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Humanities_OfGrammatology_1967.txt
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Jacques Derrida (1967)
Of Grammatology
Source: Of Grammatology, publ. John Hopkins University Press., 1974. Chapter
Two, with one section deleted.
2 Linguistics and Grammatology
Writing is nothing but the representation of speech; it is bizarre that one gives
more care to the determining of the image than to the object. - J.-J. Rousseau,
Fragment inédit d'un essai sur les langues.
The concept of writing should define the field of a science. But can it be
determined
by
scholars
outside
of
all
the
historico-metaphysical
predeterminations that we have just situated so clinically? What can a science of
writing begin to signify, if it is granted:
1. that the very idea of science was born in a certain epoch of writing;
2. that it was thought and formulated, as task, idea, project, in a language implying a
certain kind of structurally and axiologically determined relationship between
speech and writing;
3. that, to that extent, it was first related to the concept and the adventure of phonetic
writing, valorised as the telos of all writing, even though what was always the
exemplary model of scientificity — mathematics — constantly moved away from
that goal;
4. that the strictest notion of a general science of writing was born, for nonfortuitous
reasons, during a certain period of the world's history (beginning around the
eighteenth century) and within a certain determined s stem of relationships
between “living” speech and inscription;
5. that writing is not only an auxiliary means in the service of science and possibly
its object — but first, as Husserl in particular pointed out in The Origin of
Geometry, the condition of the possibility of ideal objects and therefore of
scientific objectivity. Before being its object, writing is the condition of the
epistémè.
6. that historicity itself is tied to the possibility of writing; to the possibility of
writing in general, beyond those particular forms of writing in the name of which
we have long spoken of peoples without writing and without history. Before being
the object of a history — of an historical science — writing opens the field of
history — of historical becoming. And the former (Historie in German)
presupposes the latter (Geschichte).
The science of writing should therefore look for its object at the roots of
scientificity,. The history of writing should turn back toward the origin of
historicity. , A science of the possibility of science? A science of science which
would no longer have the form of logic but that of grammatics? A history of the
possibility of history which would no longer be an archaeology, a philosophy of
history or a history of philosophy?
The positive and the classical sciences of writing are obliged to repress this sort
of question. Up to a certain point, such repression is even necessary to the
progress of positive investigation. Beside the fact that it would still be held within
a philosophising logic, the ontophenomenological question of essence, that is to
say of the origin of writing, could, by itself, only paralyse or sterilise the
typological or historical research of facts.
My intention, therefore, is not to weigh that prejudicial question, that dry,
necessary, and somewhat facile question of right, against the power and efficacy
of the positive researches which we may witness today. The genesis and system
of scripts bad never led to such profound, extended, and assured explorations. It
is not really a matter of weighing the question against the importance of the
discovery; since the questions are imponderable, they cannot be weighed. If the
issue is not quite that, it is perhaps because its repression has real
consequences in the very content of the researches that, in the present case and
in a privileged way, are always arranged around problems of definition and
beginning.
The grammatologist least of all can avoid questioning himself about the essence
of his object in the form of a question of origin: “What is writing?” means “where
and when does writing begin?” The responses generally come very quickly. They
circulate within concepts that are seldom criticised and move within evidence
which always seems self-evident. It is around these responses that a typology of
and a perspective on the growth of writing are always organised. All works
dealing with the history of writing are composed along the same lines: a
philosophical and teleological classification exhausts the critical problems in a
few pages; one passes next to an exposition of facts. We have a contrast
between the theoretical fragility of the reconstructions and the historical,
archaeological, ethnological, philosophical wealth of information.
The question of the origin of writing and the question of the origin of language are
difficult to separate. Grammatologists, who are generally by training historians,
epigraphists, and archaeologists, seldom relate their researches to the modem
science of language. It is all the more surprising that, among the “sciences of
man,” linguistics is the one science whose scientificity is given as an example
with a zealous and insistent unanimity.
Has grammatology, then, the right to expect from linguistics an essential
assistance that it has almost never looked for? On the contrary, does one not find
efficaciously at work, in the very movement by which linguistics is instituted as a
science, a metaphysical presupposition about the relationship between speech
and writing? Would that presupposition not binder the constitution of a general
science of writing? Is not the lifting of that presupposition an overthrowing of the
landscape upon which the science of language is peacefully installed? For better
and for worse? For blindness as well as for productivity? This is the second type
of question that I now wish to outlines To develop this question, I should like to
approach, as a privileged example, the project and texts of Ferdinand de
Saussure. That the particularity of the example does not interfere with the
generality of my argument is a point which I shall occasionally — try not merely
to take for granted.
Linguistics thus wishes to be the science of language. Let us set aside all the
implicit decisions that have established such a project and all the questions about
its own origin that the fecundity of this science allows to remain dormant. Let us
first simply consider that the scientificity of that science is often acknowledged
because of its phonological foundations. Phonology, it is often said today,
communicates its scientificity to linguistics, which in turn serves as the
epistemological model for all the sciences of man. Since the deliberate and
systematic phonological orientation of linguistics (Troubetzkoy, Jakobson,
Martinet) carries out an intention which was originally Saussure's, I shall, at least
provisionally, confine my-self to the latter. Will my argument be equally applicable
a fortiori to the most accentuated forms of phonologism? The problem at least be
stated.
The science of linguistics determines language — its field of objectivity — in the
last instance and in the irreducible simplicity of its essence, as the unity of the
phonè, the glossa, and the logos. This determination is by rights anterior to all
the eventual differentiations that could arise within the systems of terminology of
the
different
schools
(language/speech
[langue/parole];
code/message;
scheme/usage; linguistic/logic; phonology/phonematics/phonetics/glossematics).
And even if one wished to keep sonority on the side of the sensible and
contingent signifier which would be strictly speaking impossible, since formal
identities isolated within a sensible mass are already idealities that are not purely
sensible), it would have to be admitted that the immediate and privileged unity
which founds significance and the acts of language is the articulated unity of
sound and sense within the phonic. With regard to this unity, writing would
always be derivative, accidental, particular, exterior, doubling the signifier:
phonetic. “Sign of a sign,” said Aristotle, Rousseau, and Hegel.
Yet, the intention that institutes general linguistics ,is a science remains in this
respect within a contradiction. Its declared purpose indeed confirms, saying what
goes without saying, the subordination of grammatology, the historicometaphysical reduction of writing to the rank of an instrument enslaved to a full
and originarily spoken language. But another gesture (not another statement of
purpose, for here what does not go without saying is done without being said,
written without being uttered) liberates the future of a general grammatology of
which linguistics-phonology would be only a dependent and circumscribed area.
