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Asia/Shanghai |
- 现在的自我介绍是设计师了
- 只要开始打卡就会完成
Scope: Network States, Chapter 1 & Chapter 5 (First half of 5.3)
Short definition: A network state is a highly aligned online community with a capacity for collective action that crowdfunds territory around the world and eventually gains diplomatic recognition from pre-existing states.
When we think of a nation state, we immediately think of the lands, but when we think of a network state, we should instantly think of the minds.
Full definition: A network state is a social network with a moral innovation, a sense of national consciousness, a recognized founder, a capacity for collective action, an in-person level of civility, an integrated cryptocurrency, a consensual government limited by a social smart contract, an archipelago of crowdfunded physical territories, a virtual capital, and an on-chain census that proves a large enough population, income, and real-estate footprint to attain a measure of diplomatic recognition.
Different states will focus on different metrics; imagine a network state premised on improving its citizens’ overall life expectancy, or one aimed at provably right-shifting the income distribution for all. You get what you measure.
- Numerical definition
- aggregates the cryptographically audited censuses of startup societies
- population, land, income
- Societal definition
- diplomatically recognized by other countries as a legitimate polity capable of self-determination
- 与传统国家的区别：
- 范围的划定不是依赖土地疆域的 physicality，而是具有相同 moral pursuit 的人口。是从观念 - 人 - 物理地点的过程。
- 在使命愿景上更加 specific，可以是延长寿命或收入分配范式转换。 --似乎更强调个体而非所谓国家机器/国家形象？
- 与线上社区的区别：强调 minds，但依旧需要物理世界的领土（不需要确定物理首都，而是 virtual capital），以及外交认可。
- territory 具有二重性？如果既属于某个已有的国家，也属于某个 network states，那么“领土”的概念是否存在冲突？-- 可能与 territory 的目的有关
- 在 5.3 中的回答：You can do many things online, but not everything. Without physical territory you can’t build FDA-free zones, or NRC-free areas, or the Keto Kosher community, or many kinds of substantive parallel societies. You also can’t meet, mate, mingle, and do all the other things humans do in person. And most importantly you’re not going to be taken seriously as a successor to the nation state without a large physical footprint. The approach of knitting together crowdfunded physical territory into a network archipelago addresses these issues.
- diplomatic recognition 的必要性是什么？-- 看到 1.5 小节，这是 country 的社会定义的必要条件。 -- 那为什么要成为 country？
- 在 5.3 中的回答：Basically, without diplomatic recognition, you aren’t considered real. - to write laws governing the territory, to defend the territory not being invaded, to issue passport & trade, etc.
a nation state is a geographic region of the world ruled by a group of humans we call a government.
Britannica provides a more precise definition, namely that a nation state is a “territorially bounded sovereign polity” that is “ruled in the name of a community of citizens that identify themselves as a nation.” And that latter bit is key, because a nation state is not just a government that controls a territory. It’s supposed to be a government that represents a distinct people, a nation.
- nation 强调 ruled in the name of a community of citizens，区别于 governenment as to country
six essential parts of the state: borders, population, central government, international sovereignty, diplomatic recognition, and the domestic monopoly on violence.
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nation: a group of people with common descent, history, culture, or language
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state: their government
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Nation State: starts from people and culture, then to territory (认为 sealand 不成立的原因是它们从 territory & government 开始，而不是从 people & culture 开始)
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Nation vs State
- The state is a political and legal entity, while a nation is a cultural, ethnic, and psychological identity.
- The state is bound by laws and threat of force, while a nation is bound by sentiments and linguistic/genetic/cultural alignment.
- The state is top-down and hierarchical, while the nation is bottom-up and peer-to-peer.
- And, as above, the state has a fixed territory, a government and sovereignty over a territory, while a nation typically has shared language, culture, and/or ancestry.
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Nation comes first, then create states, then states influence the nations (enhance national culture, popularize language speaking - political border & national culture feedback loop)
A large body of people united by common descent, history, culture, or language, inhabiting a particular country or territory.
- Examples
- nations with states (Japanese, Spanish)
- nations without states (Kurds, Catalonians)
- nations with partially sovereign states (Taiwan)
- multiethnic states that are trying to create proposition nations (America, Singapore, France)
- imposed multiethnic states that don’t even have a proposition to bind them (many “states” formed as shotgun marriages in the aftermath of European colonialism)
- civilization states that are multiethnic, but have long-standing cultural ties that unify their constituent nations (China, India)
- Nations may not always have a single state. The Kurds lack a state, while the Koreans are split into two states.
- Origin of the European nation state: Peace of Westphalia （威斯特伐利亚和约） 1648
- divided territory by lines on a map. Over each territory thus delineated, there was a government that represented the people in that territory, with the right to exercise force on their behalf.
