favour a straight course—than to imagine him to have got +to mean that he made but a short distance—for foul winds do +not favour a straight course—than to imagine him to have got into the open ocean as running before favouring winds. The distance from Malea to the Pillars is twenty-two thousand five hundred stades. If we suppose this to have been accomplished @@ -42781,7 +42781,7 @@ Eratosthenes doubted this part of his story, though he believed what he said about Britain, and Gades, and Iberia. I would much rather believe the Messenian (Euhemerus) than him. The latter is content with saying that he sailed to one country -which he calls Panchaia;Panchaia or Panchēa, the fabulous island or country in the Red Sea or +which he calls Panchaia;Panchaia or Panchēa, the fabulous island or country in the Red Sea or Arabian gulf, in which Euhemerus asserted that he had discovered the inscriptions which proved the reputed gods to have been famous generals or kings. Plutarch, Is. et Osir. 23, Diodor. fr. 6. 1. The Roman poets used the word as equivalent to "Arabian." See Verg. Georg. 2, 139. while the former asserts that he has @@ -42866,7 +42866,7 @@ the Tanais is at the former, and the Pillars are at the western equinox, and between them lies Europe, while Asia occupies the northern semicircle between the Tanais and equinoctial sunrise. . . .

-

Southern Europe is divided into five peninsulas—Iberia;Polybius's fivefold division of the European peninsulas, as opposed to the threefold division of Eratosthenes. +

Southern Europe is divided into five peninsulas—Iberia;Polybius's fivefold division of the European peninsulas, as opposed to the threefold division of Eratosthenes. Italy; a third ending in the Capes Malea and Sunium, in which are included Greece and Illyria, and a part of Thrace; a fourth called @@ -42894,13 +42894,13 @@ pig weighing a hundred minae costs five drachmae, and a sheep two. A talent of figs is sold for three obols, a calf for five drachmae, a draught-ox for ten. The flesh of wild animals is not thought worth fixing a price upon at all, but the -people give it to each other for nothing and as a present.To enable the reader to follow this list of prices, a short table is here sub-joined of Greek weights and money,—though he must be warned that values -varied at different times and places,—with approximate values in English +people give it to each other for nothing and as a present.To enable the reader to follow this list of prices, a short table is here sub-joined of Greek weights and money,—though he must be warned that values +varied at different times and places,—with approximate values in English weights and money. 1 obol =1/40 oz. =1/8 shilling. 6 obol =I drachma =3/20 oz. . . . 9d. -100 drachmac = 1 mina =151/2 oz. . . . £3:18:6. -60 minae =1 talent =57 lbs. . . £235. +100 drachmac = 1 mina =151/2 oz. . . . £3:18:6. +60 minae =1 talent =57 lbs. . . £235. A medimnus =11 gals. 4 pts. (dry measure). A metreta =8 gals. 5 pts. (liquid measure). . . .

@@ -42962,7 +42962,7 @@ to feed, for they are exceedingly fond of the root of the agrostis, and have thus made the whole plain full of subterranean fish, which people dig up and take. . . .

The Rhone has not five, but two mouths. . . .

-

The Liger discharges itself between the Pict&obreve;nes and Namnitae. Britain is quite unknown to the southern Gauls. There was in ancient times an emporiumThe Loire between Poitou and Nantes. Coiron. +

The Liger discharges itself between the Pictŏnes and Namnitae. Britain is quite unknown to the southern Gauls. There was in ancient times an emporiumThe Loire between Poitou and Nantes. Coiron. on this river called Corbilo, but none of its inhabitants, nor those of Massalia or Narbo, could give ScipioWhich member of the Cornelian gens this was is unknown. He appears to have been at Marseilles in the 4th century B. C. inquiring as to centres of @@ -42989,9 +42989,9 @@ thoroughly well. Accordingly, on the Italians joining the barbarians in working this mine, in two months the price of gold went down a third throughout Italy: and when the Taurisci found out that, they expelled their Italian fellowworkers and kept the monopoly themselves. . . .

-

If we compare the mountains in Greece—Taygetus,The four passes of the Alps,—the Cornice, Argentière, Genèvre (Val d'Aosta), Cenis. +

If we compare the mountains in Greece—Taygetus,The four passes of the Alps,—the Cornice, Argentière, Genèvre (Val d'Aosta), Cenis. Lycaeus, Parnassus, Olympus, Pelion, Ossa, and those in -Thrace—Haemus, Rhodope, Dunax, with the Alps, we +Thrace—Haemus, Rhodope, Dunax, with the Alps, we may state the case thus. Each one of the former may be ascended or skirted by an active traveller in a single day; but no one could ascend the Alps even in five days, the distance @@ -43000,7 +43000,7 @@ stades. Lago di Garda, Lago di Como.Varro (Serv. ad Æn. 10, 13) adds a fifth by the Graian Alps, i.e. Little +and the last by the Rhaeti,Varro (Serv. ad Æn. 10, 13) adds a fifth by the Graian Alps, i.e. Little St. Bernard. all of them excessively precipitous. There are several lakes in the mountains, three of great size, the Benacus, five hundred by one @@ -43009,7 +43009,7 @@ Mincius flows; the Larius, four hundred stades long, and somewhat narrower than the Benacus, discharging the Addua; and thirdly, the Verbanus, about three hundred stades by thirty, from which comes a considerable - river—the Ticinus. All these three rivers discharge + river—the Ticinus. All these three rivers discharge themselves into the Padus. . . .

Islands Off the Italian Coast @@ -43076,7 +43076,7 @@ The whole road is called the Egnatia, but its first part has got a name from Candavia, a mountain of Illyria, and leads through the town of Lycnidus, and through Pylon, which is the point on the road where Illyria and Macedonia -join. Thessalonica half-way to the Hebrus form Apollonia. Thence it leads over Mount Barnūs, +join. Thessalonica half-way to the Hebrus form Apollonia. Thence it leads over Mount Barnūs, through Heracleia, Lyncestia, and Eordea, to Edessa and Pella, and finally to Thessalonica; and the number of miles is altogether two @@ -43087,7 +43087,7 @@ five hundred stades. . . .

you do not follow the indentations, is four thousand stades. . . .

The distance from Cape Malea to the IsterFrom C. Malea to the Danube. -is ten thousand stades.Strabo, however, supports the measurement of Artemidorus—6500, explaining that Polybius is taking some practical measurement of a voyage, not +is ten thousand stades.Strabo, however, supports the measurement of Artemidorus—6500, explaining that Polybius is taking some practical measurement of a voyage, not the shortest. . . .

@@ -43099,7 +43099,7 @@ Artemidorus. . . .

State of Alexandria

A personal visit to Alexandria filled me with disgust at the state of the city. It is inhabited by three -distinct races,—native Egyptians, an acute and +distinct races,—native Egyptians, an acute and civilised race; secondly, mercenary soldiers (for the custom of hiring and supporting men-at-arms is an ancient one), who have learnt to rule rather than obey owing to the @@ -43113,7 +43113,7 @@ become almost extinct, thanks to Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign I visited Alexandria; for that king being troubled with seditions, frequently exposed the common people to the fury of the soldiery and caused their destruction. So that in this -state of the city the poet's words only expressed the truth—Homer, Odyss. 4, 485. +state of the city the poet's words only expressed the truth—Homer, Odyss. 4, 485. "To Egypt 'tis a long and toilsome road."

@@ -43140,7 +43140,7 @@ under the walls of which Nobilior sustained further losses. He was superseded in and partly by administrative skill and conciliation, restored the Roman fortunes to a better position. The Belli and Titthi became allies of Rome, and the Arevacae at least thought it worth while to ask for a truce -to enable them to send envoys to Rome to arrange peace.—Appian, +to enable them to send envoys to Rome to arrange peace.—Appian, Hispan. 44-50.

The "Fiery War" @@ -43270,9 +43270,9 @@ up and bade them send him to Iberia, either as military tribune or legatus, for he was ready to serve in either capacity. "Though, as far as I am concerned," he said, "my mission -to Macedonia would be safer and more appropriate"—for it +to Macedonia would be safer and more appropriate"—for it happened that at that time Scipio was personally and by name invited by the Macedonians to come and settle the disputes which -were raging among them—"yet the needs of my own country +were raging among them—"yet the needs of my own country are the more pressing of the two, and imperatively summon to Iberia all who have a genuine love of honour." This offer shames others into doing the same. This offer was unexpected by all, both from the youth of @@ -43563,8 +43563,8 @@ Romans for their wise and statesmanlike policy in regard to that kingdom. For the removal of a perpetual menace, and the utter destruction of a city which had disputed the supremacy with them, and could even then if it got an opportunity have -still been disputing it,—thus securing the supremacy for their -own country,—were the actions of sensible and far-sighted men. +still been disputing it,—thus securing the supremacy for their +own country,—were the actions of sensible and far-sighted men. Others contradicted this, and asserted that the Romans had no such policy in view when they obtained their supremacy; and that they had gradually and insensibly become perverted to @@ -43593,7 +43593,7 @@ deceit, and regarding open and face-to-face combats as alone becoming to their character: but that in the present instance their whole campaign against the Carthaginians had been conducted by means of stratagem and deceit. Little by -little,—by holding out inducements here, and practising concealment there,—they had deprived them of all hopes of +little,—by holding out inducements here, and practising concealment there,—they had deprived them of all hopes of assistance from their allies. This was a line of conduct more appropriate by rights to the intriguing chicanery of a monarchy, than to a republican and Roman policy. Again, there were @@ -43602,8 +43602,8 @@ it were really true that, before the Carthaginians had made the surrender, the Romans had behaved as alleged, holding out inducements here, and making half revelations there, they would be justly liable to such charges; but if, on the contrary, it was only after the Carthaginians had themselves made -the surrender,—acknowledging the right of the Romans to take -what measures they chose concerning them,—that the latter in +the surrender,—acknowledging the right of the Romans to take +what measures they chose concerning them,—that the latter in the exercise of their undoubted right had imposed and enjoined what they determined upon, then this action must cease to be looked on as partaking of the nature of impiety or treachery. @@ -43664,7 +43664,7 @@ back to the Peloponnese. . . . Polybius's Self-References

It should not excite surprise that I sometimes designate myself by my proper name, and at other times by the common -forms of expression—for instance, "when I had said this," or +forms of expression—for instance, "when I had said this," or "we had agreed to this." For as I was much personally involved in the transactions about to be related, it becomes necessary to vary the methods of indicating myself; that I may @@ -43763,7 +43763,7 @@ population, owing to which the cities were denuded of inhabitants, and a failure there were no long-continued wars or serious pestilences among us. If, then, any one had advised our sending to ask the gods in regard to this, what we were to do or say in order to -become more numerous and better fill our cities,—would he +become more numerous and better fill our cities,—would he not have seemed a futile person, when the cause was manifest and the cure in our own hands? For this evil grew upon us rapidly, and without attracting attention, by our men becoming @@ -43809,7 +43809,7 @@ will be rendered evident from what remains to be told. . . .

best man of all the kings of our time, and the most completely fortunate; for he reigned more than sixty years in the soundest health and -to extreme old age,—for he was ninety when +to extreme old age,—for he was ninety when he died. He was, besides, the most powerful man physically of all his contemporaries: for instance, when it was necessary to stand, he would do so without moving a @@ -43836,7 +43836,7 @@ settled everything properly and fairly.Massanissa, feeling He left his sons strict injunctions to submit the arrangements of the succession and division of his kingdom to Scipio. Appian, Punica, 105; Livy, Ep. 50. Livy has adopted the statement of Polybius as to the age of Massanissa at his -death; and Cicero (de Sen. § 34) has made Cato take the same reckoning, +death; and Cicero (de Sen. § 34) has made Cato take the same reckoning, perhaps from Polybius also. But it does not agree with another statement of Livy himself, who (24, 49) speaks of him as being seventeen in B. C. 213, in which case he would be in his eighty-second year in B. C. 148. It is, however, @@ -43877,15 +43877,15 @@ I beg of you both to abstain from harming this wretched city." Then said Gulussa: "Your demand appears to me to be quite childish! Why, my good sir, what you failed to get by your embassies from the Romans, who were then quietly encamped -at Utica, and before a blow had been struck,—how can you +at Utica, and before a blow had been struck,—how can you expect to have granted you now, when you have been completely invested by sea and land, and have almost given up every hope of safety?" To which Hasdrubal replied that "Gulussa was ill informed; for they still had good hopes of their outside -allies,"—for he had not yet heard about the Mauretani, and +allies,"—for he had not yet heard about the Mauretani, and thought that the forces in the country were still unconquered,The task of subduing the country in B. C. 147 was entrusted to the proconsul Culpurnius Piso, while Scipio was engaged in completing the investment of Carthage. Appian, Pun. 113-126. -—"nor were they in despair as to their own ultimate safety. +—"nor were they in despair as to their own ultimate safety. And above all, they trusted in the support of the gods, and in what they might expect from them; for they believed that they would not disregard the flagrant violation of treaty from @@ -43981,7 +43981,7 @@ theirs. And in proportion as we regard those who live in pain as more pitiable than those who lose their lives at the moment of their misfortunes, in that proportion must the disasters of the Greeks be regarded as more pitiable than those of the -Carthaginians,—unless a man thinks nothing of dignity and +Carthaginians,—unless a man thinks nothing of dignity and honour, and gives his opinion from a regard only to material advantage. To prove the truth of what I say, one has only to remember and compare the misfortunes in Greece reputed @@ -44095,7 +44095,7 @@ readers ought to admit his authority only so far as he adheres to this principle. At the actual hour of danger it is only right that Greeks should help Greeks in every possible way, by protecting them, veiling their errors or deprecating -the wrath of the sovereign people,—and this I genuinely did +the wrath of the sovereign people,—and this I genuinely did for my part at the actual time: but it is also right, in regard to the record of events to be transmitted to posterity, to leave them unmixed with any falsehood: so that readers should not @@ -44115,7 +44115,7 @@ took up arms: and Diaeus professing that the league was not at war with Sparta, but with certain factious citizens of that city, named four of its chief men who were to be banished. They fled to Rome, where the Senate ordered their restoration. Embassies went from Achaia and from Sparta to Rome to state their -respective cases; and on their return gave false reports,—Diaeus +respective cases; and on their return gave false reports,—Diaeus assuring the Achaeans that the Senate had ordered the Spartans to obey the league; Menalchidas telling the Spartans that the @@ -44140,7 +44140,7 @@ the Achaeans, and disowned by his fellow-citizens, he took poison. The Roman commissioners arrived, led by L. Aurelius Orestes, in B.C. 147, and summoning the magistrates of the Achaean towns and the Strategus Diaeus before them at Corinth, announced the -decision of the Senate—separating Lacedaemon, Corinth, Argos, +decision of the Senate—separating Lacedaemon, Corinth, Argos, Heraclea near Aete, and Orchomenus in Arcadia from the Achaean league, as not being united by blood, and only being subsequent additions. The magistrates, without answering, @@ -44211,8 +44211,8 @@ Rome; but the majority, though they had not a word to say against the justice of the injunctions of Sextus Julius, and were quite silent, yet remained deeply tainted with disaffection. Action of Diaeus and Critolaus and their party. And Diaeus and Critolaus, and all who shared their -sentiments,—and they consisted of all the greatest rascals in every city, men at war with the gods, -and pests of the community, carefully selected,—took, as the +sentiments,—and they consisted of all the greatest rascals in every city, men at war with the gods, +and pests of the community, carefully selected,—took, as the proverb has it, with the left hand what the Romans gave with the right, and went utterly and entirely wrong in their calculations. For they supposed that the Romans, owing to the troubles in Libya and Iberia, feared a war with the Achaeans @@ -44242,7 +44242,7 @@ party, having held a conference, decided that all the rest should avoid the meeting, and that Critolaus should go alone to Tegea.contrives to avoid a settlement When Sextus and his fellow-commissioners therefore had almost given them up, Critolaus arrived; and when the meeting with the Lacedaemonians took place, he would settle -nothing,—alleging that he had no authority to make any arrangement without the consent of the people at large; but that he +nothing,—alleging that he had no authority to make any arrangement without the consent of the people at large; but that he would bring the matter before the Achaeans at their next congress, which must be held six months from that time. Sextus and his fellow-commissioners, therefore, convinced of the ill disposition of Critolaus, and much annoyed at his conduct, @@ -44382,7 +44382,7 @@ attention and study act as rests to laborious men.

Accordingly the most learned of the ancient historians have, as it seems to me, taken intervals of rest in this way: some by digressions on myths and tales, and others by -digressions on historical facts,—not confining themselves to +digressions on historical facts,—not confining themselves to Greek history, but introducing disquisitions on points of foreign history as well. As, for instance, when, in the course of a history of Thessaly and the campaigns of Alexander of Pherae, they @@ -44455,9 +44455,9 @@ advanced in front of the deserters, dressed in noble and dignified attire herself, but holding in her hands, on either side, her two boys dressed only in short tunics and shielded under her own robes.meta\ tw=n i)di/wn e)nduma/twn. The German translator Kraz gives up these -words in despair. Kampe translated them in ihrer gewöhnlicher Tracht. Mr. +words in despair. Kampe translated them in ihrer gewöhnlicher Tracht. Mr. Strachan-Davidson says, "proseilhfui=a, etc., 'folding them in her own robe with her hands,'" which seems straining the meaning of proseilhfui=a. The -French translator says, deux enfans suspendus à ses vétemens. First she addressed Hasdrubal by his name, and when +French translator says, deux enfans suspendus à ses vétemens. First she addressed Hasdrubal by his name, and when he said nothing but remained with his head bowed to the ground, she began by calling on the name of the gods, and next thanked @@ -44485,7 +44485,7 @@ one and all, as it does every one of us men. This, he thought, had befallen Ilium, once a powerful city, and the once mighty empires of the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, and that of Macedonia lately so splendid. And unintentionally or -purposely he quoted,—the words perhaps escaping him unconsciously,—Homer, Il. 6, 448. +purposely he quoted,—the words perhaps escaping him unconsciously,—Homer, Il. 6, 448. "The day shall be when holy Troy shall fall And Priam, lord of spears, and Priam's folk." And on my asking him boldly (for I had been his tutor) what @@ -44570,7 +44570,7 @@ and pitied those who were now starting to take part in it; and everybody was in tears as though they foresaw only too well what was going to happen. They were especially annoyed at the insolent demeanour and neglect of their duties on the part -of the slaves,—airs which they assumed as having been recently +of the slaves,—airs which they assumed as having been recently liberated, or, in the case of others, because they were excited by the prospect of freedom. Moreover the men were compelled @@ -44779,9 +44779,9 @@ sent from Rome to settle the whole of Greece. Pausanias, 7, works of art and the consecrated statues. I saw with my own eyes pictures thrown on the ground and soldiers playing dice on them; among -them was a picture of Dionysus by Aristeides—in reference +them was a picture of Dionysus by Aristeides—in reference to which they say that the proverbial saying arose, "Nothing -to the Dionysus,"—and the Hercules tortured by the shirt of +to the Dionysus,"—and the Hercules tortured by the shirt of Deianeira. . . .

Respect for Philopoemen @@ -44837,7 +44837,7 @@ to superintend the selling of Diaeus's property, to allow Polybius to select anything he chose from the goods and present it to him as a free gift, and to sell the rest to the highest bidders. But, so far from accepting any such present, Polybius urged his friends not to covet -anything whatever of the goods sold by the Quaestor anywhere:—for he was going a round of the cities and selling the +anything whatever of the goods sold by the Quaestor anywhere:—for he was going a round of the cities and selling the property of all those who had been partisans of Diaeus, as well of such as had been condemned, except those who left children or parents. Some of these friends did not take his @@ -44939,11 +44939,11 @@ I laid down at the commencement of my history, and then to give a summary of the entire subject. I announced then at starting that I should begin my narrative at the point where Timaeus left off, and that going cursorily over the events in -Italy, Sicily, and Libya—since that writer has only composed a -history of those places,—when I came to the time when Hannibal took over the command of the Carthaginian army; Philip +Italy, Sicily, and Libya—since that writer has only composed a +history of those places,—when I came to the time when Hannibal took over the command of the Carthaginian army; Philip son of Demetrius the kingdom of Macedonia; Cleomenes of Sparta was banished from Greece; Antiochus succeeded to the -kingdom in Syria, and Ptolemy Philopator to that in Egypt,—I +kingdom in Syria, and Ptolemy Philopator to that in Egypt,—I promised that starting once more from that period, namely the 139th Olympiad, I would give a general history of the world: marking out the periods of the Olympiads, separating the @@ -44978,7 +44978,7 @@ are those of Hultsch's text.

B. C. 751.I believe Rome to have been founded in the second year of the 7th Olympiad.

Dionysius Hal. (1, 74) quotes this statement of Polybius with the remark that it is founded on a single tablet in the custody of the Pontifices. Various -calculations as to the date were:— +calculations as to the date were:—

Eratosthenes followed by Olymp. 7, 1 B. C. 752. Apollodorus Olymp. 7, 1 B. C. 752. @@ -45058,8 +45058,8 @@ and good word of all, and finally obtained the throne. . . .

(6, 1) An impossible lie admits of no defence even.

-

(6, 1) It is the act of a wise and sensible man to recognise—as -Hesiod puts it—"how much greater the half is than the whole."Hesiod, Works and Days, 40, nh/pioi, ou)de\ i)/sasin o(/sw| ple/on h(/misu panto/s.

+

(6, 1) It is the act of a wise and sensible man to recognise—as +Hesiod puts it—"how much greater the half is than the whole."Hesiod, Works and Days, 40, nh/pioi, ou)de\ i)/sasin o(/sw| ple/on h(/misu panto/s.

VII (6, 1)

To learn sincerity towards the Gods is a kind of image of @@ -45163,7 +45163,7 @@ Cappadocia extending from Caesarea (Neo-Caesarea), and Mount Taurus to the Pontus, bounded on the south-west by the Halys and on the east by Melitene.

XXI (95) -

The Celtiberians have a peculiar manœuvre in war. +

The Celtiberians have a peculiar manœuvre in war. When they see their infantry hard pressed, they dismount and leave their horses standing in their places. They have small pegs attached to their leading reins, and having fixed them @@ -45183,8 +45183,8 @@ has never perhaps been surpassed even to our day.

XXIII (102)

The Roman praetor MarcusSee 35, 2-4. wished to get rid of the war -against the Lusitani, and laying aside war altogether, to shirk— -as the saying is—"the men's hall for the women's bower," +against the Lusitani, and laying aside war altogether, to shirk— +as the saying is—"the men's hall for the women's bower," because of the recent defeat of the praetor by the Lusitani.

(103)

But those of the Ligurians who fought against Mago were @@ -45541,7 +45541,7 @@ constitution as established by law.

He said that we should not let the enemy escape, or encourage their boldness by shirking a battle. . . .

Conceiving a slight hope from the besieged garrison, he made the most of it. . . .

-

Pretending warm friendship, he tried every manœuvre +

Pretending warm friendship, he tried every manœuvre whereby he might promote the enemy's interests, and surround us by the gravest perils. . . .

diff --git a/data/tlg0555/tlg004/tlg0555.tlg004.perseus-grc1..xml b/data/tlg0555/tlg004/tlg0555.tlg004.perseus-grc1..xml index fce80ed09..3703dedc9 100644 --- a/data/tlg0555/tlg004/tlg0555.tlg004.perseus-grc1..xml +++ b/data/tlg0555/tlg004/tlg0555.tlg004.perseus-grc1..xml @@ -10656,8 +10656,8 @@ ὧδε πυνθανομένῳ· Οὐκ ἂν οἴει ἄλλως εἰδέναι με περὶ τῶν δικαίων; -— Ναί, εἴ γε εὕροις. — Ἀλλ̓ οὐκ ἂν εὑρεῖν με ἡγῇ; — Καὶ -μάλα γε, εἰ ζητήσαις. — Εἶτα ζητῆσαι οὐκ ἂν οἴει με; — Ἔγωγε, εἰ +— Ναί, εἴ γε εὕροις. — Ἀλλ̓ οὐκ ἂν εὑρεῖν με ἡγῇ; — Καὶ +μάλα γε, εἰ ζητήσαις. — Εἶτα ζητῆσαι οὐκ ἂν οἴει με; — Ἔγωγε, εἰ οἰηθείης γε μὴ εἰδέναι. ταύτῃ τοι καὶ αἱ τῶν φρονίμων παρθένων λαμπάδες αἱ νύκτωρ ἀνημμέναι ἐν πολλῷ τῆς ἀγνοίας σκότει, ἣν νύκτα ᾐνίξατο ἡ γραφή· φρόνιμοι ψυχαί, καθαραὶ ὡς παρθένοι, @@ -11940,7 +11940,7 @@ εἷς ἔστ̓, αὐτοτελής, ἑνὸς ἔκγονα πάντα τέτυκται -(ἢ πέφυκεν, γράφεται γὰρ καὶ οὕτως), ἐπιφέρει· +(ἢ πέφυκεν, γράφεται γὰρ καὶ οὕτως), ἐπιφέρει· οὐδέ τις αὐτὸν @@ -13584,7 +13584,7 @@

Ἀκήκοα δὲ Αἰσχύλου μὲν λέγοντος· -οἴκοι μένειν χρὴ τὸν καλῶς εὐδαίμονα — +οἴκοι μένειν χρὴ τὸν καλῶς εὐδαίμονα — καὶ τὸν κακῶς πράσσοντα καὶ τοῦτον μένειν, @@ -14506,7 +14506,7 @@ τὸν θεὸν σέβεσθε μὴ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας· ὡς δηλονότι τὸν αὐτὸν ἡμῖν σεβόντων θεὸν καὶ τῶν παῤ Ἕλλησι δοκίμων, ἀλλ̓ οὐ κατ̓ ἐπίγνωσιν παντελῆ, τὴν δἰ υἱοῦ παράδοσιν μὴ μεμαθηκότων. -μή, τοίνυν φησί, σέβεσθε — οὐκ εἶπεν θεὸν ὃν οἱ Ἕλληνες, ἀλλὰ +μή, τοίνυν φησί, σέβεσθε — οὐκ εἶπεν θεὸν ὃν οἱ Ἕλληνες, ἀλλὰ μὴ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, τὸν τρόπον τὸν τῆς σεβάσεως ἐναλλάττων τοῦ θεοῦ, οὐχὶ δὲ ἄλλον καταγγέλλων. τί οὖν ἐστι τὸ μὴ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, αὐτὸς διασαφήσει Πέτρος ἐπιφέρων· ὅτι ἀγνοίᾳ @@ -16212,7 +16212,7 @@ ἐπὶ τὸν κατ̓ ἀλήθειαν ἔχοντες θεόν. ὁ δεύτερος δὲ ἐμήνυεν λόγος μὴ δεῖν λαμβάνειν μηδὲ ἐπιφέρειν τὸ μεγαλεῖον κράτος τοῦ θεοῦ?̔ὅπερ ἐστὶ τὸ ὄνομα· τοῦτο γὰρ μόνον ἐχώρουν, ὡς καὶ ἔτι νῦν οἱ πολλοί, -μαθεῖν̓ — μὴ φέρειν τούτου τὴν ἐπίκλησιν ἐπὶ τὰ γενητὰ καὶ +μαθεῖν̓ — μὴ φέρειν τούτου τὴν ἐπίκλησιν ἐπὶ τὰ γενητὰ καὶ μάταια, ἃ δὴ οἱ τεχνῖται τῶν ἀνθρώπων πεποιήκασι, καθ̓ ὧν ὁ ὢν οὐ τάσσεται· ἐν ταὐτότητι γὰρ ἀγενήτῳ ὁ ὢν αὐτὸς μόνος. τρίτος δέ ἐστι λόγος ὁ μηνύων γεγονέναι πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν κόσμον diff --git a/data/tlg1799/tlg001/tlg1799.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml b/data/tlg1799/tlg001/tlg1799.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml index 296a25b04..bdfbeea7a 100644 --- a/data/tlg1799/tlg001/tlg1799.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml +++ b/data/tlg1799/tlg001/tlg1799.tlg001.perseus-eng1.xml @@ -82,7 +82,7 @@ EUCLID AND THE TRADITIONS ABOUT HIM.

As in the case of the other great mathematicians of Greece, so in Euclid's case, we have only the most meagre particulars of the life and personality of the man.

Most of what we have is contained in the passage of Proclus' summary relating to him, which is as followsProclus, ed. Friedlein, p. 68, 6-20.:

-

Not much younger than these (sc. Hermotimus of Colophon and Philippus of Medma) is Euclid, who put together the Elements, collecting many of Eudoxus' theorems, perfecting many of Theaetetus', and also bringing to irrefragable demonstration the things which were only somewhat loosely proved by his predecessors. This man livedThe word ge/gone must apparently mean flourished, as Heiberg understands it (Litterargeschichtliche Studien über Euklid, 1882, p. 26), not was born, as Hankel took it : otherwise part of Proclus' argument would lose its cogency. in the time of the first Ptolemy. For Archimedes, who came immediately after the first (Ptolemy)So Heiberg understands e)pibalw\n tw=| prw/tw| (sc. *ptolemai/w|). Friedlein's text has kai\ between e)pibalw\n and tw=| prw/tw|; and it is right to remark that another reading is kai\ e)n tw=| prw/tw| (without e)pibalw/n) which has been translated in his first book, by which is understood On the Sphere and Cylinder I., where (1) in Prop. 2 are the words let BC be made equal to D by the second (proposition) of the first of Euclid's (books), +

Not much younger than these (sc. Hermotimus of Colophon and Philippus of Medma) is Euclid, who put together the Elements, collecting many of Eudoxus' theorems, perfecting many of Theaetetus', and also bringing to irrefragable demonstration the things which were only somewhat loosely proved by his predecessors. This man livedThe word ge/gone must apparently mean flourished, as Heiberg understands it (Litterargeschichtliche Studien über Euklid, 1882, p. 26), not was born, as Hankel took it : otherwise part of Proclus' argument would lose its cogency. in the time of the first Ptolemy. For Archimedes, who came immediately after the first (Ptolemy)So Heiberg understands e)pibalw\n tw=| prw/tw| (sc. *ptolemai/w|). Friedlein's text has kai\ between e)pibalw\n and tw=| prw/tw|; and it is right to remark that another reading is kai\ e)n tw=| prw/tw| (without e)pibalw/n) which has been translated in his first book, by which is understood On the Sphere and Cylinder I., where (1) in Prop. 2 are the words let BC be made equal to D by the second (proposition) of the first of Euclid's (books), and (2) in Prop. 6 the words For these things are handed down in the Elements (without the name of Euclid). Heiberg thinks the former passage is referred to, and that Proclus must therefore have had before him the words by the second of the first of Euclid: a fair proof that they are genuine, though in themselves they would be somewhat suspicious., makes mention of Euclid: and, further, they say that Ptolemy once asked him if there was in geometry any shorter way than that of the elements, and he answered that there was no royal road to geometryThe same story is told in Stobaeus, Ecl. (II. p. 228, 30, ed. Wachsmuth) about Alexander and Menaechmus. Alexander is represented as having asked Menaechmus to teach him geometry concisely, but he replied : O king, through the country there are royal roads and roads for common citizens, but in geometry there is one road for all.. He is then younger than the pupils of Plato but older than Eratosthenes and Archimedes; for the latter were contemporary with one another, as Eratosthenes somewhere says.

@@ -93,8 +93,8 @@ To get out of the difficulty he saysibid. p. 70, 19 sqq. that, if one should ask him what was the aim (skopo/s) of the treatise, he would reply by making a distinction between Euclid's intentions (1) as regards the subjects with which his investigations are concerned, (2) as regards the learner, and would say as regards (1) that the whole of the geometer's argument is concerned with the cosmic figures. This latter statement is obviously incorrect. It is true that Euclid's Elements end with the construction of the five regular solids; but the planimetrical portion has no direct relation to them, and the arithmetical no relation at all; the propositions about them are merely the conclusion of the stereometrical division of the work.

One thing is however certain, namely that Euclid taught, and founded a school, at Alexandria. This is clear from the remark of Pappus about ApolloniusPappus, VII. p. 678, 10-12, susxola/sas toi=s u(po\ *eu)klei/dou maqhtai=s e)n *)alecandrei/<*> plei=ston xro/non, o(/qen e)/sxe kai\ th\n toiau/thn e)/cin ou)k a)maqh=. : he spent a very long time with the pupils of Euclid at Alexandria, and it was thus that he acquired such a scientific habit of thought.

It is in the same passage that Pappus makes a remark which might, to an unwary reader, seem to throw some light on the personality of Euclid. He is speaking about Apollonius' preface to the first book of his Conics, where he says that Euclid had not completely worked out the synthesis of the three- and four-line locus, - which in fact was not possible without some theorems first discovered by himself. Pappus says on thisPappus, VII. pp. 676, 25-678, 6. Hultsch, it is true, brackets the whole passage pp. 676, 25-678, 15, but apparently on the ground of the diction only.: Now Euclid— regarding Aristaeus as deserving credit for the discoveries he had already made in conics, and without anticipating him or wishing to construct anew the same system (such was his scrupulous fairness and his exemplary kindliness towards all who could advance mathematical science to however small an extent), being moreover in no wise contentious and, though exact, yet no braggart like the other [Apollonius] —wrote so much about the locus as was possible by means of the conics of Aristaeus, without claiming completeness for his demonstrations. It is however evident, when the passage is examined in its context, that Pappus is not following any tradition in giving this account of Euclid: he was offended by the terms of Apollonius' reference to Euclid, which seemed to him unjust, and he drew a fancy picture of Euclid in order to show Apollonius in a relatively unfavourable light.

-

Another story is told of Euclid which one would like to believe true. According to StobaeusStobaeus, l.c., some one who had begun to read geometry with Euclid, when he had learnt the first theorem, asked Euclid, ’But what shall I get by-learning these things?’ Euclid called his slave and said ’Give him threepence, since he must make gain out of what he learns.’

+ which in fact was not possible without some theorems first discovered by himself. Pappus says on thisPappus, VII. pp. 676, 25-678, 6. Hultsch, it is true, brackets the whole passage pp. 676, 25-678, 15, but apparently on the ground of the diction only.: Now Euclid— regarding Aristaeus as deserving credit for the discoveries he had already made in conics, and without anticipating him or wishing to construct anew the same system (such was his scrupulous fairness and his exemplary kindliness towards all who could advance mathematical science to however small an extent), being moreover in no wise contentious and, though exact, yet no braggart like the other [Apollonius] —wrote so much about the locus as was possible by means of the conics of Aristaeus, without claiming completeness for his demonstrations. It is however evident, when the passage is examined in its context, that Pappus is not following any tradition in giving this account of Euclid: he was offended by the terms of Apollonius' reference to Euclid, which seemed to him unjust, and he drew a fancy picture of Euclid in order to show Apollonius in a relatively unfavourable light.

+

Another story is told of Euclid which one would like to believe true. According to StobaeusStobaeus, l.c., some one who had begun to read geometry with Euclid, when he had learnt the first theorem, asked Euclid, ’But what shall I get by-learning these things?’ Euclid called his slave and said ’Give him threepence, since he must make gain out of what he learns.’

In the middle ages most translators and editors spoke of Euclid as Euclid of Megara. This description arose out of a confusion between our Euclid and the philosopher Euclid of Megara who lived about 400 B.C. The first trace of this confusion appears in Valerius Maximus (in the time of Tiberius) who saysVIII. 12, ext. 1. that Plato, on being appealed to for a solution of the problem of doubling the cubical altar, sent the inquirers to Euclid the geometer. There is no doubt about the reading, although an early commentator on Valerius Maximus wanted to correct Eucliden into Eudoxum, @@ -106,25 +106,25 @@

Another idea, that Euclid was born at Gela in Sicily, is due to the same confusion, being based on Diogenes Laertius' descriptionDiog. L. II. 106, p. 58 ed. Cobet. of the philosopher Euclid as being of Megara, or, according to some, of Gela, as Alexander says in the *diadoxai/.

In view of the poverty of Greek tradition on the subject even as early as the time of Proclus (410-485 A.D.), we must necessarily take cum grano the apparently circumstantial accounts of Euclid given by Arabian authors; and indeed the origin of their stories can be explained as the result (1) of the Arabian tendency to romance, and (2) of misunderstandings.

-

We readCasiri, Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana Escurialensis, I. p. 339. Casiri's source is alQifti (d. 1248), the author of the Ta'rīkh al-H<*>ukamā, a collection of biographies of philosophers, mathematicians, astronomers etc. that Euclid, son of Naucrates, grandson of ZenarchusThe Fihrist says son of Naucrates, the son of Berenice (?) - (see Suter's translation in Abhandlungen zur Gesch. d. Math. VI. Heft, 1892, p. 16)., called the author of geometry, a philosopher of somewhat ancient date, a Greek by nationality domiciled at Damascus, born at Tyre, most learned in the science of geometry, published a most excellent and most useful work entitled the foundation or elements of geometry, a subject in which no more general treatise existed before among the Greeks: nay, there was no one even of later date who did not walk in his footsteps and frankly profess his doctrine. Hence also Greek, Roman and Arabian geometers not a few, who undertook the task of illustrating this work, published commentaries, scholia, and notes upon it, and made an abridgment of the work itself. For this reason the Greek philosophers used to post up on the doors of their schools the well-known notice: ’Let no one come to our school, who has not first learned the elements of Euclid.’ - The details at the beginning of this extract cannot be derived from Greek sources, for even Proclus did not know anything about Euclid's father, while it was not the Greek habit to record the names of grandfathers, as the Arabians commonly did. Damascus and Tyre were no doubt brought in to gratify a desire which the Arabians always showed to connect famous Greeks in some way or other with the East. Thus Nas<*>īraddīn, the translator of the Elements, who was of T<*>ūs in Khurāsān, actually makes Euclid out to have been Thusinus - alsoThe same predilection made the Arabs describe Pythagoras as a pupil of the wise Salomo, Hipparchus as the exponent of Chaldaean philosophy or as the Chaldaean, Archimedes as an Egyptian etc. (H<*>ăjī Khalfa, Lexicon Bibliographicum, and Casiri).. The readiness of the Arabians to run away with an idea is illustrated by the last words of the extract. Everyone knows the story of Plato's inscription over the porch of the Academy: let no one unversed in geometry enter my doors +

We readCasiri, Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana Escurialensis, I. p. 339. Casiri's source is alQifti (d. 1248), the author of the Ta'rīkh al-H<*>ukamā, a collection of biographies of philosophers, mathematicians, astronomers etc. that Euclid, son of Naucrates, grandson of ZenarchusThe Fihrist says son of Naucrates, the son of Berenice (?) + (see Suter's translation in Abhandlungen zur Gesch. d. Math. VI. Heft, 1892, p. 16)., called the author of geometry, a philosopher of somewhat ancient date, a Greek by nationality domiciled at Damascus, born at Tyre, most learned in the science of geometry, published a most excellent and most useful work entitled the foundation or elements of geometry, a subject in which no more general treatise existed before among the Greeks: nay, there was no one even of later date who did not walk in his footsteps and frankly profess his doctrine. Hence also Greek, Roman and Arabian geometers not a few, who undertook the task of illustrating this work, published commentaries, scholia, and notes upon it, and made an abridgment of the work itself. For this reason the Greek philosophers used to post up on the doors of their schools the well-known notice: ’Let no one come to our school, who has not first learned the elements of Euclid.’ + The details at the beginning of this extract cannot be derived from Greek sources, for even Proclus did not know anything about Euclid's father, while it was not the Greek habit to record the names of grandfathers, as the Arabians commonly did. Damascus and Tyre were no doubt brought in to gratify a desire which the Arabians always showed to connect famous Greeks in some way or other with the East. Thus Nas<*>īraddīn, the translator of the Elements, who was of T<*>ūs in Khurāsān, actually makes Euclid out to have been Thusinus + alsoThe same predilection made the Arabs describe Pythagoras as a pupil of the wise Salomo, Hipparchus as the exponent of Chaldaean philosophy or as the Chaldaean, Archimedes as an Egyptian etc. (H<*>ăjī Khalfa, Lexicon Bibliographicum, and Casiri).. The readiness of the Arabians to run away with an idea is illustrated by the last words of the extract. Everyone knows the story of Plato's inscription over the porch of the Academy: let no one unversed in geometry enter my doors ; the Arab turned geometry into Euclid's geometry, and told the story of Greek philosophers in general and their Academies.

-

Equally remarkable are the Arabian accounts of the relation of Euclid and ApolloniusThe authorities for these statements quoted by Casiri and H<*>ājī Khalfa are al-Kindi's tract de instituto libri Euclidis (al-Kindī died about 873) and a commentary by Qād<*>īzāde ar-Rūmī (d. about 1440) on a book called Ashkāl at-ta' sīs (fundamental propositions) by Ashraf Shamsaddīn as-Samarqandī (c. 1276) consisting of elucidations of 35 propositions selected from the first books of Euclid. Nas<*>īraddīn likewise says that Euclid cut out two of 15 books of elements then existing and published the rest under his own name. According to Qād<*>īzāde the king heard that there was a celebrated geometer named Euclid at Tyre: Nas<*>īraddīn says that he sent for Euclid of T<*>ūs.. According to them the Elements were originally written, not by Euclid, but by a man whose name was Apollonius, a carpenter, who wrote the work in 15 books or sectionsSo says the Fihrist. Suter (op. cit. p. 49) thinks that the author of the Fihrist did not suppose Apollonius of Perga to be the writer of the Elements, as later Arabian authorities did, but that he distinguished another Apollonius whom he calls a carpenter. +

Equally remarkable are the Arabian accounts of the relation of Euclid and ApolloniusThe authorities for these statements quoted by Casiri and H<*>ājī Khalfa are al-Kindi's tract de instituto libri Euclidis (al-Kindī died about 873) and a commentary by Qād<*>īzāde ar-Rūmī (d. about 1440) on a book called Ashkāl at-ta' sīs (fundamental propositions) by Ashraf Shamsaddīn as-Samarqandī (c. 1276) consisting of elucidations of 35 propositions selected from the first books of Euclid. Nas<*>īraddīn likewise says that Euclid cut out two of 15 books of elements then existing and published the rest under his own name. According to Qād<*>īzāde the king heard that there was a celebrated geometer named Euclid at Tyre: Nas<*>īraddīn says that he sent for Euclid of T<*>ūs.. According to them the Elements were originally written, not by Euclid, but by a man whose name was Apollonius, a carpenter, who wrote the work in 15 books or sectionsSo says the Fihrist. Suter (op. cit. p. 49) thinks that the author of the Fihrist did not suppose Apollonius of Perga to be the writer of the Elements, as later Arabian authorities did, but that he distinguished another Apollonius whom he calls a carpenter. Suter's argument is based on the fact that the Fihrist's article on Apollonius (of Perga) says nothing of the Elements; and that it gives the three great mathematicians, Euclid, Archimedes and Apollonius, in the correct chronological order.. In the course of time some of the work was lost and the rest became disarranged, so that one of the kings at Alexandria who desired to study geometry and to master this treatise in particular first questioned about it certain learned men who visited him and then sent for Euclid who was at that time famous as a geometer, and asked him to revise and complete the work and reduce it to order. Euclid then re-wrote it in 13 books which were thereafter known by his name. (According to another version Euclid composed the 13 books out of commentaries which he had published on two books of Apollonius on conics and out of introductory matter added to the doctrine of the five regular solids.) To the thirteen books were added two more books, the work of others (though some attribute these also to Euclid) which contain several things not mentioned by Apollonius. According to another version Hypsicles, a pupil of Euclid at Alexandria, offered to the king and published Books XIV. and XV., it being also stated that Hypsicles had discovered the books, by which it appears to be suggested that Hypsicles had edited them from materials left by Euclid.

We observe here the correct statement that Books XIV. and XV. were not written by Euclid, but along with it the incorrect information that Hypsicles, the author of Book XIV., wrote Book XV. also.

The whole of the fable about Apollonius having preceded Euclid and having written the Elements appears to have been evolved out of the preface to Book XIV. by Hypsicles, and in this way; the Book must in early times have been attributed to Euclid, and the inference based upon this assumption was left uncorrected afterwards when it was recognised that Hypsicles was the author. The preface is worth quoting:

-

Basilides of Tyre, O Protarchus, when he came to Alexandria and met my father, spent the greater part of his sojourn with him on account of their common interest in mathematics. And once, when examining the treatise written by Apollonius about the comparison between the dodecahedron and the icosahedron inscribed in the same sphere, (showing) what ratio they have to one another, they thought that Apollonius had not expounded this matter properly, and accordingly they emended the exposition, as I was able to learn from my father. And I myself, later, fell in with another book published by Apollonius, containing a demonstration relating to the subject, and I was greatly interested in the investigation of the problem. The book published by Apollonius is accessible to all— for it has a large circulation, having apparently been carefully written out later—but I decided to send you the comments which seem to me to be necessary, for you will through your proficiency in mathematics in general and in geometry in particular form an expert judgment on what I am about to say, and you will lend a kindly ear to my disquisition for the sake of your friendship to my father and your goodwill to me. +

Basilides of Tyre, O Protarchus, when he came to Alexandria and met my father, spent the greater part of his sojourn with him on account of their common interest in mathematics. And once, when examining the treatise written by Apollonius about the comparison between the dodecahedron and the icosahedron inscribed in the same sphere, (showing) what ratio they have to one another, they thought that Apollonius had not expounded this matter properly, and accordingly they emended the exposition, as I was able to learn from my father. And I myself, later, fell in with another book published by Apollonius, containing a demonstration relating to the subject, and I was greatly interested in the investigation of the problem. The book published by Apollonius is accessible to all— for it has a large circulation, having apparently been carefully written out later—but I decided to send you the comments which seem to me to be necessary, for you will through your proficiency in mathematics in general and in geometry in particular form an expert judgment on what I am about to say, and you will lend a kindly ear to my disquisition for the sake of your friendship to my father and your goodwill to me.

The idea that Apollonius preceded Euclid must evidently have been derived from the passage just quoted. It explains other things besides. Basilides must have been confused with basileu/s, and we have a probable explanation of the Alexandrian king, and of the learned men who visited Alexandria. It is possible also that in the Tyrian of Hypsicles' preface we have the origin of the notion that Euclid was born in Tyre. These inferences argue, no doubt, very defective knowledge of Greek: but we could expect no better from those who took the Organon of Aristotle to be instrumentum musicum pneumaticum, and who explained the name of Euclid, which they variously pronounced as Uclides or Icludes, to be compounded of Ucli a key, and Dis a measure, or, as some say, geometry, so that Uclides is equivalent to the key of geometry!

-

Lastly the alternative version, given in brackets above, which says that Euclid made the Elements out of commentaries which he wrote on two books of Apollonius on conics and prolegomena added to the doctrine of the five solids, seems to have arisen, through a like confusion, out of a later passageHeiberg's Euclid, vol. V. p. 6. in Hypsicles' Book XIV.: And this is expounded by Aristaeus in the book entitled ’Comparison of the five figures,’ and by Apollonius in the second edition of his comparison of the dodecahedron with the icosahedron. +

Lastly the alternative version, given in brackets above, which says that Euclid made the Elements out of commentaries which he wrote on two books of Apollonius on conics and prolegomena added to the doctrine of the five solids, seems to have arisen, through a like confusion, out of a later passageHeiberg's Euclid, vol. V. p. 6. in Hypsicles' Book XIV.: And this is expounded by Aristaeus in the book entitled ’Comparison of the five figures,’ and by Apollonius in the second edition of his comparison of the dodecahedron with the icosahedron. The doctrine of the five solids in the Arabic must be the Comparison of the five figures in the passage of Hypsicles, for nowhere else have we any information about a work bearing this title, nor can the Arabians have had. The reference to the two books of Apollonius on conics will then be the result of mixing up the fact that Apollonius wrote a book on conics with the second edition of the other work mentioned by Hypsicles. We do not find elsewhere in Arabian authors any mention of a commentary by Euclid on Apollonius and Aristaeus: so that the story in the passage quoted is really no more than a variation of the fable that the Elements were the work of Apollonius.

@@ -133,13 +133,13 @@ CHAPTER II. EUCLID'S OTHER WORKS. -

In giving a list of the Euclidean treatises other than the Elements, I shall be brief: for fuller accounts of them, or speculations with regard to them, reference should be made to the standard histories of mathematicsSee, for example, Loria, Le scienze esatte nell' antica Grecia, 1914, pp. 245-268; 1. L. Heath, History of Greek Mathematics, 1921, I. pp. 421-446. Cf. Heiberg, Litterargeschichtliche Studien über Euklid, pp. 36-153; Euclidis opera omnia, ed. Heiberg and Menge, Vols. VI.—VIII..

+

In giving a list of the Euclidean treatises other than the Elements, I shall be brief: for fuller accounts of them, or speculations with regard to them, reference should be made to the standard histories of mathematicsSee, for example, Loria, Le scienze esatte nell' antica Grecia, 1914, pp. 245-268; 1. L. Heath, History of Greek Mathematics, 1921, I. pp. 421-446. Cf. Heiberg, Litterargeschichtliche Studien über Euklid, pp. 36-153; Euclidis opera omnia, ed. Heiberg and Menge, Vols. VI.—VIII..

I will take first the works which are mentioned by Greek authors.

I. The Pseudaria.

I mention this first because Proclus refers to it in the general remarks in praise of the Elements which he gives immediately after the mention of Euclid in his summary. He saysProclus, p. 70, 1-18.: But, inasmuch as many things, while appearing to rest on truth and to follow from scientific principles, really tend to lead one astray from the principles and deceive the more superficial minds, he has handed down methods for the discriminative understanding of these things as well, by the use of which methods we shall be able to give beginners in this study practice in the discovery of paralogisms, and to avoid being misled. This treatise, by which he puts this machinery in our hands, he entitled (the book) of Pseudaria, enumerating in order their various kinds, exercising our intelligence in each case by theorems of all sorts, setting the true side by side with the false, and combining the refutation of error with practical illustration. This book then is by way of cathartic and exercise, while the Elements contain the irrefragable and complete guide to the actual scientific investigation of the subjects of geometry.

The book is considered to be irreparably lost. We may conclude however from the connexion of it with the Elements and the reference to its usefulness for beginners that it did not go outside the domain of elementary geometryHeiberg points out that Alexander Aphrodisiensis appears to allude to the work in his commentary on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi (fol. 25 b): Not only those (e)/legxoi) which do not start from the principles of the science under which the problem is classed...but also those which do start from the proper principles of the science but in some respect admit a paralogism, e.g. the Pseudographemata of Euclid. - Tannery (Bull. des sciences math. et astr. 2^{e} Série, VI., 1882, I^{e\re} Partie, p. 147) conjectures that it may be from this treatise that the same commentator got his information about the quadratures of the circle by Antiphon and Bryson, to say nothing of the lunules of Hippocrates. I think however that there is an objection to this theory so far as regards Bryson; for Alexander distinctly says that Bryson's quadrature did not start from the proper principles of geometry, but from some principles more general..

+ Tannery (Bull. des sciences math. et astr. 2^{e} Série, VI., 1882, I^{e\re} Partie, p. 147) conjectures that it may be from this treatise that the same commentator got his information about the quadratures of the circle by Antiphon and Bryson, to say nothing of the lunules of Hippocrates. I think however that there is an objection to this theory so far as regards Bryson; for Alexander distinctly says that Bryson's quadrature did not start from the proper principles of geometry, but from some principles more general.
.

2. The Data.

The Data (dedome/na) are included by Pappus in the Treasury of Analysis (to/pos a)naluo/menos), and he describes their contentsPappus, VII. p. 638. They are still concerned with elementary geometry, though forming part of the introduction to higher analysis. Their form is that of propositions proving that, if certain things in a figure are given (in magnitude, in species, etc.), something else is given. The subjectmatter is much the same as that of the planimetrical books of the Elements, to which the Data are often supplementary. We shall see this later when we come to compare the propositions in the Elements which give us the means of solving the general quadratic equation with the corresponding propositions of the Data which give the solution. The Data may in fact be regarded as elementary exercises in analysis.

It is not necessary to go more closely into the contents, as we have the full Greek text and the commentary by Marinus newly edited by Menge and therefore easily accessibleVol. VI. in the Teubner edition of Euclidis opera omnia by Heiberg and Menge. A translation of the Data is also included in Simson's Euclid (though naturally his text left much to be desired)..

@@ -154,7 +154,7 @@ (lo/gw|): thus to divide a triangle into triangles would be to divide it into like figures, to divide a triangle into a triangle and a quadrilateral would be to divide it into unlike figures.

-

The treatise is lost in Greek but has been discovered in the Arabic. First John Dee discovered a treatise De divisionibus by one Muhammad BagdadinusSteinschneider places him in the 10th c. H. Suter (Bibliotheca Mathematica, IV_{3}, 1903, pp. 24, 27) identifies him with Abū (Bekr) Muh. b. 'Abdalbāqī al-Baġdādī, Qād|ī (Judge) of Māristān (circa 1070-1141), to whom he also attributes the Liber judei (? judicis) super decimum Euclidis translated by Gherard of Cremona. and handed over a copy of it (in Latin) in 1563 to Commandinus, who published it, in Dee did not himself translate the tract from the Arabic; he in 1570De superficierum divisionibus liber Machometo Bagdadino adscriptus, nunc primum Ioannis Dee Londinensis et Federici Commandini Urbinatis opera in lucem editus, Pisauri, 1570, afterwards included in Gregory's Euclid (Oxford, 1703).. Dee did not himself translate the tract from the Arabic; he found it in Latin in a MS. which was then in his own possession but was about 20 years afterwards stolen or destroyed in an attack by a mob on his house at MortlakeR. C. Archibald, Euclid's Book on the Division of Figures with a restoration based on Woepck's text and on the Practica geometriae of Leonardo Pisano, Cambridge, 1915, pp. 4-9.. Dee, in his preface addressed to Commandinus, says nothing of his having translated the book, but only remarks that the very illegible MS. had caused him much trouble and (in a later passage) speaks of the actual, very ancient, copy from which I wrote out... +

The treatise is lost in Greek but has been discovered in the Arabic. First John Dee discovered a treatise De divisionibus by one Muhammad BagdadinusSteinschneider places him in the 10th c. H. Suter (Bibliotheca Mathematica, IV_{3}, 1903, pp. 24, 27) identifies him with Abū (Bekr) Muh. b. 'Abdalbāqī al-Baġdādī, Qād|ī (Judge) of Māristān (circa 1070-1141), to whom he also attributes the Liber judei (? judicis) super decimum Euclidis translated by Gherard of Cremona. and handed over a copy of it (in Latin) in 1563 to Commandinus, who published it, in Dee did not himself translate the tract from the Arabic; he in 1570De superficierum divisionibus liber Machometo Bagdadino adscriptus, nunc primum Ioannis Dee Londinensis et Federici Commandini Urbinatis opera in lucem editus, Pisauri, 1570, afterwards included in Gregory's Euclid (Oxford, 1703).. Dee did not himself translate the tract from the Arabic; he found it in Latin in a MS. which was then in his own possession but was about 20 years afterwards stolen or destroyed in an attack by a mob on his house at MortlakeR. C. Archibald, Euclid's Book on the Division of Figures with a restoration based on Woepck's text and on the Practica geometriae of Leonardo Pisano, Cambridge, 1915, pp. 4-9.. Dee, in his preface addressed to Commandinus, says nothing of his having translated the book, but only remarks that the very illegible MS. had caused him much trouble and (in a later passage) speaks of the actual, very ancient, copy from which I wrote out... (in ipso unde descripsi vetustissimo exemplari). The Latin translation of this tract from the Arabic was probably made by Gherard of Cremona (1114-1187), among the list of whose numerous translations a liber divisionum occurs. The Arabic original cannot have been a direct translation from Euclid, and probably was not even a direct adaptation of it; it contains mistakes and unmathematical expressions, and moreover does not contain the propositions about the division of a circle alluded to by Proclus. Hence it can scarcely have contained more than a fragment of Euclid's work.

But Woepcke found in a MS. at Paris a treatise in Arabic on the division of figures, which he translated and published in 1851Fournal Asiatique, 1851, p. 233 sqq.. It is expressly attributed to Euclid in the MS. and corresponds to the description of it by Proclus. Generally speaking, the divisions are divisions into figures of the same kind as the original figures, e.g. of triangles into triangles; but there are also divisions into unlike @@ -163,47 +163,47 @@ Unfortunately the proofs are given of only four propositions (including the two last mentioned) out of 36, because the Arabic translator found them too easy and omitted them. To illustrate the character of the problems dealt with I need only take one more example: To cut off a certain fraction from a (parallel-) trapezium by a straight line which passes through a given point lying inside or outside the trapezium but so that a straight line can be drawn through it cutting both the parallel sides of the trapezium. The genuineness of the treatise edited by Woepcke is attested by the facts that the four proofs which remain are elegant and depend on propositions in the Elements, and that there is a lemma with a true Greek ring: to apply to a straight line a rectangle equal to the rectangle contained by AB, AC and deficient by a square. Moreover the treatise is no fragment, but finishes with the words end of the treatise, - and is a well-ordered and compact whole. Hence we may safely conclude that Woepcke's is not only Euclid's own work but the whole of it. A restoration of the work, with proofs, was attempted by OfterdingerL. F. Ofterdinger, Beiträge zur Wiederherstellung der Schrift des Euklides über die Theilung der Figuren, Ulm, 1853., Who however does not give Woepcke's props. 30, 31, 34, 35, 36. We have now a satisfactory restoration, with ample notes and an introduction, by R. C. Archibald, who used for the purpose Woepcke's text and a section of Leonardo of Pisa's Practica geometriae (1220). There is a remarkable similarity between the propositions of Woepcke's text and those of Leonardo, suggesting that Leonardo may have had before him a translation (perhaps by Gherard of Cremona) of the Arabic tract..

+ and is a well-ordered and compact whole. Hence we may safely conclude that Woepcke's is not only Euclid's own work but the whole of it. A restoration of the work, with proofs, was attempted by OfterdingerL. F. Ofterdinger, Beiträge zur Wiederherstellung der Schrift des Euklides über die Theilung der Figuren, Ulm, 1853., Who however does not give Woepcke's props. 30, 31, 34, 35, 36. We have now a satisfactory restoration, with ample notes and an introduction, by R. C. Archibald, who used for the purpose Woepcke's text and a section of Leonardo of Pisa's Practica geometriae (1220). There is a remarkable similarity between the propositions of Woepcke's text and those of Leonardo, suggesting that Leonardo may have had before him a translation (perhaps by Gherard of Cremona) of the Arabic tract..

4.The Porisms.