Let us follow this tension between gesture and statement in Saussure.
The
Outside
and the Inside
On the one hand, true to the Western tradition that controls not only in theory, but
in practice (in the principle of its practice) the relationships between speech and
writing, Saussure does not recognise in the latter more than a narrow and
derivative function. Narrow because it is nothing but one modality among others,
a modality of the events which can befall a language whose essence, as the
facts seem to show, can remain forever uncontaminated by writing. “Language
does have an oral tradition that is independent of writing” (Cours de linguistique
générale). Derivative because representative signifier of the first signifier,
representation of the self-present voice, of the immediate, natural, and direct
signification of the meaning (of the signified, of the concept, of the ideal object or
what have you). Saussure takes up the traditional definition of writing which,
already in Plato and Aristotle, was restricted to the model of phonetic script and
the language of words. Let us recall the Aristotelian definition: “Spoken words are
the symbols of mental experience and written words are the symbols of spoken
words.” Saussure: “Language and writing are two distinct systems of signs; the
second exists for the sole purpose of representing the first”. This representative
determination, beside communicating without a doubt essentially with the idea of
the sign, does not translate a choice or an evaluation, does not betray a
psychological or metaphysical presupposition peculiar to Saussure; it describes
or rather reflects the structure of a certain type of writing: phonetic writing, which
we use and within whose element the epistémè in general (science and
philosophy), and linguistics in particular, could be founded. One should,
moreover, say mode, rather than structure; it is not a question of a system
constructed and functioning perfectly, but of an ideal explicitly directing a
functioning which in fact is never completely phonetic. In fact, but also for
reasons of essence to which I shall frequently return. To be sure this factum of
phonetic writing is massive; it commands our entire culture and our entire
science, and it is certainly not just one fact among others. Nevertheless it does
not respond to any necessity of an absolute and universal essence. Using this as
a point of departure, Saussure defines the project and object of general
linguistics: “The linguistic object is not defined by the combination of the written
word and the spoken word: the spoken form alone constitutes the object”.
The form of the question to which he responded thus entailed the response. It
was a matter of knowing what sort of word is the object of linguistics and what
the relationships arc between the atomic unities that are the written and the
spoken word. Now the word (vox) is already a unity of sense and sound, of
concept and voice, or, to speak a more rigorously Saussurian language, of the
signified and the signifier. This last terminology was moreover first proposed in
the domain of spoken language alone, of linguistics in the narrow sense and not
in the domain of semiology (“I propose to retain the word sign [signe] to
designate the whole and to replace concept and sound-image respectively by
signified [signifié] and signifier [signifiant]”). The word is thus already, a
constituted unity, an effect of “the somewhat mysterious fact ... that 'thoughtsound' implies divisions”. Even if the word is in its turn articulated, even if it
implies other divisions, as long as one poses the question of the relationships
between speech and writing in the light of the indivisible units of the “thoughtsound,” there will always be the ready response. Writing will be “phonetic,” it will
be the outside, the exterior representation of language and of this “thoughtsound.” It must necessarily operate from already constituted units of signification,
in the formation of which it has played no part.
Perhaps the objection will be made that writing up to the present has not on]y not
contradicted, but indeed, confirmed the linguistics of the word. Hitherto I seem to
have maintained that only the fascination of the unit called word has prevented
giving to writing the attention that it merited. By that I seemed to suppose that, by
ceasing to accord an absolute privilege to the word, modern linguistics would
become that much more attentive to writing and would finally cease to regard it
with suspicion. ...
It is clear that the concepts of stability,, permanence, and duration, which here
assist thinking the relationships between speech and writing, are too lax and
open to every uncritical investiture. They would require more attentive and
minute analyses. The same is applicable to an explanation according to which
“most people pay more attention to visual impressions simply because these are
sharper and more lasting than aural impressions. This explanation of “usurpation”
is not only empirical in its form, it is problematic in its content, it refers to a
metaphysics and to an old physiology, of sensory faculties constantly, disproved
by science, as by the experience of language and by the body proper as
language. It imprudently makes of visibility the tangible, simple, and essential
element of writing. Above all, in considering the audible as the natural milieu
within which language must naturally fragment and articulate its instituted signs,
thus exercising its arbitrariness, this explanation excludes all possibility,, of some
natural relationship between speech and writing at the, very moment that it
affirms it. Instead of deliberately dismissing the notions of nature and institution
that it constantly uses, which ought to be done first, it thus confuses the two. It
finally and most importantly contradicts the principal affirmation according to
which “the thing that constitutes language [l'essentiel de la langue] is . . .
unrelated to the phonic character of the linguistic sign”. This affirmation will soon
occupy us; within it the other side of the Saussurian proposition denouncing the
“illusions of script” comes to the fore.
What do these limits and presuppositions signify? First that a linguistics is not
general as long as it defines its outside and inside in terms of determined
linguistic models; as long as it does not rigorously distinguish essence from fact
in their respective degrees of generality. The system of writing in general is not
exterior to the system of language in general, unless it is granted that the division
between exterior and interior passes through the interior of the interior or the
exterior of the exterior, to the point where the immanence of language is
essentially exposed to the intervention of forces that are apparently alien to its
system. For the same reason, writing in general is not “image” or “figuration” of
language in general, except if the nature, the logic, and the functioning of the
image within the system from which one wishes to exclude it be reconsidered.
Writing is not a sign of a sign, except if one says it of all signs, which would be
more profoundly true. If every sign refers to a sign, and if “sign of a sign” signifies
writing, certain conclusions — which I shall consider at the appropriate moment
will become inevitable. What Saussure saw without seeing, knew without being
able to take into account, following in that the entire metaphysical tradition, is that
a certain model of writing was necessarily but provisionally imposed (but for the
inaccuracy in principle, insufficiency of fact, and the permanent usurpation) as
instrument and technique of representation of a system of language. And that
this movement, unique in style, was so profound that it permitted the thinking,
within language, of concepts like those of the sign, technique, representation,
language. The system of language associated with phonetic-alphabetic writing is
that within which logocentric metaphysics, determining the sense of being as
presence, has been produced. This logocentrism, this epoch of the full speech,
has always placed in parenthesis, suspended, and suppressed for essential
reasons, all free reflection on the origin and status of writing, all science of writing
which was not technology and the history of a technique, itself leaning upon a
mythology and a metaphor of a natural writing. It is this logocentrism which,
limiting the internal system of language in general by a bad abstraction, prevents
Saussure and the majority of his successors from determining fully and explicitly
that which is called “the integral and concrete object of linguistics”
But conversely, as I announced above, it is when he is not expressly dealing with
writing, when he feels be has closed the parentheses on that subject, that
Saussure opens the field of a general grammatology. Which would not only no
longer be excluded from general linguistics, but would dominate it and contain it
within itself. Then one realises that what was chased off limits, the wandering
outcast of linguistics, has indeed never ceased to haunt language as its primary
and most intimate possibility. Then something which was never spoken and
which is nothing other than writing itself as the origin of language writes itself
within Saussure's discourse. Then we glimpse the germ of a profound but indirect
explanation of the usurpation and the traps condemned in Chapter VI. This
explanation will overthrow even the form of the question to which it was a
premature reply.