- Innovated for violence reduction (in theory)
- A social network - selective admission
- A moral innovation - shared beliefs / collective purpose
- A sense of national consciousness
- A recognized founder - make early decisions before smart contract runs, allow peaceful exit
- A capacity for collective action - ability to achieve the collective purpose
- An in-person level of civility
- An integrated cryptocurrency - digital backbone
- An archipelago of crowdfunded physical territories - physical footprint
- A consensual government limited by a social smart contract
- In practice, we say that a user has consented to be governed by a startup society if he has signed a social smart contract that gives a system administrator limited privileges over that user’s digital life in return for admission to the startup society.
- A virtual capital
- An on-chain census that proves a large enough population, income, and real estate footprint - as a proof for clout for diplomatic recognition
- Attain a measure of diplomatic recognition
- States 定义中有而 Network States 中没有的：central government，international sovereignty, the domestic monopoly on violence
- 对于 sealand 不是 nation state 的讨论：所以现有 nation state 与领土的紧密联系，只是因为前网络时代人们只能在线下聚集，因此使领土看上去成为了前置条件。但实际上应该是先有人与文化，再去 claim territory
- It's important for Nations to have a distinct culture to defend
- 如果境内有多种 nationality，则称作 multiethnic empires（如苏联，而非 nation states）
- 如果 nation 更强调 shared values，为什么不叫 network nations？通过强调 states，希望获得的是什么呢？政治主权？ --Stateless nations like the Kurds are not nation states because they lack a formally recognized territory and government.
Scope: Network States Chapter 5 & Vitalik's What do I think about network states?
- As a pro-freedom program, it can fight against economic power and wealth concentration
- A more rightist approach to Big Compromise Ideas which emphasizes on shared values, loyalty, religion, physical environments structured to encourage personal discipline ("keto kosher") and hard work. It sheds lights on the possibility for less developed areas.
- common leftist BCI emphasizes on equality and democracy - wealthy white liberals
- Governance innovation: using network states to organize in ways that would actually not be possible under existing regulations.
- Creating new regulatory environments that let their residents have different priorities from the priorities preferred by the mainstream
- Creating new regulatory institutions that might be more efficient at serving the same priorities as the status quo
- Pushing against regulatory conservatism in general, by increasing the chance that there's some jurisdiction that will let you do any particular thing