It is not possible to give in this place any account of the controversies about the contents and significance of the three lost books of Porisms, or of the important attempts by Robert Simson and Chasles to restore the work. These may be said to form a whole literature, references to which will be found most abundantly given by Heiberg and Loria, the former of whom has treated the subject from the philological point of view, most exhaustively, while the latter, founding himself generally on Heiberg, has added useful details, from the mathematical side, relating to the attempted restorations, etc.Heiberg, Euklid-Studien, pp. 56-79, and Loria, op. cit., pp. 253-265. It must suffice here to give an extract from the only original source of information about the nature and contents of the Porisms, namely PappusPappus, ed. Hultsch, VII. pp. 648-660. I put in square brackets the words bracketed by Hultsch.. In his general preface about the books composing the Treasury of Analysis (to/pos a)naluo/menos) he says:

-

“After the Tangencies (of Apollonius) come, in three books, the Porisms of Euclid, [in the view of many] a collection most ingeniously devised for the analysis of the more weighty problems, [and] although nature presents and unlimited number of such porismsI adopt Heiberg's reading of a comma here instead of a full stop., [they have added nothing to what was written originally by Euclid, except that some before my time have shown their want of taste by adding to a few (of the propositions) second proofs, each (proposition) admitting of a definite number of demonstrations, as we have shown, and Euclid having given one for each, namely that which is the most lucid. These porisms embody a theory subtle, natural, necessary, and of considerable generality, which is fascinating to those who can see and produce results].

-

“Now all the varieties of porisms belong, neither to theorems nor problems, but to a species occupying a sort of intermediate position [so that their enunciations can be formed like those of either theorems or problems], the result being that, of the great number of geometers, some regarded them as of the class of theorems, and others of problems, looking only to the form of the proposition. But that the ancients knew better the difference between these three things is clear from the definitions. For they said that a theorem is that which is proposed with a view to the demonstration of the very thing proposed, a problem that which is thrown out with a view to the construction of the very thing proposed, and a porism that which is proposed with a view to the producing of the very thing proposed. [But this definition of the porism was changed by the more recent writers who could not produce everything, but used these elements and proved only the fact that that which is sought really exists, but did not produce itHeiberg points out that Props. 5-9 of Archimedes' treatise On Spirals are porisms in this sense. To take Prop. 5 as an example, DBF is a tangent to a circle with centre K. It is then possible, says Archimedes, to draw a straight line KHF, meeting the circumference in H and the tangent in F, such that +

“After the Tangencies (of Apollonius) come, in three books, the Porisms of Euclid, [in the view of many] a collection most ingeniously devised for the analysis of the more weighty problems, [and] although nature presents and unlimited number of such porismsI adopt Heiberg's reading of a comma here instead of a full stop., [they have added nothing to what was written originally by Euclid, except that some before my time have shown their want of taste by adding to a few (of the propositions) second proofs, each (proposition) admitting of a definite number of demonstrations, as we have shown, and Euclid having given one for each, namely that which is the most lucid. These porisms embody a theory subtle, natural, necessary, and of considerable generality, which is fascinating to those who can see and produce results].

+

“Now all the varieties of porisms belong, neither to theorems nor problems, but to a species occupying a sort of intermediate position [so that their enunciations can be formed like those of either theorems or problems], the result being that, of the great number of geometers, some regarded them as of the class of theorems, and others of problems, looking only to the form of the proposition. But that the ancients knew better the difference between these three things is clear from the definitions. For they said that a theorem is that which is proposed with a view to the demonstration of the very thing proposed, a problem that which is thrown out with a view to the construction of the very thing proposed, and a porism that which is proposed with a view to the producing of the very thing proposed. [But this definition of the porism was changed by the more recent writers who could not produce everything, but used these elements and proved only the fact that that which is sought really exists, but did not produce itHeiberg points out that Props. 5-9 of Archimedes' treatise On Spirals are porisms in this sense. To take Prop. 5 as an example, DBF is a tangent to a circle with centre K. It is then possible, says Archimedes, to draw a straight line KHF, meeting the circumference in H and the tangent in F, such that

where c is the circumference of any circle. To prove this he assumes the following construction. E being any straight line greater than c, he says: let KG be parallel to DF, and let the line GH equal to E be placed verging to the point B. Archimedes must of course have known how to effect this construction, which requires conics. But that it is possible requires very little argument, for if we draw any straight line BHG meeting the circle in H and KG in G, it is obvious that as G moves away from C, HG becomes greater and greater and may be made as great as we please. The later writers would no doubt have contented themselves with this consideration without actually constructing HG. and were accordingly confuted by the definition and the whole doctrine. They based their definition on an incidental characteristic, thus: A porism is that which falls short of a locustheorem in respect of its hypothesisAs Heiberg says, this translation is made certain by a preceding passage of Pappus (p. 648, 1-3) where he compares two enunciations, the latter of which falls short of the former in hypothesis but goes beyond it in requirement. E.g. the first enunciation requiring us, given three circles, to draw a circle touching all three, the second may require us, given only two circles (one less datum), to draw a circle touching them and of a given size (an extra requirement).. Of this kind of porisms loci are a species, and they abound in the Treasury of Analysis; but this species has been collected, named and handed down separately from the porisms, because it is more widely diffused than the other species]. But it has further become characteristic of porisms that, owing to their complication, the enunciations are put in a contracted form, much being by usage left to be understood; so that many geometers understand them only in a partial way and are ignorant of the more essential features of their contents.

-

“[Now to comprehend a number of propositions in one enunciation is by no means easy in these porisms, because Euclid himself has not in fact given many of each species, but chosen, for examples, one or a few out of a great multitudeI translate Heiberg's reading with a full stop here followed by pro\s a)rxh=| de\ o(/mws [pro\s a)rxh\n (dedome/non) Hultsch] tou= prw/tou bibli/ou..... But at the beginning of the first book he has given some propositions, to the number of ten, of one species, namely that more fruitful species consisting of loci.] Consequently, finding that these admitted of being comprehended in one enunciation, we have set it out thus: +

“[Now to comprehend a number of propositions in one enunciation is by no means easy in these porisms, because Euclid himself has not in fact given many of each species, but chosen, for examples, one or a few out of a great multitudeI translate Heiberg's reading with a full stop here followed by pro\s a)rxh=| de\ o(/mws [pro\s a)rxh\n (dedome/non) Hultsch] tou= prw/tou bibli/ou..... But at the beginning of the first book he has given some propositions, to the number of ten, of one species, namely that more fruitful species consisting of loci.] Consequently, finding that these admitted of being comprehended in one enunciation, we have set it out thus:

If, in a system of four straight linesThe four straight lines are described in the text as (the sides) u(pti/ou h)\ parupti/ou, i.e. sides of two sorts of quadrilaterals which Simson tries to explain (see p. 120 of the Index Graecitatis of Hultsch's edition of Pappus). which cut each other two and two, three points on one straight line be given while the rest except one lie on different straight lines given in position, the remaining point also will lie on a straight line given in position.In other words (Chasles, p. 23; Loria, p. 256), if a triangle be so deformed that each of its sides turns about one of three points in a straight line, and two of its vertices lie on two straight lines given in position, the third vertex will also lie on a straight line..

-

“This has only been enunciated of four straight lines, of which not more than two pass through the same point, but it is not known (to most people) that it is true of any assigned number of straight lines if enunciated thus: -

If any number of straight lines cut one another, not more than two (passing) through the same point, and all the points (of intersection situated) on one of them be given, and if each of those which are on another (of them) lie on a straight line given in position—

- or still more generally thus: if any number of straight lines cut one another, not more than two (passing) through the same point, and all the points (of intersection situated) on one of them be given, while of the other points of intersection in multitude equal to a triangular number a number corresponding to the side of this triangular number lie respectively on straight lines given in position, provided that of these latter points no three are at the angular points of a triangle (sc. having for sides three of the given straight lines)—each of the remaining points will lie on a straight line given in positionLoria (p. 256, n. 3) gives the meaning of this as follows, pointing out that Simson was the discoverer of it: If a complete n-lateral be deformed so that its sides respectively turn about n points on a straight line, and (n-1) of its n(n-1)/2 vertices move on as many straight lines, the other (n-1)(n-2)/2 of its vertices likewise move on as many straight lines: but it is necessary that it should be impossible to form with the (n-1) vertices any triangle having for sides the sides of the polygon. +

“This has only been enunciated of four straight lines, of which not more than two pass through the same point, but it is not known (to most people) that it is true of any assigned number of straight lines if enunciated thus: +

If any number of straight lines cut one another, not more than two (passing) through the same point, and all the points (of intersection situated) on one of them be given, and if each of those which are on another (of them) lie on a straight line given in position—

+
or still more generally thus: if any number of straight lines cut one another, not more than two (passing) through the same point, and all the points (of intersection situated) on one of them be given, while of the other points of intersection in multitude equal to a triangular number a number corresponding to the side of this triangular number lie respectively on straight lines given in position, provided that of these latter points no three are at the angular points of a triangle (sc. having for sides three of the given straight lines)—each of the remaining points will lie on a straight line given in positionLoria (p. 256, n. 3) gives the meaning of this as follows, pointing out that Simson was the discoverer of it: If a complete n-lateral be deformed so that its sides respectively turn about n points on a straight line, and (n-1) of its n(n-1)/2 vertices move on as many straight lines, the other (n-1)(n-2)/2 of its vertices likewise move on as many straight lines: but it is necessary that it should be impossible to form with the (n-1) vertices any triangle having for sides the sides of the polygon. .

-

“It is probable that the writer of the Elements was not unaware of this but that he only set out the principle; and he seems, in the case of all the porisms, to have laid down the principles and the seed only [of many important things], the kinds of which should be distinguished according to the differences, not of their hypotheses, but of the results and the things sought. [All the hypotheses are different from one another because they are entirely special, but each of the results and things sought, being one and the same, follow from many different hypotheses.]

-

“We must then in the first book distinguish the following kinds of things sought:

-

“At the beginning of the bookReading, with Heiberg, tou= bibli/ou [tou= z Hultsch]. is this proposition: -

I.If from two given points straight lines be drawn meeting on a straight line given in position, and one cut off from a straight line given in position (a segment measured) to a given point on it, the other will also cut off from another (straight line a segment) having to the first a given ratio.’

+

“It is probable that the writer of the Elements was not unaware of this but that he only set out the principle; and he seems, in the case of all the porisms, to have laid down the principles and the seed only [of many important things], the kinds of which should be distinguished according to the differences, not of their hypotheses, but of the results and the things sought. [All the hypotheses are different from one another because they are entirely special, but each of the results and things sought, being one and the same, follow from many different hypotheses.]

+

“We must then in the first book distinguish the following kinds of things sought:

+

“At the beginning of the bookReading, with Heiberg, tou= bibli/ou [tou= z Hultsch]. is this proposition: +

I.If from two given points straight lines be drawn meeting on a straight line given in position, and one cut off from a straight line given in position (a segment measured) to a given point on it, the other will also cut off from another (straight line a segment) having to the first a given ratio.’

-

“Following on this (we have to prove) +

“Following on this (we have to prove)

II. that such and such a point lies on a straight line given in position;

- III. that the ratio of such and such a pair of straight lines is given;” + III. that the ratio of such and such a pair of straight lines is given;” etc. etc. (up to XXIX.).

The three books of the porisms contain 38 lemmas; of the theorems themselves there are 171.

Pappus further gives lemmas to the Porisms (pp. 866-918, ed. Hultsch).

With Pappus' account of Porisms must be compared the passages of Proclus on the same subject. Proclus distinguishes two senses in which the word po/risma is used. The first is that of corollary where something appears as an incidental result of a proposition, obtained without trouble or special seeking, a sort of bonus which the investigation has presented us withProclus, pp. 212, 14; 301, 22.. The other sense is that of Euclid's Porismsibid. p. 212, 12. The term porism is used of certam problems, like the Porisms written by Euclid. -. In this senseibid. pp. 301, 25 sqq. porism is the name given to things which are sought, but need some finding and are neither pure bringing into existence nor simple theoretic argument. For (to prove) that the angles at the base of isosceles triangles are equal is a matter of theoretic argument, and it is with reference to things existing that such knowledge is (obtained). But to bisect an angle, to construct a triangle, to cut off, or to place—all these things demand the making of something; and to find the centre of a given circle, or to find the greatest common measure of two given commensurable magnitudes, or the like, is in some sort between theorems and problems. For in these cases there is no bringing into existence of the things sought, but finding of them, nor is the procedure purely theoretic. For it is necessary to bring that which is sought into view and exhibit it to the eye. Such are the porisms which Euclid wrote, and arranged in three books of Porisms. +. In this senseibid. pp. 301, 25 sqq. porism is the name given to things which are sought, but need some finding and are neither pure bringing into existence nor simple theoretic argument. For (to prove) that the angles at the base of isosceles triangles are equal is a matter of theoretic argument, and it is with reference to things existing that such knowledge is (obtained). But to bisect an angle, to construct a triangle, to cut off, or to place—all these things demand the making of something; and to find the centre of a given circle, or to find the greatest common measure of two given commensurable magnitudes, or the like, is in some sort between theorems and problems. For in these cases there is no bringing into existence of the things sought, but finding of them, nor is the procedure purely theoretic. For it is necessary to bring that which is sought into view and exhibit it to the eye. Such are the porisms which Euclid wrote, and arranged in three books of Porisms.

Proclus' definition thus agrees well enough with the first, older, definition of Pappus. A porism occupies a place between a theorem and a problem: it deals with something already existing, as a theorem does, but has to find it (e.g. the centre of a circle), and, as a certain operation is therefore necessary, it partakes to that extent of the nature of a problem, which requires us to construct or produce something not previously existing. Thus, besides III. I of the Elements and X. 3, 4 mentioned by Proclus, the following propositions are real porisms: III. 25, VI. 11-13, VII. 33, 34, 36, 39, VIII. 2, 4, X. 10, XIII. 18. Similarly in Archimedes On the Sphere and Cylinder I. 2-6 might be called porisms.

The enunciation given by Pappus as comprehending ten of Euclid's propositions may not reproduce the form of Euclid's enunciations; but, comparing the result to be proved, that certain points lie on straight lines given in position, with the class indicated by II. above, where the question is of such and such a point lying on a straight line given in position, and with other classes, e.g. (V.) that such and such a line is given in position, (VI.) that such and such a line verges to a given point, (XXVII.) that there exists a given point such that straight lines drawn from it to such and such (circles) will contain a triangle given in species, we may conclude that a usual form of a porism was to prove that it is possible to find a point with such and such a property or a straight line on which lie all the points satisfying given conditions etc.

-

Simson defined a porism thus: Porisma est propositio in qua proponitur demonstrare rem aliquam, vel plures datas esse, cui, vel quibus, ut et cuilibet ex rebus innumeris, non quidem datis, sed quae ad ea quae data sunt eandem habent relationem, convenire ostendendum est affectionem quandam communem in propositione descriptamThis was thus expressed by Chasles: Le porisme est une proposition dans laquelle on demande de démontrer qu'une chose ou plusieurs choses sont données, qui, ainsi que l'une quelconque d'une infinité d'autres choses non données, mais dont chacune est avec des choses données dans une même relation, ont une certaine propriété commune, décrite dans la proposition. +

Simson defined a porism thus: Porisma est propositio in qua proponitur demonstrare rem aliquam, vel plures datas esse, cui, vel quibus, ut et cuilibet ex rebus innumeris, non quidem datis, sed quae ad ea quae data sunt eandem habent relationem, convenire ostendendum est affectionem quandam communem in propositione descriptamThis was thus expressed by Chasles: Le porisme est une proposition dans laquelle on demande de démontrer qu'une chose ou plusieurs choses sont données, qui, ainsi que l'une quelconque d'une infinité d'autres choses non données, mais dont chacune est avec des choses données dans une même relation, ont une certaine propriété commune, décrite dans la proposition. .

From the above it is easy to understand Pappus' statement that loci constitute a large class of porisms. A locus is well defined by Simson thus: Locus est proposition in qua propositum est datam esse demonstrare, vel invenire lineam aut superficiem cuius quodlibet punctum, vel superficiem in qua quaelibet linea data lege descripta, communem quandam habet proprietatem in propositione descriptam. @@ -212,7 +212,7 @@

A difficult point, however, arises on the passage of Pappus, which says that a porism is that which, in respect of its hypothesis, falls short of a locus-theorem (topikou= qewrh/matos). Heiberg explains it by comparing the porism from Apollonius' Plane Loci just given with Pappus' enunciation of the same thing, to the effect that, if from two given points two straight lines be drawn meeting in a point, and these straight lines have to one another a given ratio, the point will lie on either a straight line or a circumference of a circle given in position. Heiberg observes that in this latter enunciation something is taken into the hypothesis which was not in the hypothesis of the enunciation of the porism, viz. that the ratio of the straight lines is the same. - I confess this does not seem to me satisfactory: for there is no real difference between the enunciations, and the supposed difference in hypothesis is very like playing with words. Chasles says: Ce qui constitue le porisme est ce qui manque à l' hypothèse d'un théorème local (en d'autres termes, le porisme est inférieur, par l'hypothèse, au théorème local; c'est-à-dire que quand quelques parties d'une proposition locale n'ont pas dans l'énoncé la détermination qui leur est propre, cette proposition cesse d'être regardée comme un theéorème et devient un porisme). + I confess this does not seem to me satisfactory: for there is no real difference between the enunciations, and the supposed difference in hypothesis is very like playing with words. Chasles says: Ce qui constitue le porisme est ce qui manque à l' hypothèse d'un théorème local (en d'autres termes, le porisme est inférieur, par l'hypothèse, au théorème local; c'est-à-dire que quand quelques parties d'une proposition locale n'ont pas dans l'énoncé la détermination qui leur est propre, cette proposition cesse d'être regardée comme un theéorème et devient un porisme). But the subject still seems to require further elucidation.

While there is so much that is obscure, it seems certain (1) that the Porisms were distinctly part of higher geometry and not of elementary geometry, (2) that they contained propositions belonging to the modern theory of transversals and to projective geometry. It should be remembered too that it was in the course of his researches on this subject that Chasles was led to the idea of anharmonic ratios.

Lastly, allusion should be made to the theory of ZeuthenDie Lehre von den Kegelschnitten im Altertum, chapter VIII. on the subject of the porisms. He observes that the only porism of which Pappus gives the complete enunciation, If from two given points straight lines be drawn meeting on a straight line given in position, and one cut off from a straight line given in position (a segment measured) towards a given point on it, the other will also cut off from another (straight line a segment) bearing to the first a given ratio, @@ -220,8 +220,8 @@ and that this extended porism can be used for completing Apollonius' exposition of that locus. Zeuthen concludes that the Porisms were in part byproducts of the theory of conics and in part auxiliary means for the study of conics, and that Euclid called them by the same name as that applied to corollaries because they were corollaries with respect to conics. But there appears to be no evidence to confirm this conjecture.

5. The Surface-loci (to/poi pro\s e)pifanei/a|).

The two books on this subject are mentioned by Pappus as part of the Treasury of AnalysisPappus, VII. p. 636.. As the other works in the list which were on plane subjects dealt only with straight lines, circles, and conic sections, it is a priori likely that among the loci in this treatise (loci which are surfaces) were included such loci as were cones, cylinders and spheres. Beyond this all is conjecture based on two lemmas given by Pappus in connexion with the treatise.

-

(1) The first of these lemmasibid. VII. p. 1004. and the figure attached to it are not satisfactory as they stand, but a possible restoration is indicated by TanneryBulletin des sciences math. et astron., 2^{o} Série, VI. 149.. If the latter is right, it suggests that one of the loci contained all the points on the elliptical parallel sections of a cylinder and was therefore an oblique circular cylinder. Other assumptions with regard to the conditions to which the lines in the figure may be subject would suggest that other loci dealt with were cones regarded as containing all points on particular elliptical parallel sections of the conesFurther particulars will be found in The Works of Archimedes, pp. lxii—lxiv, and in Zeuthen, Die Lehre von den Kegelschnitten, p. 425 sqq..

-

(2) In the second lemma Pappus states and gives a complete proof of the focus-and-directrix property of a conic, viz. that the locus of a point whose distance from a given point is in a given ratio to its distance from a fixed line is a conic section, which is an ellipse, a parabola or a hyperbola according as the given ratio is less than, equal to, or greater than unityPappus, VII. pp. 1006-1014, and Hultsch's Appendix, pp. 1270-3.. Two conjectures are possible as to the application of this theorem in Euclid's Surface-loci. (a) It may have been used to prove that the locus of a point whose distance from a given straight line is in a given ratio to its distance from a given plane is a certain cone. (b) It may have been used to prove that the locus of a point whose distance from a given point is in a given ratio to its distance from a given plane is the surface formed by the revolution of a conic about its major or conjugate axisFor further details see The Works of Archimedes, pp. lxiv, lxv, and Zeuthen, l. c.. Thus Chasles may have been correct in his conjecture that the Surface-loci dealt with surfaces of revolution of the second degree and sections of the sameAperçu historique, pp. 273-4..

+

(1) The first of these lemmasibid. VII. p. 1004. and the figure attached to it are not satisfactory as they stand, but a possible restoration is indicated by TanneryBulletin des sciences math. et astron., 2^{o} Série, VI. 149.. If the latter is right, it suggests that one of the loci contained all the points on the elliptical parallel sections of a cylinder and was therefore an oblique circular cylinder. Other assumptions with regard to the conditions to which the lines in the figure may be subject would suggest that other loci dealt with were cones regarded as containing all points on particular elliptical parallel sections of the conesFurther particulars will be found in The Works of Archimedes, pp. lxii—lxiv, and in Zeuthen, Die Lehre von den Kegelschnitten, p. 425 sqq..

+

(2) In the second lemma Pappus states and gives a complete proof of the focus-and-directrix property of a conic, viz. that the locus of a point whose distance from a given point is in a given ratio to its distance from a fixed line is a conic section, which is an ellipse, a parabola or a hyperbola according as the given ratio is less than, equal to, or greater than unityPappus, VII. pp. 1006-1014, and Hultsch's Appendix, pp. 1270-3.. Two conjectures are possible as to the application of this theorem in Euclid's Surface-loci. (a) It may have been used to prove that the locus of a point whose distance from a given straight line is in a given ratio to its distance from a given plane is a certain cone. (b) It may have been used to prove that the locus of a point whose distance from a given point is in a given ratio to its distance from a given plane is the surface formed by the revolution of a conic about its major or conjugate axisFor further details see The Works of Archimedes, pp. lxiv, lxv, and Zeuthen, l. c.. Thus Chasles may have been correct in his conjecture that the Surface-loci dealt with surfaces of revolution of the second degree and sections of the sameAperçu historique, pp. 273-4..

6. The Conics.

Pappus says of this lost work: The four books of Euclid's Conics were completed by Apollonius, who added four more and gave us eight books of Conics Pappus, VII. p. 672.. @@ -233,11 +233,11 @@

Euclid still used the old names for the conics (sections of a rightangled, acute-angled, or obtuse-angled cone), but he was aware that an ellipse could be obtained by cutting a cone in any manner by a plane not parallel to the base (assuming the section to lie wholly between the apex of the cone and its base) and also by cutting a cylinder. This is expressly stated in a passage from the Phaenomena of Euclid about to be mentionedPhaenomena, ed. Menge, p. 6: If a cone or a cylinder be cut by a plane not parallel to the base, the section is a section of an acute-angled cone, which is like a shield (qureo/s). .

7. The Phaenomena.

-

This is an astronomical work and is still extant. A much interpolated version appears in Gregory's Euclid. An earlier and better recension is however contained in the MS. Vindobonensis philos. Gr. 103, though the end of the treatise, from the middle of prop. 16 to the last (18), is missing. The book, now edited by MengeEuclidis opera omnia, vol. VIII., 1916, pp. 2-156.,consists of propositions in spheric geometry. Euclid based it on Autolycus' work peri\ kinoume/nhs sfai/ras, but also, evidently, on an earlier textbook of Sphaerica of exclusively mathematical content. It has been conjectured that the latter textbook may have been due to EudoxusHeiberg, Euklid-Studien, p. 46; Hultsch, Autolycus, p. XII; A. A. Björnbo, Studien über Menelaos' Sphärik (Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der mathematischen Wissenschaften, XIV. 1902), p. 56sqq..

+

This is an astronomical work and is still extant. A much interpolated version appears in Gregory's Euclid. An earlier and better recension is however contained in the MS. Vindobonensis philos. Gr. 103, though the end of the treatise, from the middle of prop. 16 to the last (18), is missing. The book, now edited by MengeEuclidis opera omnia, vol. VIII., 1916, pp. 2-156.,consists of propositions in spheric geometry. Euclid based it on Autolycus' work peri\ kinoume/nhs sfai/ras, but also, evidently, on an earlier textbook of Sphaerica of exclusively mathematical content. It has been conjectured that the latter textbook may have been due to EudoxusHeiberg, Euklid-Studien, p. 46; Hultsch, Autolycus, p. XII; A. A. Björnbo, Studien über Menelaos' Sphärik (Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der mathematischen Wissenschaften, XIV. 1902), p. 56sqq..

8. The Optics.

This book needs no description, as it has been edited by Heiberg recentlyEuclidis opera omnia, vol. VII. (1895).,both in its genuine form and in the recension by Theon. The Catoptrica published by Heiberg in the same volume is not genuine, and Heiberg suspects that in its present form it may be Theon's. It is not even certain that Euclid wrote Catoptrica at all, as Proclus may easily have had Theon's work before him and inadvertently assigned it to EuclidHeiberg, Euclid's Optics, etc. p. l..

9. Besides the above-mentioned works, Euclid is said to have written the Elements of MusicProclus, p. 69, 3. (ai( kata\ mousikh\n stoixeiw/seis). Two treatises are attributed to Euclid in our MSS. of the Musici, the katatomh\ kano/nos, Sectio canonis (the theory of the intervals), and the ei)sagwgh\ a(rmonikh/ (introduction to harmony)Both treatises edited by Jan in Musici Scriptores Graeci, 1895. pp. 113-166, 167-207, and by Menge in Euclidis opera omnia, vol. VIII., 1916, pp. 157-183, 185-223..The first, resting on the Pythagorean theory of music, is mathematical, and the style and diction as well as the form of the propositions mostly agree with what we find in the Elements. Jan thought it genuine, especially as almost the whole of the treatise (except the preface) is quoted in extenso, and Euclid is twice mentioned by name, in the commentary on Ptolemy's Harmonica published by Wallis and attributed by him to Porphyry. Tannery was of the opposite opinionComptes rendus de l' Acad. des inscriptions et belles-lettres, Paris, 1904, pp. 439-445. Cf. Bibliotheca Mathematica, vI3, 1905-6, p. 225, note I..The latest editor, Menge, suggests that it may be a redaction by a less competent hand from the genuine Euclidean Elements of Music. The second treatise is not Euclid's, but was written by Cleonides, a pupil of AristoxenusHeiberg, Euklid-Studien, pp. 52-55; Jan, Musici Scriptores Graeci, pp. 169-174..

-

Lastly, it is worth while to give the Arabians' list of Euclid's works. I take this from Suter's translation of the list of philosophers and mathematicians in the Fihrist, the oldest authority of the kind that we possessH. Suter, Das Mathematiker-Verzeichniss im Fihrist in Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Mathematik, VI., 1892, pp. 1-87 (see especially p. 17). Cf. Casiri, 1. 339, 340, and Gartz, De interpretibus et explanatoribus Euclidis Arabicis, 1823, pp. 4, 5..To the writings of Euclid belong further [in addition to the Elements]: the book of Phaenomena; the book of Given Magnitudes [Data]; the book of Tones, known under the name of Music, not genuine; the book of Division, emended by Thābit; the book of Utilisations or Applications [Porisms], not genuine; the book of the Canon; the book of the Heavy and Light; the book of Synthesis, not genuine; and the book of Analysis, not genuine. +

Lastly, it is worth while to give the Arabians' list of Euclid's works. I take this from Suter's translation of the list of philosophers and mathematicians in the Fihrist, the oldest authority of the kind that we possessH. Suter, Das Mathematiker-Verzeichniss im Fihrist in Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Mathematik, VI., 1892, pp. 1-87 (see especially p. 17). Cf. Casiri, 1. 339, 340, and Gartz, De interpretibus et explanatoribus Euclidis Arabicis, 1823, pp. 4, 5..To the writings of Euclid belong further [in addition to the Elements]: the book of Phaenomena; the book of Given Magnitudes [Data]; the book of Tones, known under the name of Music, not genuine; the book of Division, emended by Thābit; the book of Utilisations or Applications [Porisms], not genuine; the book of the Canon; the book of the Heavy and Light; the book of Synthesis, not genuine; and the book of Analysis, not genuine.

It is to be observed that the Arabs already regarded the book of Tones (by which must be meant the ei)sagwgh\ a(rmonikh/) as spurious. The book of Division is evidently the book on Divisions (of figures). The next book is described by Casiri as liber de utilitate suppositus. Suter gives reason for believing the Porisms to be meantSuter, op. cit. pp. 49, 50. Wenrich translated the word as utilia. @@ -250,7 +250,7 @@ CHAPTER III. GREEK COMMENTATORS ON THE ELEMENTS OTHER THAN PROCLUS.

That there was no lack of commentaries on the Elements before the time of Proclus is evident from the terms in which Proclus refers to them; and he leaves us in equally little doubt as to the value which, in his opinion, the generality of them possessed. Thus he says in one place (at the end of his second prologue)Proclus, p. 84, 8.:

-

Before making a beginning with the investigation of details, I warn those who may read me not to expect from me the things which have been dinned into our ears ad nauseam (diateqru/lhtai) by those who have preceded me, viz. lemmas, cases, and so forth. For I am surfeited with these things and shall give little attention to them. But I shall direct my remarks principally to the points which require deeper study and contribute to the sum of philosophy, therein emulating the Pythagoreans who even had this common phrase for what I mean ’a figure and a platform, but not a figure and sixpencei.e. we reach a certain height, use the platform so attained as a base on which to build another stage, then use that as a base and so on..’ +

Before making a beginning with the investigation of details, I warn those who may read me not to expect from me the things which have been dinned into our ears ad nauseam (diateqru/lhtai) by those who have preceded me, viz. lemmas, cases, and so forth. For I am surfeited with these things and shall give little attention to them. But I shall direct my remarks principally to the points which require deeper study and contribute to the sum of philosophy, therein emulating the Pythagoreans who even had this common phrase for what I mean ’a figure and a platform, but not a figure and sixpencei.e. we reach a certain height, use the platform so attained as a base on which to build another stage, then use that as a base and so on..’

In another placeProclus, p. 200, 10. he says: Let us now turn to the elucidation of the things proved by the writer of the Elements, selecting the more subtle of the comments made on them by the ancient writers, while cutting down their interminable diffuseness, giving the things which are more systematic and follow scientific methods, attaching more importance to the working-out of the real subject-matter than to the variety of cases and lemmas to which we see recent writers devoting themselves for the most part.

@@ -262,7 +262,7 @@

Proclus alludes to Heron twice as Heron mechanicusProclus, p. 305, 24; p. 346, 13., in another placeibid. p. 41, 10. he associates him with Ctesibius, and in the three other passagesibid. p. 196, 16; p. 323, 7; p. 429, 13. where Heron is mentioned there is no reason to doubt that the same person is meant, namely Heron of Alexandria. The date of Heron is still a vexed question. In the early stages of the controversy much was made of the supposed relation of Heron to Ctesibius. The best MS. of Heron's Belopoeica has the heading *hrwnos *kthsi*bi/ou belopoii+ka/, and an anonymous Byzantine writer of the tenth century, evidently basing himself on this title, speaks of Ctesibius as Heron's kaqhghth/s, master or teacher. - We know of two men of the name of Ctesibius. One was a barber who lived in the time of Ptolemy Euergetes II, i.e. Ptolemy VII, called Physcon (died 117 B.C.), and who is said to have made an improved water-organAthenaeus, Deipno-Soph. iv., c. 75, p. 174 bc.. The other was a mechanician mentioned by Athenaeus as having made an elegant drinking-horn in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 B.C.)ibid. XI., c. 97, p. 497 bc.. MartinMartin, Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d'Héron d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1854, p. 27. took the Ctesibius in question to be the former and accordingly placed Heron at the beginning of the first century B.C., say 126-50 B.C. But Philo of ByzantiumPhilo, Mechan. Synt., p. 50, 38, ed. Schöne., who repeatedly mentions Ctesibius by name, says that the first mechanicians had the advantage of being under kings who loved fame and supported the arts. Hence our Ctesibius is more likely to have been the earlier Ctesibius who was contemporary with Ptolemy II Philadelphus.

+ We know of two men of the name of Ctesibius. One was a barber who lived in the time of Ptolemy Euergetes II, i.e. Ptolemy VII, called Physcon (died 117 B.C.), and who is said to have made an improved water-organAthenaeus, Deipno-Soph. iv., c. 75, p. 174 bc.. The other was a mechanician mentioned by Athenaeus as having made an elegant drinking-horn in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 B.C.)ibid. XI., c. 97, p. 497 bc.. MartinMartin, Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d'Héron d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1854, p. 27. took the Ctesibius in question to be the former and accordingly placed Heron at the beginning of the first century B.C., say 126-50 B.C. But Philo of ByzantiumPhilo, Mechan. Synt., p. 50, 38, ed. Schöne., who repeatedly mentions Ctesibius by name, says that the first mechanicians had the advantage of being under kings who loved fame and supported the arts. Hence our Ctesibius is more likely to have been the earlier Ctesibius who was contemporary with Ptolemy II Philadelphus.

But, whatever be the date of Ctesibius, we cannot safely conclude that Heron was his immediate pupil. The title Heron's (edition of) Ctesibius's Belopoeica does not, in fact, justify any inferenee as to the interval of time between the two works.

We now have better evidence for a terminus post quem. The Metrica of Heron, besides quoting Archimedes and Apollonius, twice refers to the books about straight lines (chords) in a circle @@ -271,17 +271,17 @@ : and, even if this Posidonius lived before Archimedes, as the context seems to imply, it is certain that another work of Heron's, the Definitions, owes something to Posidonius of Apamea or Rhodes, Cicero's teacher (135-51 B.C.). This brings Heron's date down to the end of the first century B.C., at least.

We have next to consider the relation, if any, between Heron and Vitruvius. In his De Architectura, brought out apparently in 14 B.C., Vitruvius quotes twelve authorities on machinationes including Archytas (second), Archimedes (third), Ctesibius (fourth) and Philo of Byzantium (sixth), but does not mention Heron. Nor is it possible to establish inter-dependence between Vitruvius and Heron; the differences between them seem on the whole more numerous and important than the resemblances (e.g. Vitruvius uses 3 as the value of p, while Heron always uses the Archimedean value 3 1/7). The inference is that Heron can hardly have written earlier than the first century A.D.

The most recent theory of Heron's date makes him later than Claudius Ptolemy the astronomer (100-178 A.D.). The arguments are mainly these. (1) Ptolemy claims as a discovery of his own a method of measuring the distance between two places (as an arc of a great circle on the earth's surface) in the case where the places are neither on the same meridian nor on the same parallel circle. Heron, in his Dioptra, speaks of this method as of a thing generally known to experts. (2) The dioptra described in Heron's work is a fine and accurate instrument, much better than anything Ptolemy had at his disposal. (3) Ptolemy, in his work *peri\ r(opw=n, asserted that water with water round it has no weight and that the diver, however deep he dives, does not feel the weight of the water above him. Heron, strangely enough, accepts as true what Ptolemy says of the diver, but is dissatisfied with the explanation given by some, - namely that it is because water is uniformly heavy—this seems to be equivalent to Ptolemy's dictum that water in water has no weight—and he essays a different explanation based on Archimedes. (4) It is suggested that the Dionysius to whom Heron dedicated his Definitions is a certain Dionysius who was praefectus urbi in 301 A.D.

+ namely that it is because water is uniformly heavy—this seems to be equivalent to Ptolemy's dictum that water in water has no weight—and he essays a different explanation based on Archimedes. (4) It is suggested that the Dionysius to whom Heron dedicated his Definitions is a certain Dionysius who was praefectus urbi in 301 A.D.

On the other hand Heron was earlier than Pappus, who was writing under Diocletian (284-305 A.D.), for Pappus alludes to and draws upon the works of Heron. The net result, then, of the most recent research is to place Heron in the third century A.D. and perhaps little earlier than Pappus. HeibergHeronis Alexandrini opera, vol. v. (Teubner, 1914), p. IX. accepts this conclusion, which may therefore, perhaps, be said to hold the field for the present.Fuller details of the various arguments will be found in my History of Greek Mathematics, 1921, vol. II., pp. 298-306..

-

That Heron wrote a systematic commentary on the Elements might be inferred from Proclus, but it is rendered quite certain by references to the commentary in Arabian writers, and particularly in an-Nairīzī's commentary on the first ten Books of the Elements. The Fihrist says, under Euclid, that Heron wrote a commentary on this book [the Elements], endeavouring to solve its difficultiesDas Mathematiker- Verzeichniss im Fihrist (tr. Suter), p. 16. +

That Heron wrote a systematic commentary on the Elements might be inferred from Proclus, but it is rendered quite certain by references to the commentary in Arabian writers, and particularly in an-Nairīzī's commentary on the first ten Books of the Elements. The Fihrist says, under Euclid, that Heron wrote a commentary on this book [the Elements], endeavouring to solve its difficultiesDas Mathematiker- Verzeichniss im Fihrist (tr. Suter), p. 16. ; and under Heron, He wrote: the book of explanation of the obscurities in Euclidibid. p. 22..... - An-Nairīzī's commentary quotes Heron by name very frequently, and often in such a way as to leave no doubt that the author had Heron's work actually before him. Thus the extracts are given in the first person, introduced by Heron says + An-Nairīzī's commentary quotes Heron by name very frequently, and often in such a way as to leave no doubt that the author had Heron's work actually before him. Thus the extracts are given in the first person, introduced by Heron says (Dixit Yrinus or Heron ); and in other places we are told that Heron says nothing, or is not found to have said anything, - on such and such a proposition. The commentary of an-Nairīzī is in part edited by Besthorn and Heiberg from a Leiden MS. of the translation of the Elements by al-Hajjāj with the commentary attachedCodex Leidensis 399, 1. Euclidis Elementa ex interprctatione al-Hadschdschadschii cum commentariis al-Narizii. Five parts carrying the work to the end of Book iv. were issued in 1893, 1897, 1900, 1905 and 1910 respectively.. But this MS. only contains six Books, and several pages in the first Book, which contain the comments of Simplicius on the first twenty-two definitions of the first Book, are missing. Fortunately the commentary of an-Nairīzī has been discovered in a more complete form, in a Latin translation by Gherardus Cremonensis of the twelfth century, which contains the missing comments by Simplicius and an-Nairīzī's comments on the first ten Books. This valuable work has recently been edited by CurtzeAnaritii in decem libros priores elementorum Euclidis commentarii ex interpretatione Gherardi Cremonensis...edidit Maximilianus Curtze (Teubner, Leipzig, 1899)..

-

Thus from the three sources, Proclus, and the two versions of an-Nairīzī, which supplement one another, we are able to form a very good idea of the character of Heron's commentary. In some cases observations given by Proclus without the name of their author are seen from an-Nairīzī to be Heron's; in a few cases notes attributed by Proclus to Heron are found in an-Nairīzī without Heron's name; and, curiously enough, one alternative proof (of I. 25) given as Heron's by Proclus is introduced by the Arab with the remark that he has not been able to discover who is the author.

+ on such and such a proposition. The commentary of an-Nairīzī is in part edited by Besthorn and Heiberg from a Leiden MS. of the translation of the Elements by al-Hajjāj with the commentary attachedCodex Leidensis 399, 1. Euclidis Elementa ex interprctatione al-Hadschdschadschii cum commentariis al-Narizii. Five parts carrying the work to the end of Book iv. were issued in 1893, 1897, 1900, 1905 and 1910 respectively.. But this MS. only contains six Books, and several pages in the first Book, which contain the comments of Simplicius on the first twenty-two definitions of the first Book, are missing. Fortunately the commentary of an-Nairīzī has been discovered in a more complete form, in a Latin translation by Gherardus Cremonensis of the twelfth century, which contains the missing comments by Simplicius and an-Nairīzī's comments on the first ten Books. This valuable work has recently been edited by CurtzeAnaritii in decem libros priores elementorum Euclidis commentarii ex interpretatione Gherardi Cremonensis...edidit Maximilianus Curtze (Teubner, Leipzig, 1899)..

+

Thus from the three sources, Proclus, and the two versions of an-Nairīzī, which supplement one another, we are able to form a very good idea of the character of Heron's commentary. In some cases observations given by Proclus without the name of their author are seen from an-Nairīzī to be Heron's; in a few cases notes attributed by Proclus to Heron are found in an-Nairīzī without Heron's name; and, curiously enough, one alternative proof (of I. 25) given as Heron's by Proclus is introduced by the Arab with the remark that he has not been able to discover who is the author.

Speaking generally, the comments of Heron do not seem to have contained much that can be called important. We find

(1) A few general notes, e.g. that Heron would not admit more than three axioms.

(2) Distinctions of a number of particular cases of Euclid's propositions according as the figure is drawn in one way or in another.

@@ -291,7 +291,7 @@

(4) Heron supplies certain converses of Euclid's propositions, e.g. converses of II. 12, 13, VIII. 27.

(5) A few additions to, and extensions of, Euclid's propositions are also found. Some are unimportant, e.g. the construction of isosceles and scalene triangles in a note on I. 1, the construction of two tangents in III. 17, the remark that VII. 3 about finding the greatest common measure of three numbers can be applied to as many numbers as we please (as Euclid tacitly assumes in VII. 31). The most important extension is that of III. 20 to the case where the angle at the circumference is greater than a right angle, and the direct deduction from this extension of the result of III. 22. Interesting also are the notes on I. 37 (on I. 24 in Proclus), where Heron proves that two triangles with two sides of one equal to two sides of the other and with the included angles supplementary are equal, and compares the areas where the sum of the two included angles (one being supposed greater than the other) is less or greater than two right angles, and on I. 47, where there is a proof (depending on preliminary lemmas) of the fact that, in the figure of the proposition, the straight lines AL, BK, CF meet in a point. After iv. 16 there is a proof that, in a regular polygon with an even number of sides, the bisector of one angle also bisects its opposite, and an enunciation of the corresponding proposition for a regular polygon with an odd number of sides.

Van PeschDe Procli fontibus, Lugduni-Batavorum, 1900, gives reason for attributing to Heron certain other notes found in Proclus, viz. that they are designed to meet the same sort of points as Heron had in view in other notes undoubtedly written by him. These are (a) alternative proofs of I. 5, I. 17, and I. 32, which avoid the producing of certain straight lines, (b) an alternative proof of 1.9 avoiding the construction of the equilateral triangle on the side of BC opposite to A; (c) partial converses of I. 35-38, starting from the equality of the areas and the fact of the parallelograms or triangles being in the same parallels, and proving that the bases are the same or equal, may also be Heron's. Van Pesch further supposes that it was in Heron's commentary that the proof by Menelaus of I. 25 and the proof by Philo of I. 8 were given.

-

The last reference to Heron made by an-Nairīzī occurs in the note on VIII. 27, so that the commentary of the former must at least have reached that point.

+

The last reference to Heron made by an-Nairīzī occurs in the note on VIII. 27, so that the commentary of the former must at least have reached that point.

II. Porphyry.

The Porphyry here mentioned is of course the Neo-Platonist who lived about 232-304 A.D. Whether he really wrote a systematic commentary on the Elements is uncertain. The passages in Proclus which seem to make this probable are two in which he mentions him (1) as having demonstrated the necessity of the words not on the same side in the enunciation of I. 14Proclus, pp. 297, 1-298, 10., and (2) as having pointed out the necessity of understanding correctly the enunciation of I. 26, since, if the particular injunctions as to the sides of the triangles to be taken as equal are not regarded, the student may easily fall into erroribid. p. 352, 13, 14 and the pages preceding,. These passages, showing that Porphyry carefully anaiysed Euclid's enunciations in these cases, certainly suggest that his remarks were part of a systematic commentary. Further, the list of mathematicians in the Fihrist gives Porphyry as having written a book on the Elements. @@ -303,8 +303,8 @@

Two other references to Porphyry found in Proclus cannot have anything to do with commentaries on the Elements. In the first a work called the *summikta/ is quoted, while in the second a philosophical question is raised.

III. Pappus.

The references to Pappus in Proclus are not numerous; but we have other evidence that he wrote a commentary on the Elements. Thus a scholiast on the definitions of the Data uses the phrase as Pappus says at the beginning of his (commentary) on the 10th (book) of EuclidEuclid's Data, ed. Menge, p. 262.. - Again in the Fihrist we are told that Pappus wrote a commentary to the tenth book of Euclid in two partsFihrist (tr. Suter), p. 22.. Fragments of this still survive in a MS. described by WoepckeMémoirés présentés à l'académie des sciences, 1856, XIV. pp. 658-719., Paris. No. 952. 2 (supplément arabe de la Bibliothèque impériale), which contains a translation by Abū `Uthmān (beginning of 10th century) of a Greek commentary on Book X. It is in two books, and there can now be no doubt that the author of the Greek commentary was PappusWoepcke read the name of the author, in the title of the first book, as B. los (the dot representing a missing vowel). He quotes also from other MSS. (e.g. of the Ta)rīkh alHukamā and of the Fihrist) where he reads the name of the commentator as B. lis, B.n.s or B.l.s. Woepcke takes this author to be Valens, and thinks it possible that he may be the same as the astrologer Vettius Valens. This Heiberg (Euklid-Studien, pp. 169, 170) proves to be impossible, because, while one of the mss. quoted by Woepcke says that B.n.s, le RoÛmi - (late-Greek) was later than Claudius Ptolemy and the Fihrist says B.l.s, le RoÛmi + Again in the Fihrist we are told that Pappus wrote a commentary to the tenth book of Euclid in two partsFihrist (tr. Suter), p. 22.. Fragments of this still survive in a MS. described by WoepckeMémoirés présentés à l'académie des sciences, 1856, XIV. pp. 658-719., Paris. No. 952. 2 (supplément arabe de la Bibliothèque impériale), which contains a translation by Abū `Uthmān (beginning of 10th century) of a Greek commentary on Book X. It is in two books, and there can now be no doubt that the author of the Greek commentary was PappusWoepcke read the name of the author, in the title of the first book, as B. los (the dot representing a missing vowel). He quotes also from other MSS. (e.g. of the Ta)rīkh alHukamā and of the Fihrist) where he reads the name of the commentator as B. lis, B.n.s or B.l.s. Woepcke takes this author to be Valens, and thinks it possible that he may be the same as the astrologer Vettius Valens. This Heiberg (Euklid-Studien, pp. 169, 170) proves to be impossible, because, while one of the mss. quoted by Woepcke says that B.n.s, le RoÛmi + (late-Greek) was later than Claudius Ptolemy and the Fihrist says B.l.s, le RoÛmi wrote a commentary on Ptolemy's Planisphaerium, Vettius Valens seems to have lived under Hadrian, and must therefore have been an eldercontemporary of Ptolemy. But Suter shows (Fihrist, p. 22 and p. 54, note 92) that Banos is only distinguished from Babos by the position of a certain dot, and Balos may also easily have arisen from an original Babos (there is no P in Arabic), so that Pappus must be the person meant. This is further confirmed by the fact that the Fihrist gives this author and Valens as the subjects of two separate paragraphs, attributing to the latter astrological works only.. Again Eutocius, in his note on Archimedes, On the Sphere and Cylinder I. 13, says that Pappus explained in his commentary on the Elements how to inscribe in a circle a polygon similar to a polygon inscribed in another circle; and this would presumably come in his commentary on Book XII., just as the problem is solved in the second scholium on Eucl. XII. I. Thus Pappus' commentary on the Elements must have been pretty complete, an additional confirmation of this supposition being forthcoming in the reference of Marinus (a pupil and follower of Proclus) in his preface to the Data to the commentaries of Pappus on the bookHeiberg, Euklid-Studien, p. 173; Euclid's Data, edd. Menge, pp. 256, lii..

The actual references to Pappus in Proclus are as follows:

@@ -322,7 +322,7 @@ rectilineal angles savour of Pappus.

2. On 1. 9 Proclus saysProclus, p. 272, 10. that Others, starting from the Archimedean spirals, divided any given rectilineal angle in any given ratio. We cannot but compare this with Pappus iv. p. 286, where the spiral is so used; hence this note, including remarks immediately preceding about the conchoid and the quadratrix, which were used for the same purpose, may very well be due to Pappus.

-

3. The subject of isoperimetric figures was a favourite one with Pappus, who wrote a recension of Zenodorus' treatise on the subjectPappus, v. pp. 304-350; for Zenodorus' own treatise see Hultsch's Appendix, pp. 1189 —1211.. Now on I. 35 Proclus speaksProclus, pp. 396-8. about the paradox of parallelograms having equal area (between the same parallels) though the two sides between the parallels may be of any length, adding that of parallelograms with equal perimeter the rectangle is greatest if the base be given, and the square greatest if the base be not given etc. He returns to the subject on 1. 37 about trianglesibid. pp. 403-4.. Compareibid. pp. 236-7. also his note on 1. 4. These notes may have been taken from Pappus.

+

3. The subject of isoperimetric figures was a favourite one with Pappus, who wrote a recension of Zenodorus' treatise on the subjectPappus, v. pp. 304-350; for Zenodorus' own treatise see Hultsch's Appendix, pp. 1189 —1211.. Now on I. 35 Proclus speaksProclus, pp. 396-8. about the paradox of parallelograms having equal area (between the same parallels) though the two sides between the parallels may be of any length, adding that of parallelograms with equal perimeter the rectangle is greatest if the base be given, and the square greatest if the base be not given etc. He returns to the subject on 1. 37 about trianglesibid. pp. 403-4.. Compareibid. pp. 236-7. also his note on 1. 4. These notes may have been taken from Pappus.

4. Again, on 1. 21, Proclus remarks on the paradox that straight lines may be drawn from the base to a point within a triangle which are (1) together greater than the two sides, and (2) include a less angle, provided that the straight lines may be drawn from points in the base other than its extremities. The subject of straight lines satisfying condition (1) was treated at length, with reference to a variety of cases, by PappusPappus, 111. pp. 104-130., after a collection of paradoxes by Erycinus, of whom nothing more is known. Proclus gives Pappus' first case, and adds a rather useless proof of the possibility of drawing straight lines satisfying condition (2) alone, adding that the proposition stated has been proved by me without using the parallels of the commentatorsProclus, p. 328, 15.. By the commentators @@ -332,8 +332,8 @@ Proclus, p. 165, 24; cf. pp. 328, 329. is mentioned in the notes on 1. Def. 24-29 and I. 21. As Pappus wrote on Zenodorus' work in which the term occurredSee Pappus, ed. Hultsch, pp. 1154, 1206., Pappus may be responsible for these notes.

IV. Simplicius.

According to the FihristFihrist (tr. Suter), p. 21., Simplicius the Greek wrote a commentary to the beginning of Euclid's book, which forms an introduction to geometry. - And in fact this commentary on the definitions, postulates and axioms (including the postulate known as the ParallelAxiom) is preserved in the Arabic commentary of an-NairĩzĩAn-Nairĩzĩ, ed. Besthorn-Heiberg, pp. 9-41, 119-133, ed. Curtze, pp. 1-37, 65-73. The Codex Leidensis, from which Besthorn and Heiberg's edition is taken, has unfortunately lost some leaves, so that there is a gap from Def. 1 to Def. 23 (parallels). The loss is, however, made good by Curtze's edition of the translation by Gherard of Cremona.. On two subjects this commentary of Simplicius quotes a certain .Aganis, - the first subject being the definition of an angle, and the second the definition of parallels and the parallel-postulate. Simplicius gives word for word, in a long passage placed by an-Nairīzī after 1. 29, an attempt by Aganis + And in fact this commentary on the definitions, postulates and axioms (including the postulate known as the ParallelAxiom) is preserved in the Arabic commentary of an-NairĩzĩAn-Nairĩzĩ, ed. Besthorn-Heiberg, pp. 9-41, 119-133, ed. Curtze, pp. 1-37, 65-73. The Codex Leidensis, from which Besthorn and Heiberg's edition is taken, has unfortunately lost some leaves, so that there is a gap from Def. 1 to Def. 23 (parallels). The loss is, however, made good by Curtze's edition of the translation by Gherard of Cremona.. On two subjects this commentary of Simplicius quotes a certain .Aganis, + the first subject being the definition of an angle, and the second the definition of parallels and the parallel-postulate. Simplicius gives word for word, in a long passage placed by an-Nairīzī after 1. 29, an attempt by Aganis to prove the parallel-postulate. It starts from a definition of parallels which agrees with Geminus' view of them as given by ProclusProclus, p. 177, 21., and is closely connected with the definition given by Posidoniusibid. p. 176, 7.. Hence it has been assumed that Aganis is none other than Geminus, and the historical importance of the commentary of Simplicius has been judged accordingly. But it has been recently shown by Tannery that the identification of Aganis with Geminus is practically impossibleBibliotheca Mathematica, 113, 1900, pp. 9-11. In the translation of Besthorn-Heiberg Aganis is called by Simplicius in one place philosophus Aganis, @@ -341,7 +341,7 @@ in Gherard's version he is socius Aganis and socius noster Aganis. These expressions seem to leave no doubt that Aganis was a contemporary and friend, if not master, of Simplicius; and it is impossible to suppose that Simplicius (fl. about 500 A.D.) could have used them of a man who lived four and a half centuries before his time. A phrase in Simplicius' word-forword quotation from Aganis leads to the same conclusion. He speaks of people who objected even in ancient times - (iam antiquitus) to the use by geometers of this postulate. This would not have been an appropriate phrase had Geminus been the writer. I do not think that this difficulty can he got over by Suter's suggestionZeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XLIV., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 61. that the passages in question may have been taken out of Heron's commentary, and that an-Nairĩzĩ may have forgotten to name the author; it seems clear that Simplicius is the person who described Aganis. + (iam antiquitus) to the use by geometers of this postulate. This would not have been an appropriate phrase had Geminus been the writer. I do not think that this difficulty can he got over by Suter's suggestionZeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XLIV., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 61. that the passages in question may have been taken out of Heron's commentary, and that an-Nairĩzĩ may have forgotten to name the author; it seems clear that Simplicius is the person who described Aganis. Hence we are driven to suppose that Aganis was not Geminus, but some unknown contemporary of SimpliciusThe above argument seems to me quite insuperable. The other arguments of Tannery do not, however, carry conviction to my mind. I do not follow the reasoning based on Aganis' definition of an angle. It appears to me a pure assumption that Geminus would have seen that Posidonius' definition of parallels was not admissible. Nor does it seem to me to count for much that Proclus, while telling us that Geminus held that the postulate ought to be proved and warned the unwary against hastily concluding that two straight lines approaching one another must necessarily meet (cf. a curve and its asymptote), gives no hint that Geminus did try to prove the postulate. It may well be that Proclus omitted Geminus' proof (if he wrote one) because he preferred Ptolemy's attempt which he gives (pp. 365-7). Considerable interest will however continue to attach to the comments of Simplicius so fortunately preserved.

Proclus tells us that one Aegaeas (? Aenaeas) of Hierapolis wrote an epitome of the ElementsProclus, p. 361, 21.; but we know nothing more of him or of it.

@@ -349,17 +349,17 @@ CHAPTER IV. - PROCLUS AND HIS SOURCESMy task in this chapter is made easy by the appearance, in the nick of time, of the dissertation De Procli fontibus by J. G. van Pesch (Lugduni-Batavorum, Apud L. van Nifterik, mdcccc). The chapters dealing directly with the subject show a thorough acquaintance on the part of the author with all the literature bearing on it; he covers the whole field and he exercises a sound and sober judgment in forming his conclusions. The same cannot always be said of his only predecessor in the same inquiry, Tannery (in La Géométrie grecque, 1887), who often robs his speculations of much of their value through his proneness to run away with an idea; he does so in this case, basing most of his conclusions on an arbitrary and unwarranted assumption as to the significance of the words oi( peri/ tina (e.g. *h(/rwna, *poseidw/nion etc.) as used in Proclus.. + PROCLUS AND HIS SOURCESMy task in this chapter is made easy by the appearance, in the nick of time, of the dissertation De Procli fontibus by J. G. van Pesch (Lugduni-Batavorum, Apud L. van Nifterik, mdcccc). The chapters dealing directly with the subject show a thorough acquaintance on the part of the author with all the literature bearing on it; he covers the whole field and he exercises a sound and sober judgment in forming his conclusions. The same cannot always be said of his only predecessor in the same inquiry, Tannery (in La Géométrie grecque, 1887), who often robs his speculations of much of their value through his proneness to run away with an idea; he does so in this case, basing most of his conclusions on an arbitrary and unwarranted assumption as to the significance of the words oi( peri/ tina (e.g. *h(/rwna, *poseidw/nion etc.) as used in Proclus..

It is well known that the commentary of Proclus on Eucl. Book I. is one of the two main sources of information as to the history of Greek geometry which we possess, the other being the Collection of Pappus. They are the more precious because the original works of the forerunners of Euclid, Archimedes and Apollonius are lost, having probably been discarded and forgotten almost immediately after the appearance of the masterpieces of that great trio.

Proclus himself lived 410-485 A.D., so that there had already passed a sufficient amount of time for the tradition relating to the pre-Euclidean geometers to become obscure and defective. In this connexion a passage is quoted from SimpliciusSimplicius on Aristotle's Physics, ed. Diels, pp. 54-69. who, in his account of the quadrature of certain lunes by Hippocrates of Chios, while mentioning two authorities for his statements, Alexander Aphrodisiensis (about 220 A.D.) and Eudemus, says in one placeibid. p. 68, 32., As regards Hippocrates of Chios we must pay more attention to Eudemus, since he was nearer the times, being a pupil of Aristotle.

The importance therefore of a critical examination of Proclus' commentary with a view to determining from what original sources he drew need not be further emphasised.

-

Proclus received his early training in Alexandria, where Olympiodorus was his instructor in the works of Aristotle, and mathematics was taught him by one HeronCf. Martin, Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d'Héron d'Alexandrie, pp. 240-2. (of course a different Heron from the mechanicus Hero +

Proclus received his early training in Alexandria, where Olympiodorus was his instructor in the works of Aristotle, and mathematics was taught him by one HeronCf. Martin, Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d'Héron d'Alexandrie, pp. 240-2. (of course a different Heron from the mechanicus Hero of whom we have already spoken). He afterwards went to Athens where he was imbued by Plutarch, and by Syrianus, with the Neo-Platonic philosophy, to which he then devoted heart and soul, becoming one of its most prominent exponents. He speaks everywhere with the highest respect of his masters, and was in turn regarded with extravagant veneration by his contemporaries, as we learn from Marinus his pupil and biographer. On the death of Syrianus he was put at the head of the Neo-Platonic school. He was a man of untiring industry, as is shown by the number of books which he wrote, including a large number of commentaries, mostly on the dialogues of Plato. He was an acute dialectician, and pre-eminent among his contemporaries in the range of his learningZeller calls him Der Gelehrte, dem kein Feld damaligen Wissens verschlossen ist. ; he was a competent mathematician; he was even a poet. At the same time he was a believer in all sorts of myths and mysteries and a devout worshipper of divinities both Greek and Oriental.