The
Outside
Is
the Inside
The thesis of the arbitrariness of the sign (so grossly misnamed, and not only for
the reasons Saussure himself recognises) must forbid a radical distinction
between the linguistic and the graphic sign. No doubt this thesis concerns only
the necessity of relationships between specific signifiers and signifieds within an
allegedly natural relationship between the voice and sense in general, between
the order of phonic signifiers and the content of the signifieds (“the only natural
bond, the only true bond, the bond of sound”). Only these relationships between
specific signifiers and signifieds would be regulated by arbitrariness. Within the
“natural” relationship between phonic signifiers and their signifieds in general, the
relationship between each determined signifier and its determined signified would
be “arbitrary”.
Now from the moment that one considers the totality of determined signs,
spoken, and a fortiori written, as unmotivated institutions, one must exclude any
relationship of natural subordination, any natural hierarchy among signifiers or
orders of signifiers. If “writing” signifies inscription and especially the durable
institution of a sign (and that is the only irreducible kernel of the concept of
writing), writing in general covers the entire field of linguistic signs. In that field a
certain sort of instituted signifiers may then appear, “graphic” in the narrow and
derivative sense of the word, ordered by a certain relationship with other
instituted — hence “written,” even if they are “phonic” — signifiers. The very idea
of institution — hence of the arbitrariness of the sign — is unthinkable before the
possibility of writing and outside of its horizon. Quite simply, that is, outside of the
horizon itself, outside the world as space of inscription, as the opening to the
emission and to the spatial distribution of signs, to the regulated play of their
differences, even if they are “phonic.”
Let us now persist in using this opposition of nature and institution, of physis and
nomos (which also means, of course, a distribution and division regulated in fact
by law) which a meditation on writing should disturb although it functions
everywhere as self-evident, particularly in the discourse of linguistics. We must
then conclude that only the signs called natural, those that Hegel and Saussure
call “symbols,” escape semiology as grammatology. But they fall a fortiori outside
the field of linguistics as the region of general semiology. The thesis of the
arbitrariness of the sign thus indirectly but irrevocably contests Saussure's
declared proposition when he chases writing to the outer darkness of language.
This thesis successfully accounts for a conventional relationship between the
phoneme and the grapheme (in phonetic writing, between the phoneme, signifiersignified, and the grapheme, pure signifier), but by the same token it forbids that
the latter be an “image” of the former. Now it was indispensable to the exclusion
of writing as “external system,” that it come to impose an “image,” a
“representation,” or a “figuration,” an exterior reflection of the reality of language.
It matters little, here at least, that there is in fact an ideographic filiation of the
alphabet. This important question is much debated by historians of writing. What
matters here is that in the synchronic structure and systematic principle of
alphabetic writing — and phonetic writing in general — no relationship of
“natural” representation, none of resemblance or participation, no “symbolic”
relationship in the Hegelian-Saussurian sense, no “iconographic” relationship in
the Peircian sense, be implied.
One must therefore challenge, in the very name of the arbitrariness of the sign,
the Saussurian definition of writing as “image” — hence as natural symbol — of
language. Not to mention the fact that the phoneme is the unimaginable itself,
and no visibility can resemble it, it suffices to take into account what Saussure
says about the difference between the symbol and the sign in order to be
completely baffled as to how he can at the same time say of writing that it is an
“Image” or “figuration” of language and define language and writing elsewhere as
“two distinct systems of signs”. For the property of the sign is not to be an image.
By a process exposed by Freud in The Interpretation of Dreams, Saussure thus
accumulates contradictory arguments to bring about a satisfactory decision: the
exclusion of writing. In fact, even within so-called phonetic writing, the “graphic”
signifier refers to the phoneme through a web of many dimensions which binds it,
like all signifiers, to other written and oral signifiers, within a “total” system open,
let us say, to all possible investments of sense. We must begin with the
possibility of that total system.
Saussure was thus never able to think that writing was truly an “Image,” a
“figuration,” a “representation” of the spoken language, a symbol. If one
considers that be nonetheless needed these inadequate notions to decide upon
the exteriority of writing, one must conclude that an entire stratum of his
discourse, the intention of Chapter VI (“Graphic Representation of Language”),
was not at all scientific. When I say this, my quarry is not primarily Ferdinand de
Saussure's intention or motivation, but rather the entire uncritical tradition which
he inherits. To what zone of discourse does this strange functioning of
argumentation belong, this coherence of desire producing itself in a near-oneiric
way — although it clarifies the dream rather than allow itself to be clarified by it
— through a contradictory logic? How is this functioning articulated with the
entirety of theoretical discourse, throughout the history of science? Better yet,
bow does it work from within the concept of science itself? It is only when this
question is elaborated if it is some day — when the concepts required by this
functioning are defined outside of all psychology (as of all sciences of man),
outside metaphysics (which can now be “Marxist” or “structuralist”); when one is
able to respect all its levels of generality and articulation — it is only then that
one will be able to state rigorously the problem of the articulated appurtenance of
a text (theoretical or otherwise) to an entire set: I obviously treat the Saussurian
text at the moment only as a telling example within a given situation, without
professing to use the concepts required by the functioning of which I have just
spoken. My justification would be as follows: this and some other indices (in a
general way the treatment of the concept of writing) already give us the assured
means of broaching the de-construction of the greatest totality — the concept of
the epistémè and logocentric metaphysics — within which are produced, without
ever posing the radical question of writing, all the Western methods of analysis,
explication, reading, or interpretation.
Now we must think that writing is at the same time more exterior to speech, not
being its “image” or its “symbol,” and more interior to speech, which is already in
itself a writing. Even before it is linked to incision, engraving, drawing, or the
letter, to a signifier referring in general to a signifier signified by it, the concept of
the graphic [unit of a possible graphic system] implies the framework of the
instituted trace, as the possibility common to all systems of signification. My
efforts will now be directed toward slowly detaching these two concepts from the
classical discourse from which I necessarily borrow them. The effort will be
laborious and we know a priori that its effectiveness will never be pure and
absolute.