- The "founder" thing - why do network states need a recognized founder to be so central?
- What if network states end up only serving the wealthy?
- "Exit" alone is not sufficient to stabilize global politics. So if exit is everyone's first choice, what happens?
- What about global negative externalities more generally?
- 对于为什么要建立 network states，是对当前国家体制的不满，因而采取了 tabula rasa 的方式。可是提出新的范式真的不是一种 lazy way 吗？
- 提到了 David de Ugarte 的 Phyle，认为是更加强调民主，更左派的愿景。Democracy 的定义是什么？为什么 network states 被认为没有强调民主？
- Phyle：makes them more identitarially important to them than the traditional imaginaries of the imagined communities to which they are supposed to belong --更强调个体性而非属于某个社区
- 加密世界中的对立
- 加密教徒（crypto hype man），他们相信这个领域中的一切都是好的，它将改变世界，认为 web3 很棒，web2 很糟糕，等等
- 加密守门人（crypto gatekeeper），他们认为任何与加密货币相关的都是坏的，都应该远离，这些都是右翼自由主义者们的骗局。
- 德勒兹对”表征性思维（Representational Thinking）”的批评：人们通常使用旧有的模式来理解新事物
我喜欢用鼓机作为例子。鼓机最初被设计用来取代鼓手在音乐团体中的位置。你可以买下这台机器，按下按钮，它就可以播放你想要的鼓点，然后你跟着弹奏其它乐器。以这种方式思考鼓机的话，它就是鼓手和鼓组的表征（镜像），是一个差强人意的版本，理想状态是真人鼓手打鼓。 这是德勒兹所说的树状思维 [1]，柏拉图的思想和这种很像，比如事物的理念形式。但问题是鼓机的使用超过了它作为代表的界限,它创造了鼓手无法创造的鼓点,形成新的音乐流派,加入旧的音乐流派,成为一种独特的存在。所以认为它仅仅是表征的这种想法从一开始就是错误的,因为它突破了这个界限。这在柏拉图的思维中很常见。就像柏拉图全身心追求事物的理想形式一样。很多西方哲学都源自这个观念。然后刘易斯和他之前的斯宾诺莎等等，都在试图摆脱这种思维方式。回到鼓机，问题在于，如果你把速度调到最高，它会创造出鼓手永远无法演奏的节拍，对吧？它超越了它所要表征的东西，然后创造了新的音乐流派。后来它又以新的方式被添加到旧的音乐流派中。所以表征式的思维永远无法完全理解一个事物，鼓机突破了我们想象的界限。 而这种表征性思维在加密领域广泛存在，这也是书中的一个重要论点。智能合约不一定与法律体系有关。还有去中心化自治公司—— Vitalik 扩大了这个概念，使其更加灵活——”公司“变成了”组织“。它们都在超越人们最初的想象。
- 对于 Owocki 来说，区块链技术为人类社会的集体协调提供了新的基质（substrate: an underlying substance or layer）
- Owocki 将人类社会遇到的问题辨识为协调失败（coordination failure）。在 GreenPilled 这本书中，他对“协调失败（也是“灰药丸”）”的定义为：“一组人本可能通过集体协作以实现想要的结果，但因为无法协调彼此的决策而失败。”他将 Web3 技术作为解决这一问题的基础设施，通过建造于其上的机制——由博弈论作为理论基础——以促使人们做出具有正外部性的行动，如关注公共利益、应对气候危机，实现 99.9% 的人想要的结果。Gitcoin，Public Goods Network 都是他的尝试。
- 而 Balaji 则认为，这种技术（以及互联网的发展）使得网络社群获得政治行动的工具。
- 认为资本是网络国家的根基，以及调节人们关系的工具 -- 缺乏对决策机制的描述 --升级版自由市场，忽视没有资本的人
- 提出“Coordi-Nations”，协调民族（国家）
- 需要协调来对抗权力的不平等
- Owocki & Josh 的观点差异：
- Owocki - 协调是中立的
- Josh - 协调无法是中立的
- 第一个套娃是“协调”与权力不平衡之间的关系。在这个俄罗斯套娃里，Josh 认为权力结构的不平等在最外面一层，“协调”被包裹在里面；而 Owocki 认为“协调”在最外层，权力结构的不平等在里面。
- 第二个套娃是资本主义与区块链技术之间的关系：是资本主义包裹着区块链，还是区块链上长出了资本主义？如上所述，对于 Josh 来说，资本主义的假设已经是区块链的一部分。
- 我对于 network states 的一些思考是否也收到了表征性思维的限制？
- 历史的终结：指的是马克思—黑格尔意义上大写的历史，即人类社会向着同一最终目标演进的宏大趋势的终结。
- 原因：21 世纪开始全球政治经济体制趋同，采用自由民主的政治制度，并转向市场导向的经济，并融入资本主义的全球性分工。
- 结果：在后工业社会，通过野心勃勃的社会工程实现更进一步的改善是不可能的了。我们不再寄希望于通过宏大的社会工程来创造出一个“伟大的社会”。 --自由主义政治经济体制的活力源于健康且多样化的公民社会
- 文化的重要
- 文化的重要性日益提高，并且超越了特定的民族界限，延伸到了全球经济和国际秩序的领域。
- 文化在全球秩序中的地位愈发凸显，因此塞缪尔·亨廷顿（Samuel Huntington）认为，世界正在进入一个“文明冲突”的时代。与冷战时期不同，在这样的时代，人与人之间最显著的区别不再是意识形态（如法西斯主义、社会主义、民主体制），而是文化（如西方文化、伊斯兰文化、儒家文化等）。
- 经济行为是社会生活中至关重要的一环，它由各种习俗、规则、道德义务以及其他各种习惯连缀在一起，塑造着社会。