-

Though he was a competent mathematician, he was evidently much more a philosopher than a mathematicianVan Pesch observes that in his commentaries on the Tïmaeus (pp. 671-2) he speaks as no real mathematician could have spoken. In the passage referred to the question is whether the sun occupies a middle place among the planets. Proclus rejects the view of Hipparchus and Ptolemy because o( qeourgo/s +

Though he was a competent mathematician, he was evidently much more a philosopher than a mathematicianVan Pesch observes that in his commentaries on the Tïmaeus (pp. 671-2) he speaks as no real mathematician could have spoken. In the passage referred to the question is whether the sun occupies a middle place among the planets. Proclus rejects the view of Hipparchus and Ptolemy because o( qeourgo/s (sc. the Chaldean, says Zeller) thinks otherwise, whom it is not lawful to disbelieve. - Martin says rather neatly, Pour Proclus, les Éléments d'Euclide ont l'heureuse chance de n'e=tre contredits ni par les Oracles chaldaïques, ni par les spéculations des pythagoriciens anciens et nouveaux...... + Martin says rather neatly, Pour Proclus, les Éléments d'Euclide ont l'heureuse chance de n'e=tre contredits ni par les Oracles chaldaïques, ni par les spéculations des pythagoriciens anciens et nouveaux...... . This is shown even in his commentary on Eucl. I., where, not only in the Prologues (especially the first), but also in the notes themselves, he seizes any opportunity for a philosophical digression. He says himself that he attaches most importance to the things which require deeper study and contribute to the sum of philosophyProclus, p. 84, 13. ; alternative proofs, cases, and the like (though he gives many) have no attraction for him; and, in particular, he attaches no value to the addition of Heron to 1. 47ibid. p. 429, 12., which is of considerable mathematical interest. Though he esteemed mathematics highly, it was only as a handmaid to philosophy. He quotes Plato's opinion to the effect that mathematics, as making use of hypotheses, falls short of the non-hypothetical and perfect scienceibid. p. 31, 20. ... Let us then not say that Plato excludes mathematics from the sciences, but that he declares it to be secondary to the one supreme scienceibid. p. 32, 2.. @@ -383,12 +383,12 @@

There is in fact no satisfactory evidence that Proclus did actually write any more commentaries than that on Book 1.True, a Vatican Ms. has a collection of scholia on Books I. (extracts from the extant commentary of Proclus), II., V., VI., X. headed *ei)s ta\ *eu)klei/dou stoixei=a prolambano/mena e)k tw=n *pro/klou .spora/dhn kai\ kat) e)pitomh/n. Heiberg holds that this title itself suggests that the authorship of Proclus was limited to the scholia on Book I.; for prolambano/mena e)k tw=n *pro/klou suits extracts from Proclus' prologues, but hardly scholia to later Books. Again, a certain scholium (Heiberg in Hermes XXXVIII., 1903, p. 341, No. 17) purports to quote words from the end of a scholium of Proclus on X. 9. The words quoted are from the scholium X. No. 62, one of the Scholia Vaticana. But none of the other, older, sources connect Proclus' name with X. No. 62; it is probable therefore that a Byzantine, who had in his Ms. of Euclid the collection of Schol. Vat. and knew that those on Book I. came from Proclus, himself attached Proclus' name to the others. The contrary view receives support from two facts pointed out by Heiberg, viz. (1) that the scholiast's copy of Proclus was not so much better than our MSS. as to suggest that the scholiast had further commentaries of Proclus which have vanished for usWhile one class of scnona (Schol. Vat.) have some better readings than our MSS. of Proclus have, and partly fill up the gaps at 1. 36, 37 and 1. 41-43, the other class (Schol. Vind.) derive from an inferior Proclus MS. which also had the same lacunae.; (2) that there is no trace in the scholia of the notes which Proclus promised in the passages quoted above.

Coming now to the question of the sources of Proclus, we may say that everything goes to show that his commentary is a compilation, though a compilation in the better sense - of the termKnoche, Untersuchungen über des Proklus Diadochus Commentar zu Euklid's Elementen (1862), p. 11.. He does not even give us to understand that we shall find in it much of his own; let us, + of the termKnoche, Untersuchungen über des Proklus Diadochus Commentar zu Euklid's Elementen (1862), p. 11.. He does not even give us to understand that we shall find in it much of his own; let us, he says, now turn to the exposition of the theorems proved by Euclid, selecting the more subtle of the comments made on them by the ancient writers, and cutting down their interminable diffuseness...Proclus, p. 200, 10-13. -: not a word about anything of his own. At the same time, he seems to imply that he will not necessarily on each occasion quote the source of each extract from an earlier commentary; and, in fact, while he quotes the name of his authority in many places, especially where the subject is important, in many others, where it is equally certain that he is not giving anything of his own, he mentions no authority. Thus he quotes Heron by name six times; but we now know, from the commentary of an-Nairīzī, that a number of other passages, where he mentions no name, are taken from Heron, and among them the not unimportant addition of an alternative proof to 1. 19. Hence we can by no means conclude that, where no authority is mentioned, Proclus is giving notes of his own. The presumption is génerally the other way; and it is often possible to arrive at a conclusion, either that a particular note is not Proclus' own, or that it is definitely attributable to someone else, by applying the ordinary principles of criticism. Thus, where the note shows an unmistakable affinity to another which Proclus definitely attributes to some commentator by name, especially when both contain some peculiar and distinctive idea, we cannot have much doubt in assigning both to the same commentatorInstances of the application of this criterion will be found in the discussion of Proclus' indebtedness to the commentaries of Heron, Porphyry and Pappus.. Again, van Pesch finds a criterion in the form of a note, where the explanation is so condensed as to be only just intelligible; the note is that in which a converse of 1. 32 is provedVan Pesch attributes this converse and proof to Pappus, arguing from the fact that the proof is followed by a passage which, on comparison with Pappus' note on the postulate that all right angles are equal, he feels justified in assigning to Pappus. I doubt if the evidence is sufficient. the proposition namely that a rectilineal figure which has all its interior angles together equal to two right angles is a triangle.

+: not a word about anything of his own. At the same time, he seems to imply that he will not necessarily on each occasion quote the source of each extract from an earlier commentary; and, in fact, while he quotes the name of his authority in many places, especially where the subject is important, in many others, where it is equally certain that he is not giving anything of his own, he mentions no authority. Thus he quotes Heron by name six times; but we now know, from the commentary of an-Nairīzī, that a number of other passages, where he mentions no name, are taken from Heron, and among them the not unimportant addition of an alternative proof to 1. 19. Hence we can by no means conclude that, where no authority is mentioned, Proclus is giving notes of his own. The presumption is génerally the other way; and it is often possible to arrive at a conclusion, either that a particular note is not Proclus' own, or that it is definitely attributable to someone else, by applying the ordinary principles of criticism. Thus, where the note shows an unmistakable affinity to another which Proclus definitely attributes to some commentator by name, especially when both contain some peculiar and distinctive idea, we cannot have much doubt in assigning both to the same commentatorInstances of the application of this criterion will be found in the discussion of Proclus' indebtedness to the commentaries of Heron, Porphyry and Pappus.. Again, van Pesch finds a criterion in the form of a note, where the explanation is so condensed as to be only just intelligible; the note is that in which a converse of 1. 32 is provedVan Pesch attributes this converse and proof to Pappus, arguing from the fact that the proof is followed by a passage which, on comparison with Pappus' note on the postulate that all right angles are equal, he feels justified in assigning to Pappus. I doubt if the evidence is sufficient. the proposition namely that a rectilineal figure which has all its interior angles together equal to two right angles is a triangle.

It is not safe to attribute a passage to Proclus himself because he uses the first person in such expressions as I say or I will prove - —for he was in the habit of putting into his own words the substance of notes borrowed from others—nor because, in speaking of an objection raised to a particular proposition, he uses such expressions as perhaps someone may object + —for he was in the habit of putting into his own words the substance of notes borrowed from others—nor because, in speaking of an objection raised to a particular proposition, he uses such expressions as perhaps someone may object (i)/sws d) a)/n tines e)nstai=en...): for sometimes other words in the same passage indicate that the objection had actually been taken by someoneVan Pesch illustrates this by an objection refuted in the note on 1. 9, p. 273, 11 sqq. After using the above expression to introduce the objection, Proclus uses further on (p. 273, 25) the term they say (fasi/n).. Speaking generally, we shall not be justified in concluding that Proclus is stating something new of his own unless he indicates this himself in express terms.

As regards the form of Proclus' references to others by name, van Pesch notes that he very seldom mentions the particular work from which he is borrowing. If we leave out of account the references to Plato's dialogues, there are only the following references to books: the Bacchae of PhilolausProclus, p. 22, 15., the Symmikta of Porphyryibid. p. 56, 25., Archimedes On the Sphere and Cylinderibid. p. 71, 18., Apollonius On the cochliasibid. p. 105, 5., a book by Eudemus on The Angleibid. p. 125, 8., a whole book of Posidonius directed against Zeno of the Epicurean sectibid. p. 200, 2., Carpus' Astronomyibid. p. 241, 19., Eudemus' History of Geometryibid. p. 352, 15., and a tract by Ptolemy on the parallel-postulateibid. p. 362, 15..

@@ -421,26 +421,26 @@

We cannot attribute to Eudemus the beginning of the note on 1. 47 where Proclus says that if we listen to those who like to recount ancient history, we may find some of them referring this theorem to Pythagoras and saying that he sacrificed an ox in honour of his discoveryibid. p. 426, 6-9.. As such a sacrifice was contrary to the Pythagorean tenets, and Eudemus could not have been unaware of this, the story cannot rest on his authority. Moreover Proclus speaks as though he were not certain of the correctness of the tradition; indeed, so far as the story of the sacrifice is concerned, the same thing is told of Thales in connexion with his discovery that the angle in a semicircle is a right angleDiogenes Laertius, I. 24, p. 6, ed. Cobet., and Plutarch is not certain whether the ox was sacrificed on the discovery of I. 47 or of the problem about application of areasPlutarch, non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum, 11; Symp. VIII, 2.. Plutarch's doubt suggests that he knew of no evidence for the story beyond the vague allusion in the distich of Apollodorus Logisticus (the calculator -) cited by Diogenes Laertius alsoDiog. Laert. VIII. 12, p. 207, ed. Cobet: *(hni/ka *puqago/rhs to\ periklee\s eu(/reto gra/mma, kei=n) e)f) o)/w| kleinh\n h)/gage bouqusi/hn. See on this subject Tannery, La Géoinétrie grecque, p. 105.; and Proclus may have had in mind this couplet with the passages of Plutarch.

-

We come now to the question of the famous historical summary given by ProclusProclus, pp. 64-70.. No one appears to maintain that Eudemus is the author of even the early part of this summary in the form in which Proclus gives it. It is, as is well known, divided into two distinct parts, between which comes the remark, Those who compiled historiesThe plural is well explained by Tannery, La Géoinétrie grecque, pp. 73, 74. No doubt the author of the summary tried to supplement Eudemus by means of any other histories which threw light on the subject. Thus e.g. the allusion (p. 64, 21) to the Nile recalls Herodotus. Cf. the expression in Proclus, p. 64, 19, para\ tw=n pollw=n i/sto/rhtai. bring the development of this science up to this point. Not much younger than these is Euclid, who put together the Elements, collecting many of the theorems of Eudoxus, perfecting many others by Theaetetus, and bringing to irrefragable demonstration the things which had only been somewhat loosely proved by his predecessors. - Since Euclid was later than Eudemus, it is impossible that Eudemus can have written this. Yet the style of the summary after this point does not show any such change from that of the former portion as to suggest different authorship. The author of the earlier portion recurs frequently to the question of the origin of the elements of geometry in a way in which no one would be likely to do who was not later than Euclid; and it must be the same hand which in the second portion connects Euclid's Elements with the work of Eudoxus and TheaetetusTannery, La Géométrie grecque, p. 75..

+) cited by Diogenes Laertius alsoDiog. Laert. VIII. 12, p. 207, ed. Cobet: *(hni/ka *puqago/rhs to\ periklee\s eu(/reto gra/mma, kei=n) e)f) o)/w| kleinh\n h)/gage bouqusi/hn. See on this subject Tannery, La Géoinétrie grecque, p. 105.; and Proclus may have had in mind this couplet with the passages of Plutarch.

+

We come now to the question of the famous historical summary given by ProclusProclus, pp. 64-70.. No one appears to maintain that Eudemus is the author of even the early part of this summary in the form in which Proclus gives it. It is, as is well known, divided into two distinct parts, between which comes the remark, Those who compiled historiesThe plural is well explained by Tannery, La Géoinétrie grecque, pp. 73, 74. No doubt the author of the summary tried to supplement Eudemus by means of any other histories which threw light on the subject. Thus e.g. the allusion (p. 64, 21) to the Nile recalls Herodotus. Cf. the expression in Proclus, p. 64, 19, para\ tw=n pollw=n i/sto/rhtai. bring the development of this science up to this point. Not much younger than these is Euclid, who put together the Elements, collecting many of the theorems of Eudoxus, perfecting many others by Theaetetus, and bringing to irrefragable demonstration the things which had only been somewhat loosely proved by his predecessors. + Since Euclid was later than Eudemus, it is impossible that Eudemus can have written this. Yet the style of the summary after this point does not show any such change from that of the former portion as to suggest different authorship. The author of the earlier portion recurs frequently to the question of the origin of the elements of geometry in a way in which no one would be likely to do who was not later than Euclid; and it must be the same hand which in the second portion connects Euclid's Elements with the work of Eudoxus and TheaetetusTannery, La Géométrie grecque, p. 75..

If then the summary is the work of one author, and that author not Eudemus, who is it likely to have been? Tannery answers that it is Geminusibid. pp. 66-75.; but I think, with van Pesch, that he has failed to show why it should be Geminus rather than another. And certainly the extracts which we have from Geminus' work suggest that the sort of topics which it dealt with was quite different; they seem rather to have been general questions of the content of mathematics, and even Tannery admits that historical details could only have come incidentally into the workibid. p. 19..

Could the author have been Proclus himself? Circumstances which seem to suggest this possibility are (1) that, as already stated, the question of the origin of the Elements is kept prominent, (2) that there is no mention of Democritus, whom Eudemus would not be likely to have ignored, while a follower of Plato would be likely enough to do him the injustice, following the example of Plato who was an opponent of Democritus, never once mentions him, and is said to have wished to burn all his writingsDiog. Laertius, IX. 40, p. 237, ed. Cobet., and (3) the allusion at the beginning to the inspired Aristotle (o( daimonios *)aristote/lhs)Proclus, p. 64, 8., though this may easily have been inserted by Proclus in a quotation made by him from someone else. On the other hand there are considerations which suggest that Proclus himself was not the writer. (1) The style of the whole passage is not such as to point to him as the author. (2) If he wrote it, it is hardly conceivable that he would have passed over in silence the discovery of the analytical method, the invention of Plato to which he attached so much importanceProclus, p. 211, 19 sqq.; the passage is quoted above, p. 36..

There is nothing improbable in the conjecture that Proclus quoted the summary from a compendium of Eudemus' history made by some later writer: but as yet the question has not been definitely settled. All that is certain is that the early part of the summary must have been made up from scattered notices found in the great work of Eudemus.

-

Proclus refers to another work of Eudemus besides the history, viz. a book on The Angle (bibli/on peri\ gwni/as)ibid. p. 125, 8.. Tannery assumes that this must have been part of the history, and uses this assumption to confirm his idea that the history was arranged according to subjects, not according to chronological orderTannery, La Géométrie grecque, p. 26.. The phraseology of Proclus however unmistakably suggests a separate work; and that the history was chronologically arranged seems to be clearly indicated by the remark of Simplicius that Eudemus also counted Hippocrates among the more ancient writers +

Proclus refers to another work of Eudemus besides the history, viz. a book on The Angle (bibli/on peri\ gwni/as)ibid. p. 125, 8.. Tannery assumes that this must have been part of the history, and uses this assumption to confirm his idea that the history was arranged according to subjects, not according to chronological orderTannery, La Géométrie grecque, p. 26.. The phraseology of Proclus however unmistakably suggests a separate work; and that the history was chronologically arranged seems to be clearly indicated by the remark of Simplicius that Eudemus also counted Hippocrates among the more ancient writers (e)n toi=s palaiote/rois)Simplicius, ed. Diels, p. 69, 23..

The passage of Simplicius about the lunes of Hippocrates throws considerable light on the style of Eudemus' history. Eudemus wrote in a memorandum-like or summary manner (to\n u(pomnhmatiko\n tro/pon tou= *eu)dh/mou)ibid. p. 60, 29. when reproducing what he found in the ancient writers; sometimes it is clear that he left out altogether proofs or constructions of things by no means easyCf. Simplicius, p. 63, 19 sqq.; p. 64, 25 sqq.; also Usener's note de supplendis Hippocratis quas omisit Eudemus constructionibus - added to Diels' preface, pp. XXIII—XXVI..

+ added to Diels' preface, pp. XXIII—XXVI..

Geminus.

The discussions about the date and birthplace of Geminus form a whole literature, as to which I must refer the reader to Manitius and TittelManitius, Gemini elementa astronomiae (Teubner, 1898), pp. 237-252; Tittel, art. Geminos - in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. VII.. 1910.. Though the name looks like a Latin name (Gem&icaron;nus), Manitius concluded that, since it appears as *gemi=nos in all Greek MSS. and as *gemei=nos in some inscriptions, it is Greek and possibly formed from gem as *)ergi=nos is from e)rg and *)aleci=nos from a)lec (cf. also *)ikti=nos, *krati=nos). Tittel is equally positive that it is Gem&icaron;nus and suggests that *gemi=nos is due to a false analogy with *)aleci=nos etc. and *gemei=nos wrongly formed on the model of *)antwnei=nos, *)agrippei=na. Geminus, a Stoic philosopher, born probably in the island of Rhodes, was the author of a comprehensive work on the classification of mathematics, and also wrote, about 73-67 B.C., a not less comprehensive commentary on the meteorological textbook of his teacher Posidonius of Rhodes.

+ in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. VII.. 1910.. Though the name looks like a Latin name (Gemǐnus), Manitius concluded that, since it appears as *gemi=nos in all Greek MSS. and as *gemei=nos in some inscriptions, it is Greek and possibly formed from gem as *)ergi=nos is from e)rg and *)aleci=nos from a)lec (cf. also *)ikti=nos, *krati=nos). Tittel is equally positive that it is Gemǐnus and suggests that *gemi=nos is due to a false analogy with *)aleci=nos etc. and *gemei=nos wrongly formed on the model of *)antwnei=nos, *)agrippei=na. Geminus, a Stoic philosopher, born probably in the island of Rhodes, was the author of a comprehensive work on the classification of mathematics, and also wrote, about 73-67 B.C., a not less comprehensive commentary on the meteorological textbook of his teacher Posidonius of Rhodes.

It is the former work in which we are specially interested here. Though Proclus made great use of it, he does not mention its title, unless we may suppose that, in the passage (p. 177, 24) where, after quoting from Geminus a classification of lines which never meet, he says, these remarks I have selected from the filokali/a of Geminus, filokali/a is a title or an alternative title. Pappus however quotes a work of Geminus on the classification of the mathematics (e)n tw=| peri\ th=s tw=n maqhma/twn ta/cews)Pappus, ed. Hultsch, p. 1026, 9., while Eutocius quotes from the sixth book of the doctrine of the mathematics - (e)n tw=| e(/ktw| th=s tw=n maqhma/twn qewri/as)Apollonius, ed. Heiberg, vol. II. p. 170.. TanneryTannery, La Géométrie grecque, pp. 18, 19. pointed out that the former title corresponds well enough to the long extractProclus, pp. 38, 1-42, 8. which Proclus gives in his first prologue, and also to the fragments contained in the Anonymi variae collectiones published by Hultsch at the end of his edition of HeronHeron, ed. Hultsch, pp. 246, 16-249, 12.; but it does not suit most of the óther passages borrowed by Proclus. The correct title was therefore probably that given by Eutocius, The Doctrine, or Theory, of the Mathematics; and Pappus probably refers to one particular portion of the work, say the first Book. If the sixth Book treated of conics, as we may conclude from Eutocius, there must have been more Books to follow, because Proclus has preserved us details about higher curves, which must have come later. If again Geminus finished his work and wrote with the same fulness about the other branches of mathematics as he did about geometry, there must have been a considerable number of Books altogether. At all events it seems to have been designed to give a complete view of the whole science of mathematics, and in fact to be a sort of encyclopaedia of the subject.

+ (e)n tw=| e(/ktw| th=s tw=n maqhma/twn qewri/as)Apollonius, ed. Heiberg, vol. II. p. 170.. TanneryTannery, La Géométrie grecque, pp. 18, 19. pointed out that the former title corresponds well enough to the long extractProclus, pp. 38, 1-42, 8. which Proclus gives in his first prologue, and also to the fragments contained in the Anonymi variae collectiones published by Hultsch at the end of his edition of HeronHeron, ed. Hultsch, pp. 246, 16-249, 12.; but it does not suit most of the óther passages borrowed by Proclus. The correct title was therefore probably that given by Eutocius, The Doctrine, or Theory, of the Mathematics; and Pappus probably refers to one particular portion of the work, say the first Book. If the sixth Book treated of conics, as we may conclude from Eutocius, there must have been more Books to follow, because Proclus has preserved us details about higher curves, which must have come later. If again Geminus finished his work and wrote with the same fulness about the other branches of mathematics as he did about geometry, there must have been a considerable number of Books altogether. At all events it seems to have been designed to give a complete view of the whole science of mathematics, and in fact to be a sort of encyclopaedia of the subject.

I shall now indicate first the certain, and secondly the probable, obligations of Proclus to Geminus, in which task I have only to follow van Pesch, who has embodied the results of Tittel's similar inquiry alsoVan Pesch, De Procli fontibus, pp. 97-113. The dissertation of Tittel is entitled De Gemini Stoici studiis mathematicis (1895).. I shall only omit the passages as regards which a case for attributing them to Geminus does not seem to me to have been made out.

First come the following passages which must be attributed to Geminus, because Proclus mentions his name:

(1) (In the first prologue of ProclusProclus, pp. 38, 1-42, 8, except the allusion in p. 41, 8-10, to Ctesibius and Heron and their pneumatic devices (qanmatopoii+kh/), as regards which Proclus' authority may be Pappus (VIII. p. 1024, 24-27) who uses very similar expressions. Heron, even if not later than Geminus, could hardly have been included in a historical work by him. Perhaps Geminus may have referred to Ctesibius only, and Proclus may have inserted and Heron @@ -448,7 +448,7 @@

(2) (in the note on the definition of a straight line) on the classification of lines (including curves) as simple (straight or circular) and mixed, composite and incomposite, uniform (o(moiomerei=s) and non-uniform (a)nomoiomerei=s), lines about solids and lines produced by cutting solids, including conic and spiric sectionsProclus, pp. 103, 21-107, 10; pp. 111, 1-113, 3.;

(3) (in the note on the definition of a plane surface) on similar distinctions extended to surfaces and solidsibid. pp. 117, 14-120, 12, where perhaps in the passage pp. 117, 22-118, 23 we may have Geminus' own words.;

-

(4) (in the note on the definition of parallels) on lines which do not meet (a)su/mptwtoi) but which are not on that account parallel, e.g. a curve and its asymptote, showing that the property of not meeting does not make lines parallel—a favourite observation of Geminus—and, incidentally, on bounded lines or those which enclose a figure and those which do notibid. pp. 176, 18-177, 25; perhaps also p. 175. The note ends with the words These things too we have selected from Geminus' *filokali/a for the elucidation of the matters in question. +

(4) (in the note on the definition of parallels) on lines which do not meet (a)su/mptwtoi) but which are not on that account parallel, e.g. a curve and its asymptote, showing that the property of not meeting does not make lines parallel—a favourite observation of Geminus—and, incidentally, on bounded lines or those which enclose a figure and those which do notibid. pp. 176, 18-177, 25; perhaps also p. 175. The note ends with the words These things too we have selected from Geminus' *filokali/a for the elucidation of the matters in question. Tannery (p. 27) takes these words coming at the end of the commentary on the definitions as referring to the whole of the portion of the commentary dealing with the definitions. Van Pesch properly regards them as only applying to the note on parallels. This seems to me clear from the use of the word too (tosau=ta kai/).;

(5) (in the same note) the definition of parallels given by PosidoniusProclus, p. 176, 5-17.;

(6) on the distinction between postulates and axioms, the futility of trying to prove axioms, as Apollonius tried to prove Axiom 1, and the equal incorrectness of assuming what really requires proof, as Euclid did in the fourth postulate [equality of right angles] and in the fifth postulate [the parallel-postulate]ibid. pp. 178-182, 4; pp. 183, 14-184, 10; cf. p. 188, 3-11. @@ -479,7 +479,7 @@ as used in the title of Euclid's Porisms, as distinct from the other meaning of corollary ibid. pp. 301, 21-302, 13.;

(14) a note on the Epicurean objection to I. 20 as being obvious even to an assibid. pp. 322, 4-323, 3.;

-

(15) a passage on the properties of parallels, with allusions to Apollonius' Conics, and the curves invented by Nicomedes, Hippias and PerseusPróclus, pp. 355, 20-356, 16.;

+

(15) a passage on the properties of parallels, with allusions to Apollonius' Conics, and the curves invented by Nicomedes, Hippias and PerseusPróclus, pp. 355, 20-356, 16.;

(16) a passage on the parallel-postulate regarded as the converse of I. 17ibid. p. 364, 9-12; pp. 364, 20-365, 4..

Of the authors to whom Proclus was indebted in a less degree the most important is Apollonius of Perga. Two passages allude to his Conicsibid. p. 71, 19; p. 356, 8, 6., one to a work on irrationalsibid. p. 74, 23, 24., and two to a treatise On the cochlias (apparently the cylindrical helix) by Apolloniusibid. pp. 105, 5, 6, 14, 15.. But more important for our purpose are six references to Apollonius in connexion with elementary geometry.

(1) He appears as the author of an attempt to explain the idea of a line (possessing length but no breadth) by reference to daily experience, e.g. when we tell someone to measure, merely, the length of a road or of a wallibid. p. 100, 5-19.; and doubtless the similar passage showing how we may in like manner get a notion of a surface (without depth) is his alsoibid. p. 114, 20-25..

@@ -491,7 +491,7 @@

(6) his solution of the problem in I. 23ibid. pp. 335, 16-336, 5..

HeibergPhilologus, vol. XLIII. p. 489. conjectures that Apollonius departed from Euclid's method in these propositions because he objected to solving problems of a more general, by means of problems of a more particular, character. Proclus however considers all three solutions inferior to Euclid's; and his remarks on Apollonius' handling of these elementary matters generally suggest that he was nettled by criticisms of Euclid in the work containing the things which he quotes from Apollonius, just as we conclude that Pappus was offended by the remarks of Apollonius about Euclid's incomplete treatment of the three- and four-line locusSee above, pp. 2, 3.. If this was the case, Proclus can hardly have got his information about these things at second-hand; and there seems to be no reason to doubt that he had the actual work of Apollonius before him. This work may have been the treatise mentioned by Marinus in the words Apollonius in his general treatise - (*)apollw/nios e)n th=| kaqo/lou pragmatei/a|)Marinus in Euclidis Data, ed. Menge, p. 234, 16.. If the notice in the FihristFihrist, tr. Suter, p. 19. stating, on the authority of Thābit b. Qurra, that Apollonius wrote a tract on the parallel-postulate be correct, it may have been included in the same work. We may conclude generally that, in it, Apollonius tried to remodel the beginnings of geometry, reducing the number of axioms, appealing, in his definitions of lines, surfaces etc., more to experience than to abstract reason, and substituting for certain proofs others of a more general character.

+ (*)apollw/nios e)n th=| kaqo/lou pragmatei/a|)Marinus in Euclidis Data, ed. Menge, p. 234, 16.. If the notice in the FihristFihrist, tr. Suter, p. 19. stating, on the authority of Thābit b. Qurra, that Apollonius wrote a tract on the parallel-postulate be correct, it may have been included in the same work. We may conclude generally that, in it, Apollonius tried to remodel the beginnings of geometry, reducing the number of axioms, appealing, in his definitions of lines, surfaces etc., more to experience than to abstract reason, and substituting for certain proofs others of a more general character.

The probabilities are that, in quoting from the tract of Ptolemy in which he tried to prove the parallel-postulate, Proclus had the actual work before him. For, after an allusion to it as a certain bookProclus, p. 191, 23. he gives two long extractsibid. pp. 362, 14-363, 18; pp. 365, 7-367, 27., and at the beginning of the second indicates the title of the tract, in the (book) about the meeting of straight lines produced from (angles) less than two right angles, as he has very rarely done in other cases.

@@ -503,17 +503,17 @@ (*poseidw/nio/s fhsi to\n *zh/nwna sukofantei=n)ibid. p. 218, 1.. It is not necessary to suppose that Proclus had the original work of Zeno before him, because Zeno's arguments may easily have been got from Posidonius' reply; but he would appear to have quoted direct from the latter at all events.

The work of Carpus mechanicus (a treatise on astronomy) quoted from by Proclusibid. pp. 241, 19-243, 11. must have been accessible to him at first-hand, because a portion of the extract from it about the relation of theorems and problemsibid. pp. 242, 22-243, 11. is reproduced word for word. Moreover, if he were not using the book itself, Proclus would hardly be in a position to question whether the introduction of the subject of theorems and problems was opportune in the place where it was found (ei) me\n kata\ kairo\n h(\ mh/, parei/sqw pro\s to\ paro/n)Proclus, p. 241, 21, 22..

-

It is of course evident that Proclus had before him the original works of Plato, Aristotle, Archimedes and Plotinus, as well as the *summikta/ of Porphyry and the works of his master Syrianus (o( h(me/teros kaqhgemw/n)ibid. p. 123, 19., from whom he quotes in his note on the definition of an angle. Tannery also points out that he must have had before him a group of works representing the Pythagorean tradition on its mystic, as distinct from its mathematical, side, from Philolaus downwards, and comprising the more or less apocryphal i(ero\s lo/gos of Pythagoras, the Oracles (lo/gia), and Orphic versesTannery, La Géométrie grecque, pp. 25, 26..

+

It is of course evident that Proclus had before him the original works of Plato, Aristotle, Archimedes and Plotinus, as well as the *summikta/ of Porphyry and the works of his master Syrianus (o( h(me/teros kaqhgemw/n)ibid. p. 123, 19., from whom he quotes in his note on the definition of an angle. Tannery also points out that he must have had before him a group of works representing the Pythagorean tradition on its mystic, as distinct from its mathematical, side, from Philolaus downwards, and comprising the more or less apocryphal i(ero\s lo/gos of Pythagoras, the Oracles (lo/gia), and Orphic versesTannery, La Géométrie grecque, pp. 25, 26..

Besides quotations from writers whom we can identify with more or less certainty, there are many other passages which are doubtless quoted from other commentators whose names we do not know. A list of such passages is given by van PeschVan Pesch, De Procli fontibus, p. 139., and there is no need to cite them here.

Van Pesch also gives at the end of his workibid. p. 155. a convenient list of the books which, as the result of his investigation, he deems to have been accessible to and directly used by Proclus. The list is worth giving here, on the same ground of convenience. It is as follows: Eudemus: history of geometry. Geminus: the theory of the mathematical sciences. Heron: commentary on the Elements of Euclid. Porphyry: commentary on the Elements of Euclid. Pappus: commentary on the Elements of Euclid. Apollonius of Perga: a work relating to elementary geometry. Ptolemy: on the parallel-postulate. Posidonius: a book controverting Zeno of Sidon. Carpus: astronomy. Syrianus: a discussion on the angle. Pythagorean philosophical tradition. Plato's works. Aristotle's works. Archimedes' works. Plotinus: Enneades.

Lastly we come to the question what passages, if any, in the commentary of Proclus represent his own contributions to the subject. As we have seen, the onus probandi must be held to rest upon him who shall maintain that a particular note is original on the part of Proclus. Hence it is not enough that it should be impossible to point to another writer as the probable source of a note; we must have a positive reason for attributing it to Proclus. The criterion must therefore be found either (1) in the general terms in which Proclus points out the deficiencies in previous commentaries and indicates the respects in which his own will differ from them, or (2) in specific expressions used by him in introducing particular notes which may indicate that he is giving his own views. Besides indicating that he paid more attention than his predecessors to questions requiring deeper study (to\ pragmateiw=des) and pursued clear distinctions - (to\ eu)diai/reton metadiw/kontas)Proclus, p. 84, 13, p. 432, 14, 15.— by which he appears to imply that his predecessors had confused the different departments of their commentaries, viz. lemmas, cases, and objections (e)nsta/seis)Cf. ibid. p. 289, 11-15; p. 432, 15-17.—Proclus complains that the earlier commentators had failed to indicate the ultimate grounds or causes of propositionsibid. p. 432, 17.. Although it is from Geminus that he borrowed a passage maintaining that it is one of the proper functions of geometry to inquire into causes (th\n ai)ti/an kai\ to\ dia\ ti/)ibid. p. 202, 9-25., yet it is not likely that Geminus dealt with Euclid's propositions one by one; and consequently, when we find Proclus, on I. 8, 16, 17, 18, 32, and 47See Proclus, p. 270, 5-24 (I. 8); pp. 309, 3-310, 8 (I. 16); pp. 310, 19-311, 23 (I. 17); pp. 316, 14-318, 2 (I. 18); p. 384, 13-21 (I. 32); pp. 426, 22-427, 8 (I. 47)., endeavouring to explain causes, we have good reason to suppose that the explanations are his own.

+ (to\ eu)diai/reton metadiw/kontas)Proclus, p. 84, 13, p. 432, 14, 15.— by which he appears to imply that his predecessors had confused the different departments of their commentaries, viz. lemmas, cases, and objections (e)nsta/seis)Cf. ibid. p. 289, 11-15; p. 432, 15-17.—Proclus complains that the earlier commentators had failed to indicate the ultimate grounds or causes of propositionsibid. p. 432, 17.. Although it is from Geminus that he borrowed a passage maintaining that it is one of the proper functions of geometry to inquire into causes (th\n ai)ti/an kai\ to\ dia\ ti/)ibid. p. 202, 9-25., yet it is not likely that Geminus dealt with Euclid's propositions one by one; and consequently, when we find Proclus, on I. 8, 16, 17, 18, 32, and 47See Proclus, p. 270, 5-24 (I. 8); pp. 309, 3-310, 8 (I. 16); pp. 310, 19-311, 23 (I. 17); pp. 316, 14-318, 2 (I. 18); p. 384, 13-21 (I. 32); pp. 426, 22-427, 8 (I. 47)., endeavouring to explain causes, we have good reason to suppose that the explanations are his own.

Again, his remarks on certain things which he quotes from Pappus can scarcely be due to anyone else, since Pappus is the latest of the commentators whose works he appears to have used. Under this head come

(1) his objections to certain new axioms introduced by PappusProclus, p. 198, 5-15.,

(2) his conjecture as to how Pappus came to think of his alternative proof of I. 5ibid. p. 250, 12-19.,

(3) an addition to Pappus' remarks about the curvilineal angle which is equal to a right angle without being oneibid. p. 190, 9-23..

The defence of Geminus against Carpus, who combated his view of theorems and problems, is also probably due to Proclusibid. p. 243, 12-29., as well as an observation on I. 38 to the effect that I. 35-38 are really comprehended in VI. 1 as particular casesibid. pp. 405, 6-406, 9..

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Lastly, we can have no hesitation in attributing to Proclus himself (1) the criticism of Ptolemy's attempt to prove the parallel-postulateibid. p. 368, 1-23., and (2) the other attempted proof given ín the same noteibid. pp. 371, 11-373, 2. (on I. 29) and assuming as an axiom that if from one point two straight lines forming an angle be produced ad infinitum the distance between them when so produced ad infinitum exceeds any finite magnitude (i.e. length), +

Lastly, we can have no hesitation in attributing to Proclus himself (1) the criticism of Ptolemy's attempt to prove the parallel-postulateibid. p. 368, 1-23., and (2) the other attempted proof given ín the same noteibid. pp. 371, 11-373, 2. (on I. 29) and assuming as an axiom that if from one point two straight lines forming an angle be produced ad infinitum the distance between them when so produced ad infinitum exceeds any finite magnitude (i.e. length), an assumption which purports to be the equivalent of a statement in AristotleAristotle, de caelo, I. 5 (271 b 28-30).. It is introduced by words in which the writer appears to claim originality for his proof: To him who desires to see this proved (kataskeuazo/menon) let it be said by us (lege/sqw par) h<*>mw=n) etc.Proclus, p. 371, 10. Moreover, Philoponus, in a note on Aristotle's Anal. post. I. 10, says that the geometer (Euclid) assumes this as an axiom, but it wants a great deal of proof, insomuch that both Ptolemy and Proclus wrote a whole book upon itBerlin Aristotle, vol. IV. p. 214 a 9-12..

@@ -521,7 +521,7 @@ CHAPTER V. - THE TEXTThe material for the whole of this chapter is taken from Heiberg's edition of the Elements, introduction to vol. v., and from the same scholar's Litterargeschichtliche Studien über Euklid, p. 174 sqq. and Paralipomena zu Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903.. + THE TEXTThe material for the whole of this chapter is taken from Heiberg's edition of the Elements, introduction to vol. v., and from the same scholar's Litterargeschichtliche Studien über Euklid, p. 174 sqq. and Paralipomena zu Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903..

It is well known that the title of Simson's edition of Euclid (first brought out in Latin and English in 1756) claims that, in it, the errors by which Theon, or others, have long ago vitiated these books are corrected, and some of Euclid's demonstrations are restored ; and readers of Simson's notes are familiar with the phrases used, where anything in the text does not seem to him satisfactory, to the effect that the demonstration has been spoiled, or things have been interpolated or omitted, by Theon or some other unskilful editor. Now most of the MSS. of the Greek text prove by their titles that they proceed from the recension of the Elements by Theon; they purport to be either from the edition of Theon @@ -532,25 +532,25 @@ Thus we are more fortunate than Simson, since our judgment of Theon's recension can be formed on the basis, not of mere conjecture, but of the documentary evidence afforded by a comparison of the Vatican MS. just mentioned with what we may conveniently call, after Heiberg, the Theonine MSS.

The MSS. used for Heiberg's edition of the Elements are the following:

(1) P = Vatican MS. numbered 190, 4to, in two volumes (doubtless one originally); 10th c.

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This is the MS. which Peyrard was able to use; it was sent from Rome to Paris for his use and bears the stamp of the Paris Imperial Library on the last page. It is well and carefully written. There are corrections some of which are by the original hand, but generally in paler ink, others, still pretty old, by several different hands, or by one hand with different ink in different places (P m. 2), and others again by the latest hand (P m. rec.). It contains, first, the Elements I.—XIII. with scholia, then Marinus' commentary on the Data (without the name of the author), followed by the Data itself and scholia, then the Elements XIV., XV. (so called), and lastly three books and a part of a fourth of a commentary by Theon ei)s tou\s proxei/rous kano/nas *ptolemai/ou.

+

This is the MS. which Peyrard was able to use; it was sent from Rome to Paris for his use and bears the stamp of the Paris Imperial Library on the last page. It is well and carefully written. There are corrections some of which are by the original hand, but generally in paler ink, others, still pretty old, by several different hands, or by one hand with different ink in different places (P m. 2), and others again by the latest hand (P m. rec.). It contains, first, the Elements I.—XIII. with scholia, then Marinus' commentary on the Data (without the name of the author), followed by the Data itself and scholia, then the Elements XIV., XV. (so called), and lastly three books and a part of a fourth of a commentary by Theon ei)s tou\s proxei/rous kano/nas *ptolemai/ou.

The other MSS. are Theonine.

(2) F = MS. XXVIII, 3, in the Laurentian Library at Florence, 4to; 10th c.

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This MS. is written in a beautiful and scholarly hand and contains the Elements I.—XV., the Optics and the Phaenomena, but is not well preserved. Not only is the original writing renewed in many places, where it had become faint, by a later hand of the 16th c., but the same hand has filled certain smaller lacunae by gumming on to torn pages new pieces of parchment, and has replaced bodily certain portions of the MS., which had doubtless become illegible, by fresh leaves. The larger gaps so made good extend from Eucl. VII. 12 to IX. 15, and from XII. 3 to the end; so that, besides the conclusion of the Elements, the Optics and Phaenomena are also in the later hand, and we cannot even tell what in addition to the Elements I.—XIII. the original MS. contained. Heiberg denotes the later hand by f and observes that, while in restoring words which had become faint and filling up minor lacunae the writer used no other MS., yet in the two larger restorations he used the Laurentian MS. XXVIII, 6, belonging to the 13th—14th c. The latter MS. (which Heiberg denotes by f) was copied from the Viennese MS. (V) to be described below.

+

This MS. is written in a beautiful and scholarly hand and contains the Elements I.—XV., the Optics and the Phaenomena, but is not well preserved. Not only is the original writing renewed in many places, where it had become faint, by a later hand of the 16th c., but the same hand has filled certain smaller lacunae by gumming on to torn pages new pieces of parchment, and has replaced bodily certain portions of the MS., which had doubtless become illegible, by fresh leaves. The larger gaps so made good extend from Eucl. VII. 12 to IX. 15, and from XII. 3 to the end; so that, besides the conclusion of the Elements, the Optics and Phaenomena are also in the later hand, and we cannot even tell what in addition to the Elements I.—XIII. the original MS. contained. Heiberg denotes the later hand by f and observes that, while in restoring words which had become faint and filling up minor lacunae the writer used no other MS., yet in the two larger restorations he used the Laurentian MS. XXVIII, 6, belonging to the 13th—14th c. The latter MS. (which Heiberg denotes by f) was copied from the Viennese MS. (V) to be described below.

(3) B = Bodleian MS., D'Orville X. 1 inf. 2, 30, 4to; A.D. 888.

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This MS. contains the Elements I.—XV. with many scholia. Leaves 15-118 contain I. 14 (from about the middle of the proposition) to the end of Book VI., and leaves 123-387 (wrongly numbered 397) Books VII.—XV. in one and the same elegant hand (9th c.). The leaves preceding leaf 15 seem to have been lost at some time, leaves 6 to 14 (containing Elem. I. to the place in I. 14 above referred to) being carelessly written by a later hand on thick and common parchment (13th c.). On leaves 2 to 4 and 122 are certain notes in the hand of Arethas, who also wrote a two-line epigram on leaf 5, the greater part of the scholia in uncial letters, a few notes and corrections, and two sentences on the last leaf, the first of which states that the MS. was written by one Stephen clericus in the year of the world 6397 (= 888 A.D.), while the second records Arethas' own acquisition of it. Arethas lived from, say, 865 to 939 A.D. He was Archbishop of Caesarea and wrote a commentary on the Apocalypse. The portions of his library which survive are of the greatest interest to palaeography on account of his exact notes of dates, names of copyists, prices of parchment etc. It is to him also that we owe the famous Plato MS. from Patmos (Cod. Clarkianus) which was written for him in November 895See Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der class. Altertumswissenschaft, vol. II., 1896, p. 675..

+

This MS. contains the Elements I.—XV. with many scholia. Leaves 15-118 contain I. 14 (from about the middle of the proposition) to the end of Book VI., and leaves 123-387 (wrongly numbered 397) Books VII.—XV. in one and the same elegant hand (9th c.). The leaves preceding leaf 15 seem to have been lost at some time, leaves 6 to 14 (containing Elem. I. to the place in I. 14 above referred to) being carelessly written by a later hand on thick and common parchment (13th c.). On leaves 2 to 4 and 122 are certain notes in the hand of Arethas, who also wrote a two-line epigram on leaf 5, the greater part of the scholia in uncial letters, a few notes and corrections, and two sentences on the last leaf, the first of which states that the MS. was written by one Stephen clericus in the year of the world 6397 (= 888 A.D.), while the second records Arethas' own acquisition of it. Arethas lived from, say, 865 to 939 A.D. He was Archbishop of Caesarea and wrote a commentary on the Apocalypse. The portions of his library which survive are of the greatest interest to palaeography on account of his exact notes of dates, names of copyists, prices of parchment etc. It is to him also that we owe the famous Plato MS. from Patmos (Cod. Clarkianus) which was written for him in November 895See Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der class. Altertumswissenschaft, vol. II., 1896, p. 675..

(4) V = Viennese MS. Philos. Gr. No. 103; probably 12th c.

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This MS. contains 292 leaves, Eucl. Elements I.—XV. occupying leaves 1 to 254, after which come the Optics (to leaf 271), the Phaenomena (mutilated at the end) from leaf 272 to leaf 282, and lastly scholia, on leaves 283 to 292, also imperfect at the end. The different material used for different parts and the varieties of handwriting make it necessary for Heiberg to discuss this MS. at some lengthHeiberg, vol. v. pp. xxix—xxxiii.. The handwriting on leaves 1 to 183 (Book I. to the middle of X. 105) and on leaves 203 to 234 (from XI. 31, towards the end of the proposition, to XIII. 7, a few lines down) is the same; between leaves 184 and 202 there are two varieties of handwriting, that of leaves 184 to 189 and that of leaves 200 (verso) to 202 being the same. Leaf 235 begins in the same handwriting, changes first gradually into that of leaves 184 to 189 and then (verso) into a third more rapid cursive writing which is the same as that of the greater part of the scholia, and also as that of leaves 243 and 282, although, as these leaves are of different material, the look of the writing and of the ink seems altered. There are corrections both by the first and a second hand, and scholia by many hands. On the whole, in spite of the apparent diversity of handwriting in the MS., it is probable that the whole of it was written at about the same time, and it may (allowing for changes of material, ink etc.) even have been written by the same man. It is at least certain that, when the Laurentian MS. XXVIII, 6 was copied from it, the whole MS. was in the condition in which it is now, except as regards the later scholia and leaves 283 to 292 which are not in the Laurentian MS., that MS. coming to an end where the Phaenomena breaks off abruptly in V. Hence Heiberg attributes the whole MS. to the 12th c.

+

This MS. contains 292 leaves, Eucl. Elements I.—XV. occupying leaves 1 to 254, after which come the Optics (to leaf 271), the Phaenomena (mutilated at the end) from leaf 272 to leaf 282, and lastly scholia, on leaves 283 to 292, also imperfect at the end. The different material used for different parts and the varieties of handwriting make it necessary for Heiberg to discuss this MS. at some lengthHeiberg, vol. v. pp. xxix—xxxiii.. The handwriting on leaves 1 to 183 (Book I. to the middle of X. 105) and on leaves 203 to 234 (from XI. 31, towards the end of the proposition, to XIII. 7, a few lines down) is the same; between leaves 184 and 202 there are two varieties of handwriting, that of leaves 184 to 189 and that of leaves 200 (verso) to 202 being the same. Leaf 235 begins in the same handwriting, changes first gradually into that of leaves 184 to 189 and then (verso) into a third more rapid cursive writing which is the same as that of the greater part of the scholia, and also as that of leaves 243 and 282, although, as these leaves are of different material, the look of the writing and of the ink seems altered. There are corrections both by the first and a second hand, and scholia by many hands. On the whole, in spite of the apparent diversity of handwriting in the MS., it is probable that the whole of it was written at about the same time, and it may (allowing for changes of material, ink etc.) even have been written by the same man. It is at least certain that, when the Laurentian MS. XXVIII, 6 was copied from it, the whole MS. was in the condition in which it is now, except as regards the later scholia and leaves 283 to 292 which are not in the Laurentian MS., that MS. coming to an end where the Phaenomena breaks off abruptly in V. Hence Heiberg attributes the whole MS. to the 12th c.

But it was apparently in two volumes originally, the first consisting of leaves 1 to 183; and it is certain that it was not all copied at the same time or from one and the same original. For leaves 184 to 202 were evidently copied from two MSS. different both from one another and from that from which the rest was copied. Leaves 184 to the middle of leaf 189 (recto) must have been copied from a MS. similar to P, as is proved by similarity of readings, though not from P itself. The rest, up to leaf 202, were copied from the Bologna MS. (b) to be mentioned below. It seems clear that the content of leaves 184 to 202 was supplied from other MSS. because there was a lacuna in the original from which the rest of V was copied.

Heiberg sums up his conclusions thus. The copyist of V first copied leaves 1 to 183 from an original in which two quaterniones were missing (covering from the middle of Eucl. X. 105 to near the end of XI. 31). Noticing the lacuna he put aside one quaternio of the parchment used up to that point. Then he copied onwards from the end of the lacuna in the original to the end of the Phaenomena. After this he looked about him for another MS. from which to fill up the lacuna; finding one, he copied from it as far as the middle of leaf 189 (recto). Then, noticing that the MS. from which he was copying was of a different class, he had recourse to yet another MS. from which he copied up to leaf 202. At the same time, finding that the lacuna was longer than he had reckoned for, he had to use twelve more leaves of a different parchment in addition to the quaternio which he had put aside. The whole MS. at first formed two volumes (the first containing leaves 1 to 183 and the second leaves 184 to 282); then, after the last leaf had perished, the two volumes were made into one to which two more quaterniones were also added. A few leaves of the latter of these two have since perished.

(5) b = MS. numbered 18-19 in the Communal Library at Bologna, in two volumes, 4to; 11th c.

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This MS. has scholia in the margin written both by the first hand and by two or three later hands; some are written by the latest hand, Theodorus Cabasilas (a descendant apparently of Nicolaus Cabasilas, 14th c.) who owned the MS. at one time. It contains (a) in 14 quaterniones the definitions and the enunciations (without proofs) of the Elements I.—XIII. and of the Data, (b) in the remainder of the volumes the Proem to Geometry (published among the Variae Collectiones in Hultsch's edition of Heron, pp. 252, 24 to 274, 14) followed by the Elements I.—XIII. (part of XIII. 18 to the end being missing), and then by part of the Data (from the last three words of the enunciation of Prop. 38 to the end of the penultimate clause in Prop. 87, ed. Menge). From XI. 36 inclusive to the end of XII. this MS. appears to represent an entirely different recension. Heiberg is compelled to give this portion of b separately in an appendix. He conjectures that it is due to a Byzantine mathematician who thought Euclid's proofs too long and tiresome and consequently contented himself with indicating the course followedZeitschrift fiir Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abtheilung, p. 13.. At the same time this Byzantine must have had an excellent MS. before him, probably of the ante-Theonine variety of which the Vatican MS. 190 (P) is the sole representative.

+

This MS. has scholia in the margin written both by the first hand and by two or three later hands; some are written by the latest hand, Theodorus Cabasilas (a descendant apparently of Nicolaus Cabasilas, 14th c.) who owned the MS. at one time. It contains (a) in 14 quaterniones the definitions and the enunciations (without proofs) of the Elements I.—XIII. and of the Data, (b) in the remainder of the volumes the Proem to Geometry (published among the Variae Collectiones in Hultsch's edition of Heron, pp. 252, 24 to 274, 14) followed by the Elements I.—XIII. (part of XIII. 18 to the end being missing), and then by part of the Data (from the last three words of the enunciation of Prop. 38 to the end of the penultimate clause in Prop. 87, ed. Menge). From XI. 36 inclusive to the end of XII. this MS. appears to represent an entirely different recension. Heiberg is compelled to give this portion of b separately in an appendix. He conjectures that it is due to a Byzantine mathematician who thought Euclid's proofs too long and tiresome and consequently contented himself with indicating the course followedZeitschrift fiir Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abtheilung, p. 13.. At the same time this Byzantine must have had an excellent MS. before him, probably of the ante-Theonine variety of which the Vatican MS. 190 (P) is the sole representative.

(6) p = Paris MS. 2466, 4to; 12th c.

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This manuscript is written in two hands, the finer hand occupying leaves 1 to 53 (recto), and a more careless hand leaves 53 (verso) to 64, which are of the same parchment as the earlier leaves, and leaves 65 to 239, which are of a thinner and rougher parchment showing traces of writing of the 8th—9th c. (a Greek version of the Old Testament). The MS. contains the Elements I.—XIII. and some scholia after Books XI., XII. and XIII.

+

This manuscript is written in two hands, the finer hand occupying leaves 1 to 53 (recto), and a more careless hand leaves 53 (verso) to 64, which are of the same parchment as the earlier leaves, and leaves 65 to 239, which are of a thinner and rougher parchment showing traces of writing of the 8th—9th c. (a Greek version of the Old Testament). The MS. contains the Elements I.—XIII. and some scholia after Books XI., XII. and XIII.

(7) q = Paris MS. 2344, folio; 12th c.

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It is written by one hand but includes scholia by many hands. On leaves 1 to 16 (recto) are scholia with the same title as that found by Wachsmuth in a Vatican MS. and relied upon by him to prove that Proclus continued his commentaries beyond Book I.[ei)s t]a\ tou= *eu)klei/dou stoixei=a prolambano/mena e)k tw=n *pro/klou spora/dhn kai\ kat) e)pitomh/n. Cf. p. 32, note 8, above. Leaves 17 to 357 contain the Elements I.—XIII. (except that there is a lacuna from the middle of VIII. 25 to the e)/kqesis of IX. 14); before Books VII. and X. there are some leaves filled with scholia only, and leaves 358 to 366 contain nothing but scholia.

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(8) Heiberg also used a palimpsest in the British Museum (Add. 17211). Five pages are of the 7th—8th c. and are contained (leaves 49-53) in the second volume of the Syrian MS. Brit. Mus. 687 of the 9th c.; half of leaf 50 has perished. The leaves contain various fragments from Book X. enumerated by Heiberg, Vol. III., p. v, and nearly the whole of XIII. 14.

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Since his edition of the Elements was published, Heiberg has collected further material bearing on the history of the textHeiberg, Paralipomena zu Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903, pp. 46-74, 161-201, 321-356.. Besides giving the results of further or new examination of MSS., he has collected the fresh evidence contained in an-Nairīzī's commentary, and particularly in the quotations from Heron's commentary given in it (often word for word), which enable us in several cases to trace differences between our text and the text as Heron had it, and to identify some interpolations which actually found their way into the text from Heron's commentary itself; and lastly he has dealt with some valuable fragments of ancient papyri which have recently come to light, and which are especially important in that the evidence drawn from them necessitates some modification in the views expressed in the preface to Vol. V. as to the nature of the changes made in Theon's recension, and in the principles laid down for differentiating between Theon's recension and the original text, on the basis of a comparison between P and the Theonine MSS. alone.

+

It is written by one hand but includes scholia by many hands. On leaves 1 to 16 (recto) are scholia with the same title as that found by Wachsmuth in a Vatican MS. and relied upon by him to prove that Proclus continued his commentaries beyond Book I.[ei)s t]a\ tou= *eu)klei/dou stoixei=a prolambano/mena e)k tw=n *pro/klou spora/dhn kai\ kat) e)pitomh/n. Cf. p. 32, note 8, above. Leaves 17 to 357 contain the Elements I.—XIII. (except that there is a lacuna from the middle of VIII. 25 to the e)/kqesis of IX. 14); before Books VII. and X. there are some leaves filled with scholia only, and leaves 358 to 366 contain nothing but scholia.

+

(8) Heiberg also used a palimpsest in the British Museum (Add. 17211). Five pages are of the 7th—8th c. and are contained (leaves 49-53) in the second volume of the Syrian MS. Brit. Mus. 687 of the 9th c.; half of leaf 50 has perished. The leaves contain various fragments from Book X. enumerated by Heiberg, Vol. III., p. v, and nearly the whole of XIII. 14.

+

Since his edition of the Elements was published, Heiberg has collected further material bearing on the history of the textHeiberg, Paralipomena zu Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903, pp. 46-74, 161-201, 321-356.. Besides giving the results of further or new examination of MSS., he has collected the fresh evidence contained in an-Nairīzī's commentary, and particularly in the quotations from Heron's commentary given in it (often word for word), which enable us in several cases to trace differences between our text and the text as Heron had it, and to identify some interpolations which actually found their way into the text from Heron's commentary itself; and lastly he has dealt with some valuable fragments of ancient papyri which have recently come to light, and which are especially important in that the evidence drawn from them necessitates some modification in the views expressed in the preface to Vol. V. as to the nature of the changes made in Theon's recension, and in the principles laid down for differentiating between Theon's recension and the original text, on the basis of a comparison between P and the Theonine MSS. alone.

The fragments of ancient papyri referred to are the following.

1. Papyrus Herculanensis No. 1061.Described by Heiberg in Oversigt over det kngl. danske Videnskabernes Selskabs Forhandlinger, 1900, p. 161.

@@ -598,12 +598,12 @@

(The discovery of the ancient papyrus showing readings agreeing with some, or with all, of the Theonine MSS. against P now makes it necessary to be very cautious in applying these criteria.)

It is of course the last class (d) of changes which we have to investigate in order to get a proper idea of Theon's recension.

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Heiberg first observes, as regards these, that we shall find that Theon, in editing the Elements, altered hardly anything without some reason, often inadequate according to our ideas, but still some reason which seemed to him sufficient. Hence, in cases of very slight differences where both the Theonine MSS. and P have readings good and probable in themselves, Heiberg is not prepared to put the differences down to Theon. In those passages where we cannot see the least reason why Theon, if he had the reading of P before him, should have altered it, Heiberg would not at once assume the superiority of P unless there was such a consistency in the differences as would indicate that they were due not to accident but to design. In the absence of such indications, he thinks that the ordinary principles of criticism should be followed and that proper weight should be attached to the antiquity of the sources. And it cannot be denied that the sources of the Theonine version are the more ancient. For not only is the British Museum palimpsest (L), which is intimately connected with the rest of our MSS., át least two centuries older than P, but the other Theonine MSS. are so nearly allied that they must be held to have had a common archetype intermediate between them and the actual edition of Theon; and, since they themselves are as old as, or older than P, their archetype must have been much older. Heiberg gives (pp. xlvi, xlvii) a list of passages where, for this reason, he has followed the Theonine MSS. in preference to P.

+

Heiberg first observes, as regards these, that we shall find that Theon, in editing the Elements, altered hardly anything without some reason, often inadequate according to our ideas, but still some reason which seemed to him sufficient. Hence, in cases of very slight differences where both the Theonine MSS. and P have readings good and probable in themselves, Heiberg is not prepared to put the differences down to Theon. In those passages where we cannot see the least reason why Theon, if he had the reading of P before him, should have altered it, Heiberg would not at once assume the superiority of P unless there was such a consistency in the differences as would indicate that they were due not to accident but to design. In the absence of such indications, he thinks that the ordinary principles of criticism should be followed and that proper weight should be attached to the antiquity of the sources. And it cannot be denied that the sources of the Theonine version are the more ancient. For not only is the British Museum palimpsest (L), which is intimately connected with the rest of our MSS., át least two centuries older than P, but the other Theonine MSS. are so nearly allied that they must be held to have had a common archetype intermediate between them and the actual edition of Theon; and, since they themselves are as old as, or older than P, their archetype must have been much older. Heiberg gives (pp. xlvi, xlvii) a list of passages where, for this reason, he has followed the Theonine MSS. in preference to P.

It has been mentioned above that the copyist of P or rather of its archetype wished to give an ancient recension. Therefore (apart from clerical errors and interpolations) the first hand in P may be relied upon as giving a genuine reading even where a correction by the first hand has been made at the same time. But in many places the first hand has made corrections afterwards; on these occasions he must have used new sources, e.g. when inserting the scholia to the first Book which P alone has, and in a number of passages he has made additions from Theonine MSS.