The instituted trace is “unmotivated” but not capricious. Like the word “arbitrary”
according to Saussure, it “should not imply that the choice of the signifier is left
entirely to the speaker”. Simply, it has no “natural attachment” to the signified
within reality. For us, the rupture of that “natural attachment” puts in question the
idea of naturalness rather than that of attachment. That is why the word
“institution” should not be too quickly interpreted within the classical system of
oppositions.
The instituted trace cannot be thought without thinking the retention of difference
within a structure of reference where difference appears as such and thus
permits a certain liberty of variations among the full terms. The absence of
another here-and-now, of another transcendental present, of another origin of the
world appearing as such, presenting itself as irreducible absence within the
presence of the trace, is not a metaphysical formula substituted for a scientific
concept of writing. This formula, beside the fact that it is the questioning of
metaphysics itself, describes the structure implied by the “arbitrariness of the
sign,” from the moment that one thinks of its possibility short of the derived
opposition between nature and convention, symbol and sign, etc. These
oppositions have meaning only after the possibility of the trace. The
“unmotivatedness” of the sign requires a synthesis in which the completely other
is announced as such without any simplicity, any identity, any resemblance or
continuity — within what is not it. Is announced as such: there we have all
history,
from
what
metaphysics
has
defined
as
“non-living”
up
to
“consciousness,” passing through all levels of animal organisation. The trace,
where the relationship with the other is marked, articulates its possibility, in the
entire field of the entity [étant], which metaphysics has defined as the beingpresent starting from the occulted movement of the trace. The trace must be
thought before the entity. But the movement of the trace is necessarily occulted,
it produces itself as self-occultation. When the other announces itself as such, it
presents itself in the dissimulation of itself. This formulation is not theological, as
one might believe somewhat hastily. The “theological” is a determined moment in
the total movement of the trace. The field of the entity, before being determined
as the field of presence, is structured according to the diverse possibilitiesgenetic and structural — of the trace. The presentation of the other as such, that
is to say the dissimulation of its “as such,” has always already begun and no
structure of the entity escapes it.
That is why the movement of “unmotivatedness” passes from one structure to the
other when the “sign” crosses the stage of the “symbol.” It is in a certain sense
and according to a certain determined structure of the as such” that one is
authorised to say that there is vet no immotivation in what Saussure calls
“symbol” and which, according to him, does not at least provisionally — interest
semiology. The general structure of the unmotivated trace connects within the
same possibility, and they cannot be separated except by abstraction, the
structure of the relationship with the other, the movement of temporalisation, and
language as writing. Without referring back to a “nature,” the immotivation of the
trace has always become. In fact, there is no unmotivated trace: the trace is
indefinitely its own becoming-unmotivated. In Saussurian language, what
Saussure does not say would have to be said: there is neither symbol nor sign
but a becoming-sign of the symbol.
Thus, as it goes without saving, the trace whereof I speak is not more natural (it
is not the mark, the natural sign, or the index in the Husserlian sense) than
cultural, not more physical than psychic, biological than spiritual. It is that starting
from which a becoming-unmotivated of the sign, and with it all the ulterior
oppositions between physis and its other, is possible.
In his project of semiotics, Peirce seems to have been more attentive than
Saussure to the irreducibility of this becoming-unmotivated. In his terminology,
one must speak of a becoming-unmotivated of the symbol, the notion of the
symbol playing here a role analogous to that of the sign which Saussure opposes
precisely to the symbol:
Symbols grow. They come into being by development out of other signs,
particularly from icons, or from mixed signs partaking of the nature of icons and
symbols. We think only in signs. These mental signs are of mixed nature; the
symbol parts of them are called concepts. If a man makes a new symbol, it is by
thoughts involving concepts. So it is only out of symbols that a new symbol can
grow. Omne symbolum de symbolo. [Elements of Logic, Hartshorne and Weiss]
Peirce complies with two apparently incompatible exigencies. The mistake here
would be to sacrifice one for the other. It must be recognised that the symbolic (in
Peirce's sense: of “the arbitrariness of the sign”) is rooted in the non-symbolic, in
an anterior and related order of signification: “Symbols grow. They come into
being by development out of other signs, particularly from icons, or from mixed
signs.” But these roots must not compromise the structural originality of the field
of symbols, the autonomy of a domain, a production, and a play: “So it is only out
of symbols that a new symbol can grow. Omne symbolum de symbolo.”
But in both cases, the genetic root-system refers from sign to sign. No ground of
nonsignification — understood as insignificance or an intuition of a present truth
— stretches out to give it foundation under the play and the coming into being of
signs. Semiotics no longer depends on logic. Logic, according to Peirce, is only a
semiotic: “Logic, in its general sense, is, as I believe I 'have shown, only another
name for semiotics (semeiotike), the quasi-necessary, or formal, doctrine of
signs.” And logic in the classical sense, logic “properly speaking,” nonformal logic
commanded by the value of truth, occupies in that semiotics only a determined
and not a fundamental level. As in Husserl (but the analogy, although it is most
thought-provoking, would stop there and one must apply it carefully), the lowest
level, the foundation of the possibility of logic (or semiotics) corresponds to the
project of the Grammatica speculative of Thomas d'Erfurt, falsely attributed to
Duns Scotus. Like Husserl, Peirce expressly refers to it. It is a matter of
elaborating, in both cases, a formal doctrine of conditions which a discourse must
satisfy, in order to have a sense, in order to “mean,” even if it is false or
contradictory. The general morphology of that meaning (Bedeutung, vouloir-dire)
is independent of all logic of truth.
The science of semiotic has three branches. The first is called by Duns Scotus
grammatica speculative. We may term it pure grammar. It has for its task to
ascertain what must be true of the representamen used by every scientific
intelligence in order that they may embody any meaning. The second is logic
proper. It is the science of what is quasi-necessarily true of the representamina of
any scientific intelligence in order that they may hold good of any object, that is,
may be true. Or say, logic proper is the formal science of the conditions of the
truth of representations, The third, in imitation of Kant's fashion of preserving old
associations of words in finding nomenclature for new conceptions, I call pure
rhetoric. Its task is to ascertain the laws by which in every scientific intelligence
one sign gives birth to another, and especially one thought brings forth another.