- 工作场所作为社会性场所，缓解或消除“失范”的不安
- 失范（anomie），埃米尔·涂尔干，指現代化過程中，因傳統價值和傳統社會規範遭到削弱、破壞、乃至瓦解，所導致的社會成員心理上失去價值指引、價值觀瓦解的無序狀態。
- 成功的公司作为一种文化共同体：并非基于剥削性质的 规则条例之上，而是基于每一个共同体成员内心中的道德习惯和道义回报。
- 工作场所作为社会性场所，缓解或消除“失范”的不安
- 举例：美国个体化趋势导致社会中共同体的权威性瓦解 - 社会内部信任和社会性滑坡 - 对民主制度产生影响 - 未来可能会对经济产生影响（美国社会的多元化弱化了内部信任，给相互合作添加了新的障碍，因此美国各类组织之间建立合作会变得愈发艰难）
- 自由民主制的发展也需要和互惠、道德义务、共同体责任以及信任一起孕育发 酵，而这些因素往往根植于习惯而非理性计算。
- 新古典主义经济学：新古典經濟學派（英語：Neoclassical economics），又稱第一代新古典派經濟學、新古典派經濟學，興起於二十世紀初期的經濟主義思潮。他們是個鬆散的團體，繼承了古典經濟學的立場，共同的主張是支持自由市場經濟、個人理性選擇，並且反對政府過度干預及凱因斯主義。
- 整体构架基于一个相当简单的人性假设：人是“追求理性功利最大化的个体”。然而，其前身，古典经济学的鼻祖亚当·斯密，认为人是被“改善生存条件”这一私欲所驱动的，但他绝对不会同意经济活动可以简化为功利最大化的理性计算。 --新古典主义经济学过度简化了，很多情况下人追求的目标并不是来自于“功利”或理性计算，而是基于道德习惯或社会习惯。即使讨论理性，不同文化的理性程度也不一样。
- 新古典主义经济学认为人本质上是理性、自私、追求物质舒适最大化的个体。
- 作者：人的行事准则是否更倾向于作为功利最大化的个体，胜过作为更大的社会群体一员，这一点我保持怀疑态度。 --认为文化对经济的影响打过产业政策
- 新重商主义
- 核心讨论：产业政策是不是亚洲经济高度发展的动力？政府是否比市场更能主导经济发展？
- 忽略：文化在产业政策制定中的角色 - 如制定和执行产业政策的能力、腐败的盛行程度、对于权威的服从态度等
- 举例亚洲国家可以让雇员庞大的过时产业有序地解体，而欧洲和拉丁美洲无法突破政治阻力让其解体，无法加速产业衰败，只能将其国有化
- 政府部门的重要性因为文化的不同而相去甚远。在中 国和意大利这样的家族式社会，国家干涉或许是建设大型产业的唯一途 径，而如果一个国家想要在国际竞争中崭露头角，国家干涉就尤为重 要。对比而言，像日本和德国这样有着高度信任和社会资本的社会，能 够在没有国家支持的情况下创建大型机构。
- 20 世纪 90 年代，信息时代未来学家认为，技术革命将为各种等级制度（包括大型企业）敲响丧钟 - 权力向下转移到人民手中，将所有人从他们所工作过的集权化、专制式机构的束缚中解放出来
- 在横扫一切的电子科技驱动下，小型企业网络而非大型等级制企业或混乱的市场，代表着未来的趋势。
- 有了科技支持的通讯手段，优质信息会驱逐劣质信息， 诚实和勤勉将替换欺诈和寄生，人们将为了共同的目标而自发地聚集在一起
- 作者认为，等级制是必要的，因为共同体需要信任，且共同体内部并不是所有人都会墨守道德准则。
- 小部分人有明显的反社会性，他们意在通过欺诈和破坏来 削弱或剥削群体。而更大一部分人则是搭便车者，作为群体的一员，他们一方面乐于从中获取利益，一方面又只为共同目标做出极小贡献。等级制是必要的，因为不能信任所有人可以一直按照内在的道德标准行事 并且做出他们应有的贡献。
- 作者认为，信息时代未来学家提出的愿景，尤其是公司是否能够从等级制向灵活的网络化小公司转换，其成功几率将取决于信任的程度，以及更为广泛的社会范畴内社会资本的积累。
- 在一个有规律的、诚信的、相互合作的共同体内部，成员会基于共同认可的准则，对于其他成员有所期望，这一期望便是信任。
- 社会资本是一种能力，它源自某一社会或某特定社会部分中所盛行的信任。
- 道德共同体 vs 社会群体
- 道德共同体：不需要法律契约和条文约定，而是通过道德共识为群体成员提供相互信任的基础。需要的社会资本是无法通过理性投资 决策而获取的，这一点和其他类型的人力资本不同。
- 社会群体：个体通过理性计算之后认为，合作将有利于他们的长远利益。 依照这一说法，信任对于合作并不是必需的：开明的私利，加上契约之 类的法律机制，足以弥补信任的缺失，并且创建出一个为了共同目标而努力的机构。 --问题，一旦计算之后不能够满足私利，就可以轻易地离开
- 自发社会性：在任何现代社会里，各种组织都不断地被创造、摧毁和 调整。最有用的社会资本，往往不是在某一传统共同体或群体的权威之 下进行运作的能力，而是创造新的联盟以及在新创立的共识条款之下展 开合作的能力。这一类群体由工业社会繁杂的社会分工所孵化，但又基 于共享的价值而非契约，它们可以算作是涂尔干所称的“有机团结”。
- 作者认为，高度信任的社会（例如德国、日本和美 国），与丰富的社会资本——也就是创建大型私有商业机构的能力—— 之间有着相关性。这三个社会最早——无论是绝对时间轴上还是对 比他们自身的发展史——发展出大型、现代、专业化管理的等级制度企业。相反，在相对来说低信任的社会，如台湾和香港地区、法国以及意 大利，一般来说充斥的都是家族企业。在这些国家或地区，非亲属之间 彼此达成信任存在着阻力，这延误甚至在某些情形下阻碍了现代化的、 实行专业管理的公司的出现。
- 想到日本、美国的一些共同体组织，但他们内部的信任到底是对于某个特定精神领袖的信任，还是某种价值观的信任？感觉更像是前者。一旦这个领袖崩塌了，社区也就崩塌了。
- 关于高度信任的社会能够发展出现代化企业的论点很有趣，员工信任企业能够好，企业信任员工有足够的能力，这听起来很重要，但在实际操作上真的也是决定性因素吗？还是经济回报、制度、管理水平、雇佣水平更重要？
- 文化人类学家和社会学家理解的文化 vs 社会结构
- 文化：仅限于意义、符号、价值、观念，并包含例如宗教和 意识形态之类的现象。
- 社会结构：关注的是实体的社会组织，例如家庭、氏族、法律体系或民族。
- 本书探讨的文化：有着文化和社会结构两方面的含义，是传承下来的伦理习惯。伦理习惯由理念或价值观构成，例如猪肉不洁净或母牛为圣物之 类的价值观，抑或由实际的社会关系构成，例如传统日本社会中长子继 承父亲所有资产的做法。