We cannot make out any family tree for the different Theonine MSS. Although they all proceeded from a common archetype later than the edition of Theon itself, they cannot have been copied one from the other; for, if they had been, how could it have come about that in one place or other each of them agrees alone with P in preserving the genuine reading? Moreover the great variety in their agreements and disagreements indicates that they have all diverged to about the same extent from their archetype. As we have seen that P contains corrections from the Theonine family, so they show corrections from P or other MSS. of the same family. Thus V has part of the lacuna in the MS. from which it was copied filled up from a MS. similar to P, and has corrections apparently derived from the same; the copyist, however, in correcting V, also used another MS. to which he alludes in the additions to IX. 19 and 30 (and also on X. 23 Por.): in the book of the Ephesian (this) is not found. Who this Ephesian of the 12th c. was, we do not know.

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We now come to the alterations made by Theon in his edition of the Elements. I shall indicate classes into which these alterations may be divided but without details (except in cases where they affect the mathematical content as distinct from form or language pure and simple).Exhaustive details under all the different heads are given by Heiberg (Vol. v. pp. lii—lxxv)..

+

We now come to the alterations made by Theon in his edition of the Elements. I shall indicate classes into which these alterations may be divided but without details (except in cases where they affect the mathematical content as distinct from form or language pure and simple).Exhaustive details under all the different heads are given by Heiberg (Vol. v. pp. lii—lxxv)..

I. Alterations made by Theon where he found, or thought he found, mistakes in the original.

1. Real blots in the original which Theon saw and tried to remove.

@@ -669,7 +669,7 @@ may also be mentioned, the proper distinction between the words having been ignored as it was by Theon also. But there are a number of imperfections in the ante-Theonine text which it would be unsafe to put down to the errors of copyists, those namely where the good MSS. agree and it is not possible to see any motive that a copyist could have had for altering a correct reading. In these cases it is possible that the imperfections are due to a certain degree of carelessness on the part of Euclid himself; for it is not possible Euclidem ab omni naevo vindicare, to use the words of SaccheriEuclides ab omni naevo vindicatus, Mediolani, 1733., and consequently Simson is not right in attributing to Theon and other editors all the things in Euclid to which mathematical objection can be taken. Thus, when Euclid speaks of the ratio compounded of the sides for the ratio compounded of the ratios of the sides, - there is no reason for doubting that Euclid himself is responsible for the more slip-shod expression. Again, in the Books XI.—XIII. relating to solid geometry there are blots neither few nor altogether unimportant which can only be attributed to Euclid himselfCf. especially the assumption, without proof or definition, of the criterion for equal solid angles, and the incomplete proof of XII. 17.; and there is the less reason for hesitation in so attributing them because solid geometry was then being treated in a thoroughly systematic manner for the first time. Sometimes the conclusion (sumpe/rasma) of a proposition does not correspond exactly to the enunciation, often it is cut short with the words kai\ ta\ e(ch=s and the rest + there is no reason for doubting that Euclid himself is responsible for the more slip-shod expression. Again, in the Books XI.—XIII. relating to solid geometry there are blots neither few nor altogether unimportant which can only be attributed to Euclid himselfCf. especially the assumption, without proof or definition, of the criterion for equal solid angles, and the incomplete proof of XII. 17.; and there is the less reason for hesitation in so attributing them because solid geometry was then being treated in a thoroughly systematic manner for the first time. Sometimes the conclusion (sumpe/rasma) of a proposition does not correspond exactly to the enunciation, often it is cut short with the words kai\ ta\ e(ch=s and the rest (especially from Book X. onwards), and very often in Books VIII., IX. it is omitted. Where all the MSS. agree, there is no ground for hesitating to attribute the abbreviation or omission to Euclid; though, of course, where one or more MSS. have the longer form, it must be retained because this is one of the cases where a copyist has a temptation to abbreviate.

Where the true reading is preserved in one of the Theonine MSS. alone, Heiberg attributes the wrong reading to a mistake which arose before Theon's time, and the right reading of the single MS. to a successful correction.

We now come to the most important question of the Interpolations introduced before Theon's time.

@@ -678,9 +678,9 @@ or that of X. 90 it is possible to prove more shortly (suntomw/teron). Now it is impossible to suppose that Euclid would have given one proof as that definitely accepted by him and then added another with the express comment that the latter has certain advantages over the former. Had he considered the two proofs and come to this conclusion, he would have inserted the latter in the received text instead of the former. These alternative proofs must therefore have been interpolated. The same argument applies to alternatives introduced with the words or even thus (h)\ kai\ ou(/tws), or even otherwise - (h)\ kai\ a)/llws). Under this head come the alternatives for the last portions of III. 7, 8; and Heiberg also compares the alternatives for parts of III. 31 (that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle) and XIII. 18, and the alternative proof of the lemma after X. 32. The alternatives to X. 105 and 106, again, are condemned by the place in which they occur, namely after an alternative proof to X. 115. The above alternatives being all admitted to be spurious, suspicion must necessarily attach to the few others which are in themselves unobjectionable. Heiberg instances the alternative proofs to III. 9, III. 10, VI. 30, VI. 31 and XI. 22, observing that it is quite comprehensible that any of these might have occurred to a teacher or editor and seemed to him, rightly or wrongly, to be better than the corresponding proofs in Euclid. Curiously enough, Simson adopted the alternatives to III. 9, 10 in preference to the genuine proofs. Since Heiberg's preface was written, his suspicion has been amply confirmed as regards III. 10 by the commentary of an-Nairīzī (ed. Curtze) which shows not only that this alternative is Heron's, but also that the substantive proposition III. 12 in Euclid is also Heron's, having been given by him to supplement III. II which must originally have been enunciated of circles touching one another + (h)\ kai\ a)/llws). Under this head come the alternatives for the last portions of III. 7, 8; and Heiberg also compares the alternatives for parts of III. 31 (that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle) and XIII. 18, and the alternative proof of the lemma after X. 32. The alternatives to X. 105 and 106, again, are condemned by the place in which they occur, namely after an alternative proof to X. 115. The above alternatives being all admitted to be spurious, suspicion must necessarily attach to the few others which are in themselves unobjectionable. Heiberg instances the alternative proofs to III. 9, III. 10, VI. 30, VI. 31 and XI. 22, observing that it is quite comprehensible that any of these might have occurred to a teacher or editor and seemed to him, rightly or wrongly, to be better than the corresponding proofs in Euclid. Curiously enough, Simson adopted the alternatives to III. 9, 10 in preference to the genuine proofs. Since Heiberg's preface was written, his suspicion has been amply confirmed as regards III. 10 by the commentary of an-Nairīzī (ed. Curtze) which shows not only that this alternative is Heron's, but also that the substantive proposition III. 12 in Euclid is also Heron's, having been given by him to supplement III. II which must originally have been enunciated of circles touching one another simply, i.e. so as to include the case of external as well as internal contact, though the proof covered the case of internal contact only. Euclid, in the 11th proposition, - says Heron, supposed two circles touching one another internally and wrote the proposition on this case, proving what it was required to prove in it. But I will show how it is to be proved if the contact be external.An-Nairīzī, ed. Curtze, p. 121.. + says Heron, supposed two circles touching one another internally and wrote the proposition on this case, proving what it was required to prove in it. But I will show how it is to be proved if the contact be external.An-Nairīzī, ed. Curtze, p. 121.. This additional proposition of Heron's is by way of adding another case, which brings us to that class of interpolation. It was the practice of Euclid and the ancients to give only one case (generally the most difficult one) and to leave the others to be investigated by the reader for himself. One interpolation of a second case (VI. 27) is due, as we have seen, to Theon. The two extra cases of XI. 23 were manifestly interpolated before Theon's time, for the preliminary distinction of three cases, (the centre) will either be within the triangle LMN, or on one of the sides, or outside. First let it be within, is a spurious addition (B and V only). Similarly an unnecessary case is interpolated in III. 11.

II. Lemmas.

@@ -710,7 +710,7 @@ an actual proof is nevertheless given. Clearly the proofs are interpolated; and there are other similar interpolations. There are also interpolations of intermediate steps in proofs, unnecessary explanations and so on, as to which I need not enter into details.

Lastly, following Heiberg's order, I come to

VII. Interpolated definitions, axioms etc.

-

Apart from VI. Def. 5 (which may have been interpolated by Theon although it is found written in the margin of P by the first hand), the definition of a segment of a circle in Book I. is interpolated, as is clear from the fact that it occurs in a more appropriate place in Book III. and Proclus omits it. VI. Def. 2 (reciprocal figures) is rightly condemned by Simson—perhaps it was taken from Heron—and Heiberg would reject VII. Def. 10, as to which see my note on that definition. Lastly the double definition of a solid angle (XI. Def. 11) constitutes a difficulty. The use of the word e)pifa/neia suggests that the first definition may have been older than Euclid, and he may have quoted it from older elements, especially as his own definition which follows only includes solid angles contained by planes, whereas the other includes other sorts (cf. the words grammw=n, grammai=s) which are also distinguished by Heron (Def. 22). If the first definition had come last, it could have been rejected without hesitation: but it is not so easy to reject the first part up to and including otherwise +

Apart from VI. Def. 5 (which may have been interpolated by Theon although it is found written in the margin of P by the first hand), the definition of a segment of a circle in Book I. is interpolated, as is clear from the fact that it occurs in a more appropriate place in Book III. and Proclus omits it. VI. Def. 2 (reciprocal figures) is rightly condemned by Simson—perhaps it was taken from Heron—and Heiberg would reject VII. Def. 10, as to which see my note on that definition. Lastly the double definition of a solid angle (XI. Def. 11) constitutes a difficulty. The use of the word e)pifa/neia suggests that the first definition may have been older than Euclid, and he may have quoted it from older elements, especially as his own definition which follows only includes solid angles contained by planes, whereas the other includes other sorts (cf. the words grammw=n, grammai=s) which are also distinguished by Heron (Def. 22). If the first definition had come last, it could have been rejected without hesitation: but it is not so easy to reject the first part up to and including otherwise (a)/llws). No difficulty need be felt about the definitions of oblong, rhombus, and rhomboid, @@ -728,7 +728,7 @@ CHAPTER VI. THE SCHOLIA. -

Heiberg has collected scholia, to the number of about 1500, in Vol. v. of his edition of Euclid, and has also discussed and classified them in a separate short treatise, in which he added a few others.Heiberg, Om Scholierne til Euklids Elementer, Kjøbenhavn, 1888. The tract is written in Danish, but, fortunately for those who do not read Danish easily, the author has appended (pp. 70-78) a résumé in French.

+

Heiberg has collected scholia, to the number of about 1500, in Vol. v. of his edition of Euclid, and has also discussed and classified them in a separate short treatise, in which he added a few others.Heiberg, Om Scholierne til Euklids Elementer, Kjøbenhavn, 1888. The tract is written in Danish, but, fortunately for those who do not read Danish easily, the author has appended (pp. 70-78) a résumé in French.

These scholia cannot be regarded as doing much to facilitate the reading of the Elements. As a rule, they contain only such observations as any intelligent reader could make for himself. Among the few exceptions are XI. Nos. 33, 35 (where XI. 22, 23 are extended to solid angles formed by any number of plane angles), XII. No. 85 (where an assumption tacitly made by Euclid in XII. 17 is proved), IX. Nos. 28, 29 (where the scholiast has pointed out the error in the text of IX. 19).

Nor are they very rich in historical information; they cannot be compared in this respect with Proclus' commentary on Book I. or with those of Eutocius on Archimedes and Apollonius. But even under this head they contain some things of interest, e.g. II. No. 11 explaining that the gnomon was invented by geometers for the sake of brevity, and that its name was suggested by an incidental characteristic, namely that from it the whole is known (gnwri/zetai), either of the whole area or of the remainder, when it (the gnw/mwn) is either placed round or taken away ; II. No. 13, also on the gnomon; IV. No. 2 stating that Book IV. was the discovery of the Pythagoreans; V. No. 1 attributing the content of Book V. to Eudoxus; X. No. 1 with its allusion to the discovery of incommensurability by the Pythagoreans and to Apollonius' work on irrationals; X. No. 62 definitely attributing X. 9 to Theaetetus; XIII. No. 1 about the Platonic @@ -753,9 +753,9 @@

F=Scholia in F by the first hand.

Vat.=Scholia of the Vatican MS. 204 of the 10th c., which has these scholia on leaves 198-205 (the end is missing) as an independent collection. It does not contain the text of the Elements.

V^{c}=Scholia found on leaves 283-292 of V and written in the same hand as that part of the MS. itself which begins at leaf 235.

-

Vat. 192=a Vatican MS. of the 14th c. which contains, after (1) the Elements I.—XIII. (without scholia), (2) the Data with scholia, (3) Marinus on the Data, the Schol. Vat. as an independent collection and in their entirety, beginning with 1. No. 88 and ending with XIII. No. 44.

-

The Schol. Vat., the most ancient and important collection of scholia, comprise those which are found in PBF Vat. and, from VII. 12 to IX. 15, in PB Vat. only, since in that portion of the Elements F was restored by a later hand without scholia; they also include 1. No. 88 which only happens to be erased in F, and IX. Nos. 28, 29 which may be left out because F. here has a different text. In F and Vat. the collection ends with Book X.; but it must also include Schol. PB of Books XI.—XIII., since these are found along with Schol. Vat. to Books I.—X. in several MSS. (of which Vat. 192 is one) as a separate collection. The Schol. Vat. to Books X.—XIII. are also found in the collection V^{c} (where, curiously enough, XIII. Nos. 43, 44 are at the beginning). The Schol. Vat. accordingly include Schol. PBV^{c} Vat. 192, and doubtless also those which are found in two of these sources. The total number of scholia classified by Heiberg as Schol. Vat. is 138.

-

As regards the contents of Schol. Vat. Heiberg has the following observations. The thirteen scholia to Book I. are extracts made from Proclus by a writer thoroughly conversant with the subject, and cleverly recast (with some additions). Their author does not seem to have had the two lacunae which our text of Proclus has (at the end of the note on I. 36 and the beginning of the next note, and at the beginning of the note on I. 43), for the scholia I. Nos. 125 and 137 seem to fill the gaps appropriately, at least in part. In some passages he had better readings than our MSS. have. The rest of Schol. Vat. (on Books II.—XIII.) are essentially of the same character as those on Book I., containing prolegomena, remarks on the object of the propositions, critical remarks on the text, converses, lemmas; they are, in general, exact and true to tradition. The reason of the resemblance between them and Proclus appears to be due to the fact that they have their origin in the commentary of Pappus, of which we know that Proclus also made use. In support of the view that Pappus is the source, heiberg places some of the Schol. Vat. to Book X. side by side with passages from the commentary of Pappus in the Arabic translation discovered by Woepcke;Om Scholierne til Euklids Elementer, pp. 11, 12: cf. Euklid-Stulien, pp. 170, 171; Woepcke, Mémoires présent. à l' Acad. des Sciences, 1856, XIV. p. 658 sqq.; he also refers to the striking confirmation afforded by the fact that XII. No. 2 contains the solution of the problem of inscribing in a given circle a polygon similar to a polygon inscribed in another circle, which problem Eutocius saysArchimedes, ed. Heiberg, III. P. 28, 19-22. that Pappus gave in his commentary on the Elements.

+

Vat. 192=a Vatican MS. of the 14th c. which contains, after (1) the Elements I.—XIII. (without scholia), (2) the Data with scholia, (3) Marinus on the Data, the Schol. Vat. as an independent collection and in their entirety, beginning with 1. No. 88 and ending with XIII. No. 44.

+

The Schol. Vat., the most ancient and important collection of scholia, comprise those which are found in PBF Vat. and, from VII. 12 to IX. 15, in PB Vat. only, since in that portion of the Elements F was restored by a later hand without scholia; they also include 1. No. 88 which only happens to be erased in F, and IX. Nos. 28, 29 which may be left out because F. here has a different text. In F and Vat. the collection ends with Book X.; but it must also include Schol. PB of Books XI.—XIII., since these are found along with Schol. Vat. to Books I.—X. in several MSS. (of which Vat. 192 is one) as a separate collection. The Schol. Vat. to Books X.—XIII. are also found in the collection V^{c} (where, curiously enough, XIII. Nos. 43, 44 are at the beginning). The Schol. Vat. accordingly include Schol. PBV^{c} Vat. 192, and doubtless also those which are found in two of these sources. The total number of scholia classified by Heiberg as Schol. Vat. is 138.

+

As regards the contents of Schol. Vat. Heiberg has the following observations. The thirteen scholia to Book I. are extracts made from Proclus by a writer thoroughly conversant with the subject, and cleverly recast (with some additions). Their author does not seem to have had the two lacunae which our text of Proclus has (at the end of the note on I. 36 and the beginning of the next note, and at the beginning of the note on I. 43), for the scholia I. Nos. 125 and 137 seem to fill the gaps appropriately, at least in part. In some passages he had better readings than our MSS. have. The rest of Schol. Vat. (on Books II.—XIII.) are essentially of the same character as those on Book I., containing prolegomena, remarks on the object of the propositions, critical remarks on the text, converses, lemmas; they are, in general, exact and true to tradition. The reason of the resemblance between them and Proclus appears to be due to the fact that they have their origin in the commentary of Pappus, of which we know that Proclus also made use. In support of the view that Pappus is the source, heiberg places some of the Schol. Vat. to Book X. side by side with passages from the commentary of Pappus in the Arabic translation discovered by Woepcke;Om Scholierne til Euklids Elementer, pp. 11, 12: cf. Euklid-Stulien, pp. 170, 171; Woepcke, Mémoires présent. à l' Acad. des Sciences, 1856, XIV. p. 658 sqq.; he also refers to the striking confirmation afforded by the fact that XII. No. 2 contains the solution of the problem of inscribing in a given circle a polygon similar to a polygon inscribed in another circle, which problem Eutocius saysArchimedes, ed. Heiberg, III. P. 28, 19-22. that Pappus gave in his commentary on the Elements.

But, on the other hand, Schol. Vat. contain some things which cannot have come from Pappus, e.g. the allusion in X. No. 1 to Theon and irrational surfaces and solids, Theon being later than Pappus; III. No. 10 about porisms is more like Proclus' treatment of the subject than Pappus', though one expression recalls that of Pappus about forming (sxhmati/zesqai) the enunciations of porisms like those of either theorems or problems.

The Schol. Vat. give us important indications as regards the text of the Elements as Pappus had it. In particular, they show that he could not have had in his text certain of the lemmas in Book X. For example, three of these are identical with what we find in Schol. Vat. (the lemma to X. 17=Schol. X. No. 106, and the lemmas to X. 54, 60 come in Schol. X. No. 328); and it is not possible to suppose. that these lemmas, if they were already in the text, would also be given as scholia. Of these three lemmas, that before X. 60 has already been condemned for other reasons; the other two, unobjectionable in themselves, must be rejected on the ground now stated. There were four others against which Heiberg found nothing to urge when writing his prolegomena to Vol. v., viz. the lemmas before X. 42, X. 14, X. 22 and X. 33. Of these, the lemma to X. 22 is not reconcilable with Schol. X. No. 161, which takes up the assumption in the text of Eucl. X. 22 as if no lemma had gone before. The lemma to X. 42, which, on account of the words introducing it (see p. 60 above), Heiberg at first hesitated to regard as an interpolation, is identical with Schol. X. No. 270. It is true that in Schol. X. No. 269 we find the words this lemma has been proved before (e)n toi=s e)/mprosqen), but it shall also be proved now for convenience' sake (tou= e(toi/mou e(/neka), and it is possible to suppose that before @@ -769,12 +769,12 @@ relating to a passage in the text immediately preceding, which second lemma belongs to Schol. Vat. and is taken from Pappus, the third in all probability came from Pappus also. The same is true of Schol. XII. No. 72 and XIII. No. 69, which are respectively identical with the propositions vulgo XI. 38 (Heiberg, App. to Book XI., No. 3) and XIII. 6; for both of these interpolations are older than Theon. Moreover most of the scholia which P in the first hand alone has are of the same character as Schol. Vat. Thus VII. No. 7 and XIII. No. I introducing Books VII. and XIII. respectively are of the same historical character as several of Schol. Vat.; that VII. No. 7 appears in the text of P at the beginning of Book VII. constitutes no difficulty. There are a number of converses, remarks on the relation of propositions to one another, explanations such as XII. No. 89 in which it is remarked that *f, *w in Euclid's figure to XII. 17 (Z, V in my figure) are really the same point but that this makes no difference in the proof. Two other Schol. P on XII. 17 are connected by their headings with XII. No. 72 mentioned above. XI. No. 10 (P) is only another form of XI. No. 11 (B); and B often, alone with P, has preserved Schol. Vat. On the whole Heiberg considers some 40 scholia found in P alone to belong to Schol. Vat.

-

The history of Schol. Vat. appears to have been, in its main outlines, the following. They were put together after 500 A.D., since they contain extracts from Proclus, to which we ought not to assign a date too near to that of Proclus' work itself; and they must at least be earlier than the latter half of the 9th c., in which B was written. As there must evidently have been several intermediate links between the archetype and B, we must assign them rather to the first half of the period between the two dates, and it is not improbable that they were a new product of the great development of mathematical studies at the end of the 6th c. (Isidorus of Miletus). The author extracted what he found of interest in the commentary of Proclus on Book I. and in that of Pappus on the rest of the work, and put these extracts in the margin of a MS. of the class of P. As there are no scholia to I. 1-22, the first leaves of the archetype or of one of the earliest copies must have been lost at an early date, and it was from that mutilated copy that partly P and partly a MS. of the Theonine class were taken, the scholia being put in the margin in both. Then the collection spread through the Theonine MSS., gradually losing some scholia which could not be read or understood, or which were accidentally or deliberately omitted. Next it was extracted from one of these MSS. and made into a separate work which has been preserved, in part, in its entirety (Vat. 192 etc.) and, in part, divided into sections, so that the scholia to Books X.—XIII. were detached (V^{c}). It had the same fate in the MSS. which kept the original arrangement (in the margin), and in consequence there are some MSS. where the scholia to the stereometric Books are missing, those Books having come to be less read in the period of decadence. It is from one of these MSS. that the collection was extracted as a separate work such as we find it in Vat. (10th c.).

+

The history of Schol. Vat. appears to have been, in its main outlines, the following. They were put together after 500 A.D., since they contain extracts from Proclus, to which we ought not to assign a date too near to that of Proclus' work itself; and they must at least be earlier than the latter half of the 9th c., in which B was written. As there must evidently have been several intermediate links between the archetype and B, we must assign them rather to the first half of the period between the two dates, and it is not improbable that they were a new product of the great development of mathematical studies at the end of the 6th c. (Isidorus of Miletus). The author extracted what he found of interest in the commentary of Proclus on Book I. and in that of Pappus on the rest of the work, and put these extracts in the margin of a MS. of the class of P. As there are no scholia to I. 1-22, the first leaves of the archetype or of one of the earliest copies must have been lost at an early date, and it was from that mutilated copy that partly P and partly a MS. of the Theonine class were taken, the scholia being put in the margin in both. Then the collection spread through the Theonine MSS., gradually losing some scholia which could not be read or understood, or which were accidentally or deliberately omitted. Next it was extracted from one of these MSS. and made into a separate work which has been preserved, in part, in its entirety (Vat. 192 etc.) and, in part, divided into sections, so that the scholia to Books X.—XIII. were detached (V^{c}). It had the same fate in the MSS. which kept the original arrangement (in the margin), and in consequence there are some MSS. where the scholia to the stereometric Books are missing, those Books having come to be less read in the period of decadence. It is from one of these MSS. that the collection was extracted as a separate work such as we find it in Vat. (10th c.).

II. The second great division of the scholia is Schol. Vind.

This title is taken from the Viennese MS. (V), and the letters used by Heiberg to indicate the sources here in question are as follows.

V^{a}=scholia in V written by the same hand that copied the MS. itself from fol. 235 onward.

q=scholia of the Paris MS. 2344 (q) written by the first hand.

-

l=scholia of the Florence MS. Laurent. XXVIII, 2 written in the 13th—14th c., mostly in the first hand, but partly in two later hands.

+

l=scholia of the Florence MS. Laurent. XXVIII, 2 written in the 13th—14th c., mostly in the first hand, but partly in two later hands.

V^{b}=scholia in V written by the same hand as the first part (leaves 1-183) of the MS. itself; V^{b} wrote his scholia after V^{a}.

q^{1}=scholia of the Paris MS. (q) found here and there in another hand of early date.

Schol. Vind. include scholia found in V^{a}q. 1 is nearly related to q; and in fact the three MSS. which, so far as Euclid's text is concerned, show no direct interdependence, are, as regards their scholia, derived from one original. Heiberg proves this by reference to the readings of the three in two passages (found in Schol. 1. No. 109 and X. No. 39 respectively). The common source must have contained, besides the scholia found in the three MSS. V^{a}ql, those also which are contained in two of them, for it is more unlikely that two of the three should contain common interpolations than that a particular scholium should drop out of one of them. Besides V^{a} and q, the scholia V^{b} and q^{1} must equally be referred to Schol. Vind., since the greater part of their scholia are found in 1. There is a lacuna in q from Eucl. VIII. 25 to IX. 14, so that for this portion of the Elements Schol. Vind. are represented by Vl only. Heiberg gives about 450 numbers in all as belonging to this collection.

@@ -783,20 +783,20 @@

The scholia to Book I. are here also extracts from Proclus, but more copious and more verbatim than in Schol. Vat. The author has not always understood Proclus; and he had a text as bad as that of our MSS., with the same lacunae. The scholia to the other Books are partly drawn (1) from Schol. Vat., the MSS. representing Schol. Vind. and Schol. Vat. in these cases showing nearly all possible combinations; but there is no certain trace in Schol. Vind. of the scholia peculiar to P. The author used a copy of Schol. Vat. in the form in which they were attached to the Theonine text; thus Schol. Vind. correspond to BF Vat., where these diverge from P, and especially closely to B. Besides Schol. Vat., the editors of Schol. Vind. used (2) other old collections of scholia of which we find traces in B and F; Schol. Vind. have also some scholia common with b. The scholia which Schol. Vind. have in common with BF come from two different sources, and were apparently afterwards introduced into the other MSS.; one result of this is that several scholia are reproduced twice.

But, besides the scholia derived from these sources, Schol. Vind. contain a large number of others of late date, characterised by incorrect language or by triviality of content (there are many examples in numbers, citations of propositions used, absurd a)pori/ai, and the like). Unlike Schol. Vat., these scholia often quote words from Euclid as a heading (in one case a heading is inserted in Schol. Vind. where a scholium without the heading is quoted from Schol. Vat., see V. No. 14). The explanations given often presuppose very little knowledge on the part of the reader and frequently contain obscurities and gross errors.

Schol. Vind. were collected for use with a MS. of the Theonine class; this follows from the fact that they contain a note on the proposition vulgo VII. 22 interpolated by Theon (given in Heiberg's App. to Vol. 11. p. 430). Since the scholium to VII. 39 given in V and p in the text after the title of Book VIII. quotes the proposition as VII. 39, it follows that this scholium must have been written before the interpolation of the two propositions vulgo VII. 20, 22; Schol. Vind. contain (VII. No. 80) the first sentence of it, but without the heading referring to VII. 39. Schol. VII. No. 97 quotes VII. 33 as VII. 34, so that the proposition vulgo VII. 22 may have stood in the scholiast's text but not the later interpolation vulgo VII. 20 (later because only found in B in the margin by the first hand). Of course the scholiast had also the interpolations earlier than Theon.

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For the date of the collection we have a lower limit in the date (12th c.) of MSS. in which the scholia appear. That it was not much earlier than the 12th c. is indicated (1) by the poverty of its contents, (2) by the quality of the MS. of Proclus which was used in the compilation of it (the Munich MS. used by Friedlein with which the scholiast's excerpts are essentially in agreement belongs to the 11th— 12th c.), (3) by the fact that Schol. Vind. appear only in MSS. of the 12th c. and no trace of them is found in our MSS. belonging to the 9th—10th c. in which Schol. Vat. are found. The collection may therefore probably be assigned to the 11th c. Perhaps it may be in part due to Psellus who lived towards the end of that century: for in a Florence MS. (Magliabecch. XI, 53 of the 15th c.) containing a mathematical compendium intended for use in the reading of Aristotle the scholia 1. Nos. 40 and 49 appear with the name of Psellus attached.

+

For the date of the collection we have a lower limit in the date (12th c.) of MSS. in which the scholia appear. That it was not much earlier than the 12th c. is indicated (1) by the poverty of its contents, (2) by the quality of the MS. of Proclus which was used in the compilation of it (the Munich MS. used by Friedlein with which the scholiast's excerpts are essentially in agreement belongs to the 11th— 12th c.), (3) by the fact that Schol. Vind. appear only in MSS. of the 12th c. and no trace of them is found in our MSS. belonging to the 9th—10th c. in which Schol. Vat. are found. The collection may therefore probably be assigned to the 11th c. Perhaps it may be in part due to Psellus who lived towards the end of that century: for in a Florence MS. (Magliabecch. XI, 53 of the 15th c.) containing a mathematical compendium intended for use in the reading of Aristotle the scholia 1. Nos. 40 and 49 appear with the name of Psellus attached.

Schol. Vind. are not found without the admixture of foreign elements in any of our three sources. In 1 there are only very few such in the first hand. In q there are several new scholia in the first hand, for the most part due to the copyist himself. The collection of scholia on Book X. in q (Heiberg's q^{c}) is also in the first hand; it is not original, and it may perhaps be due to Psellus (Maglb. has some definitions of Book X. with a heading scholia of...Michael Psellus on the definitions of Euclid's 10th Element and Schol. X. No. 9), whose name must have been attached to it in the common source of Maglb. and q; to a great extent it consists of extracts from Schol. Vind. taken from the same source as Vl. The scholia q^{1} (in an ancient hand in q), confined to Book II., partly belong to Schol. Vind. and partly correspond to b^{1} (Bologna MS.). q^{a} and q^{b} are in one hand (Theodorus Antiochita), the nearest to the first hand of q; they are doubtless due to an early possessor of the MS. of whom we know nothing more.

-

V^{a} has, besides Schol. Vind., a number of scholia which also appear in other MSS., one in BFb, some others in P, and some in v (Codex Vat. 1038, 13th c.); these scholia were taken from a source in which many abbreviations were used, as they were often misunderstood by V^{a}. Other scholia in V^{a} which are not found in the older sources—some appearing in V^{a} alone—are also not original, as is proved by mistakes or corruptions which they contain; some others may be due to the copyist himself.

+

V^{a} has, besides Schol. Vind., a number of scholia which also appear in other MSS., one in BFb, some others in P, and some in v (Codex Vat. 1038, 13th c.); these scholia were taken from a source in which many abbreviations were used, as they were often misunderstood by V^{a}. Other scholia in V^{a} which are not found in the older sources—some appearing in V^{a} alone—are also not original, as is proved by mistakes or corruptions which they contain; some others may be due to the copyist himself.

V^{b} seldom has scholia common with the other older sources; for the most part they either appear in V^{b} alone or only in the later sources as v or F^{2} (later scholia in F), some being original, others not. In Book X. V^{b} has three series of numerical examples, (1) with Greek numerals, (2) alternatives added later, also mostly with Greek numerals, (3) with Arabic numerals. The last class were probably the work of the copyist himself. These examples (cf. p. 74 below) show the facility with which the Byzantines made calculations at the date of the MS. (12th c.). They prove also that the use of the Arabic numerals (in the East-Arabian form) was thoroughly established in the 12th c.; they were actually known to the Byzantines a century earlier, since they appear, in the first hand, in an Escurial MS. of the 11th c.

-

Of collections in other hands in V distinguished by Heiberg (see preface to Vol. v.), V^{1} has very few scholia which are found in other sources, the greater part being original; V^{2}, V^{3} are the work of the copyist himself; V^{4} are so in part only, and contain several scholia from Schol. Vat. and other sources. V^{3} and V^{4} are later than 13th —14th c., since they are not found in f (cod. Laurent. XXVIII, 6) which was copied from V and contains, besides V^{a} V^{b}, the greater part of V^{1} and VI. No. 20 of V^{2} (in the text).

+

Of collections in other hands in V distinguished by Heiberg (see preface to Vol. v.), V^{1} has very few scholia which are found in other sources, the greater part being original; V^{2}, V^{3} are the work of the copyist himself; V^{4} are so in part only, and contain several scholia from Schol. Vat. and other sources. V^{3} and V^{4} are later than 13th —14th c., since they are not found in f (cod. Laurent. XXVIII, 6) which was copied from V and contains, besides V^{a} V^{b}, the greater part of V^{1} and VI. No. 20 of V^{2} (in the text).

In P there are, besides P^{3} (a quite late hand, probably one of the old Scriptores Graeci at the Vatican), two late hands (P^{2}), one of which has some new and independent scholia, while the other has added the greater part of Schol. Vind., partly in the margin and partly on pieces of leaves stitched on.

Our sources for Schol. Vat. also contain other elements. In P there were introduced a certain number of extracts from Proclus, to supplement Schol. Vat. to Book I.; they are all written with a different ink from that used for the oldest part of the MS., and the text is inferior. There are additions in the other sources of Schol. Vat. (F and B) which point to a common source for FB and which are nearly all found in other MSS., and, in particular, in Schol. Vind., which also used the same source; that they are not assignable to Schol. Vat. results only from their not being found in Vat. Of other additions in F, some are peculiar to F and some common to it and b; but they are not original. F^{2} (scholia in a later hand in F) contains three original scholia; the rest come from V. B contains, besides scholia common to it and F, b or other sources, several scholia which seem to have been put together by Arethas, who wrote at least a part of them with his own hand.

Heiberg has satisfied himself, by a closer study of b, that the scholia which he denotes by b, b and b^{1} are by one hand; they are mostly to be found in other sources as well, though some are original. By the same hand (Theodorus Cabasilas, 15th c.) are also the scholia denoted by b^{2}, B^{2}, b^{3} and B^{3}. These scholia come in great part from Schol. Vind., and in making these extracts Theodorus probably used one of our sources, l, mistakes in which often correspond to those of Theodorus. To one scholium is attached the name of Demetrius (who must be Demetrius Cydonius, a friend of Nicolaus Cabasilas, 14th c.); but it could not have been written by him, since it appears in B and Schol. Vind. Nor are all the scholia which bear the name of Theodorus due to Theodorus himself, though some are so.

As B^{3} (a late hand in B) contains several of the original scholia of b^{2}, B^{3} must have used b itself as his source, and, as all the scholia in B^{3} are in b, the latter is also the source of the scholia in B^{3} which are found in other MSS. B and b were therefore, in the 15th c., in the hands of the same person; this explains, too, the fact that b in a late hand has some scholia which can only come from B. We arrive then at the conclusion that Theodorus Cabasilas, in the 15th c., owned both the MSS. B and b, and that he transferred to B scholia which he had before written in b, either independently or after other sources, and inversely transferred some scholia from B to b. Further, B^{2} are earlier than Theodorus Cabasilas, who certainly himself wrote B^{3} as well as b^{2} and b^{3}.

-

An author's name is also attached to the scholia VI. No. 6 and X. No. 223, which are attributed to Maximus Planudes (end of 13th c.) along with scholia on I. 31, X. 14 and X. 18 found in 1 in a quite late hand and published on pp. 46, 47 of Heibėrg's dissertation. These seem to have been taken from lectures of Planudes on the Elements by a pupil who used l as his copy.

+

An author's name is also attached to the scholia VI. No. 6 and X. No. 223, which are attributed to Maximus Planudes (end of 13th c.) along with scholia on I. 31, X. 14 and X. 18 found in 1 in a quite late hand and published on pp. 46, 47 of Heibėrg's dissertation. These seem to have been taken from lectures of Planudes on the Elements by a pupil who used l as his copy.

There are also in l two other Byzantine scholia, written by a late hand, and bearing the names Ioannes and Pediasimus respectively; these must in like manner have been written by a pupil after lectures of Ioannes Pediasimus (first half of 14th c.), and this pupil must also have used l.

Before these scholia were edited by Heiberg, very few of them had been published in the original Greek. The Basel editio princeps has a few (V. No. I, VI. Nos. 3, 4 and some in Book X.) which are taken, some from the Paris MS. (Paris. Gr. 2343) used by Grynaeus, others probably from the Venice MS. (Marc. 301) also used by him; one published by Heiberg, not in his edition of Euclid but in his paper on the scholia, may also be from Venet. 301, but appears also in Paris. Gr. 2342. The scholia in the Basel edition passed into the Oxford edition in the text, and were also given by August in the Appendix to his Vol. II.

-

Several specimens of the two series of scholia (Vat. and Vind.) were published by C. Wachsmuth (Rhein. Mus. XVIII. p. 132 sqq.) and by Knoche (Untersuchungen über die neu aufgefundenen Scholien des Proklus, Herford, 1865).

+

Several specimens of the two series of scholia (Vat. and Vind.) were published by C. Wachsmuth (Rhein. Mus. XVIII. p. 132 sqq.) and by Knoche (Untersuchungen über die neu aufgefundenen Scholien des Proklus, Herford, 1865).

The scholia published in Latin were much more numerous. G. Valla (De expetendis et fugiendis rebus, 1501) reproduced apparently some 200 of the scholia included in Heiberg's edition. Several of these he obtained from two Modena MSS. which at one time were in his possession (Mutin. III B, 4 and II E, 9, both of the 15th c.); but he must have used another source as well, containing extracts from other series of scholia, notably Schol. Vind. with which he has some 87 scholia in common. He has also several that are new.

Commandinus included in his translation under the title Scholia antiqua the greater part of the Schol. Vat. which he certainly obtained from a MS. of the class of Vat. 192; on the whole he adhered closely to the Greek text. Besides these scholia Commandinus has the scholia and lemmas which he found in the Basel editio princeps, and also three other scholia not belonging to Schol. Vat., as well as one new scholium (to XII. 13) not included in Heiberg's edition, which are distinguished by different type and were doubtless taken from the Greek MS. used by him along with the Basel edition.

@@ -807,51 +807,51 @@ Isaak Monachus is doubtless Isaak Argyrus, 14th c.; and Dasypodius used a MS. in which, besides the passage in Hultsch's Variae Collectiones, there were a number of scholia marked in the margin with the name of Isaak (cf. those in b under the name of Theodorus Cabasilas). Whether the new scholia are original cannot be decided until they are published in Greek; but it is not improbable that they are at all events independent arrangements of older scholia. All but five of the others, and all but one of the Greek scholia to Book v., are taken from Schol. Vat.; three of the excepted ones are from Schol. Vind., and the other three seem to come from F (where some words of them are illegible, but can be supplied by means of Mut. III B, 4, which has these three scholia and generally shows a certain likeness to Isaak's scholia).

Dasypodius also published in 1564 the arithmetical commentary of Barlaam the monk (14th c.) on Eucl. Book II., which finds a place in Appendix IV. to the Scholia in Heiberg's edition.

Hultsch has some remarks on the origin of the scholiaArt. Eukleides - in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie.. He observes that the scholia to Book I. contain a considerable portion of Geminus' commentary on the definitions and are specially valuable because they contain extracts from Geminus only, whereas Proclus, though drawing mainly upon him, quotes from others as well. On the postulates and axioms the scholia give more than is found in Proclus. Hultsch conjectures that the scholium on Book v., No. 3, attributing the discovery of the theorems to Eudoxus but their arrangement to Euclid, represents the tradition going back to Geminus, and that the scholium XIII., No. 1, has the same origin.

-

A word should be added about the numerical illustrations of Euclid's propositions in the scholia to Book X. They contain a large number of calculations with sexagesimal fractionsHultsch has written upon these in Bibliotheca Mathematica, V_{3}, 1904, pp. 225-233.; the fractions go as far as fourth-sixtieths (1/60^{4}). Numbers expressed in these fractions are handled with skill and include some results of surprising accuracyThus \sgrt{(27)} is given (allowing for a slight correction by means of the context) as 5 II' 46'' 10''', which gives for \sgrt{3} the value 1 43' 55'' 23''', being the same value as that given by Hipparchus in his Table of Chords, and correct to the seventh decimal place. Similarly \sgrt{8} is given as 2 49' 42'' 20''' 10'''', which is equivalent to\sgrt{2}=1.41421335. Hultsch gives instances of the various operations, addition, subtraction, etc., carried out in these fractions, and shows how the extraction of the square root was effected. Cf. T. L. Heath, Históry of Greek Mathematics, 1., pp. 59-63.

+ in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie.. He observes that the scholia to Book I. contain a considerable portion of Geminus' commentary on the definitions and are specially valuable because they contain extracts from Geminus only, whereas Proclus, though drawing mainly upon him, quotes from others as well. On the postulates and axioms the scholia give more than is found in Proclus. Hultsch conjectures that the scholium on Book v., No. 3, attributing the discovery of the theorems to Eudoxus but their arrangement to Euclid, represents the tradition going back to Geminus, and that the scholium XIII., No. 1, has the same origin.

+

A word should be added about the numerical illustrations of Euclid's propositions in the scholia to Book X. They contain a large number of calculations with sexagesimal fractionsHultsch has written upon these in Bibliotheca Mathematica, V_{3}, 1904, pp. 225-233.; the fractions go as far as fourth-sixtieths (1/60^{4}). Numbers expressed in these fractions are handled with skill and include some results of surprising accuracyThus \sgrt{(27)} is given (allowing for a slight correction by means of the context) as 5 II' 46'' 10''', which gives for \sgrt{3} the value 1 43' 55'' 23''', being the same value as that given by Hipparchus in his Table of Chords, and correct to the seventh decimal place. Similarly \sgrt{8} is given as 2 49' 42'' 20''' 10'''', which is equivalent to\sgrt{2}=1.41421335. Hultsch gives instances of the various operations, addition, subtraction, etc., carried out in these fractions, and shows how the extraction of the square root was effected. Cf. T. L. Heath, Históry of Greek Mathematics, 1., pp. 59-63.

CHAPTER VII. EUCLID IN ARABIA. -

We are told by [Hnull ]ājī KhalfaLexico&ndot; bibliogr. et encyclop. ed. Flügel, III. pp. 91, 92. that the Caliph al-Mansūr (754-775) sent a mission to the Byzantine Emperor as the result of which he obtained from him a copy of Euclid among other Greek books, and again that the Caliph al-Ma'mūn (813-833) obtained manuscripts of Euclid, among others, from the Byzantines. The version of the Elements by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj b. Yūsuf b. Matar is, if not the very first, at least one of the first books translated from the Greek into ArabicKlamroth, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXXV. p. 303.. According to the FihristFihrist (tr. Suter), p. 16. it was translated by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj twice; the first translation was known as Hārūni - (for Hārūn -), the second bore the name Ma'mūni - (for al-Ma'mūn -) and was the more trustworthy. Six Books of the second of these versions survive in a Leiden MS. (Codex Leidensis 399, 1) now in part published by Besthorn and HeibergCodex Leidensis 399, 1. Euclidis Elementa ex interpretatione al-Hadschdschadschii cum commentariis al-Narizii, Hauniae, part 1. i. 1893, part I. ii. 1897, part II. i. 1900, part II. ii. 1905, part III. i. 1910.. In the preface to this MS. it is stated that, in the reign of Hārūn ar-Rashīd (786-809), al-[Hnull ]ajjāj was commanded by Ya[hnull ]yā b. Khālid b. Barmak to translate the book into Arabic. Then, when al-Ma'mūn became Caliph, as he was devoted to learning, al-[Hnull ]ajjāj saw that he would secure the favour of al-Ma'mūn if he illustrated and expounded this book and reduced it to smaller dimensions. He accordingly left out the superfluities, filled up the gaps, corrected or removed the errors, until he had gone through the book and reduced it, when corrected and explained, to smaller dimensions, as in this copy, but without altering the substance, for the use of men endowed with ability and devoted to learning, the earlier edition being left in the hands of readers. +

We are told by [Hnull ]ājī KhalfaLexicoṅ bibliogr. et encyclop. ed. Flügel, III. pp. 91, 92. that the Caliph al-Mansūr (754-775) sent a mission to the Byzantine Emperor as the result of which he obtained from him a copy of Euclid among other Greek books, and again that the Caliph al-Ma'mūn (813-833) obtained manuscripts of Euclid, among others, from the Byzantines. The version of the Elements by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj b. Yūsuf b. Matar is, if not the very first, at least one of the first books translated from the Greek into ArabicKlamroth, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXXV. p. 303.. According to the FihristFihrist (tr. Suter), p. 16. it was translated by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj twice; the first translation was known as Hārūni + (for Hārūn +), the second bore the name Ma'mūni + (for al-Ma'mūn +) and was the more trustworthy. Six Books of the second of these versions survive in a Leiden MS. (Codex Leidensis 399, 1) now in part published by Besthorn and HeibergCodex Leidensis 399, 1. Euclidis Elementa ex interpretatione al-Hadschdschadschii cum commentariis al-Narizii, Hauniae, part 1. i. 1893, part I. ii. 1897, part II. i. 1900, part II. ii. 1905, part III. i. 1910.. In the preface to this MS. it is stated that, in the reign of Hārūn ar-Rashīd (786-809), al-[Hnull ]ajjāj was commanded by Ya[hnull ]yā b. Khālid b. Barmak to translate the book into Arabic. Then, when al-Ma'mūn became Caliph, as he was devoted to learning, al-[Hnull ]ajjāj saw that he would secure the favour of al-Ma'mūn if he illustrated and expounded this book and reduced it to smaller dimensions. He accordingly left out the superfluities, filled up the gaps, corrected or removed the errors, until he had gone through the book and reduced it, when corrected and explained, to smaller dimensions, as in this copy, but without altering the substance, for the use of men endowed with ability and devoted to learning, the earlier edition being left in the hands of readers.

-

The Fihrist goes on to say that the work was next translated by Ishāq b. Hunain, and that this translation was improved by Thābit b. Qurra. This Abū Ya`qūb Is[hnull ]āq b. [Hnull ]unain b. Is[hnull ]āq al-`Ibādī (d. 910) was the son of the most famous of Arabic translators, Hunain b. Ishāq al-`Ibādī (809-873), a Christian and physician to the Caliph alMutawakkil (847-861). There seems to be no doubt that Is[hnull ]āq, who must have known Greek as well as his father, made his translation direct from the Greek. The revision must apparently have been the subject of an arrangement between Is[hnull ]āq and Thābit as the latter died in 901 or nine years before Is[hnull ]āq. Thābit undoubtedly consulted Greek MSS. for the purposes of his revision. This is expressly stated in a marginal note to a Hebrew version of the Elements, made from Ishāq's, attributed to one of two scholars belonging to the same family, viz. either to Moses b. Tibbon (about 1244-1274) or to Jakob b. Machir (who died soon after 1306)Steinschneider, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXI., hist.-litt. Abtheilung, pp. 85, 86, 99.. Moreover Thābit observes, on the proposition which he gives as IX. 31, that he had not found this proposition and the one before it in the Greek but only in the Arabic; from which statement Klamroth draws two conclusions, (1) that the Arabs had already begun to interest themselves in the authenticity of the text and (2) that Thābit did not alter the numbers of the propositions in Ishāq's translationKlamroth, p. 279.. The Fihrist also says that Yu[hnull ]annā al-Qass (i.e. the Priest -) had seen in the Greek copy in his possession the proposition in Book I. which Thābit took credit for, and that this was confirmed by Na[znull ]īf, the physician, to whom Yuhannā had shown it. This proposition may have been wanting in Ishāq, and Thābit may have added it, but without claiming it as his own discoverySteinschneider, p. 88.. As a fact, I. 45 is missing in the translation by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj.

-

The original version of Is[hnull ]āq without the improvements by Thābit has probably not survived any more than the first of the two versions by al-Hajjāj; the divergences between the MSS. are apparently due to the voluntary or involuntary changes of copyists, the former class varying according to the degree of mathematical knowledge possessed by the copyists and the extent to which they were influenced by considerations of practical utility for teaching purposesKlamroth, p. 306.. Two MSS. of the Ishāq-Thābit version exist in the Bodleian Library (No. 279 belonging to the year 1238, and No. 280 written in 1260-1)These MSS. are described by Nicoll and Pusey, Catalogus cod. mss. orient. bibl. Bodleianae, pt. II. 1835 (pp. 257-262).; Books I.—XIII. are in the Is[hnull ]āq-Thābit version, the non-Euclidean Books XIV., XV. in the translation of Qustā b. L'ūqā al-Ba`labakkī (d. about 912). The first of these MSS. (No. 279) is that (O) used by Klamroth for the purpose of his paper on the Arabian Euclid. The other MS. used by Klamroth is (K) Kjobenhavn LXXXI, undated but probably of the 13th c., containing Books V.—XV., Books V.—X. being in the Is[hnull ]āq-Thābit version, Books XI.—XIII. purporting to be in al-Hajjāj's translation, and Books XIV., XV. in the version of Qus&tnull;ā b. Lūqā. In not a few propositions K and O show not the slightest difference, and, even where the proofs show considerable differences, they are generally such that, by a careful comparison, it is possible to reconstruct the common archetype, so that it is fairly clear that we have in these cases, not two recensions of one translation, but arbitrarily altered and shortened copies of one and the same recensionKlamroth, pp. 306-8.. The Bodleian MS. No. 280 contains a preface, translated by Nîcoll, which cannot be by Thābit himself because it mentions Avicenna (980-1037) and other later authors. The MS. was written at Marāġa in the year 1260-1 and has in the margin readings and emendations from the edition of Na&snull;ĩraddĩn a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī (shortly to be mentioned) who was living at Marāġa at the time. Is it possible that a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ūsī himself is the author of the prefaceSteinschneider, p. 98. Heiberg has quoted the whole of this preface in the Zeitschrift fűr Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 16.? Be this as it may, the preface is interesting because it throws light on the liberties which the Arabians allowed themselves to take with the text. After the observation that the book (in spite of the labours of many editors) is not free from errors, obscurities, redundancies, omissions etc., and is without certain definitions necessary for the proofs, it goes on to say that the man has not yet been found who could make it perfect, and next proceeds to explain (1) that Avicenna cut out postulates and many definitions - and attempted to clear up difficult and obscure passages, (2) that Abū'l Wafā al-Būzjānĩ (939-997) introduced unnecessary additions and left out many things of great importance and entirely necessary, - inasmuch as he was too long in various places in Book VI. and too short in Book X. where he left out entirely the proofs of the apotomae, while he made an unsuccessful attempt to emend XII. 14, (3) that Abū Ja`far al-Khāzin (d. between 961 and 971) arranged the postulates excellently but disturbed the number and order of the propositions, reduced several propositions to one +

The Fihrist goes on to say that the work was next translated by Ishāq b. Hunain, and that this translation was improved by Thābit b. Qurra. This Abū Ya`qūb Is[hnull ]āq b. [Hnull ]unain b. Is[hnull ]āq al-`Ibādī (d. 910) was the son of the most famous of Arabic translators, Hunain b. Ishāq al-`Ibādī (809-873), a Christian and physician to the Caliph alMutawakkil (847-861). There seems to be no doubt that Is[hnull ]āq, who must have known Greek as well as his father, made his translation direct from the Greek. The revision must apparently have been the subject of an arrangement between Is[hnull ]āq and Thābit as the latter died in 901 or nine years before Is[hnull ]āq. Thābit undoubtedly consulted Greek MSS. for the purposes of his revision. This is expressly stated in a marginal note to a Hebrew version of the Elements, made from Ishāq's, attributed to one of two scholars belonging to the same family, viz. either to Moses b. Tibbon (about 1244-1274) or to Jakob b. Machir (who died soon after 1306)Steinschneider, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXI., hist.-litt. Abtheilung, pp. 85, 86, 99.. Moreover Thābit observes, on the proposition which he gives as IX. 31, that he had not found this proposition and the one before it in the Greek but only in the Arabic; from which statement Klamroth draws two conclusions, (1) that the Arabs had already begun to interest themselves in the authenticity of the text and (2) that Thābit did not alter the numbers of the propositions in Ishāq's translationKlamroth, p. 279.. The Fihrist also says that Yu[hnull ]annā al-Qass (i.e. the Priest +) had seen in the Greek copy in his possession the proposition in Book I. which Thābit took credit for, and that this was confirmed by Na[znull ]īf, the physician, to whom Yuhannā had shown it. This proposition may have been wanting in Ishāq, and Thābit may have added it, but without claiming it as his own discoverySteinschneider, p. 88.. As a fact, I. 45 is missing in the translation by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj.

+

The original version of Is[hnull ]āq without the improvements by Thābit has probably not survived any more than the first of the two versions by al-Hajjāj; the divergences between the MSS. are apparently due to the voluntary or involuntary changes of copyists, the former class varying according to the degree of mathematical knowledge possessed by the copyists and the extent to which they were influenced by considerations of practical utility for teaching purposesKlamroth, p. 306.. Two MSS. of the Ishāq-Thābit version exist in the Bodleian Library (No. 279 belonging to the year 1238, and No. 280 written in 1260-1)These MSS. are described by Nicoll and Pusey, Catalogus cod. mss. orient. bibl. Bodleianae, pt. II. 1835 (pp. 257-262).; Books I.—XIII. are in the Is[hnull ]āq-Thābit version, the non-Euclidean Books XIV., XV. in the translation of Qustā b. L'ūqā al-Ba`labakkī (d. about 912). The first of these MSS. (No. 279) is that (O) used by Klamroth for the purpose of his paper on the Arabian Euclid. The other MS. used by Klamroth is (K) Kjobenhavn LXXXI, undated but probably of the 13th c., containing Books V.—XV., Books V.—X. being in the Is[hnull ]āq-Thābit version, Books XI.—XIII. purporting to be in al-Hajjāj's translation, and Books XIV., XV. in the version of Qusṭā b. Lūqā. In not a few propositions K and O show not the slightest difference, and, even where the proofs show considerable differences, they are generally such that, by a careful comparison, it is possible to reconstruct the common archetype, so that it is fairly clear that we have in these cases, not two recensions of one translation, but arbitrarily altered and shortened copies of one and the same recensionKlamroth, pp. 306-8.. The Bodleian MS. No. 280 contains a preface, translated by Nîcoll, which cannot be by Thābit himself because it mentions Avicenna (980-1037) and other later authors. The MS. was written at Marāġa in the year 1260-1 and has in the margin readings and emendations from the edition of Naṣĩraddĩn aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī (shortly to be mentioned) who was living at Marāġa at the time. Is it possible that aṭ-[Tnull ]ūsī himself is the author of the prefaceSteinschneider, p. 98. Heiberg has quoted the whole of this preface in the Zeitschrift fűr Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 16.? Be this as it may, the preface is interesting because it throws light on the liberties which the Arabians allowed themselves to take with the text. After the observation that the book (in spite of the labours of many editors) is not free from errors, obscurities, redundancies, omissions etc., and is without certain definitions necessary for the proofs, it goes on to say that the man has not yet been found who could make it perfect, and next proceeds to explain (1) that Avicenna cut out postulates and many definitions + and attempted to clear up difficult and obscure passages, (2) that Abū'l Wafā al-Būzjānĩ (939-997) introduced unnecessary additions and left out many things of great importance and entirely necessary, + inasmuch as he was too long in various places in Book VI. and too short in Book X. where he left out entirely the proofs of the apotomae, while he made an unsuccessful attempt to emend XII. 14, (3) that Abū Ja`far al-Khāzin (d. between 961 and 971) arranged the postulates excellently but disturbed the number and order of the propositions, reduced several propositions to one etc. Next the preface describes the editor's own claimsThis seems to include a rearrangement of the contents of Books XIV., XV. added to the Elements. and then ends with the sentences, But we have kept to the order of the books and propositions in the work itself (i.e. Euclid's) except in the twelfth and thirteenth books. For we have dealt in Book XIII. with the (solid) bodies and in Book XII. with the surfaces by themselves.

-

After Thābit the Fihrist mentions Abū ’Uthmān ad-Dimashqī as having translated some Books of the Elements including Book X. (It is Abū ’Uthmān's translation of Pappus’ commentary on Book X. which Woepcke discovered at Paris.) The Fihrist adds also that Na[znull ]ĩf the physician told me that he had seen the tenth Book of Euclid in Greek, that it had 40 propositions more than the version in common circulation which had 109 propositions, and that he had determined to translate it into Arabic. +

After Thābit the Fihrist mentions Abū ’Uthmān ad-Dimashqī as having translated some Books of the Elements including Book X. (It is Abū ’Uthmān's translation of Pappus’ commentary on Book X. which Woepcke discovered at Paris.) The Fihrist adds also that Na[znull ]ĩf the physician told me that he had seen the tenth Book of Euclid in Greek, that it had 40 propositions more than the version in common circulation which had 109 propositions, and that he had determined to translate it into Arabic.

-

But the third form of the Arabian Euclid actually accessible to us is the edition of Abū Ja`far Mu[hnull ]. b. Mu[hnull ]. b. al-[Hnull ]asan Na&snull;raddĩn aţ-Ţĩsī (whom we shall call aţ-Ţĩsī for short), born at Tĩs (in Khurāsān) in 1201 (d. 1274). This edition appeared in two forms, a larger and a smaller. The larger is said to survive in Florence only (Pal. 272 and 313, the latter MS. containing only six Books); this was published at Rome in 1594, and, remarkably enough, some copies of this edition are to be found with 12 and some with 13 Books, some with a Latin title and some withoutSuter, Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber, p. 151. The Latin title is Euclidis elementorum geometricorum libri tredecim. Ex traditione doctissimi Nasiridini Tusini nunc primum arabice impressi. Romae in typographia Medicea MDXCIV. Cum licentia superiorum.. But the book was printed in Arabic, so that Kästner remarks that he will say as much about it as can be said about a book which one cannot readKästner, Geschichte der Mathematik, I. p. 367.. The shorter form, which however, in most MSS., is in 15 Books, survives at Berlin, Munich, Oxford, British Museum (974, 1334Suter has a note that this MS. is very old, having been copied from the original in the author's lifetime., 1335), Paris (2465, 2466), India Office, and Constantinople; it was printed at Constantinople in 1801, and the first six Books at Calcutta in 1824Suter, p. 151..

-

A&tnull;-[Tnull ]ũsĩ's work is however not a translation of Euclid's text, but a re-written Euclid based on the older Arabic translations. In this respect it seems to be like the Latin version of the Elements by Campanus (Campano), which was first published by Erhard Ratdolt at Venice in 1482 (the first printed edition of EuclidDescribed by Kästner, Geschichte der Mathematik, I. pp. 289-299, and by Weissenborn, Die Ubersetzungen des Euklid durch Campano und Zamberti, Halle a. S., 1882, pp. 1-7. See also infra, Chapter VIII, p. 97.). Campanus (13th c.) was a mathematician, and it is likely enough that he allowed himself the same liberty as a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī in reproducing Euclid. Whatever may be the relation between Campanus’ version and that of Athelhard of Bath (about 1120), and whether, as Curtze thinksSonderabdruck des Jahresberichtes über die Fortschritte der klassischen Alterthumswissenschaft vom Okt. 1879-1882, Berlin, 1884., they both used one and the same Latin version of 10th—11th c., or whether Campanus used Athelhard's version in the same way as a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī used those of his predecessorsKlamroth, p. 271.,it is certain that both versions came from an Arabian source, as is evident from the occurrence of Arabic words in themCurtze, op. cit. p. 20; Heiberg, Euklid-Studien, p. 178.. Campanus’ version is not of much service for the purpose of forming a judgment on the relative authenticity of the Greek and Arabian tradition ; but it sometimes preserves traces of the purer source, as when it omits Theon's addition to VI. 33Heiberg's Euclid, vol. v. p. ci.. A curious circumstance is that, while Campanus’ version agrees with aţ-Ţĩsī's in the number of the propositions in all the genuine Euclidean Books except V. and IX., it agrees with Athelhard's in having 34 propositions in Book V. (as against 25 in other versions), which confirms the view that the two are not independent, and also leads, as Klamroth says, to this dilemma: either the additions to Book V. are Athelhard's own, or he used an Arabian Euclid which is not known to usKlamroth, pp. 273-4.. Heiberg also notes that Campanus’ Books XIV., XV. show a certain agreement with the preface to the Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq version, in which the author claims to have (1) given a method of inscribing spheres in the five regular solids, (2) carried further the solution of the problem how to inscribe any one of the solids in any other and (3) noted the cases where this could not be done.Heiberg, Zeitschrift fi<*>r Matk. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abtheilung, p. 21.