[Peirce]
Peirce goes very far in the direction that I have called the de-construction of the
transcendental signified, which, at one time or another, would place a reassuring
end to the reference from sign to sign. I have identified logocentrism and the
metaphysics of presence as the exigent, powerful, systematic, and irrepressible
desire for such a signified. Now Peirce considers the indefiniteness of reference
as the criterion that allows us to recognise that we are indeed dealing with a
system of signs. What broaches the movement of signification is what makes its
interruption impossible. The thing itself is a sign. An unacceptable proposition for
Husserl, whose Phenomenology remains therefore — in its “principle of
principles” — the most radical and most critical restoration of the metaphysics of
presence. The difference between Husserl's and Peirce's phenomenologies is
fundamental since it concerns the concept of the sign and of the manifestation of
presence, the relationships between the re-presentation and the originary
presentation of the thing itself (truth). On this point Peirce is undoubtedly closer
to the inventor of the word phenomenology: Lambert proposed in fact to “reduce
the theory of things to the theory of signs.” According to the “phaneoroscopy” or
“Phenomenology” of Peirce, manifestation itself does not reveal a presence, it
makes a sign. One may read in the Principle of Phenomenology that “the idea of
manifestation is the idea of a sign.” There is thus no phenomenality reducing the
sign or the representer so that the thing signified may be allowed to glow finally in
the luminosity of its presence. The so-called “thing itself” is always already a
representamen shielded from the simplicity of intuitive evidence. The
representamen functions only by giving rise to an interpretant that itself becomes
a sign and so on to infinity. The self-identity of the signified conceals itself
unceasingly and is always on the move. The property of the representamen is to
be itself and another, to be produced as a structure of reference, to be separated
from itself. The property of the representamen is not to be proper [propre], that is
to say absolutely proximate to itself (prope, proprius). The represented is always
already a representamen. Definition of the sign:
Anything which determines something else (its interpretant) to refer to an object
to which itself refers (its object) in the same way, this interpretant becoming in
turn a sign, and so on ad infinitum. . . . If the series of successive interpretants
comes to an end, the sign is thereby rendered imperfect, at least. [Elements of
Logic]
From the moment that there is meaning there are nothing but signs. We think
only in signs. Which amounts to ruining the notion of the sign at the very moment
when, as in Nietzsche, its exigency is recognised in the absoluteness of its right.
One could call play the absence of the transcendental signified as limitlessness
of play, that is to say as the destruction of ontotheology and the metaphysics of
presence. It is not surprising that the shock, shaping and undermining
metaphysics since its origin, lets itself be named as such in the period when,
refusing to bind linguistics to semantics (which all European linguists, from
Saussure to Hjemslev, still do), expelling the problem of meaning outside of their
researches, certain American linguists constantly refer to the model of a game.
Here one must think of writing as a game within language. (The Phaedrus
condemned writing precisely as play — paidia — and opposed such childishness
to the adult gravity [spoudè] of speech), This play, thought as absence of the
transcendental signified, is not a play in the world, as it has always been defined,
for the purposes of containing it, by the philosophical tradition and as the
theoreticians of play also consider it (or those who, following and going beyond
Bloomfield, refer semantics to psychology or some other local discipline). To
think play radically the ontological and transcendental problematics must first be
seriously exhausted; the question of the meaning of being, the being of the entity
and of the transcendental origin of the world — of the world-ness of the world —
must be patiently and rigorously worked through, the critical movement of the
Husserlian and Heideggerian questions must be effectively followed to the very
end, and their effectiveness and legibility must be conserved. Even if it were
crossed out, without it the concepts of play and writing to which I shall have
recourse will remain caught within regional limits and an empiricist, positivist, or
metaphysical discourse. The counter-move that the holders of such a discourse
would oppose to the precritical tradition and to metaphysical speculation would
be nothing but the worldly representation of their own operation. It is therefore
the game of the world that must be first thought; before attempting to understand
all the forms of play in the world.
From the very opening of the game, then, we are within the becomingunmotivated of the symbol. With regard to this becoming, the opposition of
diachronic and synchronic is also derived. It would not be able to command a
grammatology pertinently. The immotivation of the trace ought now to be
understood as an operation and not as a state, as an active movement, a
demotivation, and not as a given structure. Science of “the arbitrariness of the
sign,” science of the immotivation of the trace, science of writing before speech
and in speech, grammatology would thus cover a vast field within which
linguistics would, by abstraction, delineate its own area, with the limits that
Saussure prescribes to its internal system and which must be carefully reexamined in each speech/writing system in the world and history.
By a substitution which would be anything but verbal, one may replace semiology
by grammatology in the program of the Course in General Linguistics:
I shall call it [grammatology] .... Since the science does not yet exist, no one can
say what it would be; but it has a right to existence, a place staked out in
advance. Linguistics is only a part of [that] general science . . . ; the laws
discovered by [grammatology] will be applicable to linguistics.
The advantage of this substitution will not only be to give to the theory of writing
the scope needed to counter logocentric repression and the subordination to
linguistics. It will liberate the semiological project itself from what, in spite of its
greater theoretical extension, remained governed by linguistics, organised as if
linguistics were at once its center and its telos. Even though semiology was in
fact more general and more comprehensive than linguistics, it continued to be
regulated as if it were one of the areas of linguistics. The linguistic sign remained
exemplary for semiology, it dominated it as the master-sign and as the
generative model: the pattern [patron].
One could therefore say that signs that are wholly arbitrary realise better than the
others the ideal of the semiological process; that is why language, the most
complex and universal of all systems of expression, is also the most
characteristic; in this sense linguistics can become the master-pattern for all
branches of semiology although language is only one particular semiological
system (italics added).
Consequently, reconsidering the order of dependence prescribed by Saussure,
apparently inverting the relationship of the part to the whole, Barthes in fact
carries out the profoundest intention of the Course:
From now on we must admit the possibility of reversing Saussure's proposition
some day: linguistics is not a part, even if privileged, of the general science of
signs, it is semiology that is a part of linguistics. [Communications]
This coherent reversal, submitting semiology to a “translinguistics,” leads to its
full explication a linguistics historically dominated by logocentric metaphysics, for
which in fact there is not and there should not be “any meaning except as
named” (ibid.). Dominated by the so-called “civilisation of writing” that we inhabit,
a civilisation of so-called phonetic writing, that is to say of the logos where the
sense of being is, in its telos, determined as parousia. The Barthesian reversal is
fecund and indispensable for the description of the fact and the vocation of
signification within the closure of this epoch and this civilisation that is in the
process of disappearing in its very globalisation.
Let us now try to go beyond these formal and architectonic considerations. Let us
ask in a more intrinsic and concrete way, how language is not merely a sort of
writing, “comparable to a system of writing” — Saussure writes curiously — but a
species of writing. Or rather, since writing no longer relates to language as an
extension or frontier, let us ask bow language is a possibility founded on the
general possibility of writing. Demonstrating this, one would give at the same
time an account of that alleged “usurpation” which could not be an unhappy
accident. It supposes on the contrary a common root and thus excludes the
resemblance of the “image,” derivation, or representative reflexion. And thus one
would bring back to its true meaning, to its primary possibility, the apparently
innocent and didactic analogy which makes Saussure say:
Language is [comparable to] a system of signs that express ideas, and is
therefore comparable to writing, the alphabet of deaf-mutes, symbolic rites, polite
formulas, military signals, etc. But it is the most important of all these systems
(italics added).