- “善与恶的语言”：出自尼采，其认为社会用以规范其成员行为的伦理准则是一个人群的善与恶的语言
- 在智力层面知道什么是正确的选择并不困难，但只有具备“品格”的人才知道 如何在不同的情况下做正确的选择。亚里士多德解释道，对比优秀智商，“优秀品德（希腊文ēthikē）在很大程度上是习惯（希腊文ethos）的 产物 --文化与习惯的影响
- 道德或习惯根植于文化，产生的行为是下意识的，因此可以说不是理性主导的（不是在每个行为发生的时候一一做出理性思考和判断）
- 马克斯·韦伯：对于组织创新进而创造财富来说，伦理习惯是至关重要的，例如自由结社的能力。不同类型的伦理习惯有利于其他形式的经济组织的 发展，进而促进经济结构的多样化。换句话说，功利最大化者并不一定是理性的；人们以无理性的方式奉行某些传统道德和社会美德，他们常常追求完全非经济的目标，而这一切并非像现代经济学家所认为是落后 或者没头脑的。
- 政治行为与文化之间的互动关系
- 人们所奉行的更高级发展阶段的伦理规则是通过重复、传统和范例 来滋养的。这些规则折射出更深层的适应理性；它们也可以服务于经济 理性目标；在少数案例中，它们可能是理性共识的产物。但它们在代际 之间是作为无理性习惯来传承的。这些习惯同时也保证人类永远不会如 经济学家所描述的那般完全自私功利地行事。
- 主要讲基于文化产生的道德、伦理、习惯，对影响社会中的人的行为的重要性
- 道德、文化作为无理性习惯传播，比观念的变化更慢，在一定程度上使人不会完全以理性的手段追求私利为目标而行事。
- 社会美德对于培养个人美德很重要
- 韦伯，《新教派系与资本主义》：宗教/文化（新教派系）能够强化信众在新的共同体里和睦相处的能力
- 在自发性教会中，新教教派的信 徒对于他们的宗教价值观和彼此之间的纽带有着更深层次的承诺。他们将教派的价值观内在化，而不是被迫遵守
- ✍️ 人们对于自主选择的方式或信仰往往有更强的主动性和认同感
- 在自发性教会中，新教教派的信 徒对于他们的宗教价值观和彼此之间的纽带有着更深层次的承诺。他们将教派的价值观内在化，而不是被迫遵守
- 自发社会性对于经济生活至关重要，原因是基本上所有的经济活动 都是由群体而非个人来完成的。人类必须学会如何相互协作，之后才能 创造财富，如果还想要有进一步发展，则必须创建新的组织结构。
- 组织创新与科技进步对经济增长都很重要
- 在思考之前创业 fail to deliver 的原因和所谓工作道德、社会道德、自发社会性的关系。
- Disagreements fly by, but nobody is sure what would be the criteria for a decision or how to signal commitment.
- I contend that the most quotidian kinds of online politics, such as those in the tale above, affect the flows of power at the largest scales. The ways people can and cannot collectively self-govern in daily online life, furthermore, have been constrained in dominant social networks. I will argue that the constraints on governance in online spaces have contributed to the peril of democratic politics in general. It is not enough to merely defend existing governmental institutions; healthy democracy depends on enabling creative new forms of self-governance, especially on networks.
- 作者认为 online self-governance 的能力与主流民主政治和治理能力息息相关，相互制约和影响。健康的民主环境应当能够促使有创造力的 self-governance 的发生
- 作者认为 online life 需要新的 self-governance paradigm & jurisdictions，该范式应当 encoded in law and technical systems，并且 可以超越 jurisdictions of geographical territories
- 在线上社区培养民主实践，并发展 community governance 的范式，在 antidemocratic infrastructure 只能处在边缘化位置，难以得到承认和发展。因此作者提出了这一与当前政治政策结合的 paradigm
- 📌 I claim no fixed definition for democracy. I understand it as always a horizon, a longing for power shared equitably among participants, a destination that moves depending on where one stands. An orchestra permits hierarchies intolerable to a punk band, but the people in each may still see themselves as living toward democracy. If democracy is the horizon, self-governance is a plausible practice for moving in that direction. Governable spaces, then, are where democratic self-governance can happen.