-

With a view to arriving at what may be called a common measure of the Arabian tradition, it is necessary to compare, in the first place, the numbers of propositions in the various Books. [Hnull ]ājĩ Khalfa says that al-[Hnull ]ajjāj's translation contained 468 propositions, and Thābit's 478; this is stated on the authority of a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsĩ, whose own edition contained 468Klamroth, p. 274; Steinschneider, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXI., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 98.. The fact that Thābit's version had 478 propositions is confirmed by an index in the Bodleian MS. 279 (called O by Klamroth). A register at the beginning of the Codex Leidensis 399, 1 which gives Is[hnull ]aq's numbers (although the translation is that of al-[Hnull ]ajjāj) apparently makes the total 479 propositions (the number in Book XIV. being apparently 11, instead of the 10 of OBesthorn-Heiberg read 11? +

But the third form of the Arabian Euclid actually accessible to us is the edition of Abū Ja`far Mu[hnull ]. b. Mu[hnull ]. b. al-[Hnull ]asan Naṣraddĩn aţ-Ţĩsī (whom we shall call aţ-Ţĩsī for short), born at Tĩs (in Khurāsān) in 1201 (d. 1274). This edition appeared in two forms, a larger and a smaller. The larger is said to survive in Florence only (Pal. 272 and 313, the latter MS. containing only six Books); this was published at Rome in 1594, and, remarkably enough, some copies of this edition are to be found with 12 and some with 13 Books, some with a Latin title and some withoutSuter, Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber, p. 151. The Latin title is Euclidis elementorum geometricorum libri tredecim. Ex traditione doctissimi Nasiridini Tusini nunc primum arabice impressi. Romae in typographia Medicea MDXCIV. Cum licentia superiorum.. But the book was printed in Arabic, so that Kästner remarks that he will say as much about it as can be said about a book which one cannot readKästner, Geschichte der Mathematik, I. p. 367.. The shorter form, which however, in most MSS., is in 15 Books, survives at Berlin, Munich, Oxford, British Museum (974, 1334Suter has a note that this MS. is very old, having been copied from the original in the author's lifetime., 1335), Paris (2465, 2466), India Office, and Constantinople; it was printed at Constantinople in 1801, and the first six Books at Calcutta in 1824Suter, p. 151..

+

Aṭ-[Tnull ]ũsĩ's work is however not a translation of Euclid's text, but a re-written Euclid based on the older Arabic translations. In this respect it seems to be like the Latin version of the Elements by Campanus (Campano), which was first published by Erhard Ratdolt at Venice in 1482 (the first printed edition of EuclidDescribed by Kästner, Geschichte der Mathematik, I. pp. 289-299, and by Weissenborn, Die Ubersetzungen des Euklid durch Campano und Zamberti, Halle a. S., 1882, pp. 1-7. See also infra, Chapter VIII, p. 97.). Campanus (13th c.) was a mathematician, and it is likely enough that he allowed himself the same liberty as aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī in reproducing Euclid. Whatever may be the relation between Campanus’ version and that of Athelhard of Bath (about 1120), and whether, as Curtze thinksSonderabdruck des Jahresberichtes über die Fortschritte der klassischen Alterthumswissenschaft vom Okt. 1879-1882, Berlin, 1884., they both used one and the same Latin version of 10th—11th c., or whether Campanus used Athelhard's version in the same way as aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī used those of his predecessorsKlamroth, p. 271.,it is certain that both versions came from an Arabian source, as is evident from the occurrence of Arabic words in themCurtze, op. cit. p. 20; Heiberg, Euklid-Studien, p. 178.. Campanus’ version is not of much service for the purpose of forming a judgment on the relative authenticity of the Greek and Arabian tradition ; but it sometimes preserves traces of the purer source, as when it omits Theon's addition to VI. 33Heiberg's Euclid, vol. v. p. ci.. A curious circumstance is that, while Campanus’ version agrees with aţ-Ţĩsī's in the number of the propositions in all the genuine Euclidean Books except V. and IX., it agrees with Athelhard's in having 34 propositions in Book V. (as against 25 in other versions), which confirms the view that the two are not independent, and also leads, as Klamroth says, to this dilemma: either the additions to Book V. are Athelhard's own, or he used an Arabian Euclid which is not known to usKlamroth, pp. 273-4.. Heiberg also notes that Campanus’ Books XIV., XV. show a certain agreement with the preface to the Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq version, in which the author claims to have (1) given a method of inscribing spheres in the five regular solids, (2) carried further the solution of the problem how to inscribe any one of the solids in any other and (3) noted the cases where this could not be done.Heiberg, Zeitschrift fi<*>r Matk. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abtheilung, p. 21.

+

With a view to arriving at what may be called a common measure of the Arabian tradition, it is necessary to compare, in the first place, the numbers of propositions in the various Books. [Hnull ]ājĩ Khalfa says that al-[Hnull ]ajjāj's translation contained 468 propositions, and Thābit's 478; this is stated on the authority of aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsĩ, whose own edition contained 468Klamroth, p. 274; Steinschneider, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXI., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 98.. The fact that Thābit's version had 478 propositions is confirmed by an index in the Bodleian MS. 279 (called O by Klamroth). A register at the beginning of the Codex Leidensis 399, 1 which gives Is[hnull ]aq's numbers (although the translation is that of al-[Hnull ]ajjāj) apparently makes the total 479 propositions (the number in Book XIV. being apparently 11, instead of the 10 of OBesthorn-Heiberg read 11? as the number, Klamroth had read it as 21 (p. 273).). I subjoin a table of relative numbers taken from Klamroth, to which I have added the corresponding numbers in August's and Heiberg's editions of the Greek text.

The numbers in the case of Heiberg include all propositions which he has printed in the text; they include therefore XIII. 6 and III. 12 now to be regarded as spurious, and X. 112-115 which he brackets as doubtful. He does not number the propositions in Books XIV., XV., but I conclude that the numbers in P reach at least 9 in XIV., and 9 in XV.

-

The Fihrist confirms the number 109 for Book X., from which Klamroth concludes that Is[hnull ]āq's version was considered as by far the most authoritative.

+

The Fihrist confirms the number 109 for Book X., from which Klamroth concludes that Is[hnull ]āq's version was considered as by far the most authoritative.

In the text of O, Book IV. consists of 17 propositions and Book XIV. of 12, differing in this respect from its own table of contents; IV. 15, 16 in O are really two proofs of the same proposition.

-

In al-[Hnull ]ajjāj's version Book I. consists of 47 propositions only, I. 45 being omitted. It has also one proposition fewer in Book III., the Heronic proposition III. 12 being no doubt omitted.

+

In al-[Hnull ]ajjāj's version Book I. consists of 47 propositions only, I. 45 being omitted. It has also one proposition fewer in Book III., the Heronic proposition III. 12 being no doubt omitted.

In speaking of particular propositions, I shall use Heiberg's numbering, except where otherwise stated.

-

The difference of 10 propositions between Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq and a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī is accounted for thus:

-

(1) The three propositions VI. 12 and X. 28, 29 which both Is[hnull ]āq and the Greek text have are omitted in a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī.

-

(2) Is[hnull ]āq divides each of the propositions XIII. 1-3 into two, making six instead of three in a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī and in the Greek.

-

(3) Is[hnull ]āq has four propositions (numbered by him VIII. 24, 25, IX. 30, 31) which are neither in the Greek Euclid nor in aţ-Ţĩsī.

-

Apart from the above differences al-[Hnull ]ajjāj (so far as we know), Ishāq and a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī agree; but their Euclid shows many differences from our Greek text. These differences we will classify as followsSee Klamroth, pp. 275-6, 280, 282-4, 314-15, 326;Heiberg, vol. v. pp. xcvi, xcvii..

+

The difference of 10 propositions between Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq and aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī is accounted for thus:

+

(1) The three propositions VI. 12 and X. 28, 29 which both Is[hnull ]āq and the Greek text have are omitted in aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī.

+

(2) Is[hnull ]āq divides each of the propositions XIII. 1-3 into two, making six instead of three in aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī and in the Greek.

+

(3) Is[hnull ]āq has four propositions (numbered by him VIII. 24, 25, IX. 30, 31) which are neither in the Greek Euclid nor in aţ-Ţĩsī.

+

Apart from the above differences al-[Hnull ]ajjāj (so far as we know), Ishāq and aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī agree; but their Euclid shows many differences from our Greek text. These differences we will classify as followsSee Klamroth, pp. 275-6, 280, 282-4, 314-15, 326;Heiberg, vol. v. pp. xcvi, xcvii..

1. Propositions.

The Arabian Euclid omits VII. 20, 22 of Gregory's and August's editions (Heiberg, App. to Vol. II. pp. 428-32); VIII. 16, 17; X. 7, 8, 13, 16, 24, 112, 113, 114, besides a lemma vulgo X. 13, the proposition X. 117 of Gregory's edition, and the scholium at the end of the Book (see for these Heiberg's Appendix to Vol. III. pp. 382, 408-416); XI. 38 in Gregory and August (Heiberg, App. to Vol. IV. p. 354); XII. 6, 13, 14; (also all but the first third of Book XV.).

The Arabian Euclid makes III. 11, 12 into one proposition, and divides some propositions (X. 31, 32; XI. 31, 34; XIII. 1-3) into two each.

-

The order is also changed in the Arabic to the following extent. V. 12, 13 are interchanged and the order in Books VI., VII., IX.— XIII. is:

+

The order is also changed in the Arabic to the following extent. V. 12, 13 are interchanged and the order in Books VI., VII., IX.— XIII. is:

VI. 1-8, 13, 11, 12, 9, 10, 14-17, 19, 20, 18, 21, 22, 24, 26, 23, 25, 27-30, 32, 31, 33.

VII. 1-20, 22, 21, 23-28, 31, 32, 29, 30, 33-39.

IX. 1-13, 20, 14-19, 21-25, 27, 26, 28-36, with two new propositions coming before prop. 30.

-

X. 1-6, 9-12, 15, 14, 17-23, 26-28, 25, 29-30, 31, 32, 33— 111, 115.

+

X. 1-6, 9-12, 15, 14, 17-23, 26-28, 25, 29-30, 31, 32, 33— 111, 115.

XI. 1-30, 31, 32, 34, 33, 35-39.

XII. 1-5, 7, 9, 8, 10, 12, 11, 15, 16-18.

XIII. 1-3, 5, 4, 6, 7, 12, 9, 10, 8, 11, 13, 15, 14, 16-18.

@@ -868,77 +868,77 @@

The analyses and syntheses to XIII. 1-5 are also omitted in the Arabic.

Klamroth is inclined, on a consideration of all these differences, to give preference to the Arabian tradition over the Greek (1) on historical grounds, subject to the proviso that no Greek MS. as ancient as the 8th c. is found to contradict his conclusions, which are based generally (2) on the improbability that the Arabs would have omitted so much if they had found it in their Greek MSS., it being clear from the Fihrist that the Arabs had already shown an anxiety for a pure text, and that the old translators were subjected in this matter to the check of public criticism. Against the historical grounds, - Heiberg is able to bring a considerable amount of evidenceHeiberg in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 3 sqq.. First of all there is the British Museum palimpsest (L) of the 7th or the beginning of the 8th c. This has fragments of propositions in Book X. which are omitted in the Arabic; the numbering of one proposition, which agrees with the numbering in other Greek MS., is not comprehensible on the assumption that eight preceding propositions were omitted in it, as they are in the Arabic; and lastly, the readings in L are tolerably like those of our MSS., and surprisingly like those of B. It is also to be noted that, although P dates from the 10th c. only, it contains, according to all appearance, an ante-Theonine recension.

-

Moreover there is positive evidence against certain omissions by the Arabians. A&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī omits VI. 12, but it is scarcely possible that, if Eutocius had not had it, he would have quoted VI. 23 by that numberApollonius, ed. Heiberg, vol. 11. p. 218, 3-5.. This quotation of VI. 23 by Eutocius also tells against Is[hnull ]āq who has the proposition as VI. 25. Again, Simplicius quotes VI. 10 by that number, whereas it is VI. 13 in Is[hnull ]āq; and Pappus quotes, by number, XIII. 2 (Is[hnull ]āq 3, 4), XIII. 4 (Is[hnull ]āq 8), XIII. 16 (Is[hnull ]āq 19). On the other hand the contraction of III. 11, 12 into one proposition in the Arabic tells in favour of the Arabic.

+ Heiberg is able to bring a considerable amount of evidenceHeiberg in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 3 sqq.. First of all there is the British Museum palimpsest (L) of the 7th or the beginning of the 8th c. This has fragments of propositions in Book X. which are omitted in the Arabic; the numbering of one proposition, which agrees with the numbering in other Greek MS., is not comprehensible on the assumption that eight preceding propositions were omitted in it, as they are in the Arabic; and lastly, the readings in L are tolerably like those of our MSS., and surprisingly like those of B. It is also to be noted that, although P dates from the 10th c. only, it contains, according to all appearance, an ante-Theonine recension.

+

Moreover there is positive evidence against certain omissions by the Arabians. Aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī omits VI. 12, but it is scarcely possible that, if Eutocius had not had it, he would have quoted VI. 23 by that numberApollonius, ed. Heiberg, vol. 11. p. 218, 3-5.. This quotation of VI. 23 by Eutocius also tells against Is[hnull ]āq who has the proposition as VI. 25. Again, Simplicius quotes VI. 10 by that number, whereas it is VI. 13 in Is[hnull ]āq; and Pappus quotes, by number, XIII. 2 (Is[hnull ]āq 3, 4), XIII. 4 (Is[hnull ]āq 8), XIII. 16 (Is[hnull ]āq 19). On the other hand the contraction of III. 11, 12 into one proposition in the Arabic tells in favour of the Arabic.

Further, the omission of certain porisms in the Arabic cannot be supported; for Pappus quotes the porism to XIII. 17Pappus, V. p. 436, 5., Proclus those to II. 4, III. 1, VII. 2Proclus, pp. 303-4., and Simplicius that to IV. 15.

Lastly, some propositions omitted in the Arabic are required in later propositions. Thus X. 13 is used in X. 18, 22, 23, 26 etc.; X. 17 is wanted in X. 18, 26, 36; XII. 6, 13 are required for XII. 11 and XII. 15 respectively.

It must also be remembered that some of the things which were properly omitted by the Arabians are omitted or marked as doubtful in Greek MSS. also, especially in P, and others are rightly suspected for other reasons (e.g. a number of alternative proofs, lemmas, and porisms, as well as the analyses and syntheses of XIII. 1-5). On the other hand, the Arabic has certain interpolations peculiar to our inferior MSS. (cf. the definition VI. Def. 2 and those of proportion and ordered proportion).

-

Heiberg comes to the general conclusion that, not only is the Arabic tradition not to be preferred offhand to that of the Greek MSS., but it must be regarded as inferior in authority. It is a question how far the differences shown in the Arabic are due to the use of Greek MSS. differing from those which have been most used as the basis of our text, and how far to the arbitrary changes made by the Arabians themselves. Changes of order and arbitrary omissions could not surprise us, in view of the preface above quoted from the Oxford MS. of Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq, with its allusion to the many important and necessary things left out by Abĩ'l Wafā and to the author's own rearrangement of Books XII., XIII. But there is evidence of differences due to the use by the Arabs of other Greek MSS. HeibergZeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 6 sqq. is able to show considerable resemblances between the Arabic text and the Bologna MS. b in that part of the MS. where it diverges so remarkably from our other MSS. (see the short description of it above, p.49); in illustration he gives a comparison of the proofs of XII. 7 in b and in the Arabic respectively, and points to the omission in both of the proposition given in Gregory's edition as XI. 38, and to a remarkable agreement between them as regards the order of the propositions of Book XII. As above stated, the remarkable divergence of b only affects Books XI. (at end) and XII.; and Book XIII. in b shows none of the transpositions and other peculiarities of the Arabic. There are many differences between b and the Arabic, especially in the definitions of Book XI., as well as in Book XIII. It is therefore a question whether the Arabians made arbitrary changes, or the Arabic form is the more ancient, and b has been altered through contact with other MSS. Heiberg points out that the Arabians must be alone responsible for their definition of a prism, which only covers a prism with a triangular base. This could not have been Euclid's own, for the word prism already has the wider meaning in Archimedes, and Euclid himself speaks of prisms with parallelograms and polygons as bases (XI. 39; XII. 10). Moreover, a Greek would not have been likely to leave out the definitions of the Platonic +

Heiberg comes to the general conclusion that, not only is the Arabic tradition not to be preferred offhand to that of the Greek MSS., but it must be regarded as inferior in authority. It is a question how far the differences shown in the Arabic are due to the use of Greek MSS. differing from those which have been most used as the basis of our text, and how far to the arbitrary changes made by the Arabians themselves. Changes of order and arbitrary omissions could not surprise us, in view of the preface above quoted from the Oxford MS. of Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq, with its allusion to the many important and necessary things left out by Abĩ'l Wafā and to the author's own rearrangement of Books XII., XIII. But there is evidence of differences due to the use by the Arabs of other Greek MSS. HeibergZeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 6 sqq. is able to show considerable resemblances between the Arabic text and the Bologna MS. b in that part of the MS. where it diverges so remarkably from our other MSS. (see the short description of it above, p.49); in illustration he gives a comparison of the proofs of XII. 7 in b and in the Arabic respectively, and points to the omission in both of the proposition given in Gregory's edition as XI. 38, and to a remarkable agreement between them as regards the order of the propositions of Book XII. As above stated, the remarkable divergence of b only affects Books XI. (at end) and XII.; and Book XIII. in b shows none of the transpositions and other peculiarities of the Arabic. There are many differences between b and the Arabic, especially in the definitions of Book XI., as well as in Book XIII. It is therefore a question whether the Arabians made arbitrary changes, or the Arabic form is the more ancient, and b has been altered through contact with other MSS. Heiberg points out that the Arabians must be alone responsible for their definition of a prism, which only covers a prism with a triangular base. This could not have been Euclid's own, for the word prism already has the wider meaning in Archimedes, and Euclid himself speaks of prisms with parallelograms and polygons as bases (XI. 39; XII. 10). Moreover, a Greek would not have been likely to leave out the definitions of the Platonic regular solids.

-

Heiberg considers that the Arabian translator had before him a MS. which was related to b, but diverged still further from the rest of our MSS. He does not think that there is evidence of the existence of a redaction of Books I.—X. similar to that of Books XI., XII. in b; for Klamroth observes that it is the Books on solid geometry (XI.—XIII.) which are more remarkable than the others for omissions and shorter proofs, and it is a noteworthy coincidence that it is just in these Books that we have a divergent text in b.

-

An advantage in the Arabic version is the omission of VII. Def. 10, although, as Iamblichus had it, it may have been deliberately omitted by the Arabic translator. Another advantage is the omission of the analyses and syntheses of XIII. 1-5; but again these may have been omitted purpōsely, as were evidently a number of porisms which are really necessary.

-

One or two remarks may be added about the Arabic versions as compared with one another. Al-[Hnull ]ajjāj's object seems to have been less to give a faithful reflection of the original than to write a useful and convenient mathematical text-book. One characteristic of it is the careful references to earlier propositions when their results are used. Such specific quotations of earlier propositions are rare in Euclid; but in al-[Hnull ]ajjāj we find not only such phrases as by prop. so and so, +

Heiberg considers that the Arabian translator had before him a MS. which was related to b, but diverged still further from the rest of our MSS. He does not think that there is evidence of the existence of a redaction of Books I.—X. similar to that of Books XI., XII. in b; for Klamroth observes that it is the Books on solid geometry (XI.—XIII.) which are more remarkable than the others for omissions and shorter proofs, and it is a noteworthy coincidence that it is just in these Books that we have a divergent text in b.

+

An advantage in the Arabic version is the omission of VII. Def. 10, although, as Iamblichus had it, it may have been deliberately omitted by the Arabic translator. Another advantage is the omission of the analyses and syntheses of XIII. 1-5; but again these may have been omitted purpōsely, as were evidently a number of porisms which are really necessary.

+

One or two remarks may be added about the Arabic versions as compared with one another. Al-[Hnull ]ajjāj's object seems to have been less to give a faithful reflection of the original than to write a useful and convenient mathematical text-book. One characteristic of it is the careful references to earlier propositions when their results are used. Such specific quotations of earlier propositions are rare in Euclid; but in al-[Hnull ]ajjāj we find not only such phrases as by prop. so and so, which was proved or which we showed how to do in prop. so and so, but also still longer phrases. Sometimes he kepeats a construction, as in I. 44 where, instead of constructing the parallelogram BEFG equal to the triangle C in the angle EBG which is equal to the angle D and placing it in a certain position, he produces AB to G, making BG equal to half DE (the base of the triangle CDE in his figure), and on GB so constructs the parallelogram BHKG by I. 42 that it is equal to the triangle CDE, and its angle GBH is equal to the given angle.

-

Secondly, al-[hnull ]ajjāj, in the arithmetical books, in the theory of proportion, in the applications of the Pythagorean I. 47, and generally where possible, illustrates the proofs by numerical examples. It is true, observes Klamroth, that these examples are not apparently separated from the commentary of an-Nairīzī, and might not therefore have been due to al-[Hnull ]ajjāj himself; but the marginal notes to the Hebrew translation in Municn MS. 36 show that these additions were in the copy of al-[Hnull ]ajjāj used by the translator, for they expressly give these proofs in numbers as variants taken from al-[Hnull ]ajjājKlamroth, p. 310; Steinschneider, pp. 85-6..

-

These characteristics, together with al-[Hnull ]ájjāj's freer formulation of the propositions and expansion of the proofs, constitute an intelligible reason why Is[hnull ]āq should have undertaken a fresh translation from the Greek. Klamroth calls Is[hnull ]āq's version a model of a good translation of a mathematical text; the introductory and transitional phrases are stereotyped and few in number, the technical terms are simply and consistently rendered, and the less formal expressions connect themselves as closely with the Greek as is consistent with intelligibility and the character of the Arabic language. Only in isolated cases does the formulation of definitions and enunciations differ to any considerable extent from the original. In general, his object seems to have been to get rid of difficulties and unevennesses in the Greek text by next devices, while at the same time giving a faithful reproduction of it.Klamroth, p. 290, illustrates is[hnull ]āq's method by his way of distinguishing e)farmo/zein (to be congruent with) and e)farmo/zesqai (to be applied to), the confusion of which by translators was animadverted on by Savile. Is[hnull ]āq avoided the confusion by using two entirely different words..

-

There are curious points of contact between the versions of al-[Hnull ]ajjāj and T[hnull ]amacr;bit-Is[hnull ]āq. For example, the definitions and enunciations of propositions are often word for word the same. Presumably this is owing to the fact that Is[hnull ]āq found these definitions and enunciations already established in the schools in his time, where they would no doubt be learnt by heart, and refrained from translating them afresh, merely adopting the older version with some changesKlamroth, pp. 310-1.. Secondly, there is remarkable agreement between the Arabic versions as regards the figures, which show considerable variations from the figures of the Greek text, especially as regards the letters; this is also probably to be explained in the same way, all the later translators having most likely borrowed al-[hnull ]ajjāj's adaptation of the Greek figuresibid. p. 287.. Lastly, it is remarkable that the version of Books XI.—XIII. in the Kjfbenhavn MS. (K), purporting to be by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj, is almost exactly the same as the Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq version of the same Books in O. Klamroth conjectures that Is[hnull ]āq may not have translated the Books on solid geometry at all, and that Thābit took them from al-[Hnull ]ajjāj, only making some changes in order to fit them to the translation of Is[hnull ]āqibid. pp. 304-5..

-

From the facts (1) that a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī's edition had the same number of propositions (468) as al-[hnull ]ajjāj's version, while Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq's had 478, and (2) that a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī has the same careful references to earlier propositions, Klamroth concludes that a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī deliberately preferred al-[hnull ]ajjāj's version to that of Is[hnull ]āqibid. p. 274.. Heiberg, however, points out (1) that a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī left out VI. 12 which, if we may judge by Klamroth's silence, al-[hnull ]ajjāj had, and (2) al-[hnull ]ajjāj's version had one proposition less in Books I. and III. than a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī has. Besides, in a passage quoted by [hnull ]ājī Khalfa[hnull ]ājī Khalfa, I. p. 383. from a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ĩsī, the latter says that he separated the things which, in the approved editions, were taken from the archetype from the things which had been added thereto, - indicating that he had compiled his edition from both the earlier translationsHeiberg, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. pp. 2, 3..

-

There were a large number of Arabian commentaries on, or reproductions of, the Elements or portions thereof, which will be found fully noticed by SteinschneiderSteinschneider, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXI., hist.-litt. Abth. pp. 86 sqq.. I shall mention here the commentators etc. referred to in the Fihrist, with a few others.

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1. Abĩ 'l `Abbās al-Fa[dnull ]l b. [hnull ]ātim an-Nairīzī (born at Nairīz, died about 922) has already been mentionedSteinschneider, p. 86, Fihrist (tr. Suter), pp. 16, 67; Suter, Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber (1900), p. 45.. His commentary survives, as regards Books I.—VI., in the Codex Leidensis 399, I, now edited, as to four Books, by Besthorn and Heiberg, and as regards Books I.—X. in the Latin translation made by Gherard of Cremona in the 12th c. and now published by Curtze from a Cracow MSSupplementum ad Euclidis opera omnia, ed. Heiberg and Menge, Leipzig, 1899.. Its importance lies mainly in the quotations from Heron and Simplicius.

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2. Ahmad b. `Umar al-Karābīsī (date uncertain, probably 9th— 10th c.), who was among the most distinguished geometers and arithmeticiansFihrist, pp. 16, 38; Steinschneider, p. 87; Suter, p. 65.. +

Secondly, al-[hnull ]ajjāj, in the arithmetical books, in the theory of proportion, in the applications of the Pythagorean I. 47, and generally where possible, illustrates the proofs by numerical examples. It is true, observes Klamroth, that these examples are not apparently separated from the commentary of an-Nairīzī, and might not therefore have been due to al-[Hnull ]ajjāj himself; but the marginal notes to the Hebrew translation in Municn MS. 36 show that these additions were in the copy of al-[Hnull ]ajjāj used by the translator, for they expressly give these proofs in numbers as variants taken from al-[Hnull ]ajjājKlamroth, p. 310; Steinschneider, pp. 85-6..

+

These characteristics, together with al-[Hnull ]ájjāj's freer formulation of the propositions and expansion of the proofs, constitute an intelligible reason why Is[hnull ]āq should have undertaken a fresh translation from the Greek. Klamroth calls Is[hnull ]āq's version a model of a good translation of a mathematical text; the introductory and transitional phrases are stereotyped and few in number, the technical terms are simply and consistently rendered, and the less formal expressions connect themselves as closely with the Greek as is consistent with intelligibility and the character of the Arabic language. Only in isolated cases does the formulation of definitions and enunciations differ to any considerable extent from the original. In general, his object seems to have been to get rid of difficulties and unevennesses in the Greek text by next devices, while at the same time giving a faithful reproduction of it.Klamroth, p. 290, illustrates is[hnull ]āq's method by his way of distinguishing e)farmo/zein (to be congruent with) and e)farmo/zesqai (to be applied to), the confusion of which by translators was animadverted on by Savile. Is[hnull ]āq avoided the confusion by using two entirely different words..

+

There are curious points of contact between the versions of al-[Hnull ]ajjāj and T[hnull ]amacr;bit-Is[hnull ]āq. For example, the definitions and enunciations of propositions are often word for word the same. Presumably this is owing to the fact that Is[hnull ]āq found these definitions and enunciations already established in the schools in his time, where they would no doubt be learnt by heart, and refrained from translating them afresh, merely adopting the older version with some changesKlamroth, pp. 310-1.. Secondly, there is remarkable agreement between the Arabic versions as regards the figures, which show considerable variations from the figures of the Greek text, especially as regards the letters; this is also probably to be explained in the same way, all the later translators having most likely borrowed al-[hnull ]ajjāj's adaptation of the Greek figuresibid. p. 287.. Lastly, it is remarkable that the version of Books XI.—XIII. in the Kjfbenhavn MS. (K), purporting to be by al-[Hnull ]ajjāj, is almost exactly the same as the Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq version of the same Books in O. Klamroth conjectures that Is[hnull ]āq may not have translated the Books on solid geometry at all, and that Thābit took them from al-[Hnull ]ajjāj, only making some changes in order to fit them to the translation of Is[hnull ]āqibid. pp. 304-5..

+

From the facts (1) that aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī's edition had the same number of propositions (468) as al-[hnull ]ajjāj's version, while Thābit-Is[hnull ]āq's had 478, and (2) that aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī has the same careful references to earlier propositions, Klamroth concludes that aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī deliberately preferred al-[hnull ]ajjāj's version to that of Is[hnull ]āqibid. p. 274.. Heiberg, however, points out (1) that aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī left out VI. 12 which, if we may judge by Klamroth's silence, al-[hnull ]ajjāj had, and (2) al-[hnull ]ajjāj's version had one proposition less in Books I. and III. than aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī has. Besides, in a passage quoted by [hnull ]ājī Khalfa[hnull ]ājī Khalfa, I. p. 383. from aṭ-[Tnull ]ĩsī, the latter says that he separated the things which, in the approved editions, were taken from the archetype from the things which had been added thereto, + indicating that he had compiled his edition from both the earlier translationsHeiberg, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXIX., hist.-litt. Abth. pp. 2, 3..

+

There were a large number of Arabian commentaries on, or reproductions of, the Elements or portions thereof, which will be found fully noticed by SteinschneiderSteinschneider, Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXI., hist.-litt. Abth. pp. 86 sqq.. I shall mention here the commentators etc. referred to in the Fihrist, with a few others.

+

1. Abĩ 'l `Abbās al-Fa[dnull ]l b. [hnull ]ātim an-Nairīzī (born at Nairīz, died about 922) has already been mentionedSteinschneider, p. 86, Fihrist (tr. Suter), pp. 16, 67; Suter, Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber (1900), p. 45.. His commentary survives, as regards Books I.—VI., in the Codex Leidensis 399, I, now edited, as to four Books, by Besthorn and Heiberg, and as regards Books I.—X. in the Latin translation made by Gherard of Cremona in the 12th c. and now published by Curtze from a Cracow MSSupplementum ad Euclidis opera omnia, ed. Heiberg and Menge, Leipzig, 1899.. Its importance lies mainly in the quotations from Heron and Simplicius.

+

2. Ahmad b. `Umar al-Karābīsī (date uncertain, probably 9th— 10th c.), who was among the most distinguished geometers and arithmeticiansFihrist, pp. 16, 38; Steinschneider, p. 87; Suter, p. 65..

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3. Al-'Abbās b. Sa`īd al-Jauharī (fl. 830) was one of the astronomical observers under al-Ma'mĩn, but devoted himself mostly to geometry. He wrote a commentary to the whole of the Elements, from the beginning to the end; also the Book of the propositions which he added to the first book of EuclidFihrist, pp. 16, 25; Steinschneider, p. 88; Suter, p. 12.. +

3. Al-'Abbās b. Sa`īd al-Jauharī (fl. 830) was one of the astronomical observers under al-Ma'mĩn, but devoted himself mostly to geometry. He wrote a commentary to the whole of the Elements, from the beginning to the end; also the Book of the propositions which he added to the first book of EuclidFihrist, pp. 16, 25; Steinschneider, p. 88; Suter, p. 12..

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4. Muh. b. `Īsā Abĩ `Abdallāh al-Māhānī (d. between 874 and 884) wrote, according to the Fihrist, (I) a commentary on Eucl. Book v., (2) On proportion, +

4. Muh. b. `Īsā Abĩ `Abdallāh al-Māhānī (d. between 874 and 884) wrote, according to the Fihrist, (I) a commentary on Eucl. Book v., (2) On proportion, (3) On the 26 propositions of the first Book of Euclid which are proved without reductio ad absurdumFihrist, pp. 16, 25, 58.. The work On proportion survives and is probably identical with, or part of, the commentary on Book v.Suter, p. 26, note, quotes the Paris MS. 2467, 16^{o} containing the work on proportion as the authority for this conjecture. He also wrote, what is not mentioned by the Fihrist, a commentary on Eucl. Book X., a fragment of which survives in a Paris MS.MS. 2457, 39^{o} (cf. Woepcke in Me/m. pre/s. agrave; l'acad. des sciences, XIV., 1856, p. 669).

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5. Abĩ Ja`far al-Khāzin (i.e. the treasurer +

5. Abĩ Ja`far al-Khāzin (i.e. the treasurer or librarian -), one of the first mathematicians and astronomers of his time, was born in Khurāsān and died between the years 961 and 971. The Fihrist speaks of him as having written a commentary on the whole of the ElementsFihrist, p. 17., but only the commentary on the beginning of Book X. survives (in Leiden, Berlin and Paris); therefore either the notes on the rest of the Books have perished, or the Fihrist is in errorSuter, p. 58, note b.. The latter would seem more probable, for, at the end of his commentary, al-Khāzin remarks that the rest had already been commented on by Sulaimān b. 'Usma (Leiden MS.)Steinschneider, p. 89. or 'Oqba (Suter), to be mentioned below. Al-Khāzin's method is criticised unfavourably in the preface to the Oxford MS. quoted by Nicoll (see p. 77 above).

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6. Abĩ'l Wafā al-Bĩzjānī (940-997), one of the greatest Arabian mathematicians, wrote a commentary on the Elements, but did not complete itFihrist, p. 17.. His method is also unfavourably regarded in the same preface to the Oxford MS. 280. According to Hājī Khalfa, he also wrote a book on geometrical constructions, in thirteen chapters. Apparently a book answering to this description was compiled by a gifted pupil from lectures by Abĩ 'l Wafā, and a Paris MS. (Anc. fonds 169) contains a Persian translation of this work, not that of Abĩ 'l Wafā himself. An analysis of the work was given by WoepckeWoepcke, Fournal Asiatique, Sér. v. T. v. pp. 218-256 and 309-359., and some particulars will be found in CantorGesch. d. Math. vol. 13, pp. 743-6.. Abĩ 'l Wafā also wrote a commentary on Diophantus, as well as a separate book of proofs to the propositions which Diophantus used in his book and to what he (Abĩ 'l Wafā) employed in his commentaryFihrist, p. 39; Suter, p. 71.. +), one of the first mathematicians and astronomers of his time, was born in Khurāsān and died between the years 961 and 971. The Fihrist speaks of him as having written a commentary on the whole of the ElementsFihrist, p. 17., but only the commentary on the beginning of Book X. survives (in Leiden, Berlin and Paris); therefore either the notes on the rest of the Books have perished, or the Fihrist is in errorSuter, p. 58, note b.. The latter would seem more probable, for, at the end of his commentary, al-Khāzin remarks that the rest had already been commented on by Sulaimān b. 'Usma (Leiden MS.)Steinschneider, p. 89. or 'Oqba (Suter), to be mentioned below. Al-Khāzin's method is criticised unfavourably in the preface to the Oxford MS. quoted by Nicoll (see p. 77 above).

+

6. Abĩ'l Wafā al-Bĩzjānī (940-997), one of the greatest Arabian mathematicians, wrote a commentary on the Elements, but did not complete itFihrist, p. 17.. His method is also unfavourably regarded in the same preface to the Oxford MS. 280. According to Hājī Khalfa, he also wrote a book on geometrical constructions, in thirteen chapters. Apparently a book answering to this description was compiled by a gifted pupil from lectures by Abĩ 'l Wafā, and a Paris MS. (Anc. fonds 169) contains a Persian translation of this work, not that of Abĩ 'l Wafā himself. An analysis of the work was given by WoepckeWoepcke, Fournal Asiatique, Sér. v. T. v. pp. 218-256 and 309-359., and some particulars will be found in CantorGesch. d. Math. vol. 13, pp. 743-6.. Abĩ 'l Wafā also wrote a commentary on Diophantus, as well as a separate book of proofs to the propositions which Diophantus used in his book and to what he (Abĩ 'l Wafā) employed in his commentaryFihrist, p. 39; Suter, p. 71..

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7. Ibn Rāhawaihi al-Arjānī also commented on Eucl. Book X.Fihrist, p. 17; Suter, p. 17..

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8. `Alī b. Ahmad Abĩ 'l-Qāsim al-An&tnull;ākī (d. 987) wrote a commentary on the whole bookFihrist, p. 17.; part of it seems to survive (from the 5th Book onwards) at Oxford (Catal. MSS. orient. II. 281)Suter, p. 64..

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9. Sind b. `Alī Abĩ '&tnull;-[Tnull ]aiyib was a Jew who went over to Islam in the time of al-Ma'mĩn, and was received among his astronomical observers, whose head he becameFihrist, p. 17, 29; Suter, pp. 13, 14. (about 830); he died after 864. He wrote a commentary on the whole of the Elements; Abĩ `Alī saw nine books of it, and a part of the tenthFihrist, p. 17.. +

7. Ibn Rāhawaihi al-Arjānī also commented on Eucl. Book X.Fihrist, p. 17; Suter, p. 17..

+

8. `Alī b. Ahmad Abĩ 'l-Qāsim al-Anṭākī (d. 987) wrote a commentary on the whole bookFihrist, p. 17.; part of it seems to survive (from the 5th Book onwards) at Oxford (Catal. MSS. orient. II. 281)Suter, p. 64..

+

9. Sind b. `Alī Abĩ 'ṭ-[Tnull ]aiyib was a Jew who went over to Islam in the time of al-Ma'mĩn, and was received among his astronomical observers, whose head he becameFihrist, p. 17, 29; Suter, pp. 13, 14. (about 830); he died after 864. He wrote a commentary on the whole of the Elements; Abĩ `Alī saw nine books of it, and a part of the tenthFihrist, p. 17.. His book On the Apotomae and the Medials, mentioned by the Fihrist, may be the same as, or part of, his commentary on Book X.

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10. Abĩ Yĩsuf Ya`qĩb b. Muh. ar-Rāzī wrote a commentary on Book X., and that an excellent one, at the instance of Ibn al`AmīdFihrist, p. 17; Suter, p. 66.. +

10. Abĩ Yĩsuf Ya`qĩb b. Muh. ar-Rāzī wrote a commentary on Book X., and that an excellent one, at the instance of Ibn al`AmīdFihrist, p. 17; Suter, p. 66..

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11. The Fihrist next mentions al-Kindī (Abĩ Yĩsuf Ya'qĩb b. Ishāq b. as-Sabbāh al-Kindī, d. about 873), as the author (1) of a work on the objects of Euclid's book, +

11. The Fihrist next mentions al-Kindī (Abĩ Yĩsuf Ya'qĩb b. Ishāq b. as-Sabbāh al-Kindī, d. about 873), as the author (1) of a work on the objects of Euclid's book, in which occurs the statement that the Elements were originally written by Apollonius, the carpenter (see above, p. 5 and note), (2) of a book on the improvement of Euclid's work, and (3) of another on the improvement of the 14th and 15th Books of Euclid. - He was the most distinguished man of his time, and stood alone in the knowledge of the old sciences collectively; he was called ’the philosopher of the Arabians’; his writings treat of the most different branches of knowledge, as logic, philosophy, geometry, calculation, arithmetic, music, astronomy and othersFihrist, p. 17, 10-15.. - Among the other geometrical works of al-Kindī mentioned by the FihristThe mere catalogue of al-Kindī's works on the various branches of science takes up four octavo pages (11-15) of Suter's translation of the Fihrist. are treatises on the closer investigation of the results of Archimedes concerning the measure of the diameter of a circle in terms of its circumference, on the construction of the figure of the two mean proportionals, on the approximate determination of the chords of the circle, on the approximate determination of the chord (side) of the nonagon, on the division of triangles and quadrilaterals and constructions for that purpose, on the manner of construction of a circle which is equal to the surface of a given cylinder, on the division of the circle, in three chapters etc.

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12. The physician Na[znull ]ĩf b. Yumn (or Yaman) al-Qass (the priest -) is mentioned by the Fihrist as having seen a Greek copy of Eucl. Book X. which had 40 more propositions than that which was in general circulation (containing 109), and having determined to translate it into ArabicFihrist, pp. 16, 17.. Fragments of such a translation exist at Paris, Nos. 18 and 34 of the MS. 2457 (952, 2 Suppl. Arab. in Woepcke's tract); No. 18 contains additions to some propositions of the 10th Book, existing in the Greek languageWoepcke, Mém. prés. à l'acad. des sciences, XIV. pp. 666, 668.. - Nazĩf must have died about 990Suter, p. 68..

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13. Yũ[hnull ]annã b. Yūsuf b. al-[Hnull ]ãrith b. al-Bitrĩq al-Qass (d. about 980) lectured on the Elements and other geometrical books, made translations from the Greek, and wrote a tract on the proof + He was the most distinguished man of his time, and stood alone in the knowledge of the old sciences collectively; he was called ’the philosopher of the Arabians’; his writings treat of the most different branches of knowledge, as logic, philosophy, geometry, calculation, arithmetic, music, astronomy and othersFihrist, p. 17, 10-15.. + Among the other geometrical works of al-Kindī mentioned by the FihristThe mere catalogue of al-Kindī's works on the various branches of science takes up four octavo pages (11-15) of Suter's translation of the Fihrist. are treatises on the closer investigation of the results of Archimedes concerning the measure of the diameter of a circle in terms of its circumference, on the construction of the figure of the two mean proportionals, on the approximate determination of the chords of the circle, on the approximate determination of the chord (side) of the nonagon, on the division of triangles and quadrilaterals and constructions for that purpose, on the manner of construction of a circle which is equal to the surface of a given cylinder, on the division of the circle, in three chapters etc.

+

12. The physician Na[znull ]ĩf b. Yumn (or Yaman) al-Qass (the priest +) is mentioned by the Fihrist as having seen a Greek copy of Eucl. Book X. which had 40 more propositions than that which was in general circulation (containing 109), and having determined to translate it into ArabicFihrist, pp. 16, 17.. Fragments of such a translation exist at Paris, Nos. 18 and 34 of the MS. 2457 (952, 2 Suppl. Arab. in Woepcke's tract); No. 18 contains additions to some propositions of the 10th Book, existing in the Greek languageWoepcke, Mém. prés. à l'acad. des sciences, XIV. pp. 666, 668.. + Nazĩf must have died about 990Suter, p. 68..

+

13. Yũ[hnull ]annã b. Yūsuf b. al-[Hnull ]ãrith b. al-Bitrĩq al-Qass (d. about 980) lectured on the Elements and other geometrical books, made translations from the Greek, and wrote a tract on the proof of the case of two straight lines both meeting a third and making with it, on one side, two angles together less than two right anglesFihrist, p. 38; Suter, p. 60.. Nothing of his appears to survive, except that a tract on rational and irrational magnitudes, No. 48 in the Paris MS. just mentioned, is attributed to him.

-

14. Abũ Mu[hnull ]. al-[Hnull ]asan b. 'Ubaidallãh b. Sulaimãn b. Wahb (d. 901) was a geometer of distinction, who wrote works under the two distinct titles A commentary on the difficult parts of the work of Euclid +

14. Abũ Mu[hnull ]. al-[Hnull ]asan b. 'Ubaidallãh b. Sulaimãn b. Wahb (d. 901) was a geometer of distinction, who wrote works under the two distinct titles A commentary on the difficult parts of the work of Euclid and The Book on ProportionFihrist, p. 26, and Suter's note, p. 60.. Suter thinks that another reading is possible in the case of the second title, and that it may refer to the Euclidean work on the divisions (of figures)Suter, p. 211, note 23..

-

15. Qustã b. Lũqã al-Ba'labakkĩ (d. about 912), a physician, philosopher, astronomer, mathematician and translator, wrote on the difficult passages of Euclid's book +

15. Qustã b. Lũqã al-Ba'labakkĩ (d. about 912), a physician, philosopher, astronomer, mathematician and translator, wrote on the difficult passages of Euclid's book and on the solution of arithmetical problems from the third book of EuclidFihrist, p. 43. ; also an introduction to geometry, in the form of question and answerFihrist, p. 43; Suter, p. 41..

-

16. Thãbit b. Qurra (826-901), besides translating some parts of Archimedes and Books V.mdashVII. of the Conics of Apollonius, and revising Ishãq's translation of Euclid's Elements, also revised the translation of the Data by the same Ishãq and the book On divisions of figures translated by an anonymous writer. We are told also that he wrote the following works: (I) On the Premisses (Axioms, Postulates etc.) of Euclid, (2) On the Propositions of Euclid, (3) On the propositions and questions which arise when two straight lines are cut by a third (or on the proof +

16. Thãbit b. Qurra (826-901), besides translating some parts of Archimedes and Books V.mdashVII. of the Conics of Apollonius, and revising Ishãq's translation of Euclid's Elements, also revised the translation of the Data by the same Ishãq and the book On divisions of figures translated by an anonymous writer. We are told also that he wrote the following works: (I) On the Premisses (Axioms, Postulates etc.) of Euclid, (2) On the Propositions of Euclid, (3) On the propositions and questions which arise when two straight lines are cut by a third (or on the proof of Euclid's famous postulate). The last tract is extant in the MS. discovered by Woepcke (Paris 2457, 32^{o}). He is also credited with an excellent work in the shape of an Introduction to the Book of Euclid, - a treatise on Geometry dedicated to Ismã'il b. Bulbul, a Compendium of Geometry, and a large number of other works for the titles of which reference may be made to Suter, who also gives particulars as to which are extantSuter, pp. 34-8..

-

17. Abũ Sa'ĩd Sinãn b. Thãbit b. Qurra, the son of the translator of Euclid, followed in his father's footsteps as geometer, astronomer and physician. He wrote an improvement of the book of ...... on the Elements of Geometry, in which he made various additions to the original. - It is natural to conjecture that Euclid is the name missing in this description (by Ibn abĩ U&snull;aibi'a); Casiri has the name AqãtonFihrist (ed. Suter), p. 59, note 132; Suter, p. 52, note b.. The latest editor of the Ta'rĩkh al-[Hnull ]ukamã, however, makes the name to be Iflãton (=Plato), and he refers to the statement by the Fihrist and Ibn al-Qiftĩ attributing to Plato a work on the Elements of Geometry translated by Qust<*>ã. It is just possible, therefore, that at the time of Qus&tnull;ã the Arabs were acquainted with a book on the Elements of Geometry translated from the Greek, which they attributed to PlatoSee Suter in Bibliotheca Mathematica, IV_{3}, 1903-4, pp. 296-7, review of Julius Lippert's Ibn al-Qiftĩ. Ta'rĩch al-hukamã, Leipzig, 1903.. Sinãn died in 943.

-

18. Abũ Sahl Wĩjan (or Waijan) b. Rustam al-Kũhĩ (fl. 988), born at Kũh in [Tnull ]abaristãn, a distinguished geometer and astronomer, wrote, according to the Fihrist, a Book of the Elements + a treatise on Geometry dedicated to Ismã'il b. Bulbul, a Compendium of Geometry, and a large number of other works for the titles of which reference may be made to Suter, who also gives particulars as to which are extantSuter, pp. 34-8..

+

17. Abũ Sa'ĩd Sinãn b. Thãbit b. Qurra, the son of the translator of Euclid, followed in his father's footsteps as geometer, astronomer and physician. He wrote an improvement of the book of ...... on the Elements of Geometry, in which he made various additions to the original. + It is natural to conjecture that Euclid is the name missing in this description (by Ibn abĩ Uṣaibi'a); Casiri has the name AqãtonFihrist (ed. Suter), p. 59, note 132; Suter, p. 52, note b.. The latest editor of the Ta'rĩkh al-[Hnull ]ukamã, however, makes the name to be Iflãton (=Plato), and he refers to the statement by the Fihrist and Ibn al-Qiftĩ attributing to Plato a work on the Elements of Geometry translated by Qust<*>ã. It is just possible, therefore, that at the time of Qusṭã the Arabs were acquainted with a book on the Elements of Geometry translated from the Greek, which they attributed to PlatoSee Suter in Bibliotheca Mathematica, IV_{3}, 1903-4, pp. 296-7, review of Julius Lippert's Ibn al-Qiftĩ. Ta'rĩch al-hukamã, Leipzig, 1903.. Sinãn died in 943.

+

18. Abũ Sahl Wĩjan (or Waijan) b. Rustam al-Kũhĩ (fl. 988), born at Kũh in [Tnull ]abaristãn, a distinguished geometer and astronomer, wrote, according to the Fihrist, a Book of the Elements after that of EuclidFihrist, p. 40.; the 1st and 2nd Books survive at Cairo, and a part of the 3rd Book at Berlin (5922)Suter, p. 75.. He wrote also a number of other geometrical works: Additions to the 2nd Book of Archimedes on the Sphere and Cylinder (extant at Paris, at Leiden, and in the India Office), On the finding of the side of a heptagon in a circle (India Office and Cairo), On two mean proportionals (India Office), which last may be only a part of the Additions to Archimedes' On the Sphere and Cylinder, etc.

-

19. Abũ Na&snull;r Mu[hnull ]. b. Mu[hnull ]. b. [Tnull ]arkhãn b. Uzlaġ al-Fãrãbĩ (870-950) wrote a commentary on the difficulties of the introductory matter to Books I. and V.Suter, p. 55. This appears to survive in the Hebrew translation which is, with probability, attributed to Moses b. TibbonSteinschneider, p. 92..

-

20. Abũ 'Alĩ al-Hasan b. al-Hasan b. al-Haitham (about 9651039), known by the name Ibn al-Haitham or Abũ 'Alĩ al-Basrĩ, was a man of great powers and knowledge, and no one of his time approached him in the field of mathematical science. He wrote several works on Euclid the titles of which, as translated by Woepcke from Usaibi'a, are as followsSteinschneider, pp. 92-3.: +

19. Abũ Naṣr Mu[hnull ]. b. Mu[hnull ]. b. [Tnull ]arkhãn b. Uzlaġ al-Fãrãbĩ (870-950) wrote a commentary on the difficulties of the introductory matter to Books I. and V.Suter, p. 55. This appears to survive in the Hebrew translation which is, with probability, attributed to Moses b. TibbonSteinschneider, p. 92..

+

20. Abũ 'Alĩ al-Hasan b. al-Hasan b. al-Haitham (about 9651039), known by the name Ibn al-Haitham or Abũ 'Alĩ al-Basrĩ, was a man of great powers and knowledge, and no one of his time approached him in the field of mathematical science. He wrote several works on Euclid the titles of which, as translated by Woepcke from Usaibi'a, are as followsSteinschneider, pp. 92-3.:

1. Commentary and abridgment of the Elements.

2. Collection of the Elements of Geometry and Arithmetic, drawn from the treatises of Euclid and Apollonius.

3. Collection of the Elements of the Calculus deduced from the principles laid down by Euclid in his Elements.

@@ -954,30 +954,30 @@

The last-named work (which Suter calls a commentary on the Postulates of Euclid) survives in an Oxford MS. (Catal. MSS. orient. I. 908) and in Algiers (1446, 1^{o}).

A Leiden MS. (966) contains his Commentary on the difficult places - up to Book V. We do not know whether in this commentary, which the author intended to form, with the commentary on the Musãdarãt, a sort of complete commentary, he had collected the separate memoirs on certain doubts and difficult passages mentioned in the above list.

+ up to Book V. We do not know whether in this commentary, which the author intended to form, with the commentary on the Musãdarãt, a sort of complete commentary, he had collected the separate memoirs on certain doubts and difficult passages mentioned in the above list.

A commentary on Book V. and following Books found in a Bodleian MS. (Catal. II. p. 262) with the title Commentary on Euclid and solution of his difficulties is attributed to b. Haitham; this might be a continuation of the Leiden MS.

The memoir on X. 1 appears to survive at St Petersburg, MS. de l'Institut des langues orient. 192, 5^{o} (Rosen, Catal. p. 125).

-

21. Ibn Sĩnã, known as Avicenna (980-1037), wrote a Compendium of Euclid, preserved in a Leiden MS. No. 1445, and forming the geometrical portion of an encyclopaedic work embracing Logic, Mathematics, Physics and MetaphysicsSteinschneider, p. 92; Suter, p. 89..

-

22. Ahmad b. al-Husain al-Ahwãzĩ al-Kãtib wrote a commentary on Book X., a fragment of which (some 10 pages) is to be found at Leiden (970), Berlin (5923) and Paris (2467, 18^{o})Suter, p. 57..

-

23. Na&snull;ĩraddĩn a&tnull;-[Tnull ]ũsĩ (1201-1274) who, as we have seen, brought out a Euclid in two forms, wrote: +

21. Ibn Sĩnã, known as Avicenna (980-1037), wrote a Compendium of Euclid, preserved in a Leiden MS. No. 1445, and forming the geometrical portion of an encyclopaedic work embracing Logic, Mathematics, Physics and MetaphysicsSteinschneider, p. 92; Suter, p. 89..

+

22. Ahmad b. al-Husain al-Ahwãzĩ al-Kãtib wrote a commentary on Book X., a fragment of which (some 10 pages) is to be found at Leiden (970), Berlin (5923) and Paris (2467, 18^{o})Suter, p. 57..

+

23. Naṣĩraddĩn aṭ-[Tnull ]ũsĩ (1201-1274) who, as we have seen, brought out a Euclid in two forms, wrote:

1. A treatise on the postulates of Euclid (Paris, 2467, 5^{o}).

2. A treatise on the 5th postulate, perhaps only a part of the foregoing (Berlin, 5942, Paris, 2467, 6^{o}).

3. Principles of Geometry taken from Euclid, perhaps identical with No. 1 above (Florence, Pal. 298).

4. 105 problems out of the Elements (Cairo). He also edited the Data (Berlin, Florence, Oxford etc.)Suter, pp. 150-1..

-

24. Muh. b. Ashraf Shamsaddĩn as-Samarqandĩ (fl. 1276) wrote Fundamental Propositions, being elucidations of 35 selected propositions of the first Books of Euclid, +

24. Muh. b. Ashraf Shamsaddĩn as-Samarqandĩ (fl. 1276) wrote Fundamental Propositions, being elucidations of 35 selected propositions of the first Books of Euclid, which are extant at Gotha (1496 and 1497), Oxford (Catal. I. 967, 2^{o}), and Brit. Mus.Suter, p. 157..

-

25. Mũsã b. Mu[hnull ]. b. Ma[hnull ]mũd, known as Qã[dnull ]ĩzãde ar-Rũmĩ (i.e. the son of the judge from Asia Minor), who died between 1436 and 1446, wrote a commentary on the Fundamental Propositions +

25. Mũsã b. Mu[hnull ]. b. Ma[hnull ]mũd, known as Qã[dnull ]ĩzãde ar-Rũmĩ (i.e. the son of the judge from Asia Minor), who died between 1436 and 1446, wrote a commentary on the Fundamental Propositions just mentioned, of which many MSS. are extantibid. p. 175.. It contained biographical statements about Euclid alluded to above (p. 5, note).

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26. Abũ Dã'ũd Sulaimãn b. ’Uqba, a contemporary of al-Khãzin (see above, No. 5), wrote a commentary on the second half of Book X., which is, at least partly, extant at Leiden (974) under the title On the binomials and apotomae found in the 10th Book of Euclidibid. p. 56.. +

26. Abũ Dã'ũd Sulaimãn b. ’Uqba, a contemporary of al-Khãzin (see above, No. 5), wrote a commentary on the second half of Book X., which is, at least partly, extant at Leiden (974) under the title On the binomials and apotomae found in the 10th Book of Euclidibid. p. 56..

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27. The Codex Leidensis 399, 1 containing al-[Hnull ]ajjãj's translation of Books I.—VI. is said to contain glosses to it by Sa`ĩd b. Mas'ũd b. al-Qass, apparently identical with Abũ Nasr Gars al-Na'ma, son of the physician Mas'ũd b. al-Qass al-Bagdãdĩ, who lived in the time of the last Caliph al-Musta'sim (d. 1258)ibid. pp. 153-4, 227..

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28. Abũ Mu[hnull ]ammad b. Abdalbãqĩ al-Bag[dnull ]ãdĩ al-Fara[dnull ]ĩ (d. 1141, at the age of over 70 years) is stated in the Ta'rĩkh al-[Hnull ]ukamã to have written an excellent commentary on Book X. of the Elements, in which he gave numerical examples of the propositionsGartz, p. 14; Steinschneider, pp. 94-5.. This is published in Curtze's edition of an-Nairĩzĩ where it occupies pages 252-386Suter in Bibliotheca Mathematica, IV3, 1903, pp. 25, 295; Suter has also an article on its contents, Bibliotheca Mathematica, VII3, 1906-7, pp. 234-251..

-

29. Ya[hnull ]yã b. Mu[hnull ]. b. 'Abdãn b. 'Abdalwã[hnull ]id, known by the name of Ibn al-Lubũdĩ (1210-1268), wrote a Compendium of Euclid, and a short presentation of the postulatesSteinschneider, p. 94; Suter, p. 146..

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30. Abũ 'Abdallãh Mu[hnull ]. b. Mu'ãdh al-Jayyãnĩ wrote a commentary on Eucl. Book V. which survives at Algiers (1446, 3^{o})Suter, Nachträge und Berichtigungen, in Abhandlungen zur Gesch. der math. Wissenschaften, XIV., 1902, p. 170..

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31. Abũ Na&snull;r Mansũr b. 'Aliã b.'Irãq wrote, at the instance of Mu[hnull ]. b. A[hnull ]mad Abũ ’r-Rai[hnull ]ãn al-Bĩrũnĩ (973-1048), a tract on a doubtful (difficult) passage in Eucl. Book XIII. - (Berlin, 5925). Suter, p. 81, and Nachträge, p. 172..

+

27. The Codex Leidensis 399, 1 containing al-[Hnull ]ajjãj's translation of Books I.—VI. is said to contain glosses to it by Sa`ĩd b. Mas'ũd b. al-Qass, apparently identical with Abũ Nasr Gars al-Na'ma, son of the physician Mas'ũd b. al-Qass al-Bagdãdĩ, who lived in the time of the last Caliph al-Musta'sim (d. 1258)ibid. pp. 153-4, 227..

+

28. Abũ Mu[hnull ]ammad b. Abdalbãqĩ al-Bag[dnull ]ãdĩ al-Fara[dnull ]ĩ (d. 1141, at the age of over 70 years) is stated in the Ta'rĩkh al-[Hnull ]ukamã to have written an excellent commentary on Book X. of the Elements, in which he gave numerical examples of the propositionsGartz, p. 14; Steinschneider, pp. 94-5.. This is published in Curtze's edition of an-Nairĩzĩ where it occupies pages 252-386Suter in Bibliotheca Mathematica, IV3, 1903, pp. 25, 295; Suter has also an article on its contents, Bibliotheca Mathematica, VII3, 1906-7, pp. 234-251..