Further, it is not by chance that, a hundred and thirty pages later, at the moment
of explaining phonic difference as the condition of linguistic value (“from a
material viewpoint”) he must again borrow all his pedagogic resources from the
example of writing:
Since an identical state of affairs is observable in writing, another system of
signs, we, shall use writing to draw some comparisons that will clarify the whole
issue.
Four demonstrative items, borrowing pattern and content from writing, follow.
Once more, then, we definitely have to oppose Saussure to himself. Before being
or not being “noted,” “represented,” “figured,” in a “graphie,” the linguistic sign
implies an originary writing. Henceforth, it is not to the thesis of the arbitrariness
of the sign that I shall appeal directly, but to what Saussure associates with it as
an indispensable correlative and which would seem to me rather to lay the
foundations for it: the thesis of difference as the source of linguistic value.
What are, from the grammatological point of view, the consequences of this
theme that is now so well-known (and upon which Plato already reflected in the
Sophist)?
By definition, difference is never in itself a sensible plenitude. Therefore, its
necessity contradicts the allegation of a naturally phonic essence of language. It
contests by the same token the professed natural dependence of the graphic
signifier. That is a consequence Saussure himself draws against the premises
defining the internal system of language. He must now exclude the very thing
which had permitted him to exclude writing: sound and its “natural bond” [lien
naturel] with meaning. For example: “The thing that constitutes language is, as I
shall show later, unrelated to the phonic character of the linguistic sign”. And in a
paragraph on difference:
It is impossible for sound alone, a material element, to belong to language. It is
only a secondary thing, substance to be put to use. All our conventional values
have the characteristic of not being confused with the tangible element which
supports them. . . . The linguistic signifier . . . is not [in essence] phonic but
incorporeal — constituted not by its material substance but the differences that
separate its sound-image from all others. The idea or phonic substance that a
sign contains is of less importance than the other signs that surround it.
Without this reduction of phonic matter, the distinction between language and
speech, decisive for Saussure, would have no rigour. It would be the same for
the oppositions that happened to descend from it: between code and message,
pattern and usage, etc. Conclusion: “Phonologythis bears repeating — is only an
auxiliary discipline [of the science of language] and belongs exclusively to
speaking”. Speech thus draws from this stock of writing, noted or not, that
language is, and it is here that one must meditate upon the complicity between
the two “stabilities.” The reduction of the phonè reveals this complicity. What
Saussure says, for example, about the sign in general and what he “confirms”
through the example of writing, applies also to language: “Signs are governed by
a principle of general semiology: continuity in time is coupled to change in time;
this is confirmed by orthrographic systems, the speech of deaf-mutes, etc.”.
The reduction of phonic substance thus does not only permit the distinction
between phonetics on the one hand (and a fortiori acoustics or the physiology of
the phonating organs) and phonology on the other. It also makes of phonology
itself an “auxiliary discipline.” Here the direction indicated by Saussure takes us
beyond the phonologism of those who profess to follow him on this point: in fact,
Jakobson believes indifference to the phonic substance of expression to be
impossible and illegitimate. He thus criticises the glossematic. — of Hjelmslev
which requires and practices the neutralising of sonorous substance. And in the
text cited above, Jakobson and Halle maintain that the “theoretical requirement”
of a research of invariables placing sonorous substance in parenthesis (as an
empirical and contingent content) is:
1. impracticable since, as “Eli Fischer-Jorgensen exposes [it]”, “the sonorous
substance [is taken into account] at every step of the analysis.” [Jakobson and
Halle] But is that a “troubling discrepancy,” as Jakobson and Halle would have it?
Can one not account for it as a fact serving as an example, as do the
phenomenologists who always need, keeping it always within sight, an exemplary
empirical content in the reading of an essence which is independent of it by right?
2. inadmissible in principle since one cannot consider “that in language form is
opposed to substance as a constant to a variable.” It is in the course of this second
demonstration that the literally Saussurian formulas reappear within the question
of the relationships between speech and writing; the order of writing is the order
of exteriority of the “occasional,” of the accessory,” of the “auxiliary,” of the
“parasitic” (italics added). The argument of Jakobson and Halle appeals to the
factual genesis and invokes the secondariness of writing in the colloquial sense:
“Only after having mastered speech does one graduate to reading and writing.
Even if this commonsensical proposition were rigorously proved — something
that I do not believe (since each of its concepts harbours an immense problem) —
one would still have to receive assurance of its pertinence to the argument. Even
if “after” were here a facile representation, if one knew perfectly well what one
thought and stated while assuring that one learns to write after having learned to
speak, would that suffice to conclude that what thus comes “after” is parasitic?
And what is a parasite? And what if writing were precisely that which makes us
reconsider our logic of the parasite?
In another moment of the critique, Jakobson and Halle recall the imperfection of
graphic representation; that imperfection is due to “the cardinally dissimilar
patterning of letters and phonemes:”
Letters never, or only partially, reproduce the different distinctive features on
which the phonemic pattern is based and unfailingly disregard the structural
relationship of these features.
I have suggested it above: does not the radical dissimilarity of the two elementsgraphic and phonic-exclude derivation? Does not the inadequacy of graphic
representation concern only common alphabetic writing, to which glossematic
formalism does not essentially refer? Finally, if one accepts all the phonologist
arguments thus presented, it must still be recognised that they oppose a
“scientific” concept of the spoken word to a vulgar concept of writing. What I
would wish to show is that one cannot exclude writing from the general
experience of “the structural relationship of these features.” Which amounts, of
course, to reforming the concept of writing.
In short, if the Jakobsonian analysis is faithful to Saussure in this matter, is it not
especially so to the Saussure of Chapter VI? Up to what point would Saussure
have maintained the inseparability of matter and form, which remains the most
important argument of Jakobson and Halle? The question may be repeated in the
case of the position of André Martinet who, in this debate, follows Chapter VI of
the Course to the letter. And only Chapter VI, from which Martinet expressly
dissociates the doctrine of what, in the Course, effaces the privilege of phonic
substance. After having explained why “a dead language with a perfect
ideography,” that is to say a communication effective through the system of a
generalised script, “could not have any real autonomy,” and why nevertheless,
“such a system would be something so particular that one can well understand
why linguists want to exclude it from the domain of their science” (La linguistique
syncronique, p. i8; italics added), Martinet criticises those who, following a certain
trend in Saussure, question the essentially phonic character of the linguistic sign:
“Much will be attempted to prove that Saussure is right when he announces that
'the thing that constitutes language [1'essentiel de la langue] is . . . unrelated to
the phonic character of the linguistic sign,' and, going beyond the teaching of the
master, to declare that the linguistic sign does not necessarily have that phonic
character”.