- 有趣。民主不是固定的概念或形式，而是根据“民”所处的情况，有更 contextual 的需要和演化可能。
- Global tendency towards democratic erosion
- Scholars and journalistshave argued that social networks have worsened polarization, provided mouthpieces for authoritarians, enabled violent extremists to organize, and undermined trust in institutions.
- 社交媒体的普及并不会天然地促进民主，反而有可能加强极化 - 民主/自治是一种能力，也许并不是随人性自然发生的事情，需要包容认可倾听，而这些是非自私的行为，或者说素质
- Scholars and journalistshave argued that social networks have worsened polarization, provided mouthpieces for authoritarians, enabled violent extremists to organize, and undermined trust in institutions.
- Example of the author's mother's garden club - use club bylaws to facilitate argument & decision-making
- 民主需要规则/规定来辅助 - 民主不是完全没有规则的畅所欲言——可以畅所欲言，但决策或有效的争论需要规则和指导。也许重要的是这个规则的制订，它不是从其他地方照搬或者小范围制订，而是团体内成员都信服并认可的。想到之前共居还有几页的共居约定，每当有室友轮换时，就会拿出来重新讨论。
- Democratic muscles need exercise
- Determinsism - 技术本身是否足以解决问题
- Hepp shows how algorithms and data aggregation do not just communicate but reshape society. Of similar importance, I argue, are the interfaces and administrative features of online social spaces, the sites that manifest who has power over whom.
- technical solutions alone are inadequate—and impossible—even for problems that people experience most directly through technical interfaces. Those interfaces come to us not by their own accord but through the deployments of capital and power that orchestrate their design
- The real usefulness in seeing the world as mediation is the extent to which it becomes an invitation for recasting molds of meaning in software code, for performing social experiences that code could never capture.
- 技术对于 online experiences 的意义不止于技术，它在设计时已经耦合了资本和政治意义。 --从设计的角度来说，确实。即使是实现同样的功能，不同的设计能够给人带来全然不同的感受，可能是 empowering 的，也可能是 depressing 的。这些感受不一定是因为“缺乏考虑”，也可能是 deliberately made it
- democracy as a design practice
- Arturo Escobar’s framework of “designs for the pluriverse,” which insists that no single design can serve all people and cultures and that we should regard design as an exercise in historical consciousness and multiplicity.
- the cybernetic school, which views human, ecological, and technical systems through the structures of their information flows and feedback loops.
- 📌 To change how we design means also changing aspects of the social order.
- 想到几类设计师
- star-designer：有很强的主观意识和设计理念，决定 design deliverable 的风格，如 MUJI 和原研哉
- 商品社会里没有设计的设计，如 miniso、zara
- 社区营造里作为 facilitator，提供设计工具的设计师，将设计的过程和权力带给社区成员
- 想到几类设计师
- 作者提出的 paradigm （A further paradigm is therefore necessary for the policies encoded in law and technical systems that organize online life—self-governance, rather than top-down authority, as the basis for problem-solving）可以超越 jurisdictions of geographical territories，那么这个 paradigm 在法律层面是被什么主体认可呢？不是某个国家，而是类似联合国/EU？否则如何超越疆域？
- discuss how online platforms train users to interact with each other through certain widespread interface designs
- author's statement: an implicit feudalism （盲从封建）informs the available options for community management on the dominant platforms for online communities
- It is a pattern that grants user-administrators absolutist reign over their fiefdoms, with competition among them as the primary mechanism for quality control, typically under rules set by platform companies.
- feudalism in this context: metaphorically to describe concurrent communities across a network, each subject to a power structure that is apparently absolute and unalterable by those who lack specific permissions
- implicit in this context: while platforms may not explicitly proclaim or seek to practice some old-world feudal ideology—to the contrary, many claim participatory and inclusive ideals—a feudalism lurks latent in the available tools that guide and limit user behavior.
- primarily a matter of software design
- author's statement: an implicit feudalism （盲从封建）informs the available options for community management on the dominant platforms for online communities
- An expectation typically associated with democracy, for instance, is that those subject to an authority have the capacity to transfer the authority to someone else.
- democracy 即群体有能力将权威/权力转让，但在与社交媒体平台之间的关系中并不支持这一点——无法因为对 fb 的功能不满而将其管理权转变
- social-media affordance: “the perceived actual or imagined properties of social media, emerging through the relation of technological, social, and contextual, that enable and constrain specific uses of the platforms.”