+

29. Ya[hnull ]yã b. Mu[hnull ]. b. 'Abdãn b. 'Abdalwã[hnull ]id, known by the name of Ibn al-Lubũdĩ (1210-1268), wrote a Compendium of Euclid, and a short presentation of the postulatesSteinschneider, p. 94; Suter, p. 146..

+

30. Abũ 'Abdallãh Mu[hnull ]. b. Mu'ãdh al-Jayyãnĩ wrote a commentary on Eucl. Book V. which survives at Algiers (1446, 3^{o})Suter, Nachträge und Berichtigungen, in Abhandlungen zur Gesch. der math. Wissenschaften, XIV., 1902, p. 170..

+

31. Abũ Naṣr Mansũr b. 'Aliã b.'Irãq wrote, at the instance of Mu[hnull ]. b. A[hnull ]mad Abũ ’r-Rai[hnull ]ãn al-Bĩrũnĩ (973-1048), a tract on a doubtful (difficult) passage in Eucl. Book XIII. + (Berlin, 5925). Suter, p. 81, and Nachträge, p. 172..

@@ -991,25 +991,25 @@

Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus (b. about 475 A.D.) in the geometrical part of his encyclopaedia De artibus ac disciplinis liberalium literarum says that geometry was represented among the Greeks by Euclid, Apollonius, Archimedes, and others, of whom Euclid was given us translated into the Latin language by the same great man Boethius ; also in his collection of lettersCassiodorus, Variae, I. 45, p. 40, 12 ed. Mommsen. is a letter from Theodoric to Boethius containing the words, for in your translations...Nicomachus the arithmetician, and Euclid the geometer, are heard in the Ausonian tongue. The so-called Geometry of Boethius which has come down to us by no means constitutes a translation of Euclid. The MSS. variously give five, four, three or two Books, but they represent only two distinct compilations, one normally in five Books and the other in two. Even the latter, which was edited by Friedlein, is not genuineSee especially Weissenborn in Abhandlungen zur Gesch. d. Math. II. p. 18_{5} sq.; Heiberg in Philologus, XLIII. p. 507 sq.; Cantor, 1_{3}, p. 580 sq.,but appears to have been put together in the 11th c., from various sources. It begins with the definitions of Eucl. I., and in these are traces of perfectly correct readings which are not found even in the MSS. of the 10th c., but which can be traced in Proclus and other ancient sources; then come the Postulates (five only), the Axioms (three only), and after these some definitions of Eucl. II., III., IV. Next come the enunciations of Eucl. I., of ten propositions of Book II., and of some from Books III., IV., but always without proofs; there follows an extraordinary passage which indicates that the author will now give something of his own in elucidation of Euclid, though what follows is a literal translation of the proofs of Eucl. I. 1-3. This latter passage, although it affords a strong argument against the genuineness of this part of the work, shows that the Pseudoboethius had a Latin translation of Euclid from which he extracted the three propositions.

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Curtze has reproduced, in the preface to his edition of the translation by Gherard of Cremona of an-Nairĩzĩ's Arabic commentary on Euclid, some interesting fragments of a translation of Euclid taken from a Munich MS. of the 10th c. They are on two leaves used for the cover of the MS. (Bibliothecae Regiae Universitatis Monacensis 2^{o} 757) and consist of portions of Eucl. I. 37, 38 and II. 8, translated literally word for word from the Greek text. The translator seems to have been an Italian (cf. the words capitolo nono +

Curtze has reproduced, in the preface to his edition of the translation by Gherard of Cremona of an-Nairĩzĩ's Arabic commentary on Euclid, some interesting fragments of a translation of Euclid taken from a Munich MS. of the 10th c. They are on two leaves used for the cover of the MS. (Bibliothecae Regiae Universitatis Monacensis 2^{o} 757) and consist of portions of Eucl. I. 37, 38 and II. 8, translated literally word for word from the Greek text. The translator seems to have been an Italian (cf. the words capitolo nono used for the ninth prop. of Book II.) who knew very little Greek and had moreover little mathematical knowledge. For example, he translates the capital letters denoting points in figures as if they were numerals: thus ta\ *a*b*g, *d*e*z is translated que primo secundo et tertio quarto quinto et septimo, T becomes tricentissimo and so on. The Greek MS. which he used was evidently written in uncials, for *d*e*z*q becomes in one place quod autem septimo nono, showing that he mistook *d*e for the particle de/, and kai\ o( *s*t*u is rendered sicut tricentissimo et quadringentissimo, showing that the letters must have been written KAIOCTU.

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The date of the Englishman Athelhard (Æthelhard) is approximately fixed by some remarks in his work Perdifficiles Quaestiones Naturales which, on the ground of the personal allusions they contain, must be assigned to the first thirty years of the 12th c.Cantor, Gesch. d. Math. I3, p. 906. He wrote a number of philosophical works. Little is known about his life. He is said to have studied at Tours and Laon, and to have lectured at the latter school. He travelled to Spain, Greece, Asia Minor and Egypt, and acquired a knowledge of Arabic, which enabled him to translate from the Arabic into Latin, among other works, the Elements of Euclid. The date of this translation must be put at about 1120. MSS. purporting to contain Athelhard's version are extant in the British Museum (Harleian No. 5404 and others), Oxford (Trin. Coll. 47 and Ball. Coll. 257 of 12th c.), Nürnberg (Johannes Regiomontanus' copy) and Erfurt.

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Among the very numerous works of Gherard of Cremona (1114— 1187) are mentioned translations of 15 Books of Euclid - and of the DataBoncompagni, Della vita e delle opere di Gherardo Cremonese, Rome, 1851, p. 5.. Till recently this translation of the Elements was supposed to be lost; but Axel Anthon Björnbo has succeeded (1904) in discovering a translation from the Arabic which is different from the two others known to us (those by Athelhard and Campanus respectively), and which he, on grounds apparently convincing, holds to be Gherard's. Already in 1901 Björnbo had found Books X.—XV. of this translation in a MS. at Rome (Codex Reginensis lat. 1268 of 14th c.)Described in an appendix to Studien über Menelaos' Sphärik (Abhandlungen zur Gesckichse der mathematischen Wissenschaften, XIV., 1902).; but three years later he had traced three MSS. containing the whole of the same translation at Paris (Cod. Paris. 7216, 15th c.), Boulogne-sur-Mer (Cod. Bononiens. 196, 14th c.), and Bruges (Cod. Brugens. 521, 14th c.), and another at Oxford (Cod. Digby 174, end of 12th c.) containing a fragment, XI. 2 to XIV. The occurrence of Greek words in this translation such as rombus, romboides (where Athelhard keeps the Arabic terms), ambligonius, orthogonius, gnomo, pyramis etc., show that the translation is independent of Athelhard's. Gherard appears to have had before him an old translation of Euclid from the Greek which Athelhard also often followed, especially in his terminology, using it however in a very different manner. Again, there are some Arabic terms, e.g. meguar for axis of rotation, which Athelhard did not use, but which is found in almost all the translations that are with certainty attributed to Gherard of Cremona; there occurs also the The date of the Englishman Athelhard (Æthelhard) is approximately fixed by some remarks in his work Perdifficiles Quaestiones Naturales which, on the ground of the personal allusions they contain, must be assigned to the first thirty years of the 12th c.Cantor, Gesch. d. Math. I3, p. 906. He wrote a number of philosophical works. Little is known about his life. He is said to have studied at Tours and Laon, and to have lectured at the latter school. He travelled to Spain, Greece, Asia Minor and Egypt, and acquired a knowledge of Arabic, which enabled him to translate from the Arabic into Latin, among other works, the Elements of Euclid. The date of this translation must be put at about 1120. MSS. purporting to contain Athelhard's version are extant in the British Museum (Harleian No. 5404 and others), Oxford (Trin. Coll. 47 and Ball. Coll. 257 of 12th c.), Nürnberg (Johannes Regiomontanus' copy) and Erfurt.

+

Among the very numerous works of Gherard of Cremona (1114— 1187) are mentioned translations of 15 Books of Euclid + and of the DataBoncompagni, Della vita e delle opere di Gherardo Cremonese, Rome, 1851, p. 5.. Till recently this translation of the Elements was supposed to be lost; but Axel Anthon Björnbo has succeeded (1904) in discovering a translation from the Arabic which is different from the two others known to us (those by Athelhard and Campanus respectively), and which he, on grounds apparently convincing, holds to be Gherard's. Already in 1901 Björnbo had found Books X.—XV. of this translation in a MS. at Rome (Codex Reginensis lat. 1268 of 14th c.)Described in an appendix to Studien über Menelaos' Sphärik (Abhandlungen zur Gesckichse der mathematischen Wissenschaften, XIV., 1902).; but three years later he had traced three MSS. containing the whole of the same translation at Paris (Cod. Paris. 7216, 15th c.), Boulogne-sur-Mer (Cod. Bononiens. 196, 14th c.), and Bruges (Cod. Brugens. 521, 14th c.), and another at Oxford (Cod. Digby 174, end of 12th c.) containing a fragment, XI. 2 to XIV. The occurrence of Greek words in this translation such as rombus, romboides (where Athelhard keeps the Arabic terms), ambligonius, orthogonius, gnomo, pyramis etc., show that the translation is independent of Athelhard's. Gherard appears to have had before him an old translation of Euclid from the Greek which Athelhard also often followed, especially in his terminology, using it however in a very different manner. Again, there are some Arabic terms, e.g. meguar for axis of rotation, which Athelhard did not use, but which is found in almost all the translations that are with certainty attributed to Gherard of Cremona; there occurs also the 4 See Bibliotheca Mathematica, VI3, 1905-6, PP. 242-8.expression superficies equidistantium laterum et rectorum angulorum, - found also in Gherard's translation of an-Nairĩzĩ, where Athelhard says parallelogrammum rectangulum. + found also in Gherard's translation of an-Nairĩzĩ, where Athelhard says parallelogrammum rectangulum. The translation is much clearer than Athelhard's: it is neither abbreviated nor edited - as Athelhard's appears to have been; it is a word-for-word translation of an Arabic MS. containing a revised and critical edition of Thãbit's version. It contains several notes quoted from Thãbit himself (Thebit dixit), e.g. about alternative proofs etc. which Thãbit found in another Greek MS., - and is therefore a further testimony to Thãbit's critical treatment of the text after Greek MSS. The new editor also added critical remarks of his own, e.g. on other proofs which he found in other Arabic versions, but not in the Greek: whence it is clear that he compared the Thãbit version before him with other versions as carefully as Thãbit collated the Greek MSS. Lastly, the new editor speaks of Thebit qui transtulit hunc librum in arabicam linguam + as Athelhard's appears to have been; it is a word-for-word translation of an Arabic MS. containing a revised and critical edition of Thãbit's version. It contains several notes quoted from Thãbit himself (Thebit dixit), e.g. about alternative proofs etc. which Thãbit found in another Greek MS., + and is therefore a further testimony to Thãbit's critical treatment of the text after Greek MSS. The new editor also added critical remarks of his own, e.g. on other proofs which he found in other Arabic versions, but not in the Greek: whence it is clear that he compared the Thãbit version before him with other versions as carefully as Thãbit collated the Greek MSS. Lastly, the new editor speaks of Thebit qui transtulit hunc librum in arabicam linguam and of translatio Thebit, - which may tend to confirm the statement of al-Qiftĩ who credited Thãbit with an independent translation, and not (as the Fihrist does) with a mere improvement of the version of Is[hnull ]ãq b. Hunain.

-

Gherard's translation of the Arabic commentary of an-Nairĩzĩ on the first ten Books of the Elements was discovered by Maximilian Curtze in a MS. at Cracow and published as a supplementary volume to Heiberg and Menge's EuclidAnaritii in decem libros priores Elementorum Euclidis Commentarii ex interpretatione Gherardi Cremonensis in codice Cracoviensi 569 servata edidit Maximilianus Curtze, Leipzig (Teubner), 1899.: it will often be referred to in this work.

-

Next in chronological order comes Johannes Campanus (Campano) of Novara. He is mentioned by Roger Bacon (1214-1294) as a prominent mathematician of his timeCantor, II_{1}, p. 88., and this indication of his date is confirmed by the fact that he was chaplain to Pope Urban IV, who was Pope from 1261 to 1281Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana, IV. 145mdash;160.. His most important achievement was his edition of the Elements including the two Books XIV. and XV. which are not Euclid's. The sources of Athelhard's and Campanus' translations, and the relation between them, have been the subject of much discussion, which does not seem to have led as yet to any definite conclusion. Cantor (II_{1}, p. 91) gives referencesH. Weissenborn in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXV., Supplement, pp. 143mdash;166, and in his monograph, Die Übersetzungen des Euklid durch Campano und Zamberti (1882); Max. Curtze in Philologische Rundschau (1881), 1. pp. 943-950, and in Fahresbericht über die Fortschritte der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, XL. (188_{4}, III.) pp. 19mdash;22; Heiberg in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXV., hist.-litt. Abth., pp. 48mdash;58 and pp. 81mdash;6. and some particulars. It appears that there is a MS. at Munich (Cod. lat. Mon. 13021) written by Sigboto in the 12th c. at Prüfning near Regensburg, and denoted by Curtze by the letter R, which contains the enunciations of part of Euclid. The Munich MSS. of Athelhard and Campanus' translations have many enunciations textually identical with those in R, so that the source of all three must, for these enunciations, have been the same; in others Athelhard and Campanus diverge completely from R, which in these places follows the Greek text and is therefore genuine and authoritative. In the 32nd definition occurs the word elinuam, + which may tend to confirm the statement of al-Qiftĩ who credited Thãbit with an independent translation, and not (as the Fihrist does) with a mere improvement of the version of Is[hnull ]ãq b. Hunain.

+

Gherard's translation of the Arabic commentary of an-Nairĩzĩ on the first ten Books of the Elements was discovered by Maximilian Curtze in a MS. at Cracow and published as a supplementary volume to Heiberg and Menge's EuclidAnaritii in decem libros priores Elementorum Euclidis Commentarii ex interpretatione Gherardi Cremonensis in codice Cracoviensi 569 servata edidit Maximilianus Curtze, Leipzig (Teubner), 1899.: it will often be referred to in this work.

+

Next in chronological order comes Johannes Campanus (Campano) of Novara. He is mentioned by Roger Bacon (1214-1294) as a prominent mathematician of his timeCantor, II_{1}, p. 88., and this indication of his date is confirmed by the fact that he was chaplain to Pope Urban IV, who was Pope from 1261 to 1281Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana, IV. 145mdash;160.. His most important achievement was his edition of the Elements including the two Books XIV. and XV. which are not Euclid's. The sources of Athelhard's and Campanus' translations, and the relation between them, have been the subject of much discussion, which does not seem to have led as yet to any definite conclusion. Cantor (II_{1}, p. 91) gives referencesH. Weissenborn in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXV., Supplement, pp. 143mdash;166, and in his monograph, Die Übersetzungen des Euklid durch Campano und Zamberti (1882); Max. Curtze in Philologische Rundschau (1881), 1. pp. 943-950, and in Fahresbericht über die Fortschritte der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, XL. (188_{4}, III.) pp. 19mdash;22; Heiberg in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XXXV., hist.-litt. Abth., pp. 48mdash;58 and pp. 81mdash;6. and some particulars. It appears that there is a MS. at Munich (Cod. lat. Mon. 13021) written by Sigboto in the 12th c. at Prüfning near Regensburg, and denoted by Curtze by the letter R, which contains the enunciations of part of Euclid. The Munich MSS. of Athelhard and Campanus' translations have many enunciations textually identical with those in R, so that the source of all three must, for these enunciations, have been the same; in others Athelhard and Campanus diverge completely from R, which in these places follows the Greek text and is therefore genuine and authoritative. In the 32nd definition occurs the word elinuam, the Arabic term for rhombus, and throughout the translation are a number of Arabic figures. But R was not translated from the Arabic, as is shown by (among other things) its close resemblance to the translation from Euclid given on pp. 377 sqq. of the Gromatici Veteres and to the so-called geometry of Boethius. The explanation of the Arabic figures and the word elinuam in Def. 32 appears to be that R was a late copy of an earlier original with corruptions introduced in many places; thus in Def. 32 a part of the text was completely lost and was supplied by some intelligent copyist who inserted the word elinuam, @@ -1024,8 +1024,8 @@ I. Latin translations prior to 1533. -

1482. In this year appeared the first printed edition of Euclid, which was also the first printed mathematical book of any importance. This was printed at Venice by Erhard Ratdolt and contained Campanus' translationCurtze (An-Nairīzī, p. xiii) reproduces the heading of the first page of the text as follows (there is no title-page): Preclariffimũ opus elemento<*> Euclidis megarēfis [vmacr ]na cū cōmentis Campani pfpicaciffimi in artē geometriā incipit felicit', after which the definitions begin at once. Other copies have the shorter heading: Preclarissimus liber elementorum Euclidis perspicacissimi: in artem Geometrie incipit quam foelicissime. At the end stands the following: <*> Opus elementorū euclidis megarenfis in geometriā artē Jnid quoq<*> Campani pfpicaciffimi Cōmentationes finiũt. Erhardus ratdolt Augustensis impreffor folertiffimus. venetijs impreffit . Anno falutis . M.cccc.lxxxij . Octauis . Cale[ntilde] . Ju[ntilde] . Lector . Vale.. Ratdolt belonged to a family of artists at Augsburg, where he was born about 1443. Having learnt the trade of printing at home, he went in 1475 to Venice, and founded there a famous printing house which he managed for II years, after which he returned to Augsburg and continued to print important books until 1516. He is said to have died in 1528. KästnerKästner, Geschichte der Mathematik, I. p. 289 sqq. See also Weissenborn, Die Übersetzungen des Euklid durch Campano und Zamberti, pp. 1-7. gives a short description of this first edition of Euclid and quotes the dedication to Prince Mocenigo of Venice which occupies the page opposite to the first page of text. The book has a margin of 2 1/2 inches, and in this margin are placed the figures of the propositions. Ratdolt says in his dedication that at that time, although books by ancient and modern authors were printed every day in Venice, little or nothing mathematical had appeared: a fact which he puts down to the difficulty involved by the figures, which no one had up to that time succeeded in printing. He adds that after much labour he had discovered a method by which figures could be produced as easily as lettersMea industria non sine maximo labore effeci vt qua facilitate litterarum elementa imprimuntur ea etiam geometrice figure conficerentur. -. Experts are in doubt as to the nature of Ratdolt's discovery. Was it a method of making figures up out of separate parts of figures, straight or curved lines, put together as letters are put together to make words? In a life of Joh. Gottlob Immanuel Breitkopf, a contemporary of Kästner's own, this member of the great house of Breitkopf is credited with this particular discovery. Experts in that same house expressed the opinion that Ratdolt's figures were woodcuts, while the letters denoting points in the figures were like the other letters in the text; yet it was with carved wooden blocks that printing began. If Ratdolt was the first to print geometrical figures, it was not long before an emulator arose; for in the very same year Mattheus Cordonis of Windischgrätz employed woodcut mathematical figures in printing Oresme's De latitudinibusCurtze in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 58.. How eagerly the opportunity of spreading geometrical knowledge was seized upon is proved by the number of editions which followed in the next few years. Even the year 1482 saw two forms of the book, though they only differ in the first sheet. Another edition came out in 1486 (Ulmae, apud Io. Regerum) and another in 1491 (Vincentiae per Leonardum de Basilea et Gulielmum de Papia), but without the dedication to Mocenigo who had died in the meantime (1485). If Campanus added anything of his own, his additions are at all events not distinguished by any difference of type or otherwise; the enunciations are in large type, and the rest is printed continuously in smaller type. There are no superscriptions to particular passages such as Euclides ex Campano, Campanus, Campani additio, or Campani annotatio, which are found for the first time in the Paris edition of 1516 giving both Campanus' version and that of Zamberti (presently to be mentioned).

+

1482. In this year appeared the first printed edition of Euclid, which was also the first printed mathematical book of any importance. This was printed at Venice by Erhard Ratdolt and contained Campanus' translationCurtze (An-Nairīzī, p. xiii) reproduces the heading of the first page of the text as follows (there is no title-page): Preclariffimũ opus elemento<*> Euclidis megarēfis [vmacr ]na cū cōmentis Campani pfpicaciffimi in artē geometriā incipit felicit', after which the definitions begin at once. Other copies have the shorter heading: Preclarissimus liber elementorum Euclidis perspicacissimi: in artem Geometrie incipit quam foelicissime. At the end stands the following: <*> Opus elementorū euclidis megarenfis in geometriā artē Jnid quoq<*> Campani pfpicaciffimi Cōmentationes finiũt. Erhardus ratdolt Augustensis impreffor folertiffimus. venetijs impreffit . Anno falutis . M.cccc.lxxxij . Octauis . Cale[ntilde] . Ju[ntilde] . Lector . Vale.. Ratdolt belonged to a family of artists at Augsburg, where he was born about 1443. Having learnt the trade of printing at home, he went in 1475 to Venice, and founded there a famous printing house which he managed for II years, after which he returned to Augsburg and continued to print important books until 1516. He is said to have died in 1528. KästnerKästner, Geschichte der Mathematik, I. p. 289 sqq. See also Weissenborn, Die Übersetzungen des Euklid durch Campano und Zamberti, pp. 1-7. gives a short description of this first edition of Euclid and quotes the dedication to Prince Mocenigo of Venice which occupies the page opposite to the first page of text. The book has a margin of 2 1/2 inches, and in this margin are placed the figures of the propositions. Ratdolt says in his dedication that at that time, although books by ancient and modern authors were printed every day in Venice, little or nothing mathematical had appeared: a fact which he puts down to the difficulty involved by the figures, which no one had up to that time succeeded in printing. He adds that after much labour he had discovered a method by which figures could be produced as easily as lettersMea industria non sine maximo labore effeci vt qua facilitate litterarum elementa imprimuntur ea etiam geometrice figure conficerentur. +. Experts are in doubt as to the nature of Ratdolt's discovery. Was it a method of making figures up out of separate parts of figures, straight or curved lines, put together as letters are put together to make words? In a life of Joh. Gottlob Immanuel Breitkopf, a contemporary of Kästner's own, this member of the great house of Breitkopf is credited with this particular discovery. Experts in that same house expressed the opinion that Ratdolt's figures were woodcuts, while the letters denoting points in the figures were like the other letters in the text; yet it was with carved wooden blocks that printing began. If Ratdolt was the first to print geometrical figures, it was not long before an emulator arose; for in the very same year Mattheus Cordonis of Windischgrätz employed woodcut mathematical figures in printing Oresme's De latitudinibusCurtze in Zeitschrift für Math. u. Physik, XX., hist.-litt. Abth. p. 58.. How eagerly the opportunity of spreading geometrical knowledge was seized upon is proved by the number of editions which followed in the next few years. Even the year 1482 saw two forms of the book, though they only differ in the first sheet. Another edition came out in 1486 (Ulmae, apud Io. Regerum) and another in 1491 (Vincentiae per Leonardum de Basilea et Gulielmum de Papia), but without the dedication to Mocenigo who had died in the meantime (1485). If Campanus added anything of his own, his additions are at all events not distinguished by any difference of type or otherwise; the enunciations are in large type, and the rest is printed continuously in smaller type. There are no superscriptions to particular passages such as Euclides ex Campano, Campanus, Campani additio, or Campani annotatio, which are found for the first time in the Paris edition of 1516 giving both Campanus' version and that of Zamberti (presently to be mentioned).

1501. G. Valla included in his encyclopaedic work De expetendis et fugiendis rebus published in this year at Venice (in aedibus Aldi Romani) a number of propositions with proofs and scholia translated from a Greek MS. which was once in his possession (cod. Mutin. III B, 4 of the 15th c.).

1505. In this year Bartolomeo Zamberti (Zambertus) brought out at Venice the first translation, from the Greek text, of the whole of the Elements. From the titleThe title begins thus: Euclidis megaresis philosophi platonicj mathematicarum disciplinarum Janitoris: Habent in hoc volumine quicunque ad mathematicam substantiam aspirant: elementorum libros xiij cum expositione Theonis insignis mathematici. quibus multa quae deerant ex lectione graeca sumpta addita sunt nec non plurima peruersa et praepostere: voluta in Campani interpretatione: ordinata digesta et castigata sunt etc. For a description of the book see Weissenborn, p. 12 sqq., as well as from his prefaces to the Catoptrica and Data, with their allusions to previous translators who take some things out of authors, omit some, and change some, @@ -1039,12 +1039,12 @@ (i.e. of course Latin and Greek), as well as in medicine and the more sublime studies, had helped to make the edition more perfect. Though Zamberti is not once mentioned, this latter remark must have reference to Zamberti's statement that his translation was from the Greek text; and no doubt Zamberti is aimed at in the wish of Paciuolo's that others too would seek to acquire knowledge instead of merely showing off, or that they would not try to make a market of the things of which they are ignorant, as it were (selling) smoke Atque utinam et alii cognoscere vellent non ostentare aut ea quae nesciunt veluti fumum venditare non conarentur. . - Weissenborn observes that, while there are many trivialities in Paciuolo's notes, they contain some useful and practical hints and explanations of terms, besides some new proofs which of course are not difficult if one takes the liberty, as Paciuolo does, of divering from Euclid's order and assuming for the proof of a proposition results not arrived at till later. Two not inapt terms are used in this edition to describe the figures of III. 7, 8, the former of which is called the goose's foot (pes anseris), the second the peacock's tail (cauda pavonis) Paciuolo as the castigator of Campanus' translation, as he calls himself, failed to correct the mistranslation of V. Def. 5Campanus' translation in Ratdolt's edition is as follows: Quantitates quae dicuntur continuam habere proportionalitatem, sunt, quarum equè multiplicia aut equa sunt aut equè sibi sine interruptione addunt aut minuunt - (!), to which Campanus adds the note: Continuè proportionalia sunt quorum omnia multiplicia equalia sunt continuè proportionalia. Sed noluit ipsam diffinitionem proponere sub hac forma, quia tunc diffiniret idem per idem, aperte (? a parte) tamen rei est istud cum sua diffinitione convertibile. + Weissenborn observes that, while there are many trivialities in Paciuolo's notes, they contain some useful and practical hints and explanations of terms, besides some new proofs which of course are not difficult if one takes the liberty, as Paciuolo does, of divering from Euclid's order and assuming for the proof of a proposition results not arrived at till later. Two not inapt terms are used in this edition to describe the figures of III. 7, 8, the former of which is called the goose's foot (pes anseris), the second the peacock's tail (cauda pavonis) Paciuolo as the castigator of Campanus' translation, as he calls himself, failed to correct the mistranslation of V. Def. 5Campanus' translation in Ratdolt's edition is as follows: Quantitates quae dicuntur continuam habere proportionalitatem, sunt, quarum equè multiplicia aut equa sunt aut equè sibi sine interruptione addunt aut minuunt + (!), to which Campanus adds the note: Continuè proportionalia sunt quorum omnia multiplicia equalia sunt continuè proportionalia. Sed noluit ipsam diffinitionem proponere sub hac forma, quia tunc diffiniret idem per idem, aperte (? a parte) tamen rei est istud cum sua diffinitione convertibile. . Before the fifth Book he inserted a discourse which he gave at Venice on the 15th August, 1508, in S. Bartholomew's Church, before a select audience of 500, as an introduction to his elucidation of that Book.

1516. The first of the editions giving Campanus' and Zamberti's translations in conjunction was brought out at Paris (in officina Henrici Stephani e regione scholae Decretorum). The idea that only the enunciations were Euclid's, and that Campanus was the author of the proofs in his translation, while Theon was the author of the proofs in the Greek text, reappears in the title of this edition; and the enunciations of the added Books XIV., XV. are also attributed to Euclid, Hypsicles being credited with the proofsEuclidis Megarensis Geometricorum Elementorum Libri XV. Campani Galli transalpini in eosdem commentariorum libri XV. Theonis Alexandrini Bartholomaeo. Zamberto Veneto interprete, in tredecim priores, commentationum libri XIII. Hypsiclis Alexandrini in duos posteriores, eodem Bartholomaeo Zamberto Veneto interprete, commentariorum libri II. On the last page (261) is a similar statement of content, but with the difference that the expression ex Campani...deinde Theonis...et Hypsiclis...traditionibus. - For description see Weissenborn, p. 56 sqq.. The date is not on the title-page nor at the end, but the letter of dedication to François Briconnet by Jacques Lefèvre is dated the day after the Epiphany, 1516. The figures are in the margin. The arrangement of the propositions is as follows: first the enunciation with the heading Euclides ex Campano, then the proof with the note Campanus, and after that, as Campani additio, any passage found in the edition of Campanus' translation but not in the Greek text; then follows the text of the enunciation translated from the Greek with the heading Euclides ex Zamberto, and lastly the proof headed Theo ex Zamberto. There are separate figures for the two proofs. This edition was reissued with few changes in 1537 and 1546 at Basel (apud Iohannem Hervagium), but with the addition of the Phaenomena, Optica, Catoptrica etc. For the edition of 1537 the Paris edition of 1516 was collated with a Greek copy + For description see Weissenborn, p. 56 sqq.. The date is not on the title-page nor at the end, but the letter of dedication to François Briconnet by Jacques Lefèvre is dated the day after the Epiphany, 1516. The figures are in the margin. The arrangement of the propositions is as follows: first the enunciation with the heading Euclides ex Campano, then the proof with the note Campanus, and after that, as Campani additio, any passage found in the edition of Campanus' translation but not in the Greek text; then follows the text of the enunciation translated from the Greek with the heading Euclides ex Zamberto, and lastly the proof headed Theo ex Zamberto. There are separate figures for the two proofs. This edition was reissued with few changes in 1537 and 1546 at Basel (apud Iohannem Hervagium), but with the addition of the Phaenomena, Optica, Catoptrica etc. For the edition of 1537 the Paris edition of 1516 was collated with a Greek copy (as the preface says) by Christian Herlin, professor of mathematical studies at Strassburg, who however seems to have done no more than correct one or two passages by the help of the Basel editio princeps (1533), and add the Greek word in cases where Zamberti's translation of it seemed unsuitable or inaccurate.

We now come to

@@ -1053,47 +1053,47 @@

1533 is the date of the editio princeps, the title-page of which reads as follows: *e*u*k*l*e*i*d*o*u *s*t*o*i*x*e*i*w*n *b*i*b*l<*> *i*e<*><*> *e*k *t*w*n *q*e*w*n*o*s *s*u*n*o*u*s*i*w*n. *ei)s tou= au)tou= to\ prw=ton, e)chghma/twn *pro/klou bibl. d_. Adiecta praefatiuncula in qua de disciplinis Mathematicis nonnihil. BASILEAE APVD IOAN. HERVAGIVM ANNO M.D.XXXIII. MENSE SEPTEMBRI.

-

The editor was Simon Grynaeus the elder (d. 1541), who, after working at Vienna and Ofen, Heidelberg and Tübingen, taught last of all at Basel, where theology was his main subject. His praefatiuncula - is addressed to an Englishman, Cuthbert Tonstall (14741559), who, having studied first at Oxford, then at Cambridge, where he became Doctor of Laws, and afterwards at Padua, where in addition he learnt mathematics—mostly from the works of Regiomontanus and Paciuolo—wrote a book on arithmeticDe arté supputandi libri quatuor. as a farewell to the sciences, +

The editor was Simon Grynaeus the elder (d. 1541), who, after working at Vienna and Ofen, Heidelberg and Tübingen, taught last of all at Basel, where theology was his main subject. His praefatiuncula + is addressed to an Englishman, Cuthbert Tonstall (14741559), who, having studied first at Oxford, then at Cambridge, where he became Doctor of Laws, and afterwards at Padua, where in addition he learnt mathematics—mostly from the works of Regiomontanus and Paciuolo—wrote a book on arithmeticDe arté supputandi libri quatuor. as a farewell to the sciences, and then, entering politics, became Bishop of London and member of the Privy Council, and afterwards (1530) Bishop of Durham. Grynaeus tells us that he used two MSS. of the text of the Elements, entrusted to friends of his, one at Venice by Lazarus Bayfius - (Lazare de Baïf, then the ambassador of the King of France at Venice), the other at Paris by Ioann. Rvellius + (Lazare de Baïf, then the ambassador of the King of France at Venice), the other at Paris by Ioann. Rvellius (Jean Ruel, a French doctor and a Greek scholar), while the commentaries of Proclus were put at the disposal of Grynaeus himself by Ioann. Claymundus - at Oxford. Heiberg has been able to identify the two MSS. used for the text; they are (1) cod. Venetus Marcianus 301 and (2) cod. Paris. gr. 2343 of the 16th c., containing Books I.—XV., with some scholia which are embodied in the text. When Grynaeus notes in the margin the readings from the other copy, + at Oxford. Heiberg has been able to identify the two MSS. used for the text; they are (1) cod. Venetus Marcianus 301 and (2) cod. Paris. gr. 2343 of the 16th c., containing Books I.—XV., with some scholia which are embodied in the text. When Grynaeus notes in the margin the readings from the other copy, this other copy is as a rule the Paris MS., though sometimes the reading of the Paris MS. is taken into the text and the other copy of the margin is the Venice MS. Besides these two MSS. Grynaeus consulted Zamberti, as is shown by a number of marginal notes referring to Zampertus or to latinum exemplar - in certain propositions of Books IX.—XI. When it is considered that the two MSS. used by Grynaeus are among the worst, it is obvious how entirely unauthoritative is the text of the editio princeps. Yet it remained the source and foundation of later editions of the Greek text for a long period, the editions which followed being designed, not for the purpose of giving, from other MSS., a text more nearly representing what Euclid himself wrote, but of supplying a handy compendium to students at a moderate price.

+ in certain propositions of Books IX.—XI. When it is considered that the two MSS. used by Grynaeus are among the worst, it is obvious how entirely unauthoritative is the text of the editio princeps. Yet it remained the source and foundation of later editions of the Greek text for a long period, the editions which followed being designed, not for the purpose of giving, from other MSS., a text more nearly representing what Euclid himself wrote, but of supplying a handy compendium to students at a moderate price.

1536. Orontius Finaeus (Oronce Fine) published at Paris (apud Simonem Colinaeum) demonstrations on the first six books of Euclid's elements of geometry, in which the Greek text of Euclid himself is inserted in its proper places, with the Latin translation of Barth. Zamberti of Venice, - which seems to imply that only the enunciations were given in Greek. The preface, from which Kästner quotesKästner, I. p. 260., says that the University of Paris at that time required, from all who aspired to the laurels of philosophy, a most solemn oath that they had attended lectures on the said first six Books. Other editions of Fine's work followed in 1544 and 1551.

+ which seems to imply that only the enunciations were given in Greek. The preface, from which Kästner quotesKästner, I. p. 260., says that the University of Paris at that time required, from all who aspired to the laurels of philosophy, a most solemn oath that they had attended lectures on the said first six Books. Other editions of Fine's work followed in 1544 and 1551.

1545. The enunciations of the fifteen Books were published in Greek, with an Italian translation by Angelo Caiani, at Rome (apud Antonium Bladum Asulanum). The translator claims to have corrected the books and purged them of six hundred things which did not seem to savour of the almost divine genius and the perspicuity of EuclidHeiberg, vol. V. p. cvii.

1549. Joachim Camerarius published the enunciations of the first six Books in Greek and Latin (Leipzig). The book, with preface, purports to be brought out by Rhaeticus (1514-1576), a pupil of Copernicus. Another edition with proofs of the propositions of the first three Books was published by Moritz Steinmetz in 1577 (Leipzig); a note by the printer attributes the preface to Camerarius himself.

1550. Ioan. Scheubel published at Basel (also per Ioan. Hervagium) the first six Books in Greek and Latin together with true and appropriate proofs of the propositions, without the use of letters - (i.e. letters denoting points in the figures), the various straight lines and angles being described in wordsKästner, I. p. 359..

-

1557 (also 1558). Stephanus Gracilis published another edition (repeated 1573, 1578, 1598) of the enunciations (alone) of Books I.—XV. in Greek and Latin at Paris (apud Gulielmum Cavellat). He remarks in the preface that for want of time he had changed scarcely anything in Books I.—VI., but in the remaining Books he had emended what seemed obscure or inelegant in the Latin translation, while he had adopted in its entirety the translation of Book X. by Pierre Mondoré (Petrus Montaureus), published separately at Paris in 1551. Gracilis also added a few scholia. + (i.e. letters denoting points in the figures), the various straight lines and angles being described in wordsKästner, I. p. 359..

+

1557 (also 1558). Stephanus Gracilis published another edition (repeated 1573, 1578, 1598) of the enunciations (alone) of Books I.—XV. in Greek and Latin at Paris (apud Gulielmum Cavellat). He remarks in the preface that for want of time he had changed scarcely anything in Books I.—VI., but in the remaining Books he had emended what seemed obscure or inelegant in the Latin translation, while he had adopted in its entirety the translation of Book X. by Pierre Mondoré (Petrus Montaureus), published separately at Paris in 1551. Gracilis also added a few scholia.

-

1564. In this year Conrad Dasypodius (Rauchfuss), the inventor and maker of the clock in Strassburg cathedral, similar to the present one, which did duty from 1571 to 1789, edited (Strassburg, Chr. Mylius) (1) Book I. of the Elements in Greek and Latin with scholia, (2) Book II. in Greek and Latin with Barlaam's arithmetical version of Book II., and (3) the enunciations of the remaining Books III.—XIII. Book I. was reissued with vocabula quaedam geometrica - of Heron, the enunciations of all the Books of the Elements, and the other works of Euclid, all in Greek and Latin. In the preface to (1) he says that it had been for twenty-six years the rule of his school that all who were promoted from the classes to public lectures should learn the first Book, and that he brought it out, because there were then no longer any copies to be had, and in order to prevent a good and fruitful regulation of his school from falling through. In the preface to the edition of 1571 he says that the first Book was generally taught in all gymnasia and that it was prescribed in his school for the first class. In the preface to (3) he tells us that he published the enunciations of Books III.—XIII. in order not to leave his work unfinished, but that, as it would be irksome to carry about the whole work of Euclid in extenso, he thought it would be more convenient to students of geometry to learn the Elements if they were compressed into a smaller book.

+

1564. In this year Conrad Dasypodius (Rauchfuss), the inventor and maker of the clock in Strassburg cathedral, similar to the present one, which did duty from 1571 to 1789, edited (Strassburg, Chr. Mylius) (1) Book I. of the Elements in Greek and Latin with scholia, (2) Book II. in Greek and Latin with Barlaam's arithmetical version of Book II., and (3) the enunciations of the remaining Books III.—XIII. Book I. was reissued with vocabula quaedam geometrica + of Heron, the enunciations of all the Books of the Elements, and the other works of Euclid, all in Greek and Latin. In the preface to (1) he says that it had been for twenty-six years the rule of his school that all who were promoted from the classes to public lectures should learn the first Book, and that he brought it out, because there were then no longer any copies to be had, and in order to prevent a good and fruitful regulation of his school from falling through. In the preface to the edition of 1571 he says that the first Book was generally taught in all gymnasia and that it was prescribed in his school for the first class. In the preface to (3) he tells us that he published the enunciations of Books III.—XIII. in order not to leave his work unfinished, but that, as it would be irksome to carry about the whole work of Euclid in extenso, he thought it would be more convenient to students of geometry to learn the Elements if they were compressed into a smaller book.

1620. Henry Briggs (of Briggs' logarithms) published the first six Books in Greek with a Latin translation after Commandinus, corrected in many places (London, G. Jones).

-

1703 is the date of the Oxford edition by David Gregory which, until the issue of Heiberg and Menge's edition, was still the only edition of the complete works of Euclid*e*u*k*l*e*i*d*o*u *t*a *s*w*z*o*m*e*n*a. Euclidis quae supersunt omnia. Ex recensione Davidis Gregorii M.D. Astronomiae Professoris Saviliani et R.S.S. Oxoniae, e Theatro Sheldoniano, An. Dom. MDCCIII.. In the Latin translation attached to the Greek text Gregory says that he followed Commandinus in the main, but corrected numberless passages in it by means of the books in the Bodleian Library which belonged to Edward Bernard (1638-1696), formerly Savilian Professor of Astronomy, who had conceived the plan of publishing the complete works of the ancient mathematicians in fourteen volumes, of which the first was to contain Euclid's Elements I.—XV. As regards the Greek text, Gregory tells us that he consulted, as far as was necessary, not a few MSS. of the better sort, bequeathed by the great Savile to the University, as well as the corrections made by Savile in his own hand in the margin of the Basel edition. He had the help of John Hudson, Bodley's Librarian, who punctuated the Basel text before it went to the printer, compared the Latin version with the Greek throughout, especially in the Elements and Data, and, where they differed or where he suspected the Greek text, consulted the Greek MSS. and put their readings in the margin if they agreed with the Latin and, if they did not agree, affixed an asterisk in order that Gregory might judge which reading was geometrically preferable. Hence it is clear that no Greek MS., but the Basel edition, was the foundation of Gregory's text, and that Greek MSS. were only referred to in the special passages to which Hudson called attention.

-

1814-1818. A most important step towards a good Greek text was taken by F. Peyrard, who published at Paris, between these years, in three volumes, the Elements and Data in Greek, Latin and FrenchEuclidis quae supersunt. Les Œuvres d'Euclide, en Grec, en Latin et en Français d'après un manuscrit très-ancien, qui était resté inconnu jusqu'à nos jours Par F. Peyrard. Ouvra<*>e approuvé par l'Institut de France (Paris, chez M. Patris).. At the time (1808) when Napoleon was having valuable MSS. selected from Italian libraries and sent to Paris, Peyrard managed to get two ancient Vatican MSS. (190 and 1038) sent to Paris for his use (Vat. 204 was also at Paris at the time, but all three were restored to their owners in 1814). Peyrard noticed the excellence of Cod. Vat. 190, adopted many of its readings, and gave in an appendix a conspectus of these readings and those of Gregory's edition; he also noted here and there readings from Vat. 1038 and various Paris MSS. He therefore pointed the way towards a better text, but committed the error of correcting the Basel text instead of rejecting it altogether and starting afresh.

-

1824-1825. A most valuable edition of Books I.—VI. is that of J. G. Camerer (and C. F. Hauber) in two volumes published at BerlinEuclidis elcmentorum libri sex priores graece et latine commentario e scriptis veterum ac recentiarum mathematicorum et Pfleidereri maxime illustrati (Berolini, sumptibus G. Reimeri). Tom. I. 1824; tom. II. 1825.. The Greek text is based on Peyrard, although the Basel and Oxford editions were also used. There is a Latin translation and a collection of notes far more complete than any other I have seen and well nigh inexhaustible. There is no editor or commentator of any mark who is not quoted from; to show the variety of important authorities drawn upon by Camerer, I need only mention the following names: Proclus, Pappus, Tartaglia, Commandinus, Clavius, Peletier, Barrow, Borelli, Wallis, Tacquet, Austin, Simson, Playfair. No words of praise would be too warm for this veritable encyclopaedia of information.

-

1825. J. G. C. Neide edited, from Peyrard, the text of Books I.—VI., XI. and XII. (Halis Saxoniae).

+

1703 is the date of the Oxford edition by David Gregory which, until the issue of Heiberg and Menge's edition, was still the only edition of the complete works of Euclid*e*u*k*l*e*i*d*o*u *t*a *s*w*z*o*m*e*n*a. Euclidis quae supersunt omnia. Ex recensione Davidis Gregorii M.D. Astronomiae Professoris Saviliani et R.S.S. Oxoniae, e Theatro Sheldoniano, An. Dom. MDCCIII.. In the Latin translation attached to the Greek text Gregory says that he followed Commandinus in the main, but corrected numberless passages in it by means of the books in the Bodleian Library which belonged to Edward Bernard (1638-1696), formerly Savilian Professor of Astronomy, who had conceived the plan of publishing the complete works of the ancient mathematicians in fourteen volumes, of which the first was to contain Euclid's Elements I.—XV. As regards the Greek text, Gregory tells us that he consulted, as far as was necessary, not a few MSS. of the better sort, bequeathed by the great Savile to the University, as well as the corrections made by Savile in his own hand in the margin of the Basel edition. He had the help of John Hudson, Bodley's Librarian, who punctuated the Basel text before it went to the printer, compared the Latin version with the Greek throughout, especially in the Elements and Data, and, where they differed or where he suspected the Greek text, consulted the Greek MSS. and put their readings in the margin if they agreed with the Latin and, if they did not agree, affixed an asterisk in order that Gregory might judge which reading was geometrically preferable. Hence it is clear that no Greek MS., but the Basel edition, was the foundation of Gregory's text, and that Greek MSS. were only referred to in the special passages to which Hudson called attention.

+

1814-1818. A most important step towards a good Greek text was taken by F. Peyrard, who published at Paris, between these years, in three volumes, the Elements and Data in Greek, Latin and FrenchEuclidis quae supersunt. Les Œuvres d'Euclide, en Grec, en Latin et en Français d'après un manuscrit très-ancien, qui était resté inconnu jusqu'à nos jours Par F. Peyrard. Ouvra<*>e approuvé par l'Institut de France (Paris, chez M. Patris).. At the time (1808) when Napoleon was having valuable MSS. selected from Italian libraries and sent to Paris, Peyrard managed to get two ancient Vatican MSS. (190 and 1038) sent to Paris for his use (Vat. 204 was also at Paris at the time, but all three were restored to their owners in 1814). Peyrard noticed the excellence of Cod. Vat. 190, adopted many of its readings, and gave in an appendix a conspectus of these readings and those of Gregory's edition; he also noted here and there readings from Vat. 1038 and various Paris MSS. He therefore pointed the way towards a better text, but committed the error of correcting the Basel text instead of rejecting it altogether and starting afresh.

+

1824-1825. A most valuable edition of Books I.—VI. is that of J. G. Camerer (and C. F. Hauber) in two volumes published at BerlinEuclidis elcmentorum libri sex priores graece et latine commentario e scriptis veterum ac recentiarum mathematicorum et Pfleidereri maxime illustrati (Berolini, sumptibus G. Reimeri). Tom. I. 1824; tom. II. 1825.. The Greek text is based on Peyrard, although the Basel and Oxford editions were also used. There is a Latin translation and a collection of notes far more complete than any other I have seen and well nigh inexhaustible. There is no editor or commentator of any mark who is not quoted from; to show the variety of important authorities drawn upon by Camerer, I need only mention the following names: Proclus, Pappus, Tartaglia, Commandinus, Clavius, Peletier, Barrow, Borelli, Wallis, Tacquet, Austin, Simson, Playfair. No words of praise would be too warm for this veritable encyclopaedia of information.

+

1825. J. G. C. Neide edited, from Peyrard, the text of Books I.—VI., XI. and XII. (Halis Saxoniae).

1826-9. The last edition of the Greek text before Heiberg's is that of E. F. August, who followed the Vatican MS. more closely than Peyrard did, and consulted at all events the Viennese MS. Gr. 103 (Heiberg's V). August's edition (Berlin, 1826-9) contains Books I.-XIII.

III. Latin versions or commentaries after 1533. -

1545. Petrus Ramus (Pierre de la Ramée, 1515-1572) is credited with a translation of Euclid which appeared in 1545 and again in 1549 at ParisDescribed by Boncompagni, Bullettino, II. p. 389.. Ramus, who was more rhetorician and logician than geometer, also published in his Scholae mathematicae (1559, Frankfurt; 1569, Basel) what amounts to a series of lectures on Euclid's Elements, in which he criticises Euclid's arrangement of his propositions, the definitions, postulates and axioms, all from the point of view of logic.

+

1545. Petrus Ramus (Pierre de la Ramée, 1515-1572) is credited with a translation of Euclid which appeared in 1545 and again in 1549 at ParisDescribed by Boncompagni, Bullettino, II. p. 389.. Ramus, who was more rhetorician and logician than geometer, also published in his Scholae mathematicae (1559, Frankfurt; 1569, Basel) what amounts to a series of lectures on Euclid's Elements, in which he criticises Euclid's arrangement of his propositions, the definitions, postulates and axioms, all from the point of view of logic.

1557. Demonstrations to the geometrical Elements of Euclid, six Books, by Peletarius (Jacques Peletier). The second edition (1610) contained the same with the addition of the Greek text of Euclid ; but only the enunciations of the propositions, as well as the definitions etc., are given in Greek (with a Latin translation), the rest is in Latin only. He has some acute observations, for instance about the angle of contact.

1559. Johannes Buteo, or Borrel (1492-1572), published in an appendix to his book De quadratura circuli some notes on the errors of Campanus, Zambertus, Orontius, Peletarius, Pena, interpreters of Euclid. Buteo in these notes proved, by reasoned argument based on original authorities, that Euclid himself and not Theon was the author of the proofs of the propositions.

-

1566. Franciscus Flussates Candalla (François de Foix, Comte de Candale, 1502-1594) restored +

1566. Franciscus Flussates Candalla (François de Foix, Comte de Candale, 1502-1594) restored the fifteen Books, following, as he says, the terminology of Zamberti's translation from the Greek, but drawing, for his proofs, on both Campanus and Theon (i.e. Zamberti) except where mistakes in them made emendation necessary. Other editions followed in 1578, 1602, 1695 (in Dutch).

1572. The most important Latin translation is that of Commandinus (1509-1575) of Urbino, since it was the foundation of most translations which followed it up to the time of Peyrard, including that of Simson and therefore of those editions, numerous in England, which give Euclid chiefly after the text of Simson. Simson's first (Latin) edition (1756) has ex versione Latina Federici Commandini @@ -1102,15 +1102,15 @@

He remarks in his preface that Orontius Finaeus had only edited six Books without reference to any Greek MS., that Peletarius had followed Campanus' version from the Arabic rather than the Greek text, and that Candalla had diverged too far from Euclid, having rejected as inelegant the proofs given in the Greek text and substituted faulty proofs of his own. Commandinus appears to have used, in addition to the Basel editio princeps, some Greek MS., so far not identified; he also extracted his scholia antiqua from a MS. of the class of Vat. 192 containing the scholia distinguished by Heiberg as Schol. Vat. - New editions of Commandinus' translation followed in 1575 (in Italian), 1619, 1749 (in English, by Keill and Stone), 1756 (Books I.—VI., XI., XII. in Latin and English, by Simson), 1763 (Keill). Besides these there were many editions of parts of the whole work, e.g. the first six Books.

+ New editions of Commandinus' translation followed in 1575 (in Italian), 1619, 1749 (in English, by Keill and Stone), 1756 (Books I.—VI., XI., XII. in Latin and English, by Simson), 1763 (Keill). Besides these there were many editions of parts of the whole work, e.g. the first six Books.

1574. The first edition of the Latin version by ClaviusEuclidis elemcntorum librit XV. Accessit XVI. de solidorum regularium comparatione. Omnes perspicuis demonstrationibus, accuratisque scholiis illustrati. Auctore Christophoro Clavio (Romae, apud Vincentium Accoltum), 2 vols. (Christoph Klau [?]. born at Bamberg 1537, died 1612) appeared in 1574, and new editions of it in 1589, 1591, 1603, 1607, 1612. It is not a translation, as Clavius himself states in the preface, but it contains a vast amount of notes collected from previous commentators and editors, as well as some good criticisms and elucidations of his own. Among other things, Clavius finally disposed of the error by which Euclid had been identified with Euclid of Megara. He speaks of the differences between Campanus who followed the Arabic tradition and the commentaries of Theon, by which he appears to mean the Euclidean proofs as handed down by Theon; he complains of predecessors who have either only given the first six Books, or have rejected the ancient proofs and substituted worse proofs of their own, but makes an exception as regards Commandinus, a geometer not of the common sort, who has lately restored Euclid, in a Latin translation, to his original brilliancy. Clavius, as already stated, did not give a translation of the Elements but rewrote the proofs, compressing them or adding to them, where he thought that he could make them clearer. Altogether his book is a most useful work.

1621. Henry Savile's lectures (Praelectiones tresdecim in principium Elementorum Euclidis Oxoniae habitae MDC.XX., Oxonii 1621), though they do not extend beyond I. 8, are valuable because they grapple with the difficulties connected with the preliminary matter, the definitions etc., and the tacit assumptions contained in the first propositions.

-

1654. André Tacquet's Elementa geometriae planae et solidae containing apparently the eight geometrical Books arranged for general use in schools. It came out in a large number of editions up to the end of the eighteenth century.

+

1654. André Tacquet's Elementa geometriae planae et solidae containing apparently the eight geometrical Books arranged for general use in schools. It came out in a large number of editions up to the end of the eighteenth century.

1655. Barrow's Euclidis Elementorum Libri XV breviter demonstrati is a book of the same kind. In the preface (to the edition of 1659) he says that he would not have written it but for the fact that Tacquet gave only eight Books of Euclid. He compressed the work into a very small compass (less than 400 small pages, in the edition of 1659, for the whole of the fifteen Books and the Data) by abbreviating the proofs and using a large quantity of symbols (which, he says, are generally Oughtred's). There were several editions up to 1732 (those of 1660 and 1732 and one or two others are in English).

1658. Giovanni Alfonso Borelli (1608-1679) published Euclides restitutus, on apparently similar lines, which went through three more editions (one in Italian, 1663).

-

1660. Claude François Milliet Dechales' eight geometrical Books of Euclid's Elements made easy. Dechales' versions of the Elements had great vogue, appearing in French, Italian and English as well as Latin. Riccardi enumerates over twenty editions.

+

1660. Claude François Milliet Dechales' eight geometrical Books of Euclid's Elements made easy. Dechales' versions of the Elements had great vogue, appearing in French, Italian and English as well as Latin. Riccardi enumerates over twenty editions.

1733. Saccheri's Euclides ab omni naevo vindicatus sive conatus geometricus quo stabiliuntur prima ipsa geometriae principia is important for his elaborate attempt to prove the parallel-postulate, forming an important stage in the history of the development of nonEuclidean geometry.

1756. Simson's first edition, in Latin and in English. The Latin title is

Euclidis elementorum libri priores sex, item undecimus et duodecimus, ex versione latina Federici Commandini; sublatis iis quibus olim libri hi a Theone, aliisve, vitiati sunt, et quibusdam Euclidis demonstrationibus restitutis. A Roberto Simson M.D. Glasguae, in aedibus Academicis excudebant Robertus et Andreas Foulis, Academiae typographi.

@@ -1119,14 +1119,14 @@
IV. Italian versions or commentaries. -

1543. Tartaglia's version, a second edition of which was published in 1565The title-page of the edition of 1565 is as follows: Euclide Megarense philosopho, solo introduttore delle scientie mathematice, diligentemente rassettato, et alla integrità ridotto, per il degno professore di tal scientie Nicolo Tartalea Brisciano. secondo le due tradottioni. con una ampla espositione dello istesso tradottore di nuouo aggiunta. talmente chiara, che ogni mediocre ingegno, sensa la notitia, ouer suffragio di alcun' altra scientia con facilità serà capace a poterlo intendere. In Venetia, Appresso Curtio Troiano, 1565., and a third in 1585. It does not appear that he used any Greek text, for in the edition of 1565 he mentions as available only the first translation by Campano, +

1543. Tartaglia's version, a second edition of which was published in 1565The title-page of the edition of 1565 is as follows: Euclide Megarense philosopho, solo introduttore delle scientie mathematice, diligentemente rassettato, et alla integrità ridotto, per il degno professore di tal scientie Nicolo Tartalea Brisciano. secondo le due tradottioni. con una ampla espositione dello istesso tradottore di nuouo aggiunta. talmente chiara, che ogni mediocre ingegno, sensa la notitia, ouer suffragio di alcun' altra scientia con facilità serà capace a poterlo intendere. In Venetia, Appresso Curtio Troiano, 1565., and a third in 1585. It does not appear that he used any Greek text, for in the edition of 1565 he mentions as available only the first translation by Campano, the second made by Bartolomeo Zamberto Veneto who is still alive, the editions of Paris or Germany in which they have included both the aforesaid translations, and our own translation into the vulgar (tongue).

1575. Commandinus' translation turned into Italian and revised by him.

1613. The first six Books reduced to practice - by Pietro Antonio Cataldi, re-issued in 1620, and followed by Books VII.—IX. (1621) and Book X. (1625).

+ by Pietro Antonio Cataldi, re-issued in 1620, and followed by Books VII.—IX. (1621) and Book X. (1625).

1663. Borelli's Latin translation turned into Italian by Domenico Magni.

1680. Euclide restituto by Vitale Giordano.

1690. Vincenzo Viviani's Elementi piani e solidi di Euclide (Book V. in 1674).

@@ -1137,48 +1137,48 @@
V. German. -

1558. The arithmetical Books VII.-IX. by ScheubelDas sibend acht und neunt buch des hochberümbten Mathematici Euclidis Megarensis... - durch Magistrum Fohann Scheybl, der löblichen universitet zu Tübingen, des Euclidis und Arithmetic Ordinarien, auss dem latein ins teutsch gebracht.... (cf. the edition of the first six Books, with enunciations in Greek and Latin, mentioned above, under date 1550).

-

1562. The version of the first six Books by Wilhelm Holtzmann (Xylander).Die sechs erste b'ücher Euclidis vom anfang oder grund der Geometrj...Auss Griechischer sprach in die Teütsch gebracht aigentlich erklärt...Demassen vormals in Teütscher sprach nie gesehen worden...Durch Wilhelm Holtzman genant Xylander von Augspurg. Getruckht zu Basel.. This work has its interest as the first edition in German, but otherwise it is not of importance. Xylander tells us that it was written for practical people such as artists, goldsmiths, builders etc., and that, as the simple amateur is of course content to know facts, without knowing how to prove them, he has often left out the proofs altogether. He has indeed taken the greatest possible liberties with Euclid, and has not grappled with any of the theoretical difficulties, such as that of the theory of parallels.

+

1558. The arithmetical Books VII.-IX. by ScheubelDas sibend acht und neunt buch des hochberümbten Mathematici Euclidis Megarensis... + durch Magistrum Fohann Scheybl, der löblichen universitet zu Tübingen, des Euclidis und Arithmetic Ordinarien, auss dem latein ins teutsch gebracht.... (cf. the edition of the first six Books, with enunciations in Greek and Latin, mentioned above, under date 1550).

+

1562. The version of the first six Books by Wilhelm Holtzmann (Xylander).Die sechs erste b'ücher Euclidis vom anfang oder grund der Geometrj...Auss Griechischer sprach in die Teütsch gebracht aigentlich erklärt...Demassen vormals in Teütscher sprach nie gesehen worden...Durch Wilhelm Holtzman genant Xylander von Augspurg. Getruckht zu Basel.. This work has its interest as the first edition in German, but otherwise it is not of importance. Xylander tells us that it was written for practical people such as artists, goldsmiths, builders etc., and that, as the simple amateur is of course content to know facts, without knowing how to prove them, he has often left out the proofs altogether. He has indeed taken the greatest possible liberties with Euclid, and has not grappled with any of the theoretical difficulties, such as that of the theory of parallels.