On that precise point, it is not a question of “going beyond” the master's teaching
but of following and extending it. Not to do it is to cling to what in Chapter VI
greatly limits formal and structural research and contradicts the least contestable
findings of Saussurian doctrine. To avoid “going beyond,” one risks returning to a
point that falls short.
I believe that generalised writing is not just the idea of a system to be invented,
an hypothetical characteristic or a future possibility. I think on the contrary that
oral language already belongs to this writing. But that presupposes a modification
of the concept of writing that we for the moment merely anticipate. Even
supposing that one is not given that modified concept, supposing that one is
considering a system of pure writing as an hypothesis for the future or a working
hypothesis, faced with that hypothesis, should a linguist refuse himself the
means of thinking it and of integrating its formulation within his theoretical
discourse? Does the fact that most linguists do so create a theoretical right?
Martinet seems to be of that opinion. After having elaborated a purely
“dactylological” hypothesis of language, he writes, in effect:
It must be recognised that the parallelism between this “dactylology” and
phonology is complete as much in synchronic as in diachronic material, and that
the terminology associated with the latter may be used for the former, except of
course when the terms refer to the phonic substance. Clearly, if we do not desire
to exclude from the domain of linguistics the systems of the type we have just
imagined, it is most important to modify traditional terminology relative to the
articulation of signifiers so as to eliminate all reference to phonic substance; as
does Louis Hjelmslev when he uses “ceneme” and “cenematics” instead of
“phoneme” and “phonematics.” Yet it is understandable that the majority of
linguists hesitate to modify completely the traditional terminological edifice for the
only theoretical advantages of being able to include in the field of their science
some purely hypothetical systems. To make them agree to engage such a
revolution, they must be persuaded that, in attested linguistic systems, they have
no advantage in considering the phonic substance of units of expression as to be
of direct interest (italics added).
Once again, we do not doubt the value of these phonological arguments, the
presuppositions behind which I have attempted to expose above. Once one
assumes these presuppositions, it would be absurd to reintroduce confusedly a
derivative writing, in the area of oral language and within the system of this
derivation. Not only would ethnocentrism not be avoided, but all the frontiers
within the sphere of its legitimacy would then be confused. It is not a question of
rehabilitating writing in the narrow sense, nor of reversing the order of
dependence when it is evident. Phonologism does not brook any objections as
long as one conserves the colloquial concepts of speech and writing which form
the solid fabric of its argumentation. Colloquial and quotidian conceptions,
inhabited besides — uncontradictorily enough — by an old history, limited by
frontiers that are hardly visible yet all the more rigorous by that very fact.
I would wish rather to suggest that the alleged derivativeness of writing, however
real and massive, was possible only on one condition: that the original,” “natural,”
etc. language had never existed, never been intact and untouched by writing,
that it bad itself always been a writing. An archewriting whose necessity and new
concept I wish to indicate and outline here; and which I continue to call writing
only because it essentially communicates with the vulgar concept of writing. The
latter could not have imposed itself historically except by the dissimulation of the
arche-writing, by the desire for a speech displacing its other and its double and
working to reduce its difference. If I persist in calling that difference writing, it is
because, within the work of historical repression, writing was, by its situation,
destined to signify the most formidable difference. It threatened the desire for the
living speech from the closest proximity, it breached living speech from within
and from the very beginning. And as we shall begin to see, difference cannot be
thought without the trace.
This arche-writing, although its concept is invoked by the themes of “the
arbitrariness of the sign” and of difference, cannot and can never be recognised
as the object of a science. It is that very thing which cannot let itself be reduced
to the form of presence. The latter orders all objectivity of the object and all
relation of knowledge. That is why what I would be tempted to consider in the
development of the Course as “progress,” calling into question in return the
uncritical positions of Chapter VI, never gives rise to a new “scientific” concept of
writing.
Can one say as much of the algebraism of Hjelmslev, which undoubtedly drew
the most rigorous conclusions from that progress?
The Principes de grammaire générale (1928) separated out within the doctrine of
the Course the phonological principle and the principle of difference: It isolated a
concept of form which permitted a distinction between formal difference and
phonic difference, and this even within “spoken” language. Grammar is
independent of semantics and phonology.
That independence is the very principle of glossematics as the formal science of
language. Its formality supposes that “there is no necessary connection between
sounds and language.” [On the Principles of Phnomatics] That formality is itself
the condition of a purely functional analysis. The idea of a linguistic function and
of a purely linguistic unit — the glosseme — excludes then not only the
consideration of the substance of expression (material substance) but also that of
the substance of the content (immaterial substance). Since language is a form
and not a substance (Saussure), the glossemes are by definition independent of
substance, immaterial (semantic, psychological and logical) and material (phonic,
graphic, etc.).” [Hjelmslev and Uldall] The study of the functioning of language, of
its play, presupposes that the substance of meaning and, among other possible
substances, that of sound, be placed in parenthesis. The unity of sound and of
sense is indeed here, as I proposed above, the reassuring closing of plan,.
Hjelmslev situates his concept of the scheme or play of language within
Saussure's heritage of Saussure's formalism and his theory of value. Although he
prefers to compare linguistic value to the “value of exchange in the economic
sciences” rather than to the “purely logico-mathematical value,” he assigns a limit
to this analogy.
An economic value is by definition a value with two faces: not only does it play
the role of a constant vis-á-vis the concrete units of money, but it also itself plays
the role of a variable vis-á-vis a fixed quantity of merchandise which serves it as
a standard. In linguistics on the other hand there is nothing that corresponds to a
standard. That is why the game of chess and not economic fact remains for
Saussure the most faithful image of a grammar. The scheme of language is in
the last analysis a game and nothing more. [Langue et parole, Essais
linguistiques]
In the Prolegomena to a Theory of Language (1943), setting forth the opposition
expression/content, which he substitutes for the difference signifier/signified, and
in which each term may be considered from the point of view of form or
substance, Hjelmslev criticises the idea of a language naturally bound to the
substance of phonic expression. It is by mistake that it has hitherto been
supposed “that the substance-expression of a spoken language should consist of
'sounds':”
Thus, as has been pointed out by the Zwirners in particular, the fact has been
overlooked that speech is accompanied by, and that certain components of
speech can be replaced by, gesture, and that in reality, as the Zwirners say, not
only the so-called organs of speech (throat, mouth, and nose), but very nearly all
the striate musculature cooperate in the exercise of “natural” language. Further, it
is possible to replace the usual sound-and-gesture substance with any other that
offers itself as appropriate under changed external circumstances. Thus the
same linguistic form may also be manifested in writing, as happens with a
phonetic or phonemic notation and with the so-called phonetic orthographies, as
for example the Finnish. Here is a “graphic” substance which is addressed
exclusively to the eve and which need not be transposed into a phonetic
“substance” in order to be grasped or understood. And this graphic “substance”
can, precisely from the point of view of the substance, be of quite various sorts.