- lack of the ability to 'voice'
- voice for social discourses - need to wait for admins to 'approve'
- voice for voting out an admin of the platform
- case study
- Progenitors: BBS, Usenet, and Email Lists
- Contributors: Commons-Based Software and Wikipedia
- separation of powers or Integrating multiple governance mechanisms
- Debian and Wikipedia combine electoral processes with meritocratic barriers in order to ensure that leaders are not just popular but exhibit a high level of expertise
- Usenet combines some aspects of shared governance in its board with considerable autonomy among the newsgroups
- separation of powers or Integrating multiple governance mechanisms
- The Rise of Platforms
- characteristics of implicit feudalism
- control over communities residing in an individual or a small group
- authority deriving from founders and their appointed successors
- opacity of policymaking and decision-making processes
- suppression of user voice as a basic privilege of authority
- user exit as the most forceful means of dissent, and
- sole recourse to platform owners in disputes.
- As anthropologist Christopher Kelty puts it, in twenty-first century digital cultures, “participation is more often a formatted procedure by which autonomous individuals attempt to reach calculated consensus, or one in which they experience an attenuated, temporary feeling of personal contribution that ends almost as soon as it begins.”
- 好讽刺的对于 participation 的讨论
- cancel culture
- 作者提出的 implicit feudalism 的概念，认为这是由于 social media software design 所导致的结果。
- Implicit - 尽管社交媒体平台希望能够更加 participatory & inclusive，但其软件设计难以避免引导和限制用户行为，导致 feudalism 的结果。
- Feudalism - 指的是社交媒体上的社区屈从于平台通过算法和 permission 设置的权力结构，即平台允许何种行为/功能/交互发生，就只能如此
- 对社交媒体平台功能的讨论中提到，early democracy 的情况下，用户应能够 repurpose features，但 implicit feudalism 中无法，因为 inclusive governance requires clever adaptations of available feature sets, against the grain of the user interface。想到设计中强调以人为本，强调挖掘用户痛点、满足用户需求，这看似服务于用户，但实际上还是一种 top-down approach，最终服务于社媒平台产品的利益。
- 这里的 middle ground 在哪里？
- 作者讨论的不是如何使用工具创建更好的线上民主空间，而是现有工具为无法创建线上民主空间带来的结构性困境和限制
- aim of this chapter: revisit the politics of no-politics that Barbrook and Cameron diagnosed—the culture that, according to Fred Turner, “turned away from political action and toward technology.
- Richard Barbrook & Andy Cameron 'the Californian ideology': a faith that greater volumes of information and connection, fueled by capitalism, would produce a flourishing democracy. Technology could end the old partisanship of right and left through entrepreneurs “believing in both visions at the same time.”
- Barbrook and Cameron predicted the endgame as, rather than marvelous connection, “a deepening of social segregation.”
- author's argument: the Californian ideology inscribed the habits of homesteading—a legacy so familiar, nostalgic, and violent in the American West—into the practice of online communities
- Everyday experience with Californian technologies hollows out the rudiments of democratic culture, especially the skills and habits of accountable association
- These systems have aided in generating new breeds of world-historical authoritarianism
- homestead vs homeplace
- homestead 是 political object
- “Western American history,” writes Limerick, “was an effort to draw lines dividing the West into manageable units of property and then to persuade people to treat those lines with respect.”
- homeplace 是自发的，是 site of resistance - Those who could not leave an oppressive society could find liberation together, transforming space and time, however constrained the homeplace might be by the world outside. The homeplace forms a counter-tradition to the homestead, a place of care and resistance, where power can be shared in contrast to the domination of the broader society in which it occurs and from which it can never fully depart.
- homestead 是 political object
- As the libertarian political philosopher Robert Nozick wrote, the only utopia is the ability to exit one utopia for another
- 好奇这里强调的是离开的能力，还是处于乌托邦但不被迷惑持续反思和探索的状态
- Exit has assumed an exalted place in Californian thinking
- exit-able 象征着 democracy
- Alongside the option to exit in the Californian imagination is the dream of scale. - scale as an economic necessity
- Agre from MIT: calling for technology that invites people into developing skills through everyday politics
- cultivating political skills should precede the making of technology to support those skills
- california: 先有技术再宣扬民主
- agre：先有民主政治能力z再寻找合适的技术
- Producing more democratic and humane politics at large scales requires attention to the daily political practices on networks, as well as to what software designs might encourage or discourage
- As people understand themselves more through their identities as users of social media, they find little reason for faith in their capacity to self-govern with each other
- 一旦人们以“用户心理”使用社交平台，就不会想要去 self-govern - 治理权和所有权，以及更基础的，治理心态和所有者心态的重要性
- In this chapter:
- Propose remedies for the status quo:
- rethinking the design and practice of online social spaces by treating democracy as itself a medium for struggle, play, and policy
- bring democracy more deeply into everyday online life, establishing appropriate kinds of jurisdictions as sites of creative self-governance.