1651. Heinrich Hoffmann's Teutscher Euclides (2nd edition 1653), not a translation.

1694. Ant. Ernst Burkh. v. Pirckenstein's Teutsch Redender Euclides (eight geometrical Books), for generals, engineers etc. proved in a new and quite easy manner. Other editions 1699, 1744.

1697. Samuel Reyher's In teutscher Sprache vorgestellter Euclides (six Books), made easy, with symbols algebraical or derived from the newest art of solution.

-

1714. Euclidis XV Bücher teutsch, treated in a special and brief manner, yet completely, +

1714. Euclidis XV Bücher teutsch, treated in a special and brief manner, yet completely, by Chr. Schessler (another edition in 1729).

1773. The first six Books translated from the Greek for the use of schools by J. F. Lorenz. The first attempt to reproduce Euclid in German word for word.

-

1781. Books XI., XII. by Lorenz (supplementary to the preceding). Also Euklid's Elemente fünfzehn Bücher translated from the Greek by Lorenz (second edition 1798; editions of 1809, 1818, 1824 by Mollweide, of 1840 by Dippe). The edition of 1824, and I presume those before it, are shortened by the use of symbols and the compression of the enunciation and setting-out +

1781. Books XI., XII. by Lorenz (supplementary to the preceding). Also Euklid's Elemente fünfzehn Bücher translated from the Greek by Lorenz (second edition 1798; editions of 1809, 1818, 1824 by Mollweide, of 1840 by Dippe). The edition of 1824, and I presume those before it, are shortened by the use of symbols and the compression of the enunciation and setting-out into one.

-

1807. Books I.—VI., XI., XII. newly translated from the Greek, +

1807. Books I.—VI., XI., XII. newly translated from the Greek, by J. K. F. Hauff.

1828. The same Books by Joh. Jos. Ign. Hoffmann as guide to instruction in elementary geometry, followed in 1832 by observations on the text by the same editor.

1833. Die Geometrie des Euklid und das Wesen derselben by E. S. Unger; also 1838, 1851.

-

1901. Max Simon, Euclid und die sechs planimetrischen Bücher.

+

1901. Max Simon, Euclid und die sechs planimetrischen Bücher.

VI. French. -

1564-1566. Nine Books translated by Pierre Forcadel, a pupil and friend of P. de la Ramée.

+

1564-1566. Nine Books translated by Pierre Forcadel, a pupil and friend of P. de la Ramée.

1604. The first nine Books translated and annotated by Jean Errard de Bar-le-Duc; second edition, 1605.

1615. Denis Henrion's translation of the 15 Books (seven editions up to 1676).

1639. The first six Books demonstrated by symbols, by a method very brief and intelligible, - by Pierre Hérigone, mentioned by Barrow as the only editor who, before him, had used symbols for the exposition of Euclid.

+ by Pierre Hérigone, mentioned by Barrow as the only editor who, before him, had used symbols for the exposition of Euclid.

1672. Eight Books rendus plus faciles - by Claude FranÇis Milliet Dechales, who also brought out Les élémens d'Euclide expliqués d'une manière nouvelle et très facile, which appeared in many editions, 1672, 1677, 1683 etc. (from 1709 onwards revised by Ozanam), and was translated into Italian (1749 etc.) and English (by William Halifax, 1685).

-

1804. In this year, and therefore before his edition of the Greek text, F. Peyrard published the Elements literally translated into French. A second edition appeared in 1809 with the addition of the fifth Book. As this second edition contains Books I.—VI. XI., XII. and X. I, it would appear that the first edition contained Books I.—IV., VI., XI., XII. Peyrard used for this translation the Oxford Greek text and Simson.

+ by Claude FranÇis Milliet Dechales, who also brought out Les élémens d'Euclide expliqués d'une manière nouvelle et très facile, which appeared in many editions, 1672, 1677, 1683 etc. (from 1709 onwards revised by Ozanam), and was translated into Italian (1749 etc.) and English (by William Halifax, 1685).

+

1804. In this year, and therefore before his edition of the Greek text, F. Peyrard published the Elements literally translated into French. A second edition appeared in 1809 with the addition of the fifth Book. As this second edition contains Books I.—VI. XI., XII. and X. I, it would appear that the first edition contained Books I.—IV., VI., XI., XII. Peyrard used for this translation the Oxford Greek text and Simson.

VII. Dutch. -

1606. Jan Pieterszoon Dou (six Books). There were many later editions. Kästner, in mentioning one of 1702, says that Dou explains in his preface that he used Xylander's translation, but, having afterwards obtained the French translation of the six Books by Errard de Bar-le-Duc (see above), the proofs in which sometimes pleased him more than those of the German edition, he made his Dutch version by the help of both.

+

1606. Jan Pieterszoon Dou (six Books). There were many later editions. Kästner, in mentioning one of 1702, says that Dou explains in his preface that he used Xylander's translation, but, having afterwards obtained the French translation of the six Books by Errard de Bar-le-Duc (see above), the proofs in which sometimes pleased him more than those of the German edition, he made his Dutch version by the help of both.

1617. Frans van Schooten, The Propositions of the Books of Euclid's Elements ; the fifteen Books in this version enlarged by Jakob van Leest in 1662.

1695. C. J. Vooght, fifteen Books complete, with Candalla's 16th.

1702. Hendrik Coets, six Books (also in Latin, 1692); several editions up to 1752. Apparently not a translation. but an edition for school use.

-

1763. Pybo Steenstra, Books I.—VI., XI., XII., likewise an abberviated version, several times reissued until 1825.

+

1763. Pybo Steenstra, Books I.—VI., XI., XII., likewise an abberviated version, several times reissued until 1825.

VIII. English. @@ -1187,10 +1187,10 @@

Faithfully (now first) translated into the Englishe toung, by H. Billingsley, Citizen of London. Whereunto are annexed certaine Scholies, Annotations, and Inuentions, of the best Mathematiciens, both of time past, and in this our age.

-

With a very fruitfull Preface by M. I. Dee, specifying the chiefe Mathematicall Sciēces, what they are, and whereunto commodious: where, also, are disclosed certaine new Secrets Mathematicall and Mechanicall, vntill these our daies, greatly missed.

+

With a very fruitfull Preface by M. I. Dee, specifying the chiefe Mathematicall Sciēces, what they are, and whereunto commodious: where, also, are disclosed certaine new Secrets Mathematicall and Mechanicall, vntill these our daies, greatly missed.

Imprinted at London by John Daye.

-

The Preface by the translator, after a sentence observing that without the diligent study of Euclides Elementes it is impossible to attain unto the perfect knowledge of Geometry, proceeds thus. Wherefore considering the want and lacke of such good authors hitherto in our Englishe tounge, lamenting also the negligence, and lacke of zeale to their countrey in those of our nation, to whom God hath geuen both knowledge and also abilitie to translate into our tounge, and to publishe abroad such good authors and bookes (the chiefe instrumentes of all learninges): seing moreouer that many good wittes both of gentlemen and of others of all degrees, much desirous and studious of these artes, and seeking for them as much as they can, sparing no paines, and yet frustrate of their intent, by no meanes attaining to that which they seeke: I haue for their sakes, with some charge and great trauaile, faithfully translated into our vulgare toũge, and set abroad in Print, this booke of Euclide. Whereunto I haue added easie and plaine declarations and examples by figures, of the definitions. In which booke also ye shall in due place finde manifolde additions, Scholies, Annotations, and Inuentions: which I haue gathered out of many of the most famous and chiefe Mathematiciēs, both of old time, and in our age: as by diligent reading it in course, ye shall well perceaue.... +

The Preface by the translator, after a sentence observing that without the diligent study of Euclides Elementes it is impossible to attain unto the perfect knowledge of Geometry, proceeds thus. Wherefore considering the want and lacke of such good authors hitherto in our Englishe tounge, lamenting also the negligence, and lacke of zeale to their countrey in those of our nation, to whom God hath geuen both knowledge and also abilitie to translate into our tounge, and to publishe abroad such good authors and bookes (the chiefe instrumentes of all learninges): seing moreouer that many good wittes both of gentlemen and of others of all degrees, much desirous and studious of these artes, and seeking for them as much as they can, sparing no paines, and yet frustrate of their intent, by no meanes attaining to that which they seeke: I haue for their sakes, with some charge and great trauaile, faithfully translated into our vulgare toũge, and set abroad in Print, this booke of Euclide. Whereunto I haue added easie and plaine declarations and examples by figures, of the definitions. In which booke also ye shall in due place finde manifolde additions, Scholies, Annotations, and Inuentions: which I haue gathered out of many of the most famous and chiefe Mathematiciēs, both of old time, and in our age: as by diligent reading it in course, ye shall well perceaue....

It is truly a monumental work, consisting of 464 leaves, and therefore 928 pages, of folio size, excluding the lengthy preface by Dee. The notes certainly include all the most important that had ever been written, from those of the Greek commentators, Proclus and the others whom he quotes, down to those of Dee himself on the last books. Besides the fifteen Books, Billingsley included the sixteenth added by Candalla. The print and appearance of the book are worthy of its contents; and, in order that it may be understood how no pains were spared to represent everything in the clearest and most perfect form, I need only mention that the figures of the propositions in Book XI. are nearly all duplicated, one being the figure of Euclid, the other an arrangement of pieces of paper (triangular, rectangular etc.) pasted at the edges on to the page of the book so that the pieces can be turned up and made to show the real form of the solid figures represented.

@@ -1203,7 +1203,7 @@

1685. William Halifax's version of Dechales' Elements of Euclid explained in a new but most easy method (London and Oxford).

1705. The English Euclide; being the first six Elements of Geometry, translated out of the Greek, with annotations and usefull supplements by Edmund Scarburgh (Oxford). A noteworthy and useful edition.

-

1708. Books I.—VI., XI., XII., translated from Commandinus' Latin version by Dr John Keill, Savilian Professor of Astronomy at Oxford.

+

1708. Books I.—VI., XI., XII., translated from Commandinus' Latin version by Dr John Keill, Savilian Professor of Astronomy at Oxford.

Keill complains in his preface of the omissions by such editors as Tacquet and Dechales of many necessary propositions (e.g. VI. 27-29), and of their substitution of proofs of their own for Euclid's. He praises Barrow's version on the whole, though objecting to the algebraical form of proof adopted in Book II., and to the excessive use of notes and symbols, which (he considers) make the proofs too short and thereby obscure; his edition was therefore intended to hit a proper mean between Barrow's excessive brevity and Clavius' prolixity.

Keill's translation was revised by Samuel Cunn and several times reissued. 1749 saw the eighth edition, 1772 the eleventh, and 1782 the twelfth.

@@ -1241,9 +1241,9 @@
IX. Spanish. -

1576. The first six Books translated into Spanish by Rodrigo Çamorano.

+

1576. The first six Books translated into Spanish by Rodrigo Çamorano.

1637. The first six Books translated, with notes, by L. Carduchi.

-

1689. Books I.—VI., XI., XII., translated and explained by Jacob Knesa.

+

1689. Books I.—VI., XI., XII., translated and explained by Jacob Knesa.

@@ -1255,23 +1255,23 @@ XI. Swedish. -

1744. Mårten Strömer, the first six Books; second edition 1748. The third edition (1753) contained Books XI.—XII. as well; new editions continued to appear till 1884.

+

1744. Mårten Strömer, the first six Books; second edition 1748. The third edition (1753) contained Books XI.—XII. as well; new editions continued to appear till 1884.

1836. H. Falk, the first six Books.

-

1844, 1845, 1859. P. R. Bråkenhjelm, Books I.—VI., XI., XII.

+

1844, 1845, 1859. P. R. Bråkenhjelm, Books I.—VI., XI., XII.

1850. F. A. A. Lundgren.

-

1850. H. A. Witt and M. E. Areskong, Books I.—VI., XI., XII.

+

1850. H. A. Witt and M. E. Areskong, Books I.—VI., XI., XII.

XII. Danish.

1745. Ernest Gottlieb Ziegenbalg.

-

1803. H. C. Linderup, Books I.—VI.

+

1803. H. C. Linderup, Books I.—VI.

XIII. Modern Greek.

1820. Benjamin of Lesbos.

I should add a reference to certain editions which have appeared in recent years.

-

A Danish translation (Euklid's Elementer oversat af Thyra Eibe) was completed in 1912; Books I.—II. were published (with an Introduction by Zeuthen) in 1897, Books III.—IV. in 1900, Books V.—VI. in 1904, Books VII.—XIII. in 1912.

-

The Italians, whose great services to elementary geometry are more than once emphasised in this work, have lately shown a noteworthy disposition to make the ipsissima verba of Euclid once more the object of study. Giovanni Vacca has edited the text of Book I. (Il primo libro degli Elementi. Testo greco, versione italiana, introduzione e note, Firenze 1916.) Federigo Enriques has begun the publication of a complete Italian translation (Gli Elementi d' Euclide e la critica antica e moderna); Books I.—IV. appeared in 1925 (Alberto Stock, Roma).

+

A Danish translation (Euklid's Elementer oversat af Thyra Eibe) was completed in 1912; Books I.—II. were published (with an Introduction by Zeuthen) in 1897, Books III.—IV. in 1900, Books V.—VI. in 1904, Books VII.—XIII. in 1912.

+

The Italians, whose great services to elementary geometry are more than once emphasised in this work, have lately shown a noteworthy disposition to make the ipsissima verba of Euclid once more the object of study. Giovanni Vacca has edited the text of Book I. (Il primo libro degli Elementi. Testo greco, versione italiana, introduzione e note, Firenze 1916.) Federigo Enriques has begun the publication of a complete Italian translation (Gli Elementi d' Euclide e la critica antica e moderna); Books I.—IV. appeared in 1925 (Alberto Stock, Roma).

An edition of Book I. by the present writer was published in 1918 (Euclid in Greek, Book I., with Introduction and Notes, Camb. Univ. Press).

@@ -1279,14 +1279,14 @@ CHAPTER IX. - § 1. ON THE NATURE OF ELEMENTS. + § 1. ON THE NATURE OF ELEMENTS.

It would not be easy to find a more lucid explanation of the terms element and elementary, and of the distinction between them, than is found in ProclusProclus, Comm. on Eucl. I., ed. Friedlein, pp. 72 sqq., who is doubtless, here as so often, quoting from Geminus. There are, says Proclus, in the whole of geometry certain leading theorems, bearing to those which follow the relation of a principle, all-pervading, and furnishing proofs of many properties. Such theorems are called by the name of elements; and their function may be compared to that of the letters of the alphabet in relation to language, letters being indeed called by the same name in Greek (stoixei=a).

The term elementary, on the other hand, has a wider application: it is applicable to things which extend to greater multiplicity, and, though possessing simplicity and elegance, have no longer the same dignity as the elements, because their investigation is not of general use in the whole of the science, e.g. the proposition that in triangles the perpendiculars from the angles to the transverse sides meet in a point.

-

“Again, the term element is used in two senses, as Menaechmus says. For that which is the means of obtaining is an element of that which is obtained, as the first proposition in Euclid is of the second, and the fourth of the fifth. In this sense many things may even be said to be elements of each other, for they are obtained from one another. Thus from the fact that the exterior angles of rectilineal figures are (together) equal to four right angles we deduce the number of right angles equal to the internal angles (taken together)to\ plh=qos tw=n e)nto\s o)rqai=s i)/swn. If the text is right, we must apparently take it as the number of the angles equal to right angles that there are inside, +

“Again, the term element is used in two senses, as Menaechmus says. For that which is the means of obtaining is an element of that which is obtained, as the first proposition in Euclid is of the second, and the fourth of the fifth. In this sense many things may even be said to be elements of each other, for they are obtained from one another. Thus from the fact that the exterior angles of rectilineal figures are (together) equal to four right angles we deduce the number of right angles equal to the internal angles (taken together)to\ plh=qos tw=n e)nto\s o)rqai=s i)/swn. If the text is right, we must apparently take it as the number of the angles equal to right angles that there are inside, i.e. that are made up by the internal angles, and vice versa. Such an element is like a lemma. But the term element is otherwise used of that into which, being more simple, the composite is divided; and in this sense we can no longer say that everything is an element of everything, but only that things which are more of the nature of principles are elements of those which stand to them in the relation of results, as postulates are elements of theorems. It is according to this signification of the term element that the elements found in Euclid were compiled, being partly those of plane geometry, and partly those of stereometry. In like manner many writers have drawn up elementary treatises in arithmetic and astronomy.

-

“Now it is difficult, in each science, both to select and arrange in due order the elements from which all the rest proceeds, and into which all the rest is resolved. And of those who have made the attempt some were able to put together more and some less; some used shorter proofs, some extended their investigation to an indefinite length; some avoided the method of reductio ad absurdum, some avoided proportion; some contrived preliminary steps directed against those who reject the principles; and, in a word, many different methods have been invented by various writers of elements.

-

It is essential that such a treatise should be rid of everything superfluous (for this is an obstacle to the acquisition of knowledge); it should select everything that embraces the subject and brings it to a point (for this is of supreme service to science); it must have great regard at once to clearness and conciseness (for their opposites trouble our understanding); it must aim at the embracing of theorems in general terms (for the piecemeal division of instruction into the more partial makes knowledge difficult to grasp). In all these ways Euclid's system of elements will be found to be superior to the rest; for its utility avails towards the investigation of the primordial figurestw=n a)rxikw=n sxhma/twn, by which Proclus probably means the regular polyhedra (Tannery, P. 143 n.)., its clearness and organic perfection are secured by the progression from the more simple to the more complex and by the foundation of the investigation upon common notions, while generality of demonstration is secured by the progression through the theorems which are primary and of the nature of principles to the things sought. As for the things which seem to be wanting, they are partly to be discovered by the same methods, like the construction of the scalene and isosceles (triangle), partly alien to the character of a selection of elements as introducing hopeless and boundless complexity, like the subject of unordered irrationals which Apollonius worked out at lengthWe have no more than the most obscure indications of the character of this work in an Arabic MS. analysed by Woepcke, Essai d'une restitution de travaux perdus d'Apollonius sur les quantités irrationelles d'après des indications tirées d'un manuscrit arabe in Mémoires présentés à l'académie des sciences, XIV. 658-720, Paris, 1856. Cf. Cantor, Gesch. d. Math. I_{3}, pp. 348-9: details are also given in my notes to Book X., and partly developed from things handed down (in the elements) as causes, like the many species of angles and of lines. These things then have been omitted in Euclid, though they have received full discussion in other works; but the knowledge of them is derived from the simple (elements). +

“Now it is difficult, in each science, both to select and arrange in due order the elements from which all the rest proceeds, and into which all the rest is resolved. And of those who have made the attempt some were able to put together more and some less; some used shorter proofs, some extended their investigation to an indefinite length; some avoided the method of reductio ad absurdum, some avoided proportion; some contrived preliminary steps directed against those who reject the principles; and, in a word, many different methods have been invented by various writers of elements.

+

It is essential that such a treatise should be rid of everything superfluous (for this is an obstacle to the acquisition of knowledge); it should select everything that embraces the subject and brings it to a point (for this is of supreme service to science); it must have great regard at once to clearness and conciseness (for their opposites trouble our understanding); it must aim at the embracing of theorems in general terms (for the piecemeal division of instruction into the more partial makes knowledge difficult to grasp). In all these ways Euclid's system of elements will be found to be superior to the rest; for its utility avails towards the investigation of the primordial figurestw=n a)rxikw=n sxhma/twn, by which Proclus probably means the regular polyhedra (Tannery, P. 143 n.)., its clearness and organic perfection are secured by the progression from the more simple to the more complex and by the foundation of the investigation upon common notions, while generality of demonstration is secured by the progression through the theorems which are primary and of the nature of principles to the things sought. As for the things which seem to be wanting, they are partly to be discovered by the same methods, like the construction of the scalene and isosceles (triangle), partly alien to the character of a selection of elements as introducing hopeless and boundless complexity, like the subject of unordered irrationals which Apollonius worked out at lengthWe have no more than the most obscure indications of the character of this work in an Arabic MS. analysed by Woepcke, Essai d'une restitution de travaux perdus d'Apollonius sur les quantités irrationelles d'après des indications tirées d'un manuscrit arabe in Mémoires présentés à l'académie des sciences, XIV. 658-720, Paris, 1856. Cf. Cantor, Gesch. d. Math. I_{3}, pp. 348-9: details are also given in my notes to Book X., and partly developed from things handed down (in the elements) as causes, like the many species of angles and of lines. These things then have been omitted in Euclid, though they have received full discussion in other works; but the knowledge of them is derived from the simple (elements).

Proclus, speaking apparently on his own behalf, in another place distinguishes two objects aimed at in Euclid's Elements. The first has reference to the matter of the investigation, and here, like a good Platonist, he takes the whole subject of geometry to be concerned with the cosmic figures, the five regular solids, which in Book XIII. are constructed, inscribed in a sphere and compared with one another. The second object is relative to the learner; and, from this standpoint, the elements may be described as a means of perfecting the learner's understanding with reference to the whole of geometry. For, starting from these (elements), we shall be able to acquire knowledge of the other parts of this science as well, while without them it is impossible for us to get a grasp of so complex a subject, and knowledge of the rest is unattainable. As it is, the theorems which are most of the nature of principles, most simple, and most akin to the first hypotheses are here collected, in their appropriate order; and the proofs of all other propositions use these theorems as thoroughly well known, and start from them. Thus Archimedes in the books on the sphere and cylinder, Apollonius, and all other geometers, clearly use the theorems proved in this very treatise as constituting admitted principlesProclus, pp. 70, 19-71, 21. @@ -1296,25 +1296,25 @@ Topics VIII. 14, 163 b 23. ; in general the first of the elements are, given the definitions, e.g. of a straight line and of a circle, most easy to prove, although of course there are not many data that can be used to establish each of them because there are not many middle terms Topics VIII. 3, 158 b 35. - ; among geometrical propositions we call those ’elements’ the proofs of which are contained in the proofs of all or most of such propositions + ; among geometrical propositions we call those ’elements’ the proofs of which are contained in the proofs of all or most of such propositions Metaph. 998 a 25 .; (as in the case of bodies), so in like manner we speak of the elements of geometrical propositions and, generally, of demonstrations; for the demonstrations which come first and are contained in a variety of other demonstrations are called elements of those demonstrations... the term element is applied by analogy to that which, being one and small, is useful for many purposes Metaph. 1014 a 35-b 5..

- § 2. ELEMENTS ANTERIOR TO EUCLID'S. + § 2. ELEMENTS ANTERIOR TO EUCLID'S.

The early part of the famous summary of Proclus was no doubt drawn, at least indirectly, from the history of geometry by Eudemus; this is generally inferred from the remark, made just after the mention of Philippus of Medma, a disciple of Plato, that those who have written histories bring the development of this science up to this point. We have therefore the best authority for the list of writers of elements given in the summary. Hippocrates of Chios (fl. in second half of 5th c.) is the first; then Leon, who also discovered diorismi, put together a more careful collection, the propositions proved in it being more numerous as well as more serviceableProclus, p. 66, 20 w)/ste to\n *le/onta kai\ ta\ stoixei=a sunqei=nai tw=| te plh(qei kai\ th= xrei/a| tw=n deiknume/nwn e)pimele/steron.. Leon was a little older than Eudoxus (about 408-355 B.C.) and a little younger than Plato (428/7-347/6 B.C.), but did not belong to the latter's school. The geometrical text-book of the Academy was written by Theudius of Magnesia, who, with Amyclas of Heraclea, Menaechmus the pupil of Eudoxus, Menaechmus' brother Dinostratus and Athenaeus of Cyzicus consorted together in the Academy and carried on their investigations in common. Theudius put together the elements admirably, making many partial (or limited) propositions more generalProclus, p. 67, 14 kai\ ga\r ta\ stoixei=a kalw=s sune/tacen kai\ polla\ tw=n merikw=n [o(rikw=n (?) Friedlein] kaqolikw/tera e)poi/hsen.. Eudemus mentions no text-book after that of Theudius, only adding that Hermotimus of Colophon discovered many of the elementsProclus, p. 67, 22 tw=n stoixei/wn polla\ a)neu=re.. Theudius then must be taken to be the immediate precursor of Euclid, and no doubt Euclid made full use of Theudius as well as of the discoveries of Hermotimus and all other available material. Naturally it is not in Euclid's Elements that we can find much light upon the state of the subject when he took it up; but we have another source of information in Aristotle. Fortunately for the historian of mathematics, Aristotle was fond of mathematical illustrations; he refers to a considerable number of geometrical propositions, definitions etc., in a way which shows that his pupils must have had at hand some textbook where they could find the things he mentions; and this text-book must have been that of Theudius. Heiberg has made a most valuable collection of mathematical extracts from AristotleMathematisches zu Aristoteles in Abhandlungen zur Gesch. d. math. Wissenschaften, XVIII. Heft (1904), pp. 1-49., from which much is to be gathered as to the changes which Euclid made in the methods of his predecessors; and these passages, as well as others not included in Heiberg's selection, will often be referred to in the sequel.

- § 3. FIRST PRINCIPLES: DEFINITIONS, POSTULATES, AND AXIOMS. + § 3. FIRST PRINCIPLES: DEFINITIONS, POSTULATES, AND AXIOMS.

On no part of the subject does Aristotle give more valuable information than on that of the first principles as, doubtless, generally accepted at the time when he wrote. One long passage in the Posterior Analytics is particularly full and lucid, and is worth quoting in extenso. After laying it down that every demonstrative science starts from necessary principlesAnal. post. 1. 6, 74 b 5., he proceedsibid. 1. 10, 76 a 31-77 a 4.:

-

“By first principles in each genus I mean those the truth of which it is not possible to prove. What is denoted by the first (terms) and those derived from them is assumed; but, as regards their existence, this must be assumed for the principles but proved for the rest. Thus what a unit is, what the straight (line) is, or what a triangle is (must be assumed); and the existence of the unit and of magnitude must also be assumed, but the rest must be proved. Now of the premisses used in demonstrative sciences some are peculiar to each science and others common (to all), the latter being common by analogy, for of course they are actually useful in so far as they are applied to the subject-matter included under the particular science. Instances of first principles peculiar to a science are the assumptions that a line is of such and such a character, and similarly for the straight (line); whereas it is a common principle, for instance, that, if equals be subtracted from equals, the remainders are equal. But it is enough that each of the common principles is true so far as regards the particular genus (subject-matter); for (in geometry) the effect will be the same even if the common principle be assumed to be true, not of everything, but only of magnitudes, and, in arithmetic, of numbers.

-

“Now the things peculiar to the science, the existence of which must be assumed, are the things with reference to which the science investigates the essential attributes, e.g. arithmetic with reference to units, and geometry with reference to points and lines. With these things it is assumed that they exist and that they are of such and such a nature. But, with regard to their essential properties, what is assumed is only the meaning of each term employed: thus arithmetic assumes the answer to the question what is (meant by) ’odd’ or ’even,’ ’a square’ or ’a cube,’ and geometry to the question what is (meant by) ’the irrational’ or ’deflection’ or (the so-called) ’verging’ (to a point); but that there are such things is proved by means of the common principles and of what has already been demonstrated. Similarly with astronomy. For every demonstrative science has to do with three things, (1) the things which are assumed to exist, namely the genus (subject-matter) in each case, the essential properties of which the science investigates, (2) the common axioms so-called, which are the primary source of demonstration, and (3) the properties with regard to which all that is assumed is the meaning of the respective terms used. There is, however, no reason why some sciences should not omit to speak of one or other of these things. Thus there need not be any supposition as to the existence of the genus, if it is manifest that it exists (for it is not equally clear that number exists and that cold and hot exist); and, with regard to the properties, there need be no assumption as to the meaning of terms if it is clear: just as in the common (axioms) there is no assumption as to what is the meaning of subtracting equals from equals, because it is well known. But none the less is it true that there are three things naturally distinct, the subject-matter of the proof, the things proved, and the (axioms) from which (the proof starts).

-

Now that which is per se necessarily true, and must necessarily be thought so, is not a hypothesis nor yet a postulate. For demonstration has not to do with reasoning from outside but with the reason dwelling in the soul, just as is the case with the syllogism. It is always possible to raise objection to reasoning from outside, but to contradict the reason within us is not always possible. Now anything that the teacher assumes, though it is matter of proof, without proving it himself, is a hypothesis if the thing assumed is believed by the learner, and it is moreover a hypothesis, not absolutely, but relatively to the particular pupil; but, if the same thing is assumed when the learner either has no opinion on the subject or is of a contrary opinion, it is a postulate. This is the difference between a hypothesis and a postulate; for a postulate is that which is rather contrary than otherwise to the opinion of the learner, or whatever is assumed and used without being proved, although matter for demonstration. Now definitions are not hypotheses, for they do not assert the existence or non-existence of anything, while hypotheses are among propositions. Definitions only require to be understood: a definition is therefore not a hypothesis, unless indeed it be asserted that any audible speech is a hypothesis. A hypothesis is that from the truth of which, if assumed, a conclusion can be established. Nor are the geometer's hypotheses false, as some have said: I mean those who say that ’you should not make use of what is false, and yet the geometer falsely calls the line which he has drawn a foot long when it is not, or straight when it is not straight.’ The geometer bases no conclusion on the particular line which he has drawn being that which he has described, but (he refers to) what is illustrated by the figures. Further, the postulate and every hypothesis are either universal or particular statements; definitions are neither +

“By first principles in each genus I mean those the truth of which it is not possible to prove. What is denoted by the first (terms) and those derived from them is assumed; but, as regards their existence, this must be assumed for the principles but proved for the rest. Thus what a unit is, what the straight (line) is, or what a triangle is (must be assumed); and the existence of the unit and of magnitude must also be assumed, but the rest must be proved. Now of the premisses used in demonstrative sciences some are peculiar to each science and others common (to all), the latter being common by analogy, for of course they are actually useful in so far as they are applied to the subject-matter included under the particular science. Instances of first principles peculiar to a science are the assumptions that a line is of such and such a character, and similarly for the straight (line); whereas it is a common principle, for instance, that, if equals be subtracted from equals, the remainders are equal. But it is enough that each of the common principles is true so far as regards the particular genus (subject-matter); for (in geometry) the effect will be the same even if the common principle be assumed to be true, not of everything, but only of magnitudes, and, in arithmetic, of numbers.

+

“Now the things peculiar to the science, the existence of which must be assumed, are the things with reference to which the science investigates the essential attributes, e.g. arithmetic with reference to units, and geometry with reference to points and lines. With these things it is assumed that they exist and that they are of such and such a nature. But, with regard to their essential properties, what is assumed is only the meaning of each term employed: thus arithmetic assumes the answer to the question what is (meant by) ’odd’ or ’even,’ ’a square’ or ’a cube,’ and geometry to the question what is (meant by) ’the irrational’ or ’deflection’ or (the so-called) ’verging’ (to a point); but that there are such things is proved by means of the common principles and of what has already been demonstrated. Similarly with astronomy. For every demonstrative science has to do with three things, (1) the things which are assumed to exist, namely the genus (subject-matter) in each case, the essential properties of which the science investigates, (2) the common axioms so-called, which are the primary source of demonstration, and (3) the properties with regard to which all that is assumed is the meaning of the respective terms used. There is, however, no reason why some sciences should not omit to speak of one or other of these things. Thus there need not be any supposition as to the existence of the genus, if it is manifest that it exists (for it is not equally clear that number exists and that cold and hot exist); and, with regard to the properties, there need be no assumption as to the meaning of terms if it is clear: just as in the common (axioms) there is no assumption as to what is the meaning of subtracting equals from equals, because it is well known. But none the less is it true that there are three things naturally distinct, the subject-matter of the proof, the things proved, and the (axioms) from which (the proof starts).

+

Now that which is per se necessarily true, and must necessarily be thought so, is not a hypothesis nor yet a postulate. For demonstration has not to do with reasoning from outside but with the reason dwelling in the soul, just as is the case with the syllogism. It is always possible to raise objection to reasoning from outside, but to contradict the reason within us is not always possible. Now anything that the teacher assumes, though it is matter of proof, without proving it himself, is a hypothesis if the thing assumed is believed by the learner, and it is moreover a hypothesis, not absolutely, but relatively to the particular pupil; but, if the same thing is assumed when the learner either has no opinion on the subject or is of a contrary opinion, it is a postulate. This is the difference between a hypothesis and a postulate; for a postulate is that which is rather contrary than otherwise to the opinion of the learner, or whatever is assumed and used without being proved, although matter for demonstration. Now definitions are not hypotheses, for they do not assert the existence or non-existence of anything, while hypotheses are among propositions. Definitions only require to be understood: a definition is therefore not a hypothesis, unless indeed it be asserted that any audible speech is a hypothesis. A hypothesis is that from the truth of which, if assumed, a conclusion can be established. Nor are the geometer's hypotheses false, as some have said: I mean those who say that ’you should not make use of what is false, and yet the geometer falsely calls the line which he has drawn a foot long when it is not, or straight when it is not straight.’ The geometer bases no conclusion on the particular line which he has drawn being that which he has described, but (he refers to) what is illustrated by the figures. Further, the postulate and every hypothesis are either universal or particular statements; definitions are neither (because the subject is of equal extent with what is predicated of it).

Every demonstrative science, says Aristotle, must start from indemonstrable principles: otherwise, the steps of demonstration would be endless. Of these indemonstrable principles some are (a) common to all sciences, others are (b) particular, or peculiar to the particular science; (a) the common principles are the axioms, most commonly illustrated by the axiom that, if equals be subtracted from equals, the remainders are equal. Coming now to (b) the principles peculiar to the particular science which must be assumed, we have first the genus or subject-matter, the existence of which must be assumed, viz. magnitude in the case of geometry, the unit in the case of arithmetic. Under this we must assume definitions of manifestations or attributes of the genus, e.g. straight lines, triangles, deflection etc. The definition in itself says nothing as to the existence of the thing defined: it only requires to be understood. But in geometry, in addition to the genus and the definitions, we have to assume the existence of a few primary things which are defined, viz. points and lines only: the existence of everything else, e.g. the various figures made up of these, as triangles, squares, tangents, and their properties, e.g. incommensurability etc., has to be proved (as it is proved by construction and demonstration). In arithmetic we assume the existence of the unit: but, as regards the rest, only the definitions, e.g. those of odd, even, square, cube, are assumed, and existence has to be proved. We have then clearly distinguished, among the indemonstrable principles, axioms and definitions. A postulate is also distinguished from a hypothesis, the latter being made with the assent of the learner, the former without such assent or even in opposition to his opinion (though, strangely enough, immediately after saying this, Aristotle gives a wider meaning to postulate which would cover hypothesis @@ -1332,18 +1332,18 @@ Similarly every demonstrative (science) investigates, with regard to some subject-matter, the essential attributes, starting from the common opinionsMetaph. 997 a 20-22.. We have then here, as Heiberg says, a sufficient explanation of Euclid's term for axioms, viz. common notions (koinai\ e)/nnoiai), and there is no reason to suppose it to be a substitution for the original term due to the Stoics: cf. Proclus' remark that, according to Aristotle and the geometers, axiom and common notion are the same thingProclus, p. 194, 8..

Aristotle discusses the indemonstrable character of the axioms in the Metaphysics. Since all the demonstrative sciences use the axiomsMetaph. 997 a 10., - the question arises, to what science does their discussion belongibid. 996 b 26.? The answer is that, like that of Being (ou)si/a), it is the province of the (first) philosopheribid. 1005 a 21—b 11.. It is impossible that there should be demonstration of everything, as there would be an infinite series of demonstrations: if the axioms were the subject of a demonstrative science, there would have to be here too, as in other demonstrative sciences, a subject-genus, its attributes and corresponding axiomsibid. 997 a 5-8.; thus there would be axioms behind axioms, and so on continually. The axiom is the most firmly established of all principlesibid. 1005 b 11-17.. It is ignorance alone that could lead any one to try to prove the axiomsibid. 1006 a 5.; the supposed proof would be a petitio principiiibid. 1006 a 17.. If it is admitted that not everything can be proved, no one can point to any principle more truly indemonstrableibid. 1006 a 10.. If any one thought he could prove them, he could at once be refuted; if he did not attempt to say anything, it would be ridiculous to argue with him: he would be no better than a vegetableibid. 1006 a 11-15.. The first condition of the possibility of any argument whatever is that words should signify something both to the speaker and to the hearer: without this there can be no reasoning with any one. And, if any one admits that words can mean anything to both hearer and speaker, he admits that something can be true without demonstration. And so onibid. 1006 a 18 sqq..

+ the question arises, to what science does their discussion belongibid. 996 b 26.? The answer is that, like that of Being (ou)si/a), it is the province of the (first) philosopheribid. 1005 a 21—b 11.. It is impossible that there should be demonstration of everything, as there would be an infinite series of demonstrations: if the axioms were the subject of a demonstrative science, there would have to be here too, as in other demonstrative sciences, a subject-genus, its attributes and corresponding axiomsibid. 997 a 5-8.; thus there would be axioms behind axioms, and so on continually. The axiom is the most firmly established of all principlesibid. 1005 b 11-17.. It is ignorance alone that could lead any one to try to prove the axiomsibid. 1006 a 5.; the supposed proof would be a petitio principiiibid. 1006 a 17.. If it is admitted that not everything can be proved, no one can point to any principle more truly indemonstrableibid. 1006 a 10.. If any one thought he could prove them, he could at once be refuted; if he did not attempt to say anything, it would be ridiculous to argue with him: he would be no better than a vegetableibid. 1006 a 11-15.. The first condition of the possibility of any argument whatever is that words should signify something both to the speaker and to the hearer: without this there can be no reasoning with any one. And, if any one admits that words can mean anything to both hearer and speaker, he admits that something can be true without demonstration. And so onibid. 1006 a 18 sqq..

It was necessary to give some sketch of Aristotle's view of the first principles, if only in connexion with Proclus' account, which is as follows. As in the case of other sciences, so the compiler of elements in geometry must give separately the principles of the science, and after that the conclusions from those principles, not giving any account of the principles but only of their consequences. No science proves its own principles, or even discourses about them: they are treated as self-evident....Thus the first essential was to distinguish the principles from their consequences. Euclid carries out this plan practically in every book and, as a preliminary to the whole enquiry, sets out the common principles of this science. Then he divides the common principles themselves into hypotheses, postulates, and axioms. For all these are different from one another: an axiom, a postulate and a hypothesis are not the same thing, as the inspired Aristotle somewhere says. But, whenever that which is assumed and ranked as a principle is both known to the learner and convincing in itself, such a thing is an axiom, e.g. the statement that things which are equal to the same thing are also equal to one another. When, on the other hand, the pupil has not the notion of what is told him which carries conviction in itself, but nevertheless lays it down and assents to its being assumed, such an assumption is a hypothesis. Thus we do not preconceive by virtue of a common notion, and without being taught, that the circle is such and such a figure, but, when we are told so, we assent without demonstration. When again what is asserted is both unknown and assumed even without the assent of the learner, then, he says, we call this a postulate, e.g. that all right angles are equal. This view of a postulate is clearly implied by those who have made a special and systematic attempt to show, with regard to one of the postulates, that it cannot be assented to by any one straight off. According then to the teaching of Aristotle, an axiom, a postulate and a hypothesis are thus distinguishedProclus, pp. 75, 10-77, 2..

We observe, first, that Proclus in this passage confuses hypotheses and definitions, although Aristotle had made the distinction quite plain. The confusion may be due to his having in his mind a passage of Plato from which he evidently got the phrase about not giving an account of the principles. The passage isRepublic, VI. 510 c. Cf. Aristotle, Nic. Eth. 1151 a 17.: I think you know that those who treat of geometries and calculations (arithmetic) and such things take for granted (u(poqe/menoi) odd and even, figures, angles of three kinds, and other things akin to these in each subject, implying that they know these things, and, though using them as hypotheses, do not even condescend to give any account of them either to themselves or to others, but begin from these things and then go through everything else in order, arriving ultimately, by recognised methods, at the conclusion which they started in search of. - But the hypothesis is here the assumption, e.g. ’that there may be such a thing as length without breadth, henceforward called a lineH. Jackson, Journal of Philology, vol. x. p. 144.,’ and so on, without any attempt to show that there is such a thing; it is mentioned in connexion with the distinction between Plato's ’superior’ and ’inferior’ intellectual method, the former of which uses successive hypotheses as stepping-stones by which it mounts upwards to the idea of Good.

+ But the hypothesis is here the assumption, e.g. ’that there may be such a thing as length without breadth, henceforward called a lineH. Jackson, Journal of Philology, vol. x. p. 144.,’ and so on, without any attempt to show that there is such a thing; it is mentioned in connexion with the distinction between Plato's ’superior’ and ’inferior’ intellectual method, the former of which uses successive hypotheses as stepping-stones by which it mounts upwards to the idea of Good.

We pass now to Proclus' account of the difference between postulates and axioms. He begins with the view of Geminus, according to which they differ from one another in the same way as theorems are also distinguished from problems. For, as in theorems we propose to see and determine what follows on the premisses, while in problems we are told to find and do something, in like manner in the axioms such things are assumed as are manifest of themselves and easily apprehended by our untaught notions, while in the postulates we assume such things as are easy to find and effect (our understanding suffering no strain in their assumption), and we require no complication of machineryProclus, pp. 178, 12-179, 8. In illustration Proclus contrasts the drawing of a straight line or a circle with the drawing of a single-turn spiral or of an equilateral triangle, the spiral requiring more complex machinery and even the equilateral triangle needing a certain method. For the geometrical intelligence will say that by conceiving a straight line fixed at one end but, as regards the other end, moving round the fixed end, and a point moving along the straight line from the fixed end, I have described the single-turn spiral; for the end of the straight line describing a circle, and the point moving on the straight line simultaneously, when they arrive and meet at the same point, complete such a spiral. And again, if I draw equal circles, join their common point to the centres of the circles and draw a straight line from one of the centres to the other, I shall have the equilateral triangle. These things then are far from being completed by means of a single act or of a moment's thought (p. 180, 8-21).. ...Both must have the characteristic of being simple and readily grasped, I mean both the postulate and the axiom; but the postulate bids us contrive and find some subject-matter (u(/lh) to exhibit a property simple and easily grasped, while the axiom bids us assert some essential attribute which is self-evident to the learner, just as is the fact that fire is hot, or any of the most obvious thingsProclus, p. 181,4-11..

-

Again, says Proclus, some claim that all these things are alike postulates, in the same way as some maintain that all things that are sought are problems. For Archimedes begins his first book on InequilibriumIt is necessary to coin a word to render a)nisorropiw=n, which is moreover in the plural. The title of the treatise as we have it is Equilibria of planes or cenires of gravity of planes in Book I and Equilibria of planes in Book II. with the remark ’I postulate that equal weights at equal distances are in equilibrium,’ though one would rather call this an axiom. Others call them all axioms in the same way as some regard as theorems everything that requires demonstrationProclus, p. 181, 16-23.. +

Again, says Proclus, some claim that all these things are alike postulates, in the same way as some maintain that all things that are sought are problems. For Archimedes begins his first book on InequilibriumIt is necessary to coin a word to render a)nisorropiw=n, which is moreover in the plural. The title of the treatise as we have it is Equilibria of planes or cenires of gravity of planes in Book I and Equilibria of planes in Book II. with the remark ’I postulate that equal weights at equal distances are in equilibrium,’ though one would rather call this an axiom. Others call them all axioms in the same way as some regard as theorems everything that requires demonstrationProclus, p. 181, 16-23..

Others again will say that postulates are peculiar to geometrical subject-matter, while axioms are common to all investigation which is concerned with quantity and magnitude. Thus it is the geometer who knows that all right angles are equal and how to produce in a straight line any limited straight line, whereas it is a common notion that things which are equal to the same thing are also equal to one another, and it is employed by the arithmetician and any scientific person who adapts the general statement to his own subjectibid. p. 182, 6-14..

@@ -1360,21 +1360,21 @@

- § 4. THEOREMS AND PROBLEMS. + § 4. THEOREMS AND PROBLEMS.

Again the deductions from the first principles, says Proclus, are divided into problems and theorems, the former embracing the generation, division, subtraction or addition of figures, and generally the changes which are brought about in them, the latter exhibiting the essential attributes of eachProclus, p. 77, 7-12..

-

“Now, of the ancients, some, like Speusippus and Amphinomus, thought proper to call them all theorems, regarding the name of theorems as more appropriate than that of problems to theoretic sciences, especially as these deal with eternal objects. For there is no becoming in things eternal, so that neither could the problem have any place with them, since it promises the generation and making of what has not before existed, e.g. the construction of an equilateral triangle, or the describing of a square on a given straight line, or the placing of a straight line at a given point. Hence they say it is better to assert that all (propositions) are of the same kind, and that we regard the generation that takes place in them as referring not to actual making but to knowledge, when we treat things existing eternally as if they were subject to becoming: in other words, we may say that everything is treated by way of theorem and not by way of problemibid. pp. 77, 15-78, 8. (pa/nta qewrhmatikw=s a)ll) ou) problhmatikw=s lamba/nesqai).

-

“Others on the contrary, like the mathematicians of the school of Menaechmus, thought it right to call them all problems, describing their purpose as twofold, namely in some cases to furnish (pori/sasqai) the thing sought, in others to take a determinate object and see either what it is, or of what nature, or what is its property, or in what relations it stands to something else.

+

“Now, of the ancients, some, like Speusippus and Amphinomus, thought proper to call them all theorems, regarding the name of theorems as more appropriate than that of problems to theoretic sciences, especially as these deal with eternal objects. For there is no becoming in things eternal, so that neither could the problem have any place with them, since it promises the generation and making of what has not before existed, e.g. the construction of an equilateral triangle, or the describing of a square on a given straight line, or the placing of a straight line at a given point. Hence they say it is better to assert that all (propositions) are of the same kind, and that we regard the generation that takes place in them as referring not to actual making but to knowledge, when we treat things existing eternally as if they were subject to becoming: in other words, we may say that everything is treated by way of theorem and not by way of problemibid. pp. 77, 15-78, 8. (pa/nta qewrhmatikw=s a)ll) ou) problhmatikw=s lamba/nesqai).

+

“Others on the contrary, like the mathematicians of the school of Menaechmus, thought it right to call them all problems, describing their purpose as twofold, namely in some cases to furnish (pori/sasqai) the thing sought, in others to take a determinate object and see either what it is, or of what nature, or what is its property, or in what relations it stands to something else.

In reality both assertions are correct. Speusippus is right because the problems of geometry are not like those of mechanics, the latter being matters of sense and exhibiting becoming and change of every sort. The school of Menaechmus are right also because the discoveries even of theorems do not arise without an issuing-forth into matter, by which I mean intelligible matter. Thus forms going out into matter and giving it shape may fairly be said to be like processes of becoming. For we say that the motion of our thought and the throwing-out of the forms in it is what produces the figures in the imagination and the conditions subsisting in them. It is in the imagination that constructions, divisions, placings, applications, additions and subtractions (take place), but everything in the mind is fixed and immune from becoming and from every sort of changeibid. pp. 78, 8-79, 2..

Now those who distinguish the theorem from the problem say that every problem implies the possibility, not only of that which is predicated of its subject-matter, but also of its opposite, whereas every theorem implies the possibility of the thing predicated but not of its opposite as well. By the subject-matter I mean the genus which is the subject of inquiry, for example, a triangle or a square or a circle, and by the property predicated the essential attribute, as equality, section, position, and the like. When then any one enunciates thus, To inscribe an equilateral triangle in a circle, he states a problem; for it is also possible to inscribe in it a triangle which is not equilateral. Again, if we take the enunciation On a given limited straight line to construct an equilateral triangle, this is a problem; for it is possible also to construct one which is not equilateral. But, when any one enunciates that In isosceles triangles the angles at the base are equal, we must say that he enunciates a theorem; for it is not also possible that the angles at the base of isosceles triangles should be unequal. It follows that, if any one were to use the form of a problem and say In a semicircle to describe a right angle, he would be set down as no geometer. For every angle in a semicircle is rightProclus, pp. 79, 11-80, 5..

Zenodotus, who belonged to the succession of Oenopides, but was a disciple of Andron, distinguished the theorem from the problem by the fact that the theorem inquires what is the property predicated of the subject-matter in it, but the problem what is the cause of what effect (ti/nos o)/ntos ti/ e)stin). Hence too Posidonius defined the one (the problem) as a proposition in which it is inquired whether a thing exists or not (ei) e)/stin h)\ mh/), the other (the theoremIn the text we have to\ de\ pro/blhma answering to to\ me\n without substantive: pro/blhma was obviously inserted in error.) as a proposition in which it is inquired what (a thing) is or of what nature (ti/ e)stin h)\ poi=o/n ti); and he said that the theoretic proposition must be put in a declaratory form, e.g., Any triangle has two sides (together) greater than the remaining side and In any isosceles triangle the angles at the base are equal, but that we should state the problematic propositi\on as if inquiring whether it is possible to construct an equilateral triangle upon such and such a straight line. For there is a difference between inquiring absolutely and indeterminately (a(plw=s te kai\ a)ori/stws) whether there exists a straight line from such and such a point at right angles to such and such a straight line and investigating which is the straight line at right anglesProclus, pp. 80, 15-81, 4..

-

That there is a certain difference between the problem and the theorem is clear from what has been said; and that the Elements of Euclid contain partly problems and partly theorems will be made manifest by the individual propositions, where Euclid himself adds at the end of what is proved in them, in some cases, ’that which it was required to do,’ and in others, ’that which it was required to prove,’ the latter expression being regarded as characteristic of theorems, in spite of the fact that, as we have said, demonstration is found in problems also. In problems, however, even the demonstration is for the purpose of (confirming) the construction: for wė bring in the demonstration in order to show that what was enjoined has been done; whereas in theorems the demonstration is worthy of study for its own sake as being capable of putting before us the nature of the thing sought. And you will find that Euclid sometimes interweaves theorems with problems and employs them in turn, as in the first book, while at other times he makes one or other preponderate. For the fourth book consists wholly of problems, and the fifth of theoremsProclus, p. 81, 5-22.. +

That there is a certain difference between the problem and the theorem is clear from what has been said; and that the Elements of Euclid contain partly problems and partly theorems will be made manifest by the individual propositions, where Euclid himself adds at the end of what is proved in them, in some cases, ’that which it was required to do,’ and in others, ’that which it was required to prove,’ the latter expression being regarded as characteristic of theorems, in spite of the fact that, as we have said, demonstration is found in problems also. In problems, however, even the demonstration is for the purpose of (confirming) the construction: for wė bring in the demonstration in order to show that what was enjoined has been done; whereas in theorems the demonstration is worthy of study for its own sake as being capable of putting before us the nature of the thing sought. And you will find that Euclid sometimes interweaves theorems with problems and employs them in turn, as in the first book, while at other times he makes one or other preponderate. For the fourth book consists wholly of problems, and the fifth of theoremsProclus, p. 81, 5-22..

-

Again, in his note on Eucl. 1. 4, Proclus says that Carpus, the writer on mechanics, raised the question of theorems and problems in his treatise on astronomy. Carpus, we are told, says that the class of problems is in order prior to theorems. For the subjects, the properties of which are sought, are discovered by means of problems. Moreover in a problem the enunciation is simple and requires no skilled intelligence; it orders you plainly to do such and such a thing, to construct an equilateral triangle, or, given two straight lines, to cut off from the greater (a straight line) equal to the lesser, and what is there obscure or elaborate in these things? But the enunciation of a theorem is a matter of labour and requires much exactness and scientific judgment in order that it may not turn out to exceed or fall short of the truth; an example is found even in this proposition (1. 4), the first of the theorems. Again, in the case of problems, one general way has been discovered, that of analysis, by following which we can always hope to succeed; it is this method by which the more obscure problems are investigated. But, in the case of theorems, the method of setting about them is hard to get hold of since ’up to our time,’ says Carpus, ’no one has been able to hand down a general method for their discovery. Hence, by reason of their easiness, the class of problems would naturally be more simple.’ After these distinctions, he proceeds: ’Hence it is that in the Elements too problems precede theorems, and the Elements begin from them; the first theorem is fourth in order, not because the fifthto\ pe/mpton. This should apparently be the fourth because in the next words it is implied that none of the first three propositions are required in proving it. is proved from the problems, but because, even if it needs for its demonstration none of the propositions which precede it, it was necessary that they should be first because they are problems, while it is a theorem. In fact, in this theorem he uses the common notions exclusively, and in some sort takes the same triangle placed in different positions; the coincidence and the equality proved thereby depend entirely upon sensible and distinct apprehension. Nevertheless, though the demonstration of the first theorem is of this character, the problems properly preceded it, because in general problems are allotted the order of precedenceProclus, pp. 241, 19-243, 11..’ +

Again, in his note on Eucl. 1. 4, Proclus says that Carpus, the writer on mechanics, raised the question of theorems and problems in his treatise on astronomy. Carpus, we are told, says that the class of problems is in order prior to theorems. For the subjects, the properties of which are sought, are discovered by means of problems. Moreover in a problem the enunciation is simple and requires no skilled intelligence; it orders you plainly to do such and such a thing, to construct an equilateral triangle, or, given two straight lines, to cut off from the greater (a straight line) equal to the lesser, and what is there obscure or elaborate in these things? But the enunciation of a theorem is a matter of labour and requires much exactness and scientific judgment in order that it may not turn out to exceed or fall short of the truth; an example is found even in this proposition (1. 4), the first of the theorems. Again, in the case of problems, one general way has been discovered, that of analysis, by following which we can always hope to succeed; it is this method by which the more obscure problems are investigated. But, in the case of theorems, the method of setting about them is hard to get hold of since ’up to our time,’ says Carpus, ’no one has been able to hand down a general method for their discovery. Hence, by reason of their easiness, the class of problems would naturally be more simple.’ After these distinctions, he proceeds: ’Hence it is that in the Elements too problems precede theorems, and the Elements begin from them; the first theorem is fourth in order, not because the fifthto\ pe/mpton. This should apparently be the fourth because in the next words it is implied that none of the first three propositions are required in proving it. is proved from the problems, but because, even if it needs for its demonstration none of the propositions which precede it, it was necessary that they should be first because they are problems, while it is a theorem. In fact, in this theorem he uses the common notions exclusively, and in some sort takes the same triangle placed in different positions; the coincidence and the equality proved thereby depend entirely upon sensible and distinct apprehension. Nevertheless, though the demonstration of the first theorem is of this character, the problems properly preceded it, because in general problems are allotted the order of precedenceProclus, pp. 241, 19-243, 11..’

Proclus himself explains the position of Prop. 4 after Props. 1-3 as due to the fact that a theorem about the essential properties of triangles ought not to be introduced before we know that such a thing as a triangle can be constructed, nor a theorem about the equality of sides or straight lines until we have shown, by constructing them, that there can be two straight lines which are equal to one anotheribid. pp. 233, 21-234, 6.. It is plausible enough to argue in this way that Props. 2 and 3 at all events should precede Prop. 4. And Prop. 1 is used in Prop. 2, and must therefore precede it. But Prop. I showing how to construct an equilateral triangle on a given base is not important, in relation to Prop. 4, as dealing with the production of triangles in general: for it is of no use to say, as Proclus does, that the construction of the equilateral triangle is common to the three species (of triangles)Proclus, p. 234, 21., @@ -1399,7 +1399,7 @@ are not problems in the proper sense (kuri/ws lego/mena problh/mata), but only equivocallyibid. pp. 221, 13-222,14..

- § 5. THE FORMAL DIVISIONS OF A PROPOSITION. + § 5. THE FORMAL DIVISIONS OF A PROPOSITION.

Every problem, says Proclusibid. pp. 203, 1-204, 13; 204, 23-205, 8., and every theorem which is complete with all its parts perfect purports to contain in itself all of the following elements: enunciation (pro/tasis), setting-out (e)/kqesis), definition or specification (diorismo/s), construction or machinery (kataskeuh/), proof (a)po/deicis), conclusion (sumpe/rasma). Now of these the enunciation states what is given and what is that which is sought, the perfect enunciation consisting of both these parts. The setting-out marks off what is given, by itself, and adapts it beforehand for use in the investigation. The definition or specification states separately and makes clear what the particular thing is which is sought. The construction or machinery adds what is wanting to the datum for the purpose of finding what is sought. The proof draws the required inference by reasoning scientifically from acknowledged facts. The conclusion reverts again to the enunciation, confirming what has been demonstrated. These are all the parts of problems and theorems, but the most essential and those which are found in all are enunciation, proof, conclusion. For it is equally necessary to know beforehand what is sought, to prove this by means of the intermediate steps, and to state the proved fact as a conclusion; it is impossible to dispense with any of these three things. The remaining parts are often brought in, but are often left out as serving no purpose. Thus there is neither setting-out nor definition in the problem of constructing an isosceles triangle having each of the angles at the base double of the remaining angle, and in most theorems there is no construction because the setting-out suffices without any addition for proving the required property from the data. When then do we say that the setting-out is wanting? The answer is, when there is nothing given in the enunciation; for, though the enunciation is in general divided into what is given and what is sought, this is not always the case, but sometimes it states only what is sought, i.e. what must be known or found, as in the case of the problem just mentioned. That problem does not, in fact, state beforehand with what datum we are to construct the isosceles triangle having each of the equal angles double of the remaining angle, but (simply) that we are to find such a triangle.... When, then, the enunciation contains both (what is given and what is sought), in that case we find both definition and setting-out, but, whenever the datum is wanting, they too are wanting. For not only is the setting-out concerned with the datum, but so is the definition also, as, in the absence of the datum, the definition will be identical with the enunciation. In fact, what could you say in defining the object of the aforesaid problem except that it is required to find an isosceles triangle of the kind referred to? But that is what the enunciation stated. If then the enunciation does not include, on the one hand, what is given and, on the other, what is sought, there is no setting-out in virtue of there being no datum, and the definition is left out in order to avoid a mere repetition of the enunciation.

@@ -1410,16 +1410,16 @@ Similarly in VI. 28 the enunciation To a given straight line to apply a parallelogram equal to a given rectilineal figure and falling short by a parallelogrammic figure similar to a given one is at once followed by the necessary condition of possibility: Thus the given rectilineal figure must not be greater than that described on half the line and similar to the defect.

-

Tannery supposed that, in giving the other description of the diorismo/s as quoted above, Proclus, or rather his guide, was using the term incorrectly. The diorismo/s in the better known sense of the determination of limits or conditions of possibility was, we are told, invented by Leon. Pappus uses the word in this sense only. The other use of the term might, Tannery thought, be due to a confusion occasioned by the use of the same words (dei= dh/) in introducing the parts of a proposition corresponding to the two meanings of the word diorismo/sLa Géométrie grecque, p. 149 note. Where dei= dh\ introduces the closer description of the problem we may translate, it is then required +

Tannery supposed that, in giving the other description of the diorismo/s as quoted above, Proclus, or rather his guide, was using the term incorrectly. The diorismo/s in the better known sense of the determination of limits or conditions of possibility was, we are told, invented by Leon. Pappus uses the word in this sense only. The other use of the term might, Tannery thought, be due to a confusion occasioned by the use of the same words (dei= dh/) in introducing the parts of a proposition corresponding to the two meanings of the word diorismo/sLa Géométrie grecque, p. 149 note. Where dei= dh\ introduces the closer description of the problem we may translate, it is then required or thus it is required (to constructetc.): when it introduces the condition of possibility we may translate thus it is necessary etc. Heiberg originally wrote dei= de\ in the latter sense in 1. 22 on the authority of Proclus and Eutocius, and against that of the MSS. Later, on the occasion of XI. 23, he observed that he should have followed the MSS. and written dei= dh\ which he found to be, after all, the right reading in Eutocius (Apollonius, ed. Heiberg, II. p. 178). dei= dh\ is also the expression used by Diophantus for introducing conditions of possibility.. On the other hand it is to be observed that Eutocius distinguishes clearly between the two uses and implies that the difference was well known. See the passage of Eutocius referred to in last note.. The diorismo/s in the sense of condition of possibility follows immediately on the enunciation, is even part of it; the diorismo/s in the other sense of course comes immediately after the setting-out.