[Prolegomena to A Theory of Language, 1943]
Refusing to presuppose a “derivation” of substances following from the
substance of phonic expression, Hjelmslev places this problem outside the area
of structural analysis and of linguistics.
Moreover it is not always certain what is derived and what not; we must not
forget that the discovery of alphabetic writing is hidden in prehistory [n.: Bertrand
Russell quite rightly calls attention to the fact that we have no means of deciding
whether writing or speech is the older form of human expression (An Outline of
Philosophy , so that the assertion that it rests on a phonetic analysis is only one
of the possible diachronic hypotheses; it may, also be rested on a formal analysis
of linguistic structure. But in any case, as is recognised by modern linguistics,
diachronic considerations are irrelevant for synchronic descriptions.
H. J. Uldall provides a remarkable formulation of the fact that glossematic
criticism operates at the same time thanks to Saussure and against him; that, as
I suggested above, the proper space of a grammatology is at the same time
opened and closed by The Course in General Linguistics. To show that Saussure
did not develop “all the theoretical consequences of his discovery” he writes:
It is even more curious when we consider that the practical consequences have
been widely drawn, indeed had been drawn thousands of years before Saussure,
for it is only through the concept of a difference between form and substance that
we can explain the possibility of speech and writing existing at the same time as
expressions of one and the same language. If either of these two substances, the
stream of air or the stream of ink, were an integral part of the language itself, it
would not be possible to go from one to the other without changing the language.
[Speech and Writing, 1938]
Undoubtedly the Copenhagen School thus frees a field of research: it becomes
possible to direct attention not only to the purity of a form freed from all “natural”
bonds to a substance but also to everything that, in the stratification of language,
depends on the substance of graphic expression. An original and rigorously
delimited description of this may thus be promised. Hjelmslev recognises that an
“analysis of writing without regard to sound has not yet been undertaken”. While
regretting also that “the substance of ink has not received the same attention on
the part of linguists that they have so lavishly bestowed on the substance of air,”
H. J. Uldall delimits these problems and emphasises the mutual independence of
the substances of expression. He illustrates it particularly by the fact that, in
orthography, no grapheme corresponds to accents of pronunciation (for
Rousseau this was the misery, and the menace of writing) and that, reciprocally,
in pronunciation, no phoneme corresponds to the spacing between written words.
Recognising the specificity of writing, glossematics did not merely give itself the
means of describing the graphic element. It showed bow to reach the literary
element, to what in literature passes through an irreducibly graphic text, tying the
play of form to a determined substance of expression. If there is something in
literature which does not allow itself to be reduced to the voice, to epos or to
poetry, one cannot recapture it except by rigorously isolating the bond that links
the play of form to the substance of graphic expression. (It will by the same token
be seen that “pure literature,” thus respected in its irreducibilty, also risks limiting
the play, restricting it. The desire to restrict play is, moreover, irresistible.) This
interest in literature is effectively manifested in the Copenhagen School. It thus
removes the Rousseauist and Saussurian caution with regard to literary arts. It
radicalises the efforts of the Russian formalists, specifically of the O.PO.IAZ,
who, in their attention to the being-literary of literature, perhaps favoured the
phonological instance and the literary models that it dominates. Notably poetry.
That which, within the history of literature and in the structure of a literary text in
general, escapes that framework, merits a type of description whose norms and
conditions of possibility glossematics has perhaps better isolated. It has perhaps
thus better prepared itself to study the purely graphic stratum within the structure
of the literary text within the history of the becoming-literary of literality, notably in
its “modernity.”
Undoubtedly a new domain is thus opened to new and fecund researches. But I
am not primarily interested in such a parallelism or such a recaptured parity of
substances of expression. It is clear that if the phonic substance lost its privilege,
it was not to the advantage of the graphic substance, which lends itself to the
same substitutions. To the extent that it liberates and is irrefutable, glossematics
still operates with a popular concept of writing. However original and irreducible it
might be, the “form of expression” linked by correlation to the graphic “substance
of expression” remains very determined. It is very dependent and very derivative
with regard to the arche-writing of which I speak. This arche-writing would be at
work not only in the form and substance of graphic expression but also in those
of non-graphic expression. It would constitute not only the pattern uniting form to
all substance, graphic or otherwise, but the movement of the sign-function linking
a content to an expression, whether it be graphic or not. This theme could not
have a place in Hjelmslev's system.
It is because arche-writing, movement of difference, irreducible archesynthesis,
opening in one and the same possibility, temporalisation as well as relationship
with the other and language, cannot, as the condition of all linguistic systems,
form a part of the linguistic system itself and be situated as an object in its field.
(which does not mean it has a real field elsewhere, another assignable site.) Its
concept could in no way enrich the scientific, positive, and “immanent” (in the
Hjelmslevian sense) description of the system itself. Therefore, the founder of
glossematics would no doubt have questioned its necessity, as be rejects, en
bloc and legitimately, all the extra-linguistic theories which do not arise from the
irreducible immanence of the linguistic system. He would have seen in that
notion one of those appeals to experience which a theory should dispense with.
He would not have understood why the name writing continued — to be used for
that X which becomes so different from what has always been called “writing.”
I have already begun to justify this word, and especially the necessity of the
communication between the concept of arche-writing and the vulgar concept of
writing submitted to deconstruction by it. I shall continue to do so below. As for
the concept of experience, it is most unwieldy here. Like all the notions I am
using here, it belongs to the history of metaphysics and we can only use it under
erasure [sous rature]. “Experience” has always designated the relationship with a
presence, whether that relationship bad the form of consciousness or not. At any
rate, we must, according to this sort of contortion and contention which the
discourse is obliged to undergo, exhaust the resources of the concept of
experience before attaining and in order to attain, by deconstruction, its ultimate
foundation. It is the only way to escape “empiricism” and the “naive” critiques of
experience at the same time. Thus, for example, the experience whose “theory,”
Hjelmslev says, ,'must be independent” is not the whole of experience. It always