- Propose remedies for the status quo:
- Democracy is hard to be sustained within centuries-old institutions. For democracy to thrive, its institutions must be vulnerable to continual reinvention. The task of making online spaces governable, therefore, should begin with imaginations radical enough to transcend existing institutions, together with the playfulness to hone imagination in practice.
- 治理方法和治理机构需要随着时代演进，以承载 democracy
- what - a movement to abolish policing as we know it through participatory processes; community-based organizing to address violence and conflict without policing
- how - Instead of referring incidents of harm in a community to the arbiters of state violence, transformative justice equips community members to build their own skills for facilitating conflict resolution and accountability
- goal - The goal is not to punish and coerce, like police and courts do, but to repair harm and enable people involved in it to establish healthier relationships
- challenges for visibility
- far from the language of policy prescription
- activists have taken care to keep their accountability practices out of corporate-controlled online spaces
- Learnings
- If online spaces want to work for community accountability, the design of it needs a shift from scalability to subsidiarity
- scalability: genericity & automation, ideal for business model
- subsidiarity: a principle that prioritizes appropriately local control wherever possible, within a larger system - to ensure context-sensitivity and local control
- 庞大系统的 local solutions。想到建筑城市设计也是这样
- If online spaces want to work for community accountability, the design of it needs a shift from scalability to subsidiarity
- Why
- Scott Alexander: “Every single citizen hates the system, but for lack of a good coordination mechanism it endures”; in turn, “technology has the potential to seriously improve coordination efforts.”
- But in certain subcultures of entrepreneurs, the longer story of what they are doing is transforming the social order through new mechanisms for coordination.
- MolochDAO: “This demon god of coordination failure, who consumes our future potential for perverse immediate gain, will be slain. Pledge your oath to his demise, or go down with him
- 系统作为协调机制。这里的协调包括了时间维度，提前支配未来的资源而导致不可持续的发展
- what
- a project of reimagining economics and governance through internetnative blockchain protocols
- How
- Technologies as democratic mediums
- mediums as enabling self-governing communication;
- and as serving as meeting points for the transcendent and the everyday.
- Vitalik Buterin: cryptoeconomics as a nearly universal engine for social and technical processes - “to reduce social trust assumptions by creating systems where we introduce explicit economic incentives for good behavior and economic penalties for bad behavior.”
- Technologies as democratic mediums
- Author's critique
- It is no longer an antidote to implicit feudalism as most social media platforms are, since the system lacks single owner and is user-governed by default.
- However, it is only an opportunity. The tech design cannot guarantee its social outcomes with realities like concentration of tokens and power.
- crypton's governance innovations
- decision-making processes that evaluate preferences in nearly real time - 这点很有趣，强调了决策偏好的时间性，指的是当下最倾向于的选择
- voting systems unavailable in conventional politics or business
- mechanisms for incentive alignment among diverse participants
- algorithmic dispute resolution
- permissionless participation
- widely shared accountability and distribution of benefits
- self-enforcing security and censorship resistance
- sovereignty from external control or regulation
- transparency of on-chain activity
- competitive markets for governance
- ease of exit and capacity to fork systems
- identity systems under user control
- novel interfaces for governance activity
- Concern
- cryptoeconomics is an expansion of economic logics, crowding out space for democratic politics in public life
- According to Wendy Brown, “as an economic framing and economic ends replace political ones, a range of concerns become subsumed to the project of capital enhancement, recede altogether, or are radically transformed as they are ‘economized.’ These include justice (and its subelements, such as liberty, equality, fairness), individual and popular sovereignty, and the rule of law. They also include the knowledge and the cultural orientation relevant to even the most modest practices of democratic citizenship.
- 代币经济是基于经济原则，而非公共生活中的民主政治原则。涌现出来的创新的治理机制，其本质也是服务于经济
- Limitations
- Plutocrady (金权政治) - is a direct outgrowth of governance that arises not from personhood but from economic stake—whether it be through token holding or “mining” with expensive computational power
- normative as well as descriptive. Reliance on cryptoeconomic governance risks losing sight of other things important to human flourishing.
- The final limitation appears in crypto’s externalities, its effects that are invisible to its own internal processes.
- energy onsumption, money laundering, dealings in dangerous drugs and weaponry, tax evasion, and ransomware attacks on public infrastructure
- Potential
- pairing cryptoeconomics with intentional politics
- state regulation
- incorporate democratic design into blockchain protocols themselves, or the apps and DAOs built on them
- establish a robust set of rights, responsibilities, and guarantees
- pairing cryptoeconomics with intentional politics
Connie 留言：
哈哈哈闪现！看你会不会发现～～～感谢你参与叙事残酷共学～～～