-

Proclus has a useful observation respecting the conclusion of a propositionProclus, p. 207, 4-25.. The conclusion they are accustomed to make double in a certain way: I mean, by proving it in the given case and then drawing a general inference, passing, that is, from the partial conclusion to the general. For, inasmuch as they do not make use of the individuality of the subjects taken, but only draw an angle or a straight line with a view to placing the datum before our eyes, they consider that this same fact which is established in the case of the particular figure constitutes a conclusion true of every other figure of the same kind. They pass accordingly to the general in order that we may not conceive the conclusion to be partial. And they are justified in so passing, since they use for the demonstration the particular things set out, not quâ particulars, but quâ typical of the rest. For it is not in virtue of such and such a size attaching to the angle which is set out that I effect the bisection of it, but in virtue of its being rectilineal and nothing more. Such and such size is peculiar to the angle set out, but its quality of being rectilineal is common to all rectilineal angles. Suppose, for example, that the given angle is a right angle. If then I had employed in the proof the fact of its being right, I should not have been able to pass to every species of rectilineal angle; but, if I make no use of its being right, and only consider it as rectilineal, the argument will equally apply to rectilineal angles in general. +

Proclus has a useful observation respecting the conclusion of a propositionProclus, p. 207, 4-25.. The conclusion they are accustomed to make double in a certain way: I mean, by proving it in the given case and then drawing a general inference, passing, that is, from the partial conclusion to the general. For, inasmuch as they do not make use of the individuality of the subjects taken, but only draw an angle or a straight line with a view to placing the datum before our eyes, they consider that this same fact which is established in the case of the particular figure constitutes a conclusion true of every other figure of the same kind. They pass accordingly to the general in order that we may not conceive the conclusion to be partial. And they are justified in so passing, since they use for the demonstration the particular things set out, not quâ particulars, but quâ typical of the rest. For it is not in virtue of such and such a size attaching to the angle which is set out that I effect the bisection of it, but in virtue of its being rectilineal and nothing more. Such and such size is peculiar to the angle set out, but its quality of being rectilineal is common to all rectilineal angles. Suppose, for example, that the given angle is a right angle. If then I had employed in the proof the fact of its being right, I should not have been able to pass to every species of rectilineal angle; but, if I make no use of its being right, and only consider it as rectilineal, the argument will equally apply to rectilineal angles in general.

- § 6. OTHER TECHNICAL TERMS. + § 6. OTHER TECHNICAL TERMS.

1. Things said to be given.

Proclus attaches to his description of the formal divisions of a proposition an explanation of the different senses in which the word given or datum (dedome/non) is used in geometry. Everything that is given is given in one or other of the following ways, in position, in ratio, in magnitude, or in species. The point is given in position only, but a line and the rest may be given in all the sensesProclus, p. 205, 13-15..

@@ -1442,7 +1442,7 @@

The term lemma, says Proclus Proclus, pp. 211, 1-212, 4., is often used of any proposition which is assumed for the construction of something else: thus it is a common remark that a proof has been made out of such and such lemmas. But the special meaning of - lemma in geometry is a proposition requiring confirmation. For when, in either construction or demonstration, we assume anything which has not been proved but requires argument, then, because we regard what has been assumed as doubtful in itsėlf and therefore worthy of investigation, we call it a lemma + lemma in geometry is a proposition requiring confirmation. For when, in either construction or demonstration, we assume anything which has not been proved but requires argument, then, because we regard what has been assumed as doubtful in itsėlf and therefore worthy of investigation, we call it a lemma It would appear, says Tannery (p. 151 n.), that Geminus understood a lemma as being simply lambano/menon, something assumed (cf. the passage of Proclus, p. 73, 4, relating to Menaechmus' view of elements): hence we cannot consider ourselves authorised in attributing to Geminus the more technical definition of the term here given by Proclus, according to which it is only used of propositions not proved beforehand. This view of a lemma must be considered as relatively modern. It seems to have had its origin in an imperfection of method. In the course of a demonstration it was necessary to assume a proposition which required proof, but the proof of which would, if inserted in the particular place, break the thread of the demonstration: hence it was necessary either to prove it beforehand as a preliminary proposition or to postpone it to be proved afterwards (w(s e(ch=s deixqh/setai). @@ -1455,7 +1455,7 @@ This passage and another from Diogenes Laertius (III. 24, p. 74 ed. Cobet) to the effect that He [Plato] explained (ei)shgh/sato) to Leodamas of Thasos the method of inquiry by analysis have been commonly understood as ascribing to Plato the invention of the method of analysis; but Tannery points out forcibly (pp. 112, 113) how difficult it is to explain in what Plato's discovery could have consisted if analysis be taken in the sense attributed to it in Pappus, where we can see no more than a series of successive, reductions of a problem until it is finally reduced to a known problem. On the other hand, Proclus' words about carrying up the thing sought to an acknowledged principle suggest that what he had in mind was the process described at the end of Book VI of the Republic by which the dialectician (unlike the mathematician) uses hypotheses as stepping-stones up to a principle which is not hypothetical, and then is able to descend step by step verifying every one of the hypotheses by which he ascended. This description does not of course refer to mathematical analysis, - but it may have given rise to the idea that analysis was Plato's discovery, since analysis and synthesis following each other are related in the same way as the upward and the downward progression in the dialectician's intellectual method. And it may be that Plato's achievement was to observe the importance, from the point of view of logical rigour, of the confirmatory synthesis following analysis, and to regulariśe in this way and elevate into a completely irrefragable method the partial and uncertain analysis upon which the works of his predecessors depended., + but it may have given rise to the idea that analysis was Plato's discovery, since analysis and synthesis following each other are related in the same way as the upward and the downward progression in the dialectician's intellectual method. And it may be that Plato's achievement was to observe the importance, from the point of view of logical rigour, of the confirmatory synthesis following analysis, and to regulariśe in this way and elevate into a completely irrefragable method the partial and uncertain analysis upon which the works of his predecessors depended., and by which the latter, too, is said to have discovered many things in geometry. The second is the method of division Here again the successive bipartitions of genera into species such as we find in the Sophist and Republic have very little to say to geometry, and the very fact that they are here mentioned side by side with analysis suggests that Proclus confused the latter with the philosophical method of Rep. VI., which divides into its parts the genus proposed for consideration and gives a starting-point for the demonstration by means of the elimination of the other elements in the construction of what is proposed, which method also Plato extolled as being of assistance to all sciences. The third is that by means of the reductio ad absurdum, which does not show what is sought directly; but refutes its opposite and discovers the truth incidentally. @@ -1475,7 +1475,7 @@ In fact the porism-corollary is with Euclid rather a modified form of the regular conclusion than a separate proposition.. Cf. the note on I. 15.

5. Objection.

-

The objection (e)/nstasis) obstructs the whole course of the argument by appearing as an obstacle (or crying ’halt,’ a)pantw=sa) either to the construction or to the demonstration. There is this difference between the objection and the case, that, whereas he who propounds the case has to prove the proposition to be true of it, he who makes the objection does not need to prove anything: on the contrary it is necessary to destroy the objection and to show that its author is saying what is falseProclus, p. 212, 18-23.. +

The objection (e)/nstasis) obstructs the whole course of the argument by appearing as an obstacle (or crying ’halt,’ a)pantw=sa) either to the construction or to the demonstration. There is this difference between the objection and the case, that, whereas he who propounds the case has to prove the proposition to be true of it, he who makes the objection does not need to prove anything: on the contrary it is necessary to destroy the objection and to show that its author is saying what is falseProclus, p. 212, 18-23..

That is, in general the objection endeavours to make it appear that the demonstration is not true in every case; and it is then necessary to prove, in refutation of the objection, either that the supposed case is impossible, or that the demonstration is true even for that case. A good instance is afforded by Eucl. 1. 7. The text-books give a second case which is not in the original text of Euclid. Proclus remarks on the proposition as given by Euclid that the objection may conceivably be raised that what Euclid declares to be impossible may after all be possible in the event of one pair of stiaight lines falling completely within the other pair. Proclus then refutes the objection by proving the impossibility in that case also. His proof then came to be given in the text-books as part of Euclid's proposition.

The objection is one of the technical terms in Aristotle's logic and its nature is explained in the Prior AnalyticsAnal. prior. II. 26, 69 a 37.. An objection is a proposition contrary to a proposition.... Objections are of two sorts, general or partial.... For when it is maintained that an attribute belongs to every (member of a class), we object either that it belongs to none (of the class) or that there is some one (member of the class) to which it does not belong. @@ -1496,12 +1496,12 @@ Or again, proof (leading) to the impossible differs from the direct (deiktikh=s) in that it assumes what it desires to destroy [namely the hypothesis of the falsity of the conclusion] and then reduces it to something admittedly false, whereas the direct proof starts from premisses admittedly trueibid. II. 14, 62 b 29..

Proclus has the following description of the reductio ad absurdum. Proofs by reductio as absurdum in every case reach a conclusion manifestly impossible, a conclusion the contradictory of which is admitted. In some cases the conclusions are found to conflict with the common notions, or the postulates, or the hypotheses (from which we started); in others they contradict propositions previously establishedProclus, p. 254, 22-27. - ...Every reductio ad absurdum assumes what conflicts with the desired result, then, using that as a basis, proceeds until it arrives at an admitted absurdity, and, by thus destroying the hypothesis, establishes the result originally desired. For it is necessary to understand generally that all mathematical arguments either proceed from the first principles or lead back to them, as Porphyry somewhere says. And those which proceed from the first principles are again of two kinds, for they start either from common notions and the clearness of the self-evident alone, or from results previously proved; while those which lead back to the principles are either by way of assuming the principles or by way of destroying them. Those which assume the principles are called analyses, and the opposite of these are syntheses— for it is possible to start from the said principles and to proceed in the regular order to the desired conclusion, and this process is synthesis—while the arguments which would destroy the principles are called reductiones ad absurdum. For it is the function of this method to upset something admitted as clearProclus, p. 255, 8-26.. + ...Every reductio ad absurdum assumes what conflicts with the desired result, then, using that as a basis, proceeds until it arrives at an admitted absurdity, and, by thus destroying the hypothesis, establishes the result originally desired. For it is necessary to understand generally that all mathematical arguments either proceed from the first principles or lead back to them, as Porphyry somewhere says. And those which proceed from the first principles are again of two kinds, for they start either from common notions and the clearness of the self-evident alone, or from results previously proved; while those which lead back to the principles are either by way of assuming the principles or by way of destroying them. Those which assume the principles are called analyses, and the opposite of these are syntheses— for it is possible to start from the said principles and to proceed in the regular order to the desired conclusion, and this process is synthesis—while the arguments which would destroy the principles are called reductiones ad absurdum. For it is the function of this method to upset something admitted as clearProclus, p. 255, 8-26..

8. Analysis and Synthesis.

It will be seen from the note on Eucl. XIII. I that the MSS. of the Elements contain definitions of Analysis and Synthesis followed by alternative proofs of XIII. 1-5 after that method. The definitions and alternative proofs are interpolated, but they have great historical interest because of the possibility that they represent an ancient method of dealing with these propositions, anterior to Euclid. The propositions give properties of a line cut in extreme and mean ratio, and they are preliminary to the construction and comparison of the five regular solids. Now Pappus, in the section of his Collection dealing with the latter subjectPappus, v. p. 410 sqq., says that he will give the comparisons between the five figures, the pyramid, cube, octahedron, dodecahedron and icosahedron, which have equal surfaces, not by means of the so-called analytical inquiry, by which some of the ancients worked out the proofs, but by the synthetical methodibid. pp. 410, 27-412, 2..... - The conjecture of Bretschneider that the matter interpolated in Eucl. XIII. is a survival of investigations due to Eudoxus has at first sight much to commend itBretschneider, p. 168. See however Heiberg's recent suggestion (Paralipomena zu Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903) that the author was Heron. The suggestion is based on a comparison with the remarks on analysis and synthesis quoted from Heron by an-Nairĩzĩ (ed. Curtze, p. 89) at the beginning of his commentary on Eucl. Book II. On the whole, this suggestion commends itself to me more than that of Bretschneider.. In the first place, we are told by Proclus that Eudoxus greatly added to the number of the theorems which Plato originated regarding the section, and employed in them the method of analysisProclus, p. 67, 6.. + The conjecture of Bretschneider that the matter interpolated in Eucl. XIII. is a survival of investigations due to Eudoxus has at first sight much to commend itBretschneider, p. 168. See however Heiberg's recent suggestion (Paralipomena zu Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903) that the author was Heron. The suggestion is based on a comparison with the remarks on analysis and synthesis quoted from Heron by an-Nairĩzĩ (ed. Curtze, p. 89) at the beginning of his commentary on Eucl. Book II. On the whole, this suggestion commends itself to me more than that of Bretschneider.. In the first place, we are told by Proclus that Eudoxus greatly added to the number of the theorems which Plato originated regarding the section, and employed in them the method of analysisProclus, p. 67, 6.. It is obvious that the section was some particular section which by the time of Plato had assumed great importance; and the one section of which this can safely be said is that which was called the golden section, namely, the division of a straight line in extreme and mean ratio which appears in Eucl. II. 11 and is therefore most probably Pythagorean. Secondly, as Cantor points outCantor, Gesch. d. Math. I_{3}, p. 241., Eudoxus was the founder of the theory of proportions in the form in which we find it in Euclid V., VI., and it was no doubt through meeting, in the course of his investigations, with proportions not expressible by whole numbers that he came to realise the necessity for a new theory of proportions which should be applicable to incommensurable as well as commensurable magnitudes. The golden section @@ -1510,17 +1510,17 @@ ones (a)/rrhtos) as well. Theorems about sections like those in Euclid's second Book are common to both [arithmetic and geometry] except that in which the straight line is cut in extreme and mean ratioibid. p. 60, 16-19..

The definitions of Analysis and Synthesis interpolated in Eucl. XIII. are as follows (I adopt the reading of B and V, the only intelligible one, for the second).

-

Analysis is an assumption of that which is sought as if it were admitted <and the passage> through its consequences to something admitted (to be) true.

+

Analysis is an assumption of that which is sought as if it were admitted <and the passage> through its consequences to something admitted (to be) true.

Synthesis is an assumption of that which is admitted <and the passage> through its consequences to the finishing or attainment of what is sought.

The language is by no means clear and has, at the best, to be filled out.

Pappus has a fuller accountPappus, VII. pp. 634-6.:

-

“The so-called a)naluo/menos (’Treasury of Analysis’) is, to put it shortly, a special body of doctrine provided for the use of those who, after finishing the ordinary Elements, are desirous of acquiring the power of solving problems which may be set them involving (the construction of) lines, and it is useful for this alone. It is the work of three men, Euclid the author of the Elements, Apollonius of Perga, and Aristaeus the elder, and proceeds by way of analysis and synthesis.

-

Analysis then takes that which is sought as if it were admitted and passes from it through its successive consequences to something which is admitted as the result of synthesis: for in analysis we assume that which is sought as if it were (already) done (gegono/s), and we inquire what it is from which this results, and again what is the antecedent cause of the latter, and so on, until by so retracing our steps we come upon something already known or belonging to the class of first principles, and such a method we call analysis as being solution backwards (a)na/palin lu/sin).

-

“But in synthesis, reversing the process, we take as already done that which was last arrived at in the analysis and, by arranging in their natural order as consequences what were before antecedents, and successively connecting them one with another, we arrive finally at the construction of what was sought; and this we call synthesis.

+

“The so-called a)naluo/menos (’Treasury of Analysis’) is, to put it shortly, a special body of doctrine provided for the use of those who, after finishing the ordinary Elements, are desirous of acquiring the power of solving problems which may be set them involving (the construction of) lines, and it is useful for this alone. It is the work of three men, Euclid the author of the Elements, Apollonius of Perga, and Aristaeus the elder, and proceeds by way of analysis and synthesis.

+

Analysis then takes that which is sought as if it were admitted and passes from it through its successive consequences to something which is admitted as the result of synthesis: for in analysis we assume that which is sought as if it were (already) done (gegono/s), and we inquire what it is from which this results, and again what is the antecedent cause of the latter, and so on, until by so retracing our steps we come upon something already known or belonging to the class of first principles, and such a method we call analysis as being solution backwards (a)na/palin lu/sin).

+

“But in synthesis, reversing the process, we take as already done that which was last arrived at in the analysis and, by arranging in their natural order as consequences what were before antecedents, and successively connecting them one with another, we arrive finally at the construction of what was sought; and this we call synthesis.

Now analysis is of two kinds, the one directed to searching for the truth and called theoretical, the other directed to finding what we are told to find and called problematical. (1) In the theoretical kind we assume what is sought as if it were existent and true, after which we pass through its successive consequences, as if they too were true and established by virtue of our hypothesis, to something admitted: then (a), if that something admitted is true, that which is sought will also be true and the proof will correspond in the reverse order to the analysis, but (b), if we come upon something admittedly false, that which is sought will also be false. (2) In the problematical kind we assume that which is propounded as if it were known, after which we pass through its successive consequences, taking them as true, up to something admitted: if then (a) what is admitted is possible and obtainable, that is, what mathematicians call given, what was originally proposed will also be possible, and the proof will again correspond in reverse order to the analysis, but if (b) we come upon something admittedly impossible, the problem will also be impossible.

-

The ancient Analysis has been made the subject of careful studies by several writers during the last half-century, the most complete being those of Hankel, Duhamel and Zeuthen; others by Ofterdinger and Cantor should also be mentionedHankel, Zur Geschichte der Mathematik in Alterthum und Mittelalter, 1874, pp. 137-150; Duhamel, Des'méthodes dans les sciences de raisonnement, Part I., 3 ed., Paris, 1885, pp. 39-68; Zeuthen, Geschichte der Mathematik im Altertnm und Mittelalter, 1896, pp. 92-104; Ofterdinger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der griechischen Mathematik, Ulm, 1860; Cantor, Geschichte der Mathematik, I_{3}, pp. 220-2..

+

The ancient Analysis has been made the subject of careful studies by several writers during the last half-century, the most complete being those of Hankel, Duhamel and Zeuthen; others by Ofterdinger and Cantor should also be mentionedHankel, Zur Geschichte der Mathematik in Alterthum und Mittelalter, 1874, pp. 137-150; Duhamel, Des'méthodes dans les sciences de raisonnement, Part I., 3 ed., Paris, 1885, pp. 39-68; Zeuthen, Geschichte der Mathematik im Altertnm und Mittelalter, 1896, pp. 92-104; Ofterdinger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der griechischen Mathematik, Ulm, 1860; Cantor, Geschichte der Mathematik, I_{3}, pp. 220-2..

The method is as follows. It is required, let us say, to prove that a certain proposition A is true. We assume as a hypothesis that A is true and, starting from this we find that, if A is true, a certain other proposition B is true; if B is true, then C; and so on until we arrive at a proposition K which is admittedly true. The object of the method is to enable us to infer, in the reverse order, that, since K is true, the proposition A originally assumed is true. Now Aristotle had already made it clear that false hypotheses might lead to a conclusion which is true. There is therefore a possibility of error unless a certain precaution is taken. While, for example, B may be a necessary consequence of A, it may happen that A is not a necessary consequence of B. Thus, in order that the reverse inference from the truth of K that A is true may be logically justified, it is necessary that each step in the chain of inferences should be unconditionally convertible. As a matter of fact, a very large number of theorems in elementary geometry are unconditionally convertible, so that in practice the difficulty in securing that the successive steps shall be convertible is not so great as might be supposed. But care is always necessary. For example, as Hankel saysHankel, p. 139., a proposition may not be unconditionally convertible in the form in which it is generally quoted. Thus the proposition The vertices of all triangles having a common base and constant vertical angle lie on a circle cannot be converted into the proposition that All triangles with common base and vertices lying on a circle have a constant vertical angle ; for this is only true if the further conditions are satisfied (1) that the circle passes through the extremities of the common base and (2) that only that part of the circle is taken as the locus of the vertices which lies on one side of the base. If these conditions are added, the proposition is unconditionally convertible. Or again, as Zeuthen remarksZeuthen, p. 103., K may be obtained by a series of inferences in which A or some other proposition in the series is only apparently used; this would be the case e.g. when the method of modern algebra is being employed and the expressions on each side of the sign of equality have been inadvertently multiplied by some composite magnitude which is in reality equal to zero.

@@ -1572,7 +1572,7 @@
- § 7. THE DEFINITIONS. + § 7. THE DEFINITIONS. General. Real and Nominal @@ -1590,7 +1590,7 @@ Anterior knowledge of two sorts is necessary: for it is necessary to presuppose, with regard to some things, that they exist; in other cases it is necessary to understand what the thing described is, and in other cases it is necessary to do both. Thus, with the fact that one of two contradictories must be true, we must know that it exists (is true); of the triangle we must know that it means such and such a thing; of the unit we must know both what it means and that it existsAnal. post. I. 1, 71 a II sqq.. What is here so much insisted on is the very fact which Mill pointed out in his discussion of earlier views of Definitions, where he says that the so-called real definitions or definitions of things do not constitute a different kind of definition from nominal definitions, or definitions of names; the former is simply the latter plus something else, namely a covert assertion that the thing defined exists. This covert assertion is not a definition but a postulate. The definition is a mere identical proposition which gives information only about the use of language, and from which no conclusion affecting matters of fact can possibly be drawn. The accompanying postulate, on the other hand, affirms a fact which may lead to consequences of every degree of importance. It affirms the actual or possible existence of Things possessing the combination of attributes set forth in the definition: and this, if true, may be foundation sufficient on which to build a whole fabric of scientific truthMill's System of Logic, Bk. I. ch. Viii.. This statement really adds nothing to Aristotle's doctrineIt is true that it was in opposition to the ideas of most of the Aristotelian logicians - (rather than of Aristotle himself) that Mill laid such stress on his point of view. Cf. his observation: We have already made, and shall often have to repeat, the remark, that the philosophers who overthrew Realism by no means got rid of the consequences of Realism, but retained long afterwards, in their own philosophy, numerous propositions which could only have a rational meaning as part of a Realistic system. It had been handed down from Aristotle, and probably from earlier times, as an obvious truth, that the science of geometry is deduced from definitions. This, so long as a definition was considered to be a proposition ’unfolding the nature of the thing,’ did well enough. But Hobbes followed and rejected utterly the notion that a definition declares the nature of the thing, or does anything but state the meaning of a name; yet he continued to affirm as broadly as any of his predecessors that the a)rxai/, principia, or original premisses of mathematics, and even of all science, are definitions; producing the singular paradox that systems of scientific truth, nay, all truths whatever at which we arrive by reasoning, are deduced from the arbitrary conventions of mankind concerning the signification of words. + (rather than of Aristotle himself) that Mill laid such stress on his point of view. Cf. his observation: We have already made, and shall often have to repeat, the remark, that the philosophers who overthrew Realism by no means got rid of the consequences of Realism, but retained long afterwards, in their own philosophy, numerous propositions which could only have a rational meaning as part of a Realistic system. It had been handed down from Aristotle, and probably from earlier times, as an obvious truth, that the science of geometry is deduced from definitions. This, so long as a definition was considered to be a proposition ’unfolding the nature of the thing,’ did well enough. But Hobbes followed and rejected utterly the notion that a definition declares the nature of the thing, or does anything but state the meaning of a name; yet he continued to affirm as broadly as any of his predecessors that the a)rxai/, principia, or original premisses of mathematics, and even of all science, are definitions; producing the singular paradox that systems of scientific truth, nay, all truths whatever at which we arrive by reasoning, are deduced from the arbitrary conventions of mankind concerning the signification of words. Aristotle was guilty of no such paradox; on the contrary, he exposed it as plainly as did Mill.: it has even the slight disadvantage, due to the use of the word postulate to describe the covert assertion in all cases, of not definitely pointing out that there are cases where existence has to be proued as distinct from those where it must be assumed. It is true that the existence of a definiend may have to be taken for granted provisionally until the time comes for proving it; but, so far as regards any case where existence must be proved sooner or later, the provisional assumption would be for Aristotle, not a postulate, but a hypothesis. In modern times, too, Mill's account of the true distinction between real and nominal definitions had been fully anticipated by SaccheriThis has been fully brought out in two papers by G. Vailati, La teoria Aristotelica della definizione (Riuista di Filosofia e scienze affini, 1903), and Di un' opera dimenticata del P. Gerolamo Saccheri (Logica Demonstrativa, @@ -1602,12 +1602,12 @@

Confusion between the nominal and the real definition as thus described, i.e. the use of the former in demonstration before it has been turned into the latter by the necessary proof that the thing defined exists, is according to Saccheri one of the most fruitful sources of illusory demonstration, and the danger is greater in proportion to the complexity of the definition, i.e. the number and variety of the attributes belonging to the thing defined. For the greater is the possibility that there may be among the attributes some that are incompatible, i.e. the simultaneous presence of which in a given figure can be proved, by means of other postulates etc. forming part of the basis of the science, to be impossible.

The same thought is expressed by Leibniz also. If, - he says, we give any definition, and it is not clear from it that the idea, which we ascribe to the thing, is possible, we cannot rely upon the demonstrations which we have derived from that definition, because, if that idea by chance involves a contradiction, it is possible that even contradictories may be true of it at one and the same time, and thus our demonstrations will be useless. Whence it is clear that definitions are not arbitrary. And this is a secret which is hardly sufficiently knownOpuscules et fragments inédits de Leibniz, Paris, Alcan, 1903, p. 431. Quoted by Vailati.. + he says, we give any definition, and it is not clear from it that the idea, which we ascribe to the thing, is possible, we cannot rely upon the demonstrations which we have derived from that definition, because, if that idea by chance involves a contradiction, it is possible that even contradictories may be true of it at one and the same time, and thus our demonstrations will be useless. Whence it is clear that definitions are not arbitrary. And this is a secret which is hardly sufficiently knownOpuscules et fragments inédits de Leibniz, Paris, Alcan, 1903, p. 431. Quoted by Vailati.. Leibniz' favourite illustration was the regular polyhedron with ten faces, the impossibility of which is not obvious at first sight.

It need hardly be added that, speaking generally, Euclid's definitions, and his use of them, agree with the doctrine of Aristotle that the definitions themselves say nothing as to the existence of the things defined, but that the existence of each of them must be proved or (in the case of the principles ) assumed. In geometry, says Aristotle, the existence of points and lines only must be assumed, the existence of the rest being proved. Accordingly Euclid's first three postulates declare the possibility of constructing straight lines and circles (the only lines - except straight lines used in the Elements). Other things are defined and afterwards constructed and proved to exist: e.g. in Book I., Def. 20, it is explained what is meant by an equilateral triangle; then (I. 1) it is proposed to construct it, and, when constructed, it is proved to agree with the definition. When a square is defined (I. Def. 22), the question whether such a thing really exists is left open until, in I. 46, it is proposed to construct it and, when constructed, it is proved to satisfy the definitionTrendelenburg, Elementa Logices Aristoteleae, § 50.. Similarly with the right angle (I. Def. 10, and I. 11) and parallels (I. Def. 23, and I. 27-29). The greatest care is taken to exclude mere presumption and imagination. The transition from the subjective definition of names to the objective definition of things is made, in geometry, by means of constructions (the first principles of which are postulated), as in other sciences it is made by means of experienceTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen zu den Elementen der aristotelischen Logik, 3 ed. p. 107. On construction as proof of existence in ancient geometry cf. H. G. Zeuthen, Die geometrische Construction als <quote>Existenzbeweis</quote> + except straight lines used in the <title>Elements). Other things are defined and afterwards constructed and proved to exist: e.g. in Book I., Def. 20, it is explained what is meant by an equilateral triangle; then (I. 1) it is proposed to construct it, and, when constructed, it is proved to agree with the definition. When a square is defined (I. Def. 22), the question whether such a thing really exists is left open until, in I. 46, it is proposed to construct it and, when constructed, it is proved to satisfy the definitionTrendelenburg, Elementa Logices Aristoteleae, § 50.. Similarly with the right angle (I. Def. 10, and I. 11) and parallels (I. Def. 23, and I. 27-29). The greatest care is taken to exclude mere presumption and imagination. The transition from the subjective definition of names to the objective definition of things is made, in geometry, by means of constructions (the first principles of which are postulated), as in other sciences it is made by means of experienceTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen zu den Elementen der aristotelischen Logik, 3 ed. p. 107. On construction as proof of existence in ancient geometry cf. H. G. Zeuthen, Die geometrische Construction als <quote>Existenzbeweis</quote> in der antiken Geometrie (in Mathematische Annalen, 47. Band)..

@@ -1615,8 +1615,8 @@

We now come to the positive characteristics by which, according to Aristotle, scientific definitions must be marked.

First, the different attributes in a definition, when taken separately, cover more than the notion defined, but the combination of them does not. Aristotle illustrates this by the triad, into which enter the several notions of number, odd and prime, and the last in both its two senses (a) of not being measured by any (other) number (w(s mh\ metrei=sqai a)riqmw=|) and (b) of not being obtainable by adding numbers together - (w(s mh\ sugkei=sqai e)c a)riqmw=n), a unit not being a number. Of these attributes some are present in all other odd numbers as well, while the last [primeness in the second sense] belongs also to the dyad, but in nothing but the triad are they all presentAnal. post. II. 13, 96 a 33—b 1..” - The fact can be equally well illustrated from geometry. Thus, e.g. into the definition of a square (Eucl. I., Def. 22) there enter the several notions of figure, four-sided, equilateral, and right-angled, each of which covers more than the notion into which all enter as attributesTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen, p. 108..

+ (w(s mh\ sugkei=sqai e)c a)riqmw=n), a unit not being a number. Of these attributes some are present in all other odd numbers as well, while the last [primeness in the second sense] belongs also to the dyad, but in nothing but the triad are they all presentAnal. post. II. 13, 96 a 33—b 1..” + The fact can be equally well illustrated from geometry. Thus, e.g. into the definition of a square (Eucl. I., Def. 22) there enter the several notions of figure, four-sided, equilateral, and right-angled, each of which covers more than the notion into which all enter as attributesTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen, p. 108..

Secondly, a definition must be expressed in terms of things which are prior to, and better known than, the things definedTopics VI. 4, 141 a 26 sqq.. This is clear, since the object of a definition is to give us knowledge of the thing defined, and it is by means of things prior and better known that we acquire fresh knowledge, as in the course of demonstrations. But the terms prior and better known are, as usual susceptible of two meanings; they may mean (1) absolutely or logically prior and better known, or (2) better known relatively to us. In the absolute sense, or from the standpoint of reason, a point is better known than a line, a line than a plane, and a plane than a solid, as also a unit is better known than number (for the unit is prior to, and the first principle of, any number). Similarly, in the absolute sense, a letter is prior to a syllable. But the case is sometimes different relatively to us; for example, a solid is more easily realised by the senses than a plane, a plane than a line, and a line than a point. Hence, while it is more scientific to begin with the absolutely prior, it may, perhaps, be permissible, in case the learner is not capable of following the scientific order, to explain things by means of what is more intelligible to him. Among the definitions framed on this principle are those of the point, the line and the plane; all these explain what is prior by means of what is posterior, for the point is described as the extremity of a line, the line of a plane, the plane of a solid. @@ -1629,12 +1629,12 @@ Aristotle on unscientific definitions.

Aristotle distinguishes three kinds of definition which are unscientific because founded on what is not prior (mh\ e)k prote/rwn). The first is a definition of a thing by means of its opposite, e.g. of good by means of bad -; this is wrong because opposites are naturally evolved together, and the knowledge of opposites is not uncommonly regarded as one and the same, so that one of the two opposites cannot be better known than the other. It is true that, in some cases of opposites, it would appear that no other sort of definition is possible: e.g. it would seem impossible to define double apart from the half and, generally, this would be the case with things which in their very nature (kaq) au(ta/) are relative terms (pro/s ti le/getai), since one cannot be known without the other, so that in the notion of either the other must be comprised as wellTopics VI. 4, 142 a 22-31.. The second kind of definition which is based on what is not prior is that in which there is a complete circle through the unconscious use in the definition itself of the notion to be defined though not of the nameibid. 142 a 34—b 6.. Trendelenburg illustrates this by two current definitions, (1) that of magnitude as that which can be increased or diminished, which is bad because the positive and negative comparatives more +; this is wrong because opposites are naturally evolved together, and the knowledge of opposites is not uncommonly regarded as one and the same, so that one of the two opposites cannot be better known than the other. It is true that, in some cases of opposites, it would appear that no other sort of definition is possible: e.g. it would seem impossible to define double apart from the half and, generally, this would be the case with things which in their very nature (kaq) au(ta/) are relative terms (pro/s ti le/getai), since one cannot be known without the other, so that in the notion of either the other must be comprised as wellTopics VI. 4, 142 a 22-31.. The second kind of definition which is based on what is not prior is that in which there is a complete circle through the unconscious use in the definition itself of the notion to be defined though not of the nameibid. 142 a 34—b 6.. Trendelenburg illustrates this by two current definitions, (1) that of magnitude as that which can be increased or diminished, which is bad because the positive and negative comparatives more and less presuppose the notion of the positive great, (2) the famous Euclidean definition of a straight line as that which lies evenly with the points on itself (e)c i)/sou toi=s e)f) e(auth=s shmei/ois kei=tai), where lies evenly - can only be understood with the aid of the very notion of a straight line which is to be definedTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen, p. 115.. The third kind of vicious definition from that which is not prior is the definition of one of two coordinate species by means of its coordinate (a)ntidih|rhme/non), e.g. a definition of odd + can only be understood with the aid of the very notion of a straight line which is to be definedTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen, p. 115.. The third kind of vicious definition from that which is not prior is the definition of one of two coordinate species by means of its coordinate (a)ntidih|rhme/non), e.g. a definition of odd as that which exceeds the even by a unit (the second alternative in Eucl. VII. Def. 7); for odd and even are coordinates, being differentiae of numberTopics VI. 4, 142 b 7-10.. This third kind is similar to the first. Thus, says Trendelenburg, it would be wrong to define a square as a rectangle with equal sides. @@ -1647,7 +1647,7 @@ We seek the cause (to\ dio/ti) when we are already in possession of the fact (to\ o(/ti). Sometimes they both become evident at the same time, but at all events the cause cannot possibly be known [as a cause] before the fact is knownibid. II. 8, 93 a 17.. It is impossible to know what a thing is if we do not know that it isibid. 93 a 20. Trendelenburg paraphrases: The definition of the notion does not fulfil its purpose until it is made genetic. It is the producing cause which first reveals the essence of the thing.... . The nominal definitions of geometry have only a provisional significance and are superseded as soon as they are made genetic by means of construction. - E.g. the genetic definition of a parallelogram is evolved from Eucl. I. 31 (giving the construction for parallels) and I. 33 about the lines joining corresponding ends of two straight lines parallel and equal in length. Where existence is proved by construction, the cause and the fact appear togetherTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen, p. 110..

+ E.g. the genetic definition of a parallelogram is evolved from Eucl. I. 31 (giving the construction for parallels) and I. 33 about the lines joining corresponding ends of two straight lines parallel and equal in length. Where existence is proved by construction, the cause and the fact appear togetherTrendelenburg, Erläuterungen, p. 110..

Again, it is not enough that the defining statement should set forth the fact, as most definitions do; it should also contain and present the cause; whereas in practice what is stated in the definition is usually no more than a conclusion (sumpe/rasma). For example, what is quadrature? The construction of an equilateral right-angled figure equal to an oblong. But such a definition expresses merely the conclusion. Whereas, if you say that quadrature is the discovery of a mean proportional, then you state the reasonDe anima II. 2, 413 a 13-20,. This is better understood if we compare the statement elsewhere that the cause is the middle term, and this is what is sought in all casesAnal. post. II. 2, 90 a 6,, and the illustration of this by the case of the proposition that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle. Here the middle term which it is sought to establish by means of the figure is that the angle in the semi-circle is equal to the half of two right angles. We have then the syllogism: Whatever is half of two right angles is a right angle; the angle in a semi-circle is the half of two right angles; therefore (conclusion) the angle in a semi-circle is a right angleibid. II. 11, 94 a 28.. As with the demonstration, so it should be with the definition. A definition which is to show the genesis of the thing defined should contain the middle term or cause; otherwise it is a mere statement of a conclusion. Consider, for instance, the definition of quadrature @@ -1662,7 +1662,7 @@

It will be observed that what is here defined, quadrature or squaring (tetragwnismo/s), is not a geometrical figure, or an attribute of such a figure or a part of a figure, but a technical term used to describe a certain problem. Euclid does not define such things; but the fact that Aristotle alludes to this particular definition as well as to definitions of deflection (kekla/sqai) and of verging (neu/ein) seems to show that earlier text-books included among definitions explanations of a number of technical terms, and that Euclid deliberately omitted these explanations from his Elements as surplusage. Later the tendency was again in the opposite direction, as we see from the much expanded Definitions of Heron, which, for example, actually include a definition of a deflected line (keklasme/nh grammh/)Heron, Def. 12 (vol. IV. Heib. pp. 22-24).. Euclid uses the passive of kla=n occasionallye.g. in III. 20 and in Data 89., but evidently considered it unnecessary to explain such terms, which had come to bear a recognised meaning.

-

The mention too by Aristotle of a definition of verging (neu/ein) suggests that the problems indicated by this term were not excluded from elementary text-books before Euclid. The type of problem (neu=sis) was that of placing a straight line across two lines, e.g. two straight lines, or a straight line and a circle, so that it shall verge to a given point (i.e. pass through it if produced) and at the same time the intercept on it made by the two given lines shall be of given length. In general, the use of conics is required for the theoretical solution of these problems, or a mechanical contrivance for their practical solutionCf. the chapter on neu/seis in The Works of Archimedes, pp. c—cxxii.. Zeuthen, following Oppermann, gives reasons for supposing, not only that mechanical constructions were practically used by the older Greek geometers for solving these problems, but that they were theoretically recognised as a permissible means of solution when the solution could not be effected by means of the straight line and circle, and that it was only in later times that it was considered necessary to use conics in every case where that was possibleZeuthen, Die Lehre von den Kegelschnitten im Altertum, ch. 12, p. 262.. HeibergHeiberg, Mathematisches zu Aristoteles, p. 16. suggests that the allusion of Aristotle to neu/seis perhaps confirms this supposition, as Aristotle nowhere shows the slightest acquaintance with conics. I doubt whether this is a safe inference, since the problems of this type included in the elementary text-books might easily have been limited to those which could be solved by plane +

The mention too by Aristotle of a definition of verging (neu/ein) suggests that the problems indicated by this term were not excluded from elementary text-books before Euclid. The type of problem (neu=sis) was that of placing a straight line across two lines, e.g. two straight lines, or a straight line and a circle, so that it shall verge to a given point (i.e. pass through it if produced) and at the same time the intercept on it made by the two given lines shall be of given length. In general, the use of conics is required for the theoretical solution of these problems, or a mechanical contrivance for their practical solutionCf. the chapter on neu/seis in The Works of Archimedes, pp. c—cxxii.. Zeuthen, following Oppermann, gives reasons for supposing, not only that mechanical constructions were practically used by the older Greek geometers for solving these problems, but that they were theoretically recognised as a permissible means of solution when the solution could not be effected by means of the straight line and circle, and that it was only in later times that it was considered necessary to use conics in every case where that was possibleZeuthen, Die Lehre von den Kegelschnitten im Altertum, ch. 12, p. 262.. HeibergHeiberg, Mathematisches zu Aristoteles, p. 16. suggests that the allusion of Aristotle to neu/seis perhaps confirms this supposition, as Aristotle nowhere shows the slightest acquaintance with conics. I doubt whether this is a safe inference, since the problems of this type included in the elementary text-books might easily have been limited to those which could be solved by plane methods (i.e. by means of the straight line and circle). We know, e.g., from Pappus that Apollonius wrote two Books on plane neu/seisPappus VII. pp. 670-2.. But one thing is certain, namely that Euclid deliberately excluded this class of problem, doubtless as not being essential in a book of Elements.

@@ -1970,7 +1970,7 @@

The full Greek expression would be h( u(po\ tw=n *b*a, *a*g periexome/nh gwni/a, the angle contained by the (straight lines) BA, AC. - But it was a common practice of Greek geometers, e.g. of Archimedes and Apollonius (and Euclid too in Books X.—XIII.), to use the abbreviation ai( *b*a*g for ai( *b*a, *a*g, the (straight lines) BA, AC. + But it was a common practice of Greek geometers, e.g. of Archimedes and Apollonius (and Euclid too in Books X.—XIII.), to use the abbreviation ai( *b*a*g for ai( *b*a, *a*g, the (straight lines) BA, AC. Thus, on periexome/nh being dropped, the expression would become first h( u(po\ tw=n *b*a*g gwni/a, then h( u(po\ *b*a*g gwni/a, and finally h( u(po\ *b*a*g, without gwni/a, as we regularly find it in Euclid.

@@ -1979,7 +1979,7 @@ has been noticed above (note on Common Notion 4, pp. 224-5).

-

Heiberg (Paralipomena su Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903, p. 56) has pointed out, as a conclusive reason for regarding these words as an early interpolation, that the text of an-Nairīzī (Codex Leidensis 399, 1, ed. Besthorn-Heiberg, p. 55) does not give the words in this place but after the conclusion Q.E.D., which shows that they constitute a scholium only. They were doubtless added by some commentator who thought it necessary to explain the immediate inference that, since B coincides with E and C with F, the straight line BC coincides with the straight line EF, an inference which really follows from the definition of a straight line and Post. 1; and no doubt the Postulate that Two straight lines cannot enclose a space +

Heiberg (Paralipomena su Euklid in Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903, p. 56) has pointed out, as a conclusive reason for regarding these words as an early interpolation, that the text of an-Nairīzī (Codex Leidensis 399, 1, ed. Besthorn-Heiberg, p. 55) does not give the words in this place but after the conclusion Q.E.D., which shows that they constitute a scholium only. They were doubtless added by some commentator who thought it necessary to explain the immediate inference that, since B coincides with E and C with F, the straight line BC coincides with the straight line EF, an inference which really follows from the definition of a straight line and Post. 1; and no doubt the Postulate that Two straight lines cannot enclose a space (afterwards placed among the Common Notions) was interpolated at the same time.

@@ -2905,7 +2905,7 @@ -

[I say that they are also in the same parallels.] Heiberg has proved (Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903, p. 50) from a recently discovered papyrus-fragment (Fayūm towns and their papyri, p. 96, No. IX.) that these words are an interpolation by some one who did not observe that the words And let AD be joined +

[I say that they are also in the same parallels.] Heiberg has proved (Hermes, XXXVIII., 1903, p. 50) from a recently discovered papyrus-fragment (Fayūm towns and their papyri, p. 96, No. IX.) that these words are an interpolation by some one who did not observe that the words And let AD be joined are part of the setting-out (e)/kqesis), but took them as belonging to the construction (kataskeuh/) and consequently thought that a diorismo/s or definition (of the thing to be proved) should precede. The interpolator then altered And into For @@ -3822,7 +3822,7 @@

I say further that the angle of the semicircle contained by the straight line BA and the circumference CHA is greater than any acute rectilineal angle, and the remaining angle contained by the circumference CHA and the straight line AE is less than any acute rectilineal angle.

For, if there is any rectilineal angle greater than the angle contained by the straight line BA and the circumference CHA, and any rectilineal angle less than the angle contained by the circumference CHA and the straight line AE, then into the space between the circumference and the straight line AE a straight line will be interposed such as will make an angle contained by straight lines which is greater than the angle contained by the straight line BA and the circumference CHA, and another angle contained by straight lines which is less than the angle contained by the circumference CHA and the straight line AE.

But such a straight line cannot be interposed;

-

therefore there will not be any acute angle contained by straight lines which is greater than the angle contained by the straight line BA and the circumference CHA, nor yet any acute angle contained by straight lines which is less than the angle contained by the circumference CHA and the straight line AE.—

+

therefore there will not be any acute angle contained by straight lines which is greater than the angle contained by the straight line BA and the circumference CHA, nor yet any acute angle contained by straight lines which is less than the angle contained by the circumference CHA and the straight line AE.—

PORISM.

From this it is manifest that the straight line drawn at right angles to the diameter of a circle from its extremity touches the circle. Q. E. D.

@@ -3972,7 +3972,7 @@ ABC will clearly be greater than a semicircle.

Therefore, given a segment of a circle, the complete circle has been described. Q. E. F. -

to describe the complete circle, prosanagra/yai to\n ku/klon, literally “to describe the circle on to it.’

+

to describe the complete circle, prosanagra/yai to\n ku/klon, literally “to describe the circle on to it.’

@@ -5901,7 +5901,7 @@

Let AB, CD be the two given numbers not prime to one another.

Thus it is required to find the greatest common measure of AB, CD.

-

If now CD measures AB—and it also measures itself—CD is a common measure of CD, AB.

+

If now CD measures AB—and it also measures itself—CD is a common measure of CD, AB.

And it is manifest that it is also the greatest; for no greater number than CD will measure CD.

But, if CD does not measure AB, then, the less of the numbers AB, CD being continually subtracted from the greater, some number will be left which will measure the one before it.

@@ -7011,8 +7011,8 @@

Therefore A, B are similar plane numbers; for their sides are proportional. Q. E. D.

25. For, since F......27. C to B. The text has clearly suffered corruption here. It is not necessary to infer from other facts that, as D is to E, so is A to C; for this is part of the hypotheses (ll. 6, 7). Again, there is no explanation of the statement (l. 25) that F by multiplying E has made C. It is the statement and explanation of this latter fact which are alone wanted; after which the proof proceeds as in l. 28. We might therefore substitute for ll. 25-28 the following.

-

“For, since E measures C the same number of times that D measures A [l. 8], that is, according to the units in F [l. 10], therefore F by multiplying E has made C.

-

And, since E by multiplying F, G,” +

“For, since E measures C the same number of times that D measures A [l. 8], that is, according to the units in F [l. 10], therefore F by multiplying E has made C.

+

And, since E by multiplying F, G,” etc. etc.

@@ -7308,10 +7308,10 @@

Let there be as many numbers as we please, B, C, D, E, beginning from the unit A and in continued proportion; I say that B, the least of the numbers B, C, D, E, measures E according to some one of the numbers C, D.

For since, as the unit A is to B, so is D to E, therefore the unit A measures the number B the same number of times as D measures E; therefore, alternately, the unit A measures D the same number of times as B measures E. [VII. 15]

-

But the unit A measures D according to the units in it; therefore B also measures E according to the units in D; so that B the less measures E the greater according to some number of those which have place among the proportional numbers.—

+

But the unit A measures D according to the units in it; therefore B also measures E according to the units in D; so that B the less measures E the greater according to some number of those which have place among the proportional numbers.—

PORISM. -

And it is manifest that, whatever place the measuring number has, reckoned from the unit, the same place also has the number according to which it measures, reckoned from the number measured, in the direction of the number before it.—

+

And it is manifest that, whatever place the measuring number has, reckoned from the unit, the same place also has the number according to which it measures, reckoned from the number measured, in the direction of the number before it.—

Q. E. D. @@ -7793,7 +7793,7 @@ - PROPOSITIONS I—47. + PROPOSITIONS I—47. PROPOSITION 1.

Two unequal magnitudes being set out, if from the greater there be subtracted a magnitude greater than its half, and from that which is left a magnitude greater than its half, and if this process be repeated continually, there will be left some magnitude which will be less than the lesser magnitude set out.

@@ -7832,7 +7832,7 @@

Given two commensurable magnitudes, to find their greatest common measure.

Let the two given commensurable magnitudes be AB, CD of which AB is the less; thus it is required to find the greatest common measure of AB, CD.

Now the magnitude AB either measures CD or it does not.

-

If then it measures it—and it measures itself also—AB is a common measure of AB, CD.

+

If then it measures it—and it measures itself also—AB is a common measure of AB, CD.

And it is manifest that it is also the greatest; for a greater magnitude than the magnitude AB will not measure AB.

Next, let AB not measure CD.

@@ -7983,7 +7983,7 @@

To find two straight lines incommensurable, the one in length only, and the other in square also, with an assigned straight line.

Let A be the assigned straight line; thus it is required to find two straight lines incommensurable, the one in length only, and the other in square also, with A.

Let two numbers B, C be set out which have not to one another the ratio which a square number has to a square number, that is, which are not similar plane numbers; and let it be contrived that, as B is to C, so is the square on A to the square on D -

—for we have learnt how to do this— [X. 6, Por.] therefore the square on A is commensurable with the square on D. [X. 6]

+
—for we have learnt how to do this— [X. 6, Por.] therefore the square on A is commensurable with the square on D. [X. 6]

And, since B has not to C the ratio which a square number has to a square number, therefore neither has the square on A to the square on D the ratio which a square number has to a square number; therefore A is incommensurable in length with D. [X. 9]

Let E be taken a mean proportional between A, D; therefore, as A is to D, so is the square on A to the square on E. [V. Def. 9]

But A is incommensurable in length with D; therefore the square on A is also incommensurable with the square on E; [X. 11] therefore A is incommensurable in square with E.

@@ -8508,10 +8508,10 @@

If two rational straight lines commensurable in square only be added together, the whole is irrational; and let it be called binomial.

For let two rational straight lines AB, BC commensurable in square only be added together;

I say that the whole AC is irrational.

-

For, since AB is incommensurable in length with BCfor they are commensurable in square only— and, as AB is to BC, so is the rectangle AB, BC to the square on BC, therefore the rectangle AB, BC is incommensurable with the square on BC. [X. 11 +

For, since AB is incommensurable in length with BCfor they are commensurable in square only— and, as AB is to BC, so is the rectangle AB, BC to the square on BC, therefore the rectangle AB, BC is incommensurable with the square on BC. [X. 11 ]

But twice the rectangle AB, BC is commensurable with the rectangle AB, BC [X. 6 -], and the squares on AB, BC are commensurable with the square on BC—for AB, BC are rational straight lines commensurable in square only— [X. 15 +], and the squares on AB, BC are commensurable with the square on BC—for AB, BC are rational straight lines commensurable in square only— [X. 15 ] therefore twice the rectangle AB, BC is incommensurable with the squares on AB, BC. [X. 13 ]

And, componendo, twice the rectangle AB, BC together with the squares on AB, BC, that is, the square on AC [II. 4 @@ -8662,7 +8662,7 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB<

A first bimedial straight line is divided at one point only.

Let AB be a first bimedial straight line divided at C, so that AC, CB are medial straight lines commensurable in square only and containing a rational rectangle;

I say that AB is not so divided at another point.

For, if possible, let it be divided at D also, so that AD, DB are also medial straight lines commensurable in square only and containing a rational rectangle.

-

Since, then, that by which twice the rectangle AD, DB differs from twice the rectangle AC, CB is that by which the squares on AC, CB differ from the squares on AD, DB, while twice the rectangle AD, DB differs from twice the rectangle AC, CB by a rational area—for both are rational— therefore the squares on AC, CB also differ from the squares on AD, DB by a rational area, though they are medial: which is absurd. [x. 26 +

Since, then, that by which twice the rectangle AD, DB differs from twice the rectangle AC, CB is that by which the squares on AC, CB differ from the squares on AD, DB, while twice the rectangle AD, DB differs from twice the rectangle AC, CB by a rational area—for both are rational— therefore the squares on AC, CB also differ from the squares on AD, DB by a rational area, though they are medial: which is absurd. [x. 26 ]

Therefore a first bimedial straight line is not divided into its terms at different points; therefore it is so divided at one point only.

@@ -8711,7 +8711,7 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB<

Let AB be a major straight line divided at C, so that AC, CB are incommensurable in square and make the sum of the squares on AC, CB rational, but the rectangle AC, CB medial; [X. 39 ]

I say that AB is not so divided at another point.

For, if possible, let it be divided at D also, so that AD, DB are also incommensurable in square and make the sum of the squares on AD, DB rational, but the rectangle contained by them medial.

-

Then, since that by which the squares on AC, CB differ from the squares on AD, DB is also that by which twice the rectangle AD, DB differs from twice the rectangle AC, CB, while the squares on AC, CB exceed the squares on AD, DB by a rational area—for both are rational— therefore twice the rectangle AD, DB also exceeds twice the rectangle AC, CB by a rational area, though they are medial: which is impossible. [X. 26 +

Then, since that by which the squares on AC, CB differ from the squares on AD, DB is also that by which twice the rectangle AD, DB differs from twice the rectangle AC, CB, while the squares on AC, CB exceed the squares on AD, DB by a rational area—for both are rational— therefore twice the rectangle AD, DB also exceeds twice the rectangle AC, CB by a rational area, though they are medial: which is impossible. [X. 26 ]

Therefore a major straight line is not divided at different points; therefore it is only divided at one and the same point. Q. E. D.

@@ -8780,7 +8780,7 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB< - PROPOSITIONS 48—84. + PROPOSITIONS 48—84. PROPOSITION 48.

To find the first binomial straight line.

@@ -8911,7 +8911,7 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB<

And since, as FB is to BG, so is DB to BE, while, as FB is to BG, so is AB to DG, and, as DB is to BE, so is DG to BC, [VI. 1] therefore also, as AB is to DG, so is DG to BC. [V. 11]

Therefore DG is a mean proportional between AB, BC.

I say next that DC is also a mean proportional between AC, CB.

-

For since, as AD is to DK, so is KG to GC— for they are equal respectively— and, componendo, as AK is to KD, so is KC to CG, [V. 18] while, as AK is to KD, so is AC to CD, and, as KC is to CG, so is DC to CB, [VI. 1] therefore also, as AC is to DC, so is DC to BC. [V. 11]

+

For since, as AD is to DK, so is KG to GC— for they are equal respectively— and, componendo, as AK is to KD, so is KC to CG, [V. 18] while, as AK is to KD, so is AC to CD, and, as KC is to CG, so is DC to CB, [VI. 1] therefore also, as AC is to DC, so is DC to BC. [V. 11]

Therefore DC is a mean proportional between AC, CB. Being what it was proposed to prove.

@@ -9390,8 +9390,8 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB<

But DE is equal to the squares on AB, BC, and DH to twice the rectangle AB, BC; therefore DE is incommensurable with DH.

But, as DE is to DH, so is GD to DF; [VI. 1] therefore GD is incommensurable with DF. [X. 11]

And both are rational; therefore GD, DF are rational straight lines commensurable in square only; therefore FG is an apotome. [X. 73]

-

But DI is rational, and the rectangle contained by a rational and an irrational straight line is irrational, [deduction from X. 20] and its ’side’ is irrational.

-

And AC is the ’side’ of FE; therefore AC is irrational.

+

But DI is rational, and the rectangle contained by a rational and an irrational straight line is irrational, [deduction from X. 20] and its ’side’ is irrational.

+

And AC is the ’side’ of FE; therefore AC is irrational.

And let it be called a second apotome of a medial straight line. Q. E. D.

@@ -9560,7 +9560,7 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB<
- PROPOSITIONS 85—115. + PROPOSITIONS 85—115. PROPOSITION 85.

To find the first apotome.

@@ -11668,7 +11668,7 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB< HISTORICAL NOTE.

I have already given, in the note to IV. 10, the evidence upon which the construction of the five regular solids is attributed to the Pythagoreans. Some of them, the cube, the tetrahedron (which is nothing but a pyramid), and the octahedron (which is only a double pyramid with a square base), cannot but have been known to the Egyptians. And it appears that dodecahedra have been found, of bronze or other material, which may belong to periods earlier than Pythagoras' time by some centuries (for references see Cantor's Geschichte der Mathematik I_{3}, pp. 175-6).

It is true that the author of the scholium No. I to Eucl. XIII. says that the Book is about the five so-called Platonic figures, which however do not belong to Plato, three of the aforesaid five figures being due to the Pythagoreans, namely the cube, the pyramid and the dodecahedron, while the octahedron and the icosahedron are due to Theaetetus. - This statement (taken probably from Geminus) may perhaps rest on the fact that Theaetetus was the first to write at any length about the two last-mentioned solids. We are told indeed by Suidas (S. V. *qeai/thtos) that Theaetetus first wrote on the ’five solids’ as they are called. + This statement (taken probably from Geminus) may perhaps rest on the fact that Theaetetus was the first to write at any length about the two last-mentioned solids. We are told indeed by Suidas (S. V. *qeai/thtos) that Theaetetus first wrote on the ’five solids’ as they are called. This no doubt means that Theaetetus was the first to write a complete and systematic treatise on all the regular solids; it does not exclude the possibility that Hippasus or others had already written on the dodecahedron. The fact that Theaetetus wrote upon the regular solids agrees very well with the evidence which we possess of his contributions to the theory of irrationals, the connexion between which and the investigation of the regular solids is seen in Euclid's Book XIII.

Theaetetus flourished about 380 B.C., and his work on the regular solids was soon followed by another, that of Aristaeus, an elder contemporary of Euclid, who also wrote an important book on Solid Loci, i.e. on conics treated as loci. This Aristaeus (known as the elder ) wrote in the period about 320 B.C. We hear of his Comparison of the five regular solids from Hypsicles (2nd cent. B.C.), the writer of the short book commonly included in the editions of the Elements as Book XIV. Hypsicles gives in this Book some six propositions supplementing Eucl. XIII.; and he introduces the second of the propositions (Heiberg's Euclid, Vol. v. p. 6) as follows:

@@ -12115,7 +12115,7 @@ and, componendo, the squares on AB<

I say next that it is also equiangular.

For, since the straight line NP has been cut in extreme and mean ratio at R, and PR is the greater segment, while PR is equal to PS, therefore NS has also been cut in extreme and mean ratio at P, and NP is the greater segment; [XIII. 5] therefore the squares on NS, SP are triple of the square on NP. [XIII. 4]

But NP is equal to NB, and PS to SV; therefore the squares on NS, SV are triple of the square on NB; hence the squares on VS, SN, NB are quadruple of the square on NB.

-

But the square on SB is equal to the squares on SN, NB; therefore the squares on BS, SV, that is, the square on BV —for the angle VSB is right—is quadruple of the square on NB; therefore VB is double of BN.

+

But the square on SB is equal to the squares on SN, NB; therefore the squares on BS, SV, that is, the square on BV —for the angle VSB is right—is quadruple of the square on NB; therefore VB is double of BN.

But BC is also double of BN; therefore BV is equal to BC.

And, since the two sides BU, UV are equal to the two sides BW, WC, and the base BV is equal to the base BC, therefore the angle BUV is equal to the angle BWC. [I. 8]

Similarly we can prove that the angle UVC is also equal to the angle BWC; therefore the three angles BWC, BUV, UVC are equal to one